UNAR 2017
Committee on Territories and Foreign Intervention
Committee Overview
Status of Somaliland
Northwest Passage
Fresh Water Conflicts in Asia
Lake Malawi Border Dispute
Committee Description
Welcome to TFI at UNAR 2017! As the Committee on Territories and Foreign Intervention, we will be
dealing with border disputes, unrecognized territories, and the issue of national sovereignty. Please
remember that, as with all committees at UNAR, TFI will run a Harvard-style debate, meaning no prewritten resolutions are allowed. We look forward to seeing you at the conference!
Delegates should consider coming prepared with at least one position paper. This will make them
eligible for awards at the conclusion of the conference. Note that while it is admirable to strive for an
award, participants of the Committee on Territories and Foreign Intervention are reminded that the
purpose of this committee is to come up with real solutions for global issues, and so delegates should
focus on collaboration in order to do so effectively.
Chairs
Evan Allen
[email protected]
Hello delegates, my name is Evan
Allen, and I’m pumped to be
chairing TFI at UNAR 2017. This is
my fourth year in Model UN and my
fourth time chairing. I am a senior at
Pittsford-Sutherland, and outside of
MUN I spend most of my time
swimming, singing, or eating, not
necessarily in that order. If you have
any questions, please don’t hesitate
to contact me or Niels, and we will
answer as soon as possible.
Niels Rasmussen
[email protected]
Hello delegates, my name is Niels
Rasmussen, and I can’t wait to be
your TFI chair! This is my second
time chairing but my fourth year
participating in Model UN. I am a
senior at Pittsford Mendon High
School, and I love playing tennis,
creative writing, and analyzing rap.
As Evan said, ask us any questions
you have.
UNAR 2017
Committee on Territories and Foreign Intervention
Topic One: Status of Somaliland
Since the beginning of the civil war in 1991, the nation of Somalia has been without
a stable central government. Much of the southern part of the country was
engulfed in violence for over two decades; the story is familiar: radical terrorists,
rampant piracy, and the random application of sharia law wherever it was seen
fit. However, in May of 1991, the northwestern portion of Somalia largely
protected itself from this fate when a conference of member of the Somali National
Movement at Burao unilaterally declared the independence of the region, which
they called Somaliland. Since then, the region has been governed by
democratically elected governments, and has maintained a remarkable level of
stability considering the turbulent nature of the region. The area is de facto
independent from Somalia.
Even the new transitional government holds no sway here. The government
of Somaliland, headquartered in Hargeisa, argues that they have enforced order in
the region for years, with no help from the central government, and thus their
independence should be recognized. However, as of January 2016, the nation of Somaliland remains
completely unrecognized by any UN member-state or international organization, though several
nations, , maintain informal relations. Though the situation is currently nonviolent, it is uncertain
whether it will remain that way in the future.
There are two options concerning the fate of Somaliland. It can either be internationally
recognized as an independent nation, potentially jeopardizing the tentative stability in Somalia, or it
could be reintegrated into Somalia as a whole, going against the wishes of many of Somaliland’s
citizens. As Somalia is both a sovereign nation claiming Somaliland as part of its territory, and a UN
member state, its support would be crucial for recognition of Somaliland. The African Union is another
entity with a stake in the matter; a newly independent Somaliland would be eligible for AU
membership, and accepting un- or partially-recognized member states is not unprecedented for the
AU, as evidenced by the membership of the Sahrawi Arab Republic. In the end, it will be up to the
committee to decide the extent to which, and the manner in which, the UN should intervene in this
volatile situation.
To what extent, if any, should the UN be involved in the recognition of breakaway states, specifically
Somaliland? In what situations does the right to self-determination apply? When is it more prudent to
strive for separation rather than unity?
Sources:
BBC News Article: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/mobile/africa/7365002.stm
BBC Somaliland Profile: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-14115069
CNN Article: http://www.cnn.com/2016/09/15/africa/conversation-somaliland-mpa/
Somaliland Government Website: http://somalilandgov.com/
UNAR 2017
Committee on Territories and Foreign Intervention
Topic Two: Status of Somaliland
Due to global warming and the melting of the polar icecaps,
new shipping routes have opened in the Canadian Arctic. They are
known as the Northwest Passages, based on the historic legend of a
waterway connecting the Atlantic and the Pacific. The Passage is
important to shipping companies across the world because it
shortens the distance from Europe to East Asia. This distance is usually reached via the Panama Canal; the use of
the Passage conserves almost 4000 km.
However, disputes have arisen over the sovereignty of the waters in the Passage. Canada claims the route as part
of its territorial waters, and thus asserts that its own maritime laws be applied to commerce through the
Passage. Meanwhile, the international community, especially the United States and the European Union, claims
that the strait is international waters, and international law should be applied. The basis of the debate is over who
gets control over the area. Canada believes that it should have the right to regulate trade through the
Passage. The entire route is well within Canada’s territorial waters, solidifying Canada’s claim to the
region. However, an American ship, the SS Manhattan, incited the debate in 1969 when it was ordered by the US
government to purposely avoid seeking Canadian approval for a voyage through the Northwest Passage to the
oilfields in the Alaskan North Slope. Since then, the area has been a hot topic in US-Canada relations, as various
countries have sided with the US against Canada’s claims, and the Canadian military has upped their presence in
the region in response.
Both sides have important stakes in the matter. Canada seeks to profit off control of the
Passage. However, it is also interested in environmental protection in the region. The ability to regulate ship traffic
also grants the ability to regulate pollution and habitat destruction of the fragile Arctic biome. Furthermore, when
facing a militaristic Russian Federation across the Arctic Ocean, it could be important for the Passage to be
controlled by Canada, preventing the Russians from transporting military vessels through the area. At the same
time, it is in the best interest of the international community for the passage to be considered international
waters. This would allow shipping companies to send their vessels through the strait without seeking the approval
of Canadian authorities, greatly increasing the potential traffic volume, with a correlated increase in profits. It is up
to the committee to propose a solution to this dispute. Delegates should keep in mind the environmental and
security consequences that come with an open waterway, but also remember that the maintenance of free trade
is an important value to the UN.
How should maritime law be interpreted in this dispute, as it is applied to territorial waters and international
straits? Which is more important when negotiating commerce treaties: environmental protection or free trade? At
what point do the interests of sovereign nations overpower the interests of commercial entities within a nation?
Sources:
American University Case Study: http://www1.american.edu/ted/ice/northwest-passage.htm
Centre for Research on Globalization Article: http://www.globalresearch.ca/northwestpassage-trump-card-for-us-arctic-policy/5560748
Wall Street Journal Article: http://www.wsj.com/articles/the-arctic-front-in-the-battle-tocontain-russia-1457478393NOAA
Page on Environmental Issues: http://www.gc.noaa.gov/gcil_arctic_shipping.html
UNAR 2017
Committee on Territories and Foreign Intervention
Topic Three: Fresh Water Conflicts in Asia
While disputes between China, Vietnam, Malaysia, and
the Philippines over the South China Sea have been at the
forefront of the public eye, there is another issue in Asia that is
potentially far more important: the lack of fresh water.
With its enormous population, it is somewhat unsurprising
that Asia has the lowest amount of fresh water per capita of
any continent; recent droughts have exacerbated this
problem by causing crop failures and electricity shortages.
MIT research last year concluded that Asia runs an extremely
high risk of becoming severely "water-stressed," and that by 2050 almost 1 billion more people than today could
be victims of freshwater shortages. Freshwater is an integral resource for agriculture and energy. The growing
population and the industrial expansion in Asia are certainly detrimental to the situation.
Freshwater is a pressing territorial issue because a major supply of freshwater in Asia comes from transnational
rivers. These are rivers that extend across more than one country’s borders; they are not contained within a single
nation. Traditionally, this water can be harvested by many nations, but with the foreboding predictions of
shortages in the future, some nations are attempting to keep the freshwater within their own borders.
In particular, China has been making efforts to reengineer the flow of rivers along its borders, and has been using
dams to try and stop the flow of fresh water altogether to other nations. Within China, there are 110 transnational
rivers, and in total they flow into 18 other countries. A large portion of these freshwater sources lie in Tibet, and
China has begun major dam construction projects in this region (China already has the most dams of any
country).
The effects of these actions can been seen in shrinking rivers and other bodies of water in Kazakstan and Russia,
and it can be expected that there will be great impacts in southern Asia. Nations like Laos are also engaging in
diverting rivers and constructing dams to support their hydropower industries. As the population grows and more
countries become involved in this issue, tensions will only rise, threatening the peace in Asia.
How can the international community respond to a nation's actions within its own borders that strongly affect
other nations? How can we solve the disputes over these transnational rivers without harming the economies of
nations involved? As the population of the entire world continues to grow, how can apply our solutions to this
issue to fresh water disputes that may arise in any part of the world?
MIT News Article: http://news.mit.edu/2016/water-problems-asia-0330
The National Article: http://www.thenational.ae/opinion/comment/asias-next-majorconflict-will-be-over-fresh-water
Sources:
Japan Times Article:
http://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2016/12/18/commentary/world-commentary/asiasfight-fresh-water/#.WG26NLGZN0s
Today Online Article: http://www.todayonline.com/world/water-war-asia
UNAR 2017
Committee on Territories and Foreign Intervention
Topic Four: Lake Malawi Border Dispute
Since the 1960s, when Malawi and Tanzania gained independence,
the African Great Lake of Lake Malawi (known in Tanzania as Lake
Nyasa) has been subject to border disputes between the two nations.
Originally, this problem did not attract much attention. Even though
Malawi and Tanzania have debated the territorial claims to the lake for
decades, figuring out a solution was often put aside; both these
countries have had to deal with far more pressing issues that
developing, new nations tend to face. However, recent discoveries of oil and gas in the lake have served to
heighten tensions. Tanzania is pushing for a new map that depicts the border between the two countries running
through the middle of the lake, while Malawi maintains that the entire lake is its territory. This territorial dispute is
now at the center of attention, so much so that Malawi itself has asked the United Nations for help in solving it.
Part of the issue stems from the fact that foreign oil and gas companies wish to utilize the natural resources of the
lake, but doing so requires permits from the nation to which the lake belongs. In 2012, Malawi gave approval to
Surestream, allowing the British oil company to work in the area and harvest oil. However, this sparked further
debate over whether or not granting licenses and permits to foreign companies falls under the Malawian
government's jurisdiction—unsurprisingly Tanzania argued that the Malawian government had no such right. For
developing nations like Malawi and Tanzania, the economic benefits of the oil and gas are tremendous.
Some bilateral measures have been taken on a regional level to solve the dispute, such as the two nations
accepting mediate from the Forum of Former African Heads of State and Government. However, these
measures may not be enough, so the United Nations and perhaps the International Court of Justice may have to
play a role in the matter. Incidents of violence break out more frequently along the border, and, although the two
nations seem to be responding quickly to the occurrences, a long term solution is needed.
How can we solve this dispute without damaging the growing economies of these two countries? Can the United
Nations develop a solution that involves both the regional and international communities? What guidelines can
be developed for future situations where new energy resources are found in disputed territories?
Sources:
All Africa Article: http://allafrica.com/stories/201612050108.html
World Politics Review Article: http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/trend-lines/14024/malawitanzania-border-dispute-flares-up-over-potential-oil-discovery
Ventures Africa Report: http://venturesafrica.com/malawi-tanzania-lake-border-dispute-why-theun-should-rule-in-favour-of-malawi/
Nyasa Times Songwe River Article: http://www.nyasatimes.com/malawi-tanzania-sign-mousongwe-river-basin-development-program/