The War on Alcohol

The War on Alcohol
By: Chris Kazun, 5566003698
December 5, 2008
History 347W
Joseph Clark
2
The War on Alcohol
Alcohol seems to be constantly and consistently a point of contention and
argument between the people drinking it and the people who are having to deal with the
aftereffects. As early as the 1850’s women of the United States were speaking out against
liquor and places that served liquor. The temperance movement was one of women’s
earliest forays into the public and political sphere. They held rallies, petitioned the
federal, state, and local governments, and took their fight into the public sphere, using
well thought out arguments against the consumption of alcohol and, furthermore, not
taking ‘no’ for an answer. The surprising part of the story is that they were listened to,
and a number of prominent men supported their ideas, which ultimately resulted in
prohibition. However with the introduction of new prohibition laws which outlawed the
manufacture, sale, serving and consumption of liquor, there arose an illegal underground
consumer society. The production and distribution of illegal alcohol by bootleggers
fueled businesses that did not obey the new laws. This underground consumer society
went to ‘speakeasies’, where the owners would flout the rules and bring in alcohol to
serve to their customers. People from all walks of life frequented these places during the
prohibition era, as long as they could pay. Even police (who were supposed to be
enforcing the prohibition laws) and women went to these secretive haunts to obtain
alcohol. So, although the temperance movement (which lead to and ran along side the
suffrage movement) gave women a voice in the public and political sphere, it also ended
3
up creating an even more abhorrent underground consumer society than the one they
were railing against. With the outlawing of one aspect of consumer society, another
illegal consumer subculture developed.
The idea of temperance in the United States, in relation to alcohol, has been
around since the beginning of the 1800’s, but was more focused on the moderation and
abstaining from drink than the total abolishment of it from the land. 1 The largest
supporters of this movement seem to have been women. The large role of wo men in this
movement can be seen with the formation and activities of women’s groups like the
Women’s Temperance Alliance, and the Women’s Christian Temperance Union. The
WCTU was probably the most well known of the organizations as it had a large national
following that worked relentlessly for the abolishment of alcohol trade and consumption.
Oddly enough the WCTU was so strong, and it seems, influential that they even took
their campaign to an international scale by fighting in France for temperance. 2 In the
United States, according to a newspaper article from Ohio, their fight against alcohol
seems to have started mainly in rural areas, and upon gaining momentum moved into the
cities of the United States. 3 The platform that they were based on was the “…promise that
abolishing…the urban saloon, would reduce domestic violence, desertion, and
dependency.” 4
Although the original thought had been toward moderation, the thought began to
form that total abstinence from alcohol would serve to create that society that they were
looking towards. In fact, Root Beer was introduced as a thought to being an alternative to
1
Holand Webb, “Temperance Movements and Prohibition,” International and Social Science Review 74,
no. 1-2 (1999), http://web.ebscohost.com, 61.
2
“Women’s World War on Liquor,” New York Times, April 6, 1919, http://proquest.umi.co m.
3
“The Temperance Movement in Ohio,” New York Times, February 10, 1874, http://proquest.umi.co m.
4
alcohol, believing it would replace beer’s popularity (this dream was never realized). 5
These thoughts gave rise to what would be called the prohibition movement, because of
its aim for the total prohibiting of alcohol, not just the temperance of it. Prohibition took
as its basis the idea of social reform. 6 This idea of reforming society took on a very
Christian flavor, with the prohibitionist women of the temperance organizations being
referred to as crusaders against the evils of alcohol, which caused “…the abuse, neglect
and poverty…” of women and children “…at the hands of alcoholic men.” 7 This idea as
the Prohibitionist women as crusaders can specifically be seen in Figure 1. This depicts
women, some on horseback and armored, others on foot, all armed with battle-axes,
sporting ferocious looks on their faces, carrying temperance banners, and trampling
barrels of gin, rum, whiskey, brandy, and wine. The imagery begs for comparisons to be
made to medieval tapestries and paintings depicting crusader knights running to ground
their Muslim enemies. There is nothing subtle about the message that the illustration is
making, which is that putting an end to the evils of alcohol consumption is the Christian
thing to do.
There was also a proliferation of church sermons dedicated to the subject of the
evils of alcohol. As one sermon put it, alcohol is,
the great anaconda, which wraps its coils around home altars to cripple them, to
make room for Bacchus. The vampire which fans sanity to sleep while it sucks
away the lifeblood. The vulture, which preys upon the vials [sic] of the nations. It
defies God, despises Jesus Christ, sins against the Holy Ghost, which is s inning
against light and knowledge. Above all it murders humanly. 8
4
Michael W illrich, “‘Close That Place Of Hell’: Poor Wo men and the Cultural Po lit ics of Proh ibition,”
Journal of Urban History 29, no. 5 (2003), http://web.ebscohost.com, 556.
5
David Hanson, “National Prohibit ion of Alcohol in the U.S.,” Alcohol Problems and
Solutions, http://www2.potsdam.edu/hansondj/controversies/1091124904.ht ml.
6
Holand Webb, 61.
7
Rebecca Edwards, “MARSH MURDOCK A ND THE 'WILY WOMEN ' OF W ICHITA: DOM ESTICITY
DISPUTED IN THE GILDED A GE,” Kansas History 25, no. 1 (2002), http://web.ebscohost.com, 6.
8
David Hanson, http://www2.potsdam.edu/hansondj/controversies/1091124904.ht ml.
5
This shows the belief held by American prohibitionists that “…the demon rum and its
church, the saloon, were the world’s prime sources of evil.” 9 Also produced were texts by
women on the importance of ‘converting’ people from the evils of alcoholic
consumption. One such text written by Julia McNair Wright, takes the form of a dialogue
between two women, discussing the importance of converting just one soul, because
“…God, does not look upon the making of one individual right as such a little thing.” 10
The movement then began to take on “…a more militant following…” in which
“…the focus shifted to legislative reform.”11 The movement took their fight into the
political sphere with petitions, rallies and other forms of protest against alcohol that
would get the attention of legislators. This move into the public and political sphere that
was dominated by men was not looked upon kindly by all. Marshall Murdock, a
politician in Wichita, Kansas, was one of these men who supported the WCTU while they
were doing charity work and praying, but began to denounce them when they moved into
the public, and more importantly, the political sphere. This is a result of the ever-present
theory of domestic identity, that women’s place was in the home, women were to be
sheltered from (a nice way of saying kept out of) “…the rough-and-tumble political
world….”12 There were, it seems, a constant barrage of attacks against the now politically
motivated female prohibitionist groups. One newspaper article about a meeting of the
Women’s Temperance Alliance, points out that some people have been referring to their
temperance movement, as a Women’s Rights movement. This they heartily disagree with
9
Carlson, Peter. “Uneasy About Alcohol,” American History 43, issue 5 (2008), http://web.ebscohost.com,
37.
10
Julia McNair Wright, “Do What You Can,” National Temperance Society and Publication House,
http://dl.lib.brown.edu.
11
Holand Webb, 61.
12
Rebecca Edwards, 5.
6
pointing out that their organization is not focused on suffrage but the “…triumph of the
Temperance Reform, by the use of all the means in our power.” 13 They obviously had
quite a bit of power, and it seems, sway with the men who were in the position to make
changes in the law, because in 1918, prohibition became law in the 18 th Amendment to
the Constitution. 14 “The principal violations as listed in the National Prohibition Act are
manufacture, sale, transportation, and possession of illegal liquor.” 15
Through the vehicle of fighting for the prohibition of alcohol the women of the
temperance organizations were in a way fighting for women’s rights. They were moving
out into the public and political sphere, previously reserved for men only, and bringing
with them a determined and focused following that had male support in the form of
politicians and religious clergymen. This in a way gave credibility to women and their
ideas about the pubic sphere. If women were on the right track about alcohol and even
politicians were agreeing with them, why should they not be allowed to vote? The
temperance movement in a way gave credence to the idea that women could make
important decisions regarding the male sphere of influence. Women were not the delicate
flowers who’s heads had nothing in them excep t domestic ideas and notions, they could
make clear, concise and rational decisions, and arguments that could be useful to the
nation as a whole.
However not everyone was on the same page, and not everyone, including men
and women were ready or even willing to give up on alcohol. There was therefore a huge
illegal underground consumer society that emerged to the fore in the prohibition years in
13
“Temperance Discussions,” New York Times, December 10, 1853, http://proquest.umi.co m.
Holand Webb, 61. 14 E. P. Sanford, “The Illegal Liquor Traffic,” Prohibition: A National Experiment 163
(1932), http://www.jstor.org, 42.
14
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the United States. Bootlegging and speakeasies dominated this illegal consumer society.
So much so that even those who were entrusted with the enforcement of the prohibition
laws often frequented these same establishments. Bootlegging at the time of prohibition
was not a new enterprise; in fact it had been taking place within society in the United
States for a long time. “ It is presumed that the word "boot- legging" comes from a practice
in some of the southern states in which the "moonshiner" sought to avoid the payment of
the Federal tax on manufactured distilled spirits.” 16 The definition of bootlegging is “the
illegal manufacture, sale, and transport of liquor.” 17 So bootlegging did not begin with
prohibition; prohibition only enabled the expansion of the enterprise. It is almost
painfully obvious why there would have been an expansion of this enterprise; it was
extremely lucrative. Evidence from an interview with a family of granite masons points
out at one point that many immigrants looking for work “…drift to the cities. During
prohibition high school graduates many of them Italian and Irish did bootlegging.” 18 This
was a way for immigrants to snub the legislation that they would have seen as
discrimination against their culture. But even more than this it was a way to find a job
quickly without racial discrimination by bosses; that would pay rather well; and had
adventure written all over it.
In creating prohibitionist legislation, the temperance movements were only able
to change the law; they could not however change the desire, by a major section of the
American population, for the consumption of alcohol. By introducing prohibition to the
15
E. P. Sanford, “The Illegal Liquor Traffic,” Prohibition: A National Experiment 163 (1932),
http://www.jstor.org, 42.
16
Joseph K. Willing, “The Profession of Bootlegging,” Modern Crime: Its Prevention and Punishment 125
(1926), http://www.jstor.org, 40.
17
Tanya Marie Sanchez, “The Feminine Side of Bootlegging,” Louisiana History 41, no. 4 (2000),
http://www.jstor.org, 404.
18
Mari To masi, “Men Against Granite,” http:// memory.loc.gov.
8
United States, temperance organizations and politicians had created a situation in which
the illegal alcohol trade could flourish and expand, because there would always be a
demand for alcohol no matter how illegal it was.
There is often a misconception that men were the major players in the bootlegging
trade, however women played a large part, and often did so without the help of men.
Although men had operations of their own, women also held their own in the illegal
liquor trade. These women were not in the trade for adventure; many of them were in this
business for their survival and the survival of their families. “For working-class mothers,
bootlegging was both a convenient and lucrative method of supplementing meager family
incomes.”19 The evidence to support the idea that many of these women were workingclass mothers is seen in the age range and average thereof. “…the ages of females
arrested ranged from sixteen to eighty-three years, most alleged bootleggers were
between the ages of thirty and forty” most of whom were widowed divorced or separated,
and had to contend with the survival of herself and of her children . 20 The method of
production that was used was also a simple and an easy business to set up inside the
home, all a person needed was a still, like the one found in Figure 2. As a result, “Most
female bootleggers were arrested in their homes for manufacturing and selling homebrewed beer, wine, whiskey, or gin.”21 The punishments varied, from ninety days in a
penitentiary, to a year and a day in a penitentiary plus a $500 fine (for repeat offenders). 22
This alcohol that was being produced by these bootleggers was furnished to
individuals for private use, but also to underground businesses, which had taken over
19
Tanya Marie Sanchez, 406.
Ibid., 405-406.
21
Ibid., 406.
22
Ibid., 403 and 407-408.
20
9
from the legal saloons and pubs. These illegal businesses were called speakeasies, and
functioned as places that would serve alcohol. Speakeasies had been in existence long
before prohibition, and were simply places that were violating liquor laws. 23 Then after
the prohibition legislation made serving and buying alcohol illegal anyway the speakeasy
was the only establishment left open to consumers of the illicit liquid, and sellers thereof.
As one newspaper article reported, the police force had to be increased because of the
large number of speakeasies that were opening. 24 Obviously the fact that operating an
establishment of this kind was illegal did not really seem to bother the majority of
owners, operators, or clients. In March 1931, the Detroit Precinct Police Inspectors
surveyed that there were 1,561 such places operating in the area. In New York a similar
type of survey conducted by the Prohibition Administrator found that there were “3,494
places of this nature….” 25 It is small wonder therefore that the police departments were
having to expand the size of their forces to meet the number of speakeasies that were
cropping up all over the place, and the number never seemed to be getting smaller. Based
on the meeting out of punishments it can be seen why the number of speakeasies was
increasing instead of decreasing. According to a newspaper article, raids were conducted
early Sunday morning, which was when the height of the illegal traffic was, and when
raided the patrons were fined $10, and the proprietors were fined $100. 26 Pictures of the
raiding of speakeasies can be seen in Figures 3 and 4. The fine on the patrons would have
probably been more of a deterrent, if they had not wanted access to liquor so badly. But
the fine placed on the proprietors on the whole is not very big. Based on the amount of
23
E. P. Sanford, 43.
“Speakeasies Thwart Drys.” New Yo rk Times, November 30, 1919. http://proquest.umi.co m.
25
E. P. Sanford, 44.
26
“The Illegal Speak-easies.” New York Times, July 6 1891. http://proquest.umi.co m.
24
10
business these places would be doing, like a speakeasy called Luigi’s which “did an all
night business but you had to know what to say before they'd let you in.” 27 The fine of
$100 would be just a drop in the bucket compared to the money they were making on a
nightly basis, selling alcohol. With only a small fine like that there was no reason why a
proprietor would not start up his business again after a raid.
It was not however just regular people that were involved in the trafficking and
consuming of illegal alcohol in the prohibition era. Police themselves had a desire to
consume alcohol that went against their job description of stopping the illegal traffic. In
one document that reports a discussion between a barber and a patron, the patron
comments that reporting a speakeasies location to the police will not do any good,
because “The police knows about them places already. They drink thar, theirselves!”,
going further to point out that “…the police don't buy any licker…They air treated to it
by the bootleggers, so they'll keep quiet about where it is.” 28 Policemen even took part in
the trafficking of the alcohol, making a bit of money on the side, one source pointing out
that “…policemen, moonlighted as truck drivers who delivered booze to the many retail
outlets of the city.”29 Police were often in direct contact with the underworld, criminal
syndicates using police to harass rival organizations, by offering payments and mutual
favors.
30
This takes us back to the pictures of the raids on speakeasies (figures 3 and 4).
Are these straight police officers, or crooked ones? Were they actually raiding an
establishment out of loyalty to the law and legal system, or were they in the back pockets
of underworld gangsters, and raiding a rival establishment. Also important to think about
27
Byrd, Frank. “Betty.” Interview, November 29, 1938. New Yo rk. http:// memory.loc.gov.
Ball, Enoch. “Shave them Weekdays; Save them Sundays.” April 1, 1939. http://memory.loc.gov.
29
Haller, Mark H. “Organized Crime in Urban Society: Chicago in the Twentieth Century.” Journal of
Social History 5, no. 2 (1971-1972), http://www.jstor.org, 225.
28
11
is how the liquor was disposed of? Was it disposed of like in figure 4, or was it more
often than not disposed of, by having it go down the throat of police officers who were
not whole heartedly behind prohibition? This is something that the sources being used
leave to the imagination, all that can be said for sure is that a number of police, who were
supposed to be enforcing the prohibition legislation were in fact taking pleasure in the
illegal liquor trafficking, and speakeasies.
The effort put forth by the temperance movements, and in particular the Women’s
Christian Temperance Movement, took women into the public and political sphere in a
huge way. It took forward the cause of women’s rights, b y showing that women did have
an opinion that was valid, and even more importantly made sense. The fact that they
gained support from leading male politicians, male church leaders, and other male
prohibitionists gave their opinion credibility and pushed their claims further than if they
had only been waging this war on their own. But in waging this war against a consumer
product and against a consumer society that wanted alcohol and would not give it up,
come hell or high water, the prohibitionist legislation created an illegal consumer society,
that paid no heed to legislation. In fighting against a consumer culture, they simply made
it possible, probable, and inevitable that another consumer culture would spring up to fill
the void, and answer the call of people in the United States who wanted alcohol. They
traded a legal consumer culture, for an illegal one.
30
Ibid., 216.
12
Figure 1. Edwards, Rebecca. “MARSH M URDOCK AND THE 'WILY WOME N' OF WICHITA:
DOM ESTICITY DISPUTED IN THE GILDED A GE.” Kansas History 25, no. 1 (2002): 2-13.
http://web.ebscohost.com. page 3.
13
Figure 2. Block, W.T. “Bootlegging brothers’ joy short-lived.” Reprinted fro m the Beau mont Enterprise,
November 14, 1998, www.wtblock.co m/wtblockjr/bootlegg.htm.
Figure 4.
Figure 3.
Figure 3 and 4 are from, Huff, Dana. “Prohibition and Speakeaises.” Photographs.
http://www.huffenglish.com/gatsby/speakeasies.html.
14
Bibliography
Primary Sources:
Block, W.T. “Bootlegging brothers’ joy short-lived.” Reprinted from the Beaumont
Enterprise, November 14, 1998, www.wtblock.com/wtblockjr/bootlegg.htm.
Ball, Enoch. “Shave them Weekdays; Save them Sundays.” April 1, 1939.
http://memory.loc.gov.
Byrd, Frank. “Betty.” Interview, November 29, 1938. New York. http://memory.loc.gov.
Wright, Julia McNair. “Do What You Can.” National Temperance Society and
Publication House. http://dl.lib.brown.edu.
Tomasi, Mari. “Men Against Granite.” http://memory.loc.gov.
Callano. “Only Suckers Work.” Interview. http://memory.loc.gov.
Huff, Dana. “Prohibition and Speakeaises.” Photographs.
http://www.huffenglish.com/gatsby/speakeasies.html.
“The Illegal Speak-easies.” New York Times, July 6 1891. http://proquest.umi.com.
“Speakeasies Thwart Drys.” New York Times, November 30, 1919.
http://proquest.umi.com.
“Temperance Discussions.” New York Times, December 10, 1853.
http://proquest.umi.com.
“The Temperance Movement in Ohio.” New York Times, February 10, 1874.
http://proquest.umi.com.
“Women’s World War on Liquor.” New York Times, April 6, 1919.
http://proquest.umi.com.
Secondary Sources:
Carlson, Peter. “Uneasy About Alcohol.” American History 43, issue 5 (2008): 32-29.
http://web.ebscohost.com.
Hanson, David. “National Prohibition of Alcohol in the U.S.” Alcohol Problems and
Solutions. http://www2.potsdam.edu/hansondj/controversies/1091124904.html.
Willrich, Michael. “‘Close That Place Of Hell’: Poor Women and the Cultural Politics of
Prohibition.” Journal of Urban History 29, no. 5 (2003): 555-574.
http://web.ebscohost.com.
15
Edwards, Rebecca. “MARSH MURDOCK AND THE 'WILY WOMEN' OF WICHITA:
DOMESTICITY DISPUTED IN THE GILDED AGE.” Kansas History 25, no. 1 (2002):
2-13. http://web.ebscohost.com
Sanchez, Tanya Marie. “The Feminine Side of Bootlegging.” Louisiana History 41, no. 4
(2000): 403-433. http://www.jstor.org.
Webb, Holand. “Temperance Movements and Prohibition.” International and Social
Science Review 74, no. 1-2 (1999): 61-69. http://web.ebscohost.com.
Sanford, E. P. “The Illegal Liquor Traffic.” Prohibition: A National Experiment 163
(1932): 39-45. http://www.jstor.org.
Haller, Mark H. “Organized Crime in Urban Society: Chicago in the Twentieth
Century.”Journal of Social History 5, no. 2 (1971-1972): 210-234. http://www.jstor.org.
Willing, Joseph K. “The Profession of Bootlegging.” Modern Crime: Its Prevention and
Punishment 125 (1926): 40-48. http://www.jstor.org.