February 27, 1954
Caste
and
Family
I P Desai
M
R
GARDNER
MURP H Y came t o India i n
1950 as an U N E S C O consultant to
organise research teams to explore
the reasons for social tensions. In
the Minds of Men* is a non-technical report of his impressions regarding many constructive forces working for national unity.
While
searching for the sources of tensions he had to discuss the problems of the family and the caste
system in India. We shall confine
ourselves to his observations on
these two topics only.
M u r p h y begins the analysis of
the Indian situation by observing
the forces of solidarity and security,
and then discusses the sources of
cleavage in Indian life. He discusses caste and the economic and
religious aspects of Indian life in
the past at the village level and
makes the concluding observation
that in spite of the caste hierarchy
and the consequent social distance.
the economic inequalities and religious differences " over long periods
and throughout large regions caste
and religion have been relatively
free of the phenomena to which
we would apply the word ' tension.'
There must always have been some
jealousies of those who enjoyed a
more favourable station, but this is
an entirely different thing from the
seething unrest and bitterness which
often characterise the relationships
of caste and of religious groups in
recent years" (p 4 4 ) . The caste
system then worked well in the
past.
THE JOINT FAMILY
always w i t h some one f a m i l i a r ' '
(P 49).
There is a constant togetherness
in the family. " This constant
togetherness and participation may
mean that the small child is rarely
exposed to new experiences without
the support of a trusted person; it
also provides an experience of
kinesthetic and empathic richness
which children brought up in cribs,
play pens, carriages and other articles of furniture could not possibly
have. The child comes to know
and to feel and intuitively to understand people, w i t h a depth grown
from the time he is close to the
muscles and bodies, the movements
and feelings of people, just as our
children learn to understand the
mechanics of objects through the
hours and days they spend playing
w i t h . taking apart, and putting
together the objects which are their
toys and their vehicles.
" This same empathy extends to
the world of animals and the world
of nature generally, for the same
reason; this is the world of the
child's experience. He learns to understand growth, and change, and
continuity, cause and effect through
his closeness to the processes of
nature, not through changes he
causes h i m s e l f i n mechanical
t h i n g s " (p 50).
There is, '' the flexibility, the
acceptance of children in the everyday pattern of family living the
easy participation of people of any
age in the activities of the rest"
(P 5 8 ) .
LIVING TOGETHER
Where was this solidarity nursed
Mrs M u r p h y is very appreciative
and preserved?
In the family. of these aspects of the Indian
The chapter on Indian family is family and observes that while the
written by Mrs M u r p h y and it is . American might teach Indians the
a very sympathetic interpretation. higher standards of living, they
She writes:
have to learn from Indians the
" Indian children in the villages " standards of living together''.
still do grow up in the large joint From the point of view of the
family, where the married sons and smooth running of society these are
unmarried daughters have rooms or the desirable aspects of child deveapartments in the house of their lopment and family life.
But the
parents; children feel accepted by care, affection and the comforts
and at home w i t h , a large number showered on the child make it
of people. There is no need for soft and dependent on others and
strange baby-sitters; a baby is adults refuse to take initiative and
responsibility. When the hour of
* In the Minds of Men. By Gardner decision c o m e s the individual
Murphy. Basic Books Inc Publishers, decides not in terms of his inclination and aptitudes, but in terms of
New York, 1953. $4-50.
249
the interest of the group of his
attachment, namely, the family.
Consequently, his action may not
be socially as gainful as it would
otherwise have been and the system
is perpetuated at the same level.
The total social effect of this is that
though the society runs smoothly, it
does not develop.
It is true that over a long period
no fundamental changes took place'
in Indian society though some
modifications might have occurred.
How far is family and child development responsible, for this';
It
cannot be denied that the social
heritage is passed from generation
to generation in the family. It may
be that in America the family does
not perform this function to the
same degree as in India. But in
India it w i l l take quite a long time
before family ceases to transmit
social heritage. At any rate, the
portents at present are that care
and allection will continue to be
bestowed on the child in split joint
families and even in the nuclear
family. A microscopic and ineffectual section of the Indian family
may be an exception to this trend.
W i l l then the Indians not change?
A n d how do we explain those
Indians who show initiative and a
sense of responsibility?
INITIATIVE
In the first place it is not true
that Indians lack the initiative and
the sense of responsibility as some
Indian officials believe (p 48). T h e
fact is that the fields of initiative
and responsibility are different from
those in the contemporary western
industrial society. H o w far is it
true that the joint family curbs the
initiative, inclinations and aptitudes
of the individual?
Let -us first understand the joint
family as it exists today in India,
There are three or four types of
families existing in India today.
Since we do not have enough data
we cannot say which is the prevailini; type. We can therefore only
state the types. There is the traditional joint family.
There are the
joint families w i t h common property hut separate residence. There
are the split joint families of either
type, and there are the nuclear
families, It w i l l be difficult to find
the family consisting of husband,
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
February 27, 1954
wife and children, unless the parents joint family but with the help of
of the husband are dead. These the joint family. This is true even
different types are differently dis- today. This aspect of the Indian
tributed over different occupational family is overlooked while assessing
groups and economic strata of its strength and weakness and in
society and over rural and urban judging its future.
The group always restrains an
areas.
The assumption or the
Hindu law that the Indian family individual. What matters are the
is a joint family unless proved concrete and particular restraints.
otherwise is tine even today. hut The Indian joint family, as we have
in terms of" the composition of the seen above, does not exert much
family, there are several types. of a restraining influence in matters
One cannot say how far the change of choosing a course of study or
has occuried in terms or authority career. But in other matters it
in the family. Again the preval- does. The technologically efficient
economically
independent
ence of authority in different strata a n d
and groups has been different. In member of the family still respects
the literate "and higher castes prob- the family sentiments and might
ably it is not as much authoritarian probably feel restrained in social
as it was in the past. We must matters. How far he feels restrainobserve how far and in what sense ed would depend on the values that
an individual was not and is not he has. The judgment that we
permitted to use his initiative, and pass on his actions are in terms of
follow his inclinations and aptitudes the values that we hold. Whose
values are correct is not a problem
in these types of families.
within the scope of this article.
LESS AUTHORITARIAN
What is significant for us is that
(Generally it is the traditional though Indians are adjusting to
a n d occupational
type of joint family that is assumed technological
as a deadweight on the individual. changes, they have not accepted
The other types an the results of the value of the society from which
the individual's freedom of action the industrial impact came. Conseand apart from the legal position, quently, there are no corresponding
they are partnerships and not cor- structural and organisational .chanporations. It follows from this that ges in the Indian society.
they are by constitution less curbI D E O L O G Y A N D S O C IA L. C H A N G E
ing and less authoritarian. Now.
these several types are of comparaIn terms of social change this
tively recent growth and when the presents an interesting situation.
joint family is attacked, no distinc- How
far does the impact of an
tion is made between its several industrial society on a non-industypes. The traditional type which trial society bring about changes
is generally under attack must be exactly corresponding to the indusunderstood in the context of its trial society? What is happening
situation. It prevailed in an un- in India and in Africa raises serious
expanding agricultural economy, doubts about the usual assumption
and at that time there were practi- that the impact of industrial
cally no alternative channels for an society on a non-industrial society
individual's ability and initiative. changes the latter in the direction
But there is nothing to prove that of the former. This assumption
w i t h i n the limited channels, the appears to ignore the ideological
individual had no scope. The streunof
society and concentrate
observation of recent and contem- on tin " social structure ". Ideoporary traditional family shows that logy is a
hard point " in social
though the eldest reigned, the change. particularly in a society
ablest ruled. Although in the early like the Indian which has a strong
stages of the changed circumstances, and long ideological heritage. Furthe traditional type of family did ther, it also depends on the strength
hinder the initiative and ability of of the ideology of the impacting
the individual, it was this trait society. The ideology of the comw h i c h made the transition to differ- petitive industrial society has not
ent tvpes possible. What is worth the same appeal to the Indian
observing is that very quickly the today that it had in the past. It
joint family adjusted itself to the has lost the vigour of its youth,
new circumstances and it changed and the world looks at it with
its function of hindrance to that growing suspicion.
The Indian
of help. Large number of indivi- refuses to accept the concept of an
duals who could take education and individual of the competitive induscareers afforded by new opportuni- trial society. He may be called
ties could do so not in spite of the orthodox, unprogressrve, conserva-
250
tive and so on. But is it not
worldly wisdom on his part not to
accept the doubtful ideology? Why
should he abdicate his position in
the family which gives h i m educational opportunities, medical relief
and protection against unemployment and old age? Apart from
the men of means, the individual
who leaves his parents because of
their quarrels with his wife starts a
new family, hut he does not like
to be abandoned by his children
and aspires to rear up a joint
family.
W i l l the Indian joint family perpetuate itself and with it, the caste
system?
The daring among the
sociologists may speculate and the
astrologer may predict. But we
shall not attempt to answer the
question. We shall say only this
much. These are the important
problems of the Indian family and
not so much the questions raised by
the psychiatrist and the psychologist the toys with which the
Indian child plays and the kind of
stimulation to achievement and to
motor activity. These problems are
important when the family pattern
is settled. This is not to maintain
that the manner of bringing up
children in India does not require
any change. The change ought
not to mean the application of copybook maxims from American or
western society but it should be
based on the study of indigenous
conditions w i t h i n and outside the
family. If we do not do that we
shall raise problems which do not
exist today,
II
In the next chapter Murphy discusses some factors associated w i t h
the rise of tensions. The tensions
could be observed in the village and
in the city. l i e emphasizes the role
of cities because large-scale group
hostilities are quickly aroused in the
cities and the new in almost every
type of institutional practice makes
its appearance first in the cities
(pp 61-62). " T h e village is inevitably conservative, inevitably the
bastion of traditional stability,
poise, reverence for the past." A n d
the movement of the village population into the cities is a factor
making for the most rapid social
change and also for the rise of
tensions.
The overall position is that a
tussle between the forces of conservatism and forces of social change
is going on. M u r p h y very correctly
maintains that, " the traditional
February 27, 1954
situation could be maintained as But in the next paragraph we are
long as economic specialisation informed that, " there is also a relaexisted at the village level; as long tive increase in the numbers of the
as each caste group has a clear lowest castes many of whom of
idea of its position and is not course are landless, in such fashion
altogether frustrated in that posi- as to force them in effect off the
tion, and as long as disturb- land. The land which they cultiing practices and ideas are not vate may be relatively barren and
introduced f r o m outside"
( p the share of the crop which falls
66).
But these conditions can to their lot may be insufficient to
Under such
no l o n g e r be maintained in keep them alive.
modern India due to a long series conditions they may wander in
of economic and political changes quest of a livelihood, and some of
under the, British regime and after them appear among the migrants
who seek employment in the cities."
independence.
Here is the trouble spot. It may
Most of us will agree with M u r - lead to reform or to reaction.
phy, The disagreement is likely to Actually a huge class of lumpen
arise on the estimation and evalu- proletariat is being created and if
ation of the situation. T w o ques- this section is not absorbed in some
tions arise: (1) How deep and occupation
the
social
tensions
wide is the change? (2) In what would not ease.
These economic"
direction and at what rate are the and class forces may align themforces of change moving?
selves on caste basis. We do not
The evidence presented by M u r - have enough field data for gauging
phy in the chapter entitled '' Crum- the probability. But the argument
bling Patterns of Social Distance" ran be as follows: When the-castes
is an answer to the first question. are trying to improve their relative
The evidence is neither strong nor status by improving their economic
adequate.
But Murphy's conclu- position, they are not discarding
sion is very cautiously worded. the caste consciousness. On the
" In overall summary we seem to contrary, they are achieving their
This
find that one prominent form of ends through caste, action.
social tension in India is the strug- happens because of the triangular
gle of castes to improve their rela- association between caste, economic
This
tive status; the urbanisation and and occupational status.
education are two of the factors makes it possible for the occupatending to weaken the rigidity of tional mobility and economic imcaste system; that changes in atti- provement to follow the caste lines.
tude occur more rapidly than chan- A reshuffling in the relative status
ges in behaviour; but that change of some castes may take place.
in attitude has already gone so far But, the " we feeling" behind the
as to set going new policies in both castes does not disappear. Profesthe central and the state govern- sor D R Gadgil's observation in
this connection is worth noting.
ments which are already exerting 11
There is an obvious tendency for
iheir own pressures to undermine
social observances and rules to becaste prerogatives" (p 116).
come loose and therefore1 the authority of the governing bodies of
ECONOMIC, FACTOR S
castes to become less and less effecOne should agree with Murphy tive. But on the other hand there
that the caste prerogatives are has been an equally strong though
crumbling and to that extent, the perhaps not equally noticed tendtensions will also ease. But are the ency for caste organisations to take
caste prerogatives the real cause of new
forms, to cover wider fields
tensions? And, are the forces be- and to launch into new activities."
hind prerogatives weakening? We (Poona—A Socio-Economic Survey.
are told by him that the real V o l I I , 1952, p 185.)
trouble is economic and it is being
partly solved by land legislation. On
Thus though the existing caste
page 67 M u r p h y writes, " We find a prerogatives may be undermined
three-cornered struggle among those new prerogatives may arise, which
who own, those who have perma- on one hand may be based on class
nent tenancy and those who have and on the other hand on caste.
no rights whatever.
This three- The class may also be coloured by
cornered situation is being altered its caste origination. A d d to this
both by the struggle to give absolute- possibility, the other factors which
ownership to tenants and by the tend to preserve the caste system,
struggle to give either tenancy namely, " the insecurities, responsior absolute. land r i g h t s to bilities, and unknown dangers
those who have been landless." which might certainly be imposed
252
upon men whose status is at present
l o w if they should be forced
to
compete
on
terms which
they
cannot
understand" -(p
101). If as we said before there
is an increase in the landless low
castes, caste may tend to be preserved among them, because all the
factors mentioned above are present in that group. M u r p h y mentions Koris and Khatiks refusing to
be classed in upper class schedule.
Many more such cases will come to
light when the Backward Glass
Commission publishes its report.
A n d again read what M u r p h y himself says, " One is reminded that in
a scarcity economy in a country
with limited development of resources, ineffective utilization of
natural resources, and a low level
of technology those who are poor
w i l l inevitably constitute 90 per
cent or more of the total and w i l l
cling w i t h the desperate conservatism of the poor in many parts of
the world to such securities and
adequacies as they already h a v e "
(p 102). Under these circumstances what are the possibilities of
the break-up of the caste system?
PERSISTENT CASTE SYSTEM
From the foregoing it is clear
that though in the process of modification, the system persists. M u r p h y
writes, " Immediately the question
arises: ' W h y then does the system
persist? ' To answer this one must
go back to the problem of joint
family and arranged marriages as
already noted. It is one thing for
an individual to be dissatisfied with
an institution and an entirely different thing for that individual to act
as if the institution had already
come to an end. What normal
father or mother, looking forward to
the welfare of his son or daughter,
could possibly act as if no such
system existed?" (p 6 8 ) . He adds,
iV
We ourselves ran into a few cases
ol outcasts, men and women who
were respected but who were relatively isolated in the social life of
their cities, not having the support
which normal members of the community enjoy."
So, then, joint family and arranged marriages perpetuate the
caste
system, according to Murphy. But
the arranged marriage's cannot be
separated from the joint family.
We have seen that the joint family
is quite alive both structurally and
functionally, though, there are
modifications in the structure. At
this rate there does not appear
great danger to the caste system.
The changes that are taking place
February 27, 1954
in marriage customs are confined to
the urban areas and to certain
and
class. Among them
marriages are not arranged. They
are managed. When we are condemning arranged marriages the
alternative that we have in m i n d
is the choice marriage.
Choice
marriages are very exceptional.
We are thinking of choice and
even managed marriages in relation
to their effect on the caste system,
and we must remember that these
concepts just do not touch eighty
to ninety per cent of the population.
Quantitatively
the
inter-caste
marriages arc insignificant in proportion to the total number of
marriages performed every year.
But in terms of their influence on
the attitude of the people they
have greater significance. But this
effect is also different on different
tastes and classes and in the rural
and urban areas. To the considerably large mass of the population
the question of inter-caste marriages
does not arise and therefore
they
have no effect on them. In the
urban areas and among the higher
castes, the attitude towards such
marriages is cither of indifference,
resignation or tolerance. But the
change in the behaviour is not proportionate to the change in attitude. It is true that the change in
attitude v precedes the change
in
behaviour.
But the change in
behaviour would depend, firstly, on
the attitude and, secondly, on its
depth and intensity. The attitude
towards inter-caste marriages is not
that of encouragement.
They are
not opposed. Indifference, resignation and to a large extent, tolerance
are passive attitudes. Those others
do it. Let them do it. We do not
do it. This is the result in terms
of activity of these attitudes. It is
here that the quantitative aspect of
inter-caste marriage is of importance. If the number of such marriages is not large and does not
affect the large mass of the population, the passivity would settle
down to activity towards the status
quo. As it is, inter-caste marriages
are not threatening the caste system.
INTER-CASTE MARRIAGES
The question, w i l l or can the
inter-caste
marriages
break
the
caste system? is based on curiosity
and wish. We can answer this
question in terms of logical possibilities. But the test of these possibilities is the answer to the question,
are they breaking the caste system?
T h e joint family system and
marriage are perpetuating the caste
system. The change in them is
neither deep nor widespread. H o w ever weak the change may be let us
inquire into the forces of change.
What are the forces against the
persistence of the caste system?
This leads us to the second question raised on page 252. As M u r phy has pointed out, and as most
of us would agree w i t h h i m , urbanization and education are two of
the factors tending to weaken the .
rigidity of the caste system. What
is the relative strength of these
forces as against the forces of conservatism discussed above? Here it
is necessary to distinguish between
the urbanization in ancient civilizations, urbanization, ie, growth of
towns and cities in the middle ages
clue to commerce and the modern
industrial urbanization. In modern
times when we refer to urbanization, we associate it with industrialization. The growth of towns and
cities in modern times as forces of
social change are thus dependent
on industrialization.
Understood
in this way one finds a good deal
of fake urbanization in India. For
example, purely from the demographic point of view Saurashtra is a
highly urbanized state. But these
urban units existed due to their
being the capitals of numerous
chieftains. They have the palaces,
modern buildings, electricity, water
works, flour mills, and such other
modern amenities. But life in these
urban units was and is largelyrural. They are village communities on larger scales. This description suits most of our cities barring
the ones like Bombay. They are
not industrialized and it is a mistake to consider them as the forces
of social change in the sense in
which industrial cities are. Nav.
in some cases it may be found
industrialism has adapted itself to
the conditions of these rural-urban
units.
INDUSTRIAL WORKERS
M u r p h y writes that there are
probably not over three million
industrial workers in all India,
about one per cent of the population (p 202). Let us look at this
fact in association w i t h Murphy's
opinion that, " rapid industrialization in the sense in which the Western world would use the term is not
confidently to be predicted " (p 203).
Obviously the rate of industrialization is very slow and quantitatively
urbanization as a force of change
is not likely to be very effective.
W h a t is the effect of urbanization
253
as a qualitative force? M u r p h y
writes, " The arrival of industrial
workers in the urban regions is largely a result of the extreme pressures
upon the land already noted and
there is no strong desire, to remain
beyond the time required. Inquiry
for example, among the Ahmedabad
workers indicated t h a t t h o s e
who had come from the country districts p r e f e r r e d to go
back " (p 202).
T h e migratory character of the industrial
worker in India is a matter of
common and usual complaint of
the trade unionists, labour officers
and industrialists. If this is so in
Ahmedabad, which is a fairly big
industrial centre, the conditions in
other cities must be still worse..
A n d how can these rural towns
urbanize the worker?
EDUCATION
Education is another force of
social change. It works largely
through what is called the whitecollar class. Here again we must
make the distinction between the
content of education, the educational institutions and the recipients
of education, Content of education is the same everywhere and it
contains a good deal of western
influence. But this influence is
modified in the institutions. In a
city like Bombay different colleges
have different traditions and one
can observe the difference in the
attitude towards life in general of
the students of different colleges.
Each college caters to the needs of
different social types of .students
and it adjusts itself to their needs.
This fact has greater significance
when schools and colleges exist and
are being started in those
rural
towns. Contents are the same but
the reaction to the contents is
different in these town institutions
from that in the institutions in a
city like Bombay, Even in contents, the Indian ideology is receiving greater attention. The recipients of education are different in
their social background in different '
schools and colleges in the same
city and in the rural areas. The
aim of receiving education is also
different w i t h different students
coming from different strata of
society. Thus education has different influences on the attitudes of
students of different social strata.
W i t h the opening of schools
and colleges in the rural parts of
the country the lower stratum is
beginning to receive education.
But their minds are burdened by
the " uncertainties, responsibilities
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
February 27, 1954
developments "" in. a - given".". "society,,
and unknown;., dangers;" which
M u r p h y cites as' the factors of con- It is true that I n d i a n society" d i d '
seivatisim W i l l those ideas have not change in fundamentals over a
the same, effect on their minds as long period. But it is equally true
that the caste and the family have
on the minds of the students
from the strata which has a been in the constant" process of
.modification even before India's
comfortable living?
How far are we correct in contact w i t h industrial society.
assuming the uniform influence of 'The history of these two systems is
education as a force of social necessary for understanding their
change? The contents of education present and the future. It might
are the same for all. students. But
their effect on students coming
from different strata of society is
different, Murphy's view that the
attitude have changed, in the particular direction is open 10 doubt,
We can even explain the developmen! between attitude; and behaviour on. .our view, The behaviour
has not changed because the attitudes have not changed or that the
change in. behaviour is superficial.
OPTIMISTIC ESTIMATE
' Murphy's. estimate of the efficacy
of the two factors of social change
iii based, on abstract considerations.
This is one defect of this very readable book, But M u r p h y is not
w r i t i n g as an expert on I n d i a and
the book is a report of his impressions. We need, not find much
fault with h i m . He is interpreting
I n d i a to the Americans and lie
writes in the terms which they
understand and appreciate.
We
can examine: his view which has
coloured his observations, assessments and evaluations throughout
the hook. He is very optimistic
about the influence of the-ideas of
western liberalism. His book wilt
have an appeal to those who revel
in wishes. But the hard-headed
roan man a difficult position. He
may agree w i t h many things taken
discreetly and ' abstractly. But he
can draw different conclusions from
M u r p h y ' s own
premises.
We
have already made the. point that
the values of western industrial
society are being questioned and
that Indians as a mass have not
accepted them. T h e few educated
and enlightened appear to have
accepted them. This can be judged
from their behaviour. But can it
not be an. imitation of western
behaviour rather than behaviour
a rising out of conviction? Is their
" westernisation " not superficial or
a matter of convenience?
T h e source of defect in observation. and inference is in the theory
that contact initiates change, Contact may push forth the change if
it is compatible w i t h the change,
'.But it does not initiate change,
Change arises out of the. internal
254
show that internal inconsistencies
arose withih them .and in relation to
to other systems such as economic,
political and ideological,
But the
family and the caste d i d not break.
They could make up w i t h their
internal inconsistencies and. their:
outer relationships. They won't
break u n t i l their internal and. outer
relationships become irreparably inconsistent.