Matter-Theory in the Dutch Republic The work of Steven Blankaart in Context Name: Email: Student Number: Date: Course: Teacher: Second Reader: Susanne Mans [email protected] 5730090 13 July 2012 Master Thesis Dr. Peter J. Forshaw Prof. dr. Wouter J. Hanegraaff -1- Content Introduction 3 1. The Field of Matter-Theory in the Dutch Republic 6 § 1 Matter-Theories in the Seventeenth Century 8 1.1. Aristotelianism 9 1.2. Medieval and Alchemical Influences 13 1.2.1. Minima and Corpuscles 13 1.2.1.1. Minima 13 1.2.1.2. Corpuscles 15 1.2.2. Paracelsianism 18 1.2.2.1. The Academic Debate 19 1.2.2.2. The Helmontian View 21 1.2.2.3. Paracelsianism in the Dutch Republic 23 1.3. Seventeenth Century Matter-Theories 24 1.3.1. Cartesianism 24 1.3.2. The French School of Chemistry 29 1.3.3. The Dutch Chemists 31 §2 Friendship in the Dutch Republic 32 2. Steven Blankaart and Matter-Theory 35 §1 Steven Blankaart (1650-1704) 35 1.1. The Life of Blankaart 35 1.2. The Works of Blankaart 36 § 2 Blankaart's Matter-Theory 37 2.1. The Three 'Hooft-Stoffen' 37 2.1.1. The Rejected 'Hooft-Stoffen' 38 2.1.2. Blankaart's Views on the Three 'Hooft-Stoffen' 41 2.2. Focus on the Third 'Hooft-Stof' § 3 The Developments in Blankaart's Matter-Theory 45 48 3.1. Intellectual Development in his Matter-Theory 48 3.2. Development in his Social Life 52 3. How to Position Blankaart's Matter-Theory in the Historiography of Natural Philosophy in the Dutch Republic? 54 Bibliography 56 -2- Introduction Steven Blankaart (1650-1704), was a Dutch physician, apothecary, poet and painter. He edited and commented upon many important international books, which were mainly concerned with new medical developments or new theories of natural philosophy. These included treatises by the French 'Father of Modern Philosophy' René Descartes (1596-1650), the English diplomat, natural philosopher and 'Magazine of all Arts', Sir Kenelm Digby (1603-1665), the French chymist and important member of the Academie des Sciences, Nicolas Lémery (1645-1715), the Italian chymist, Carlo Lancillotti (fl. 1672-1679), and the English physician John Mayow (1641-1679), who did early research to the composition of air. 1 Blankaart was also one of the first authors to use the Dutch word for what is now known as "scheikunde" (in English, the "art of separation"). 2 In addition, Blankaart wrote many books himself. It should be emphasised that Blankaart did not refer to books that transmit 'old knowledge', such as the works of Aristotle and other books used on the traditional undergraduate courses at the universities, 3 he chose instead to promote works advocating 'new knowledge'. The transference of new knowledge was Blankaart's aim. He saw it as his duty to break away from the old writers, the ancient authority of Hermes Trismegistus, the 'Arabic' alchemist Geber, whose work is attributed to the Islamic alchemist Jãbir ibn Hayyãn but was probably the Italian Franciscan Paulus de Tarento, or the early-modern occult philosophy of Paracelsus, and to present new clearly written and understandable knowledge to the youth of his day: I have seen it as my duty, honourable reader, to discuss the most important authors and to describe all the important methods of preparation that one could wish for in the art of healing, the old and the young contemporary writers, who write better than the old ones; as they covered their work with dark proverbs and made it incomprehensible, among whom are mainly Hermes Trismegistus, Geber the Arab, Paracelsus and a thousand others, of whom some disciples seem to have remained; among them you will find Johannes 1 2 3 Some examples of translations made by Blankaart: DESCARTES. Nauwkeurige verhandelinge van de scheur-buik en des selfs toevallen, 1684. DESCARTES. Proeven der Wys-begeerte; ofte Redenering, 1692. In the preface is mentioned that Blankaart translated an appendix of the book from the original French langauge. (Uit de originele Franse taal vertolkt door den Heer Stephanus Blankaart). DIGBY. Appendix: Chymische verborgentheden aangaande de verandering en verbetering der metalen en gesteenten, 1693. LANCILLOTTI. De brandende salamander, ofte Ontleedinge der chymicale stoffen, 1680. LÉMERY. Het Philosoophsche laboratorium of Der chymisten stook-huys, 1725. Snelders 1993: 3. Snelders gave an overview of Dutch authors who used words that can be related to 'scheikunde'. Blankaart was the first to use 'scheydeconst' in 1678. It was very common in the seventeenth century in the Dutch Republic to use words which were related to chymistry (scheikunde). Tuck 1998: 19. -3- Hollandus, Daniel Mylius, some in the Ephemerides Germanicæ, G[oossen van] Vreeswijk and all who write with veiled words about the art of Gold-making. Those who want to put their pencil to paper, have to make it understandable and as brief as possible. That is why I see it as my duty to describe all the methods of preparation as succinctly and comprehensibly as possible, so that the youth, who would otherwise invest their time less usefully than is necessary, have immediately the right notion of things, as clear as in a mirror. 4 Blankaart was for the most part an advocate for new chemical insights and he was aware of his place in the scientific milieu, positioning himself as an important physician and philosopher, and describing himself as the first to develop medicine in a Cartesian way. 5 Not only did he present himself as an informant of new knowledge, he also contributed to the growing polemic against the 'occult sciences', in particular against alchemy. This polemical position, on the one hand against alchemy and on the other for the development of chemistry is problematic. In the last two decades of the seventeenth century both terms, alchemy and chemistry were in use. So how can we speak accurately and consistently of alchemical theories, texts, or activities, and also of chemical theories, texts, or activities occurring in the same period? How do we demarcate the boundaries between them?6 With this in mind, I will use the term 'chymistry' to refer to 'alchemy/chemistry' in the seventeenth-century, as (re)introduced by the two historians of alchemy William Newman and Lawrence Principe.7 The context in which I will place this debate on the relation between alchemy and chemistry is, geographically, the Dutch Republic and, philosophically, the role of matter-theory. According to Newman, alchemy played a pivotal role in the great disjunction between the common view of matter-theory before and after the mid-seventeenth century. 8 What is more, the pivotal role that alchemy played in the development of matter-theory, gained the topic a lot of interest from the field of natural philosophy. The examination of the material world was one of the main aims of a natural philosopher such as Blankaart. This analysis was performed by posing three important questions. 4 5 6 7 8 Blankaart 1693: Preface. There are no available English translations of Blankaart's work. So unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own with corrections of Peter Forshaw. Ik hebbe dan myn schuldigen pligt geacht, waarde leser, alle de voornaamste autheuren door te wandelen, en uyt te beschrijven alle de preparatien, die men soude wenschen te hebben in de genees-konst, zoo Oude als Jonge hedensdaagse Schrijvers, die netter schryven dan oude; alsoo zy hare dingen met duystere spreek-woorden onverstaanbaar gemaakt hebben, en onder dese sijn voornamentlyck Hermes Trismegistus, Geber Arabs, Paracelsus, en duisent andere waar van heden nog eenige discipulen overgebleven schynen te zyn; onder dese vind men Joh. Hollandus, Daniel Milius, sommige in de Ephemerides Germanicæ, G.Vreeswijk en alle die met verbloemde woorden van de Gout-makerie nog schrijven. Die sijn pen op papier wil setten, moet verstaanbaar en soo kort als het mogelyck is sig voor doen. Sulx heb ik dan myn pligt geacht alle preparatien kort en verstaanbaar voor te dragen, op dat de jeugt, welke anders meer tyd onnuttelyck verquist, als noodig is, aanstonds het regte denkbeeld van sake mag bevatten, en de zelve als in een Spiegel klaar beschouwen Blankaart 1693: Preface. Newman & Principe 1998: 32. Newman & Principe 1998: 33. Newman 2006: 5. -4- First, what is it that makes a thing what it is? Second, what is it that makes a thing a member of a species or kind? Third, does that which makes a thing what it is and that which accounts for species membership have a role in the generation of members of a species? 9 The answer to these questions could often be found in theories of matter. 10 Several important theories were present in Blankaart's day and many more new theories were to flourish during the period. In this thesis I will construct the field of seventeenth-century matter-theory, the position of alchemy within that field, the main players in the field, and in particular Blankaart's concept of matter-theory. Because of the often vague usage, the concept 'field' is in need of some explanation. I apply the concept of field as it is defined by Pierre Bourdieu, who defined a field as a social arena within which struggles or maneuvers take place over specific resources and access to them. Hence, a field should be understood as:11 a network, or a configuration, of objective relations between positions. These positions are objectively defined, in their existence and in the determinations they impose upon their occupants, agents or institutions, by their present and potential situation (situs) in the structure of the distribution of a species of power (or capital) whose possession commands access to the specific profits that are at stake in the field, as well as by their objective relations to other positions (domination, homology, etc).12 The most important players in this field are the different concepts of matter which are present in the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic. Therefore I will focus on the main theories which are present in Blankaart's time: the hylomorphic view deriving from Aristotelianism, the corpuscularian view deriving from hylomorphic and alchemical theories, the spagyric influences on iatro-chemistry, the newly established Cartesian view, and the impact of the French school of chymistry. These different theories construct the intellectual field, but as is given by the theory of Bourdieu, not only intellectual elements played an important role. Blankaart's work also needs to be situated in the social environment (the Dutch Golden Age) in which he lived. These different frameworks will provide us with new insights into Blankaart's polemical position. 9 10 11 12 Anstey 2011: 13. The book Late Medieval and Early Modern Corpuscular Matter Theories (2001), the rise of Cartesianism, and the theory of Locke about substance in the seventeenth century already indicate the importance of matter-theories. von Stuckrad 2010: 4. von Stuckrad 2010: 4. von Stuckrad uses the field theory of Bourdieu. In the work of Bourdieu himself there is a further explanation of the field and the role of the individual in it. Bourdieu & Wacquant 1992: 21. -5- Matter-theory in the Dutch Republic Blankaart lived in a period which is now known as the Dutch Golden Age. A period in which the Republic flourished, and Amsterdam was the most prosperous city in the Republic, the Seven United Provinces were seen as religiously tolerant, the naval forces were the largest of the world and had a strong transference of knowledge and trade with Asia, and it was the time that the Dutch painters were producing the masterpieces that would make them world famous. 13 This glorious image of the United Provinces is a topic of debate. Not only was the republic seen as a tolerant world power, it was also a strictly Calvinist and fragmented society. 14 These paradoxes make it difficult to grasp the concept of the Dutch Golden Age, but it is certain that even the people around 1650 were aware of the fact that they lived in a special era 15. During this prosperous period Blankaart developed his matter-theory which will be placed in the broader context of the seventeenth century. Before introducing other important matter-theories it is necessary to realise that these theories were written in the seventeenth century and are therefore part of a different historical frame of reference. The development of natural philosophy during the Golden Age is often placed within the concept of the 'Scientific Revolution'. The concept of the 'Scientific Revolution' as a coherent phenomenon is mainly celebrated by authors such as Alexandre Koyré, A. Rupert Hall and Herbert Butterfield during the mid-twentieth century. They have posed the idea of the existence of a real coherent, cataclysmic, and climatic event that fundamentally and irrevocably changed what people knew about the natural world and how they secured proper knowledge of that world. It was the moment at which the world was made modern, it was a good thing, and it happened sometime during the period from the late sixteenth to the early eighteenth-century. 16 This theory construed a fundamental reordering of our ways of thinking about the natural world, 17 and about natural philosophy and its development into 'real science'. Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer challenged the idea of a coherent movement and emphasised the importance of the experiment. 18 In Shapin's famous book, The Scientific Revolution, he challenged 13 14 15 16 17 18 Cook 2007: 8. Janssen 2010: 806. Frijhoff & Spies 2004: 130. Shapin 1996: 1. Shapin 1996: 2. See Leviathan and the Air-pump. (1985). -6- several important historiographical issues. Shapin approached the seventeenth century as if it were a collectively practised, historically embedded phenomenon. It is necessary to understand all aspects of science: its ideas, practices institutional forms and social uses. Consequently there is no single story that could possibly capture all the aspects of science or its changes in which we, in the late twentieth century, are interested. 19 This will lead us to the idea that there is no essence of the scientific revolution and that it is possible to tell multiple stories. 20 I will place this historical research within this view, and therefore focus on the field in which Blankaart should be placed. With this brief remark on the 'Scientific Revolution' it is possible to start with the creation of the field in which the main ideas on matter-theory are present. Though, there are several problems which need to be identified before the field can be reconstructed. First, it is necessary to identify the actors in the field of seventeenth century matter-theory. Based on Blankaart's books, it is evident that he was directly influenced by the works of Descartes and Lémery. Besides the direct influences there were the works to which Blankaart reacted against, such as the Paracelsian influences, the 'alchemical' theories on the alcahest, the theory of water as the prime substance, and the Aristotelian notion of matter. With these theories, and the individuals which advocated these theories, it is possible to create the field in which we can position the physician's work. The second problem derives from modern historiography and the difficult position that Blankaart has within this historiography. As Kim pointed out, there is a big discrepancy between the historical theory on corpuscularism and the players in the field itself. Blankaart is influenced by different sources, both from England and France, which have a different position in the historiography of the seventeenth century. There is a new cluster of scholarship, mainly focussed on Boyle, that challenges the long-standing historiographical assumption that modern chemistry had to emancipate itself from the old, mystical alchemical tradition to become a public science. On the contrary, the alchemical tradition passed down a well-established material culture of chemical laboratory as well as corpuscular thought to modern chemistry. 21 The third problem is the social context in which Blankaart was living. The field theory of Bourdieu already pointed out that it is necessary to relate the intellectual ideas, which derive from the different matter-theories, to the social context from which they derive. Therefore I would like to 19 20 21 Shapin 1996: 10. It should be noted that Shapin did not argue against the notion of Kuhn, he only focussed on the concept of the scientific revolution as a coherent movement. Shapin 1996: 10. Kim 2001: 363. -7- introduce a theory which has been developed by Erna Kok 22 based on the work of Luuk Kooijmans on the social relations within the Dutch Golden Age. According to Kooijmans the element of friendship was central in the organization of social life at that time: Such a notion of friendship is considerably different from the current Western notion. This is in the first place a question of context: while friendship in the contemporary western world is mainly a private matter, friendship relations played also a role in the manner in which society was organised in the early-modern period. In a society in which the institutional structure was insufficient to secure social cohesion, stability depended on a high degree of personal ties, and friendship was a concept that served to secure those ties. The early-modern concept of friendship fitted in a tradition that was handed down from ancient times and the middle ages, where friendship stood for cultivated consensus, peace and unity. 23 Kok adopted this concept of friendship and developed a theory based on it. In this theory it becomes clear that the whole concept of a free market in the city of Amsterdam is an illusion and that the main trading relations and social relations are mainly based on the concept of friendship. This implies that for the reconstruction of seventeenth-century matter-theory it is not only necessary to reconstruct the theories of matter, but it is also important to analyse Blankaart's social network and relate this network to the development of his thought. In the first paragraph I will discuss the matter-theories of the actors in the field while in the second paragraph the social network will be investigated. § 1 Matter-Theories in the Seventeenth Century To place Blankaart within the field of matter-theory is not easy when it comes down to seventeenthcentury matter-theories. It is not only the case that there are numerous theories present during the 22 23 Erna Kok is currently a PhD student at the University of Amsterdam within the department of Art History. For her research on the seventeenth century art market and careers of painters, she has developed a theory based on the work of Luuc Kooijmans Vriendschap en de kunst van het overleven in de zeventiende en achttiende eeuw, on social relations during the Dutch Golden Age. Her dissertation will be published at the end of 2012, but she presented her theory during a class on 21 May 2012 within the course New Perspectives of the Dutch Golden Age at the University of Amsterdam. See also her article on this topic: KOK. 'Zonder vrienden geen carrière: de succesvolle loopbanen van Govert Flinck en Ferdinand Bol'. De Zeventiende Eeuw. Cultuur in de Nederlanden in Interdisciplinair Perspectief. Vol. 27. No. 2. (2011): pp. 300-336. Kooijmans 1997: 14. Een dergelijke opvatting van vriendschap is nogal afwijkend van de huidige westerse opvatting. Dat is in de eerste plaats een kwestie van context: terwijl vriendschap in de westerse wereld tegenwoordig vooral een privézaak is, speelden vriendschapsrelaties in de vroegmoderne tijd ook een rol in de manier waarop de samenleving was georganiseerd. In een maatschappij waarin de institutionele structuur ontoereikend was om sociale cohesie te waarborgen, was stabiliteit in hoge mate afhankelijk van persoonlijke banden, en vriendschap was een concept dat diende om die banden te verstevigen. Het vroegmoderne concept van vriendschap paste in een traditie die was overgeleverd uit oudheid en middeleeuwen, waarin vriendschap stond voor het bevorderen van consensus, vrede en saamhorigheid. -8- Dutch Golden Age, it is also the case that many of these theories change during this period and it will be rather complicated to gain insight into the exact theories as Blankaart knew them. Therefore there will be an historical overview of the developments within the field of matter-theory. The starting point will be the Aristotelian theory, which can be seen as the fundamental theory. Fundamental in the sense that it was the theory that everybody knew in the seventeenth century and they either agreed fully, modified, or reacted against it. 1.1. Aristotle Aristotelian philosophy was still taught at the universities during the Dutch Golden Age. Although the term Aristotelian philosophy might sound as a coherent concept, it has no clear essence and there is no single definition of Aristotelianism. On the contrary, for every case to which it is applied, this needs to be clarified.24 It becomes even more complex with the anti-Aristotelian doctrines of the seventeenth century, not only because they took polemical stances against the Aristotelian doctrine but mainly because some of their doctrines looked more Aristotelian then the doctrines of the earlymodern Aristotelians themselves. 25 Modern scholarship no longer allows us to think of Aristotelianism as one single philosophical unit and therefore it will be difficult to identify exactly what Blankaart understood as Aristotelian and how he reacted, as a Cartesian, against it. Aristotle's work has been influential from antiquity onwards. There was a very extensive commentary tradition on his works, and the commentary tradition on Aristotle's natural works has paid considerable attention to the twenty-two lines that make up the first chapter of Physics. There were many high expectations of this text and it was often expected that Aristotle was going to lay down the principles of science and define the method of scientific inquiry in these lines. 26 Unfortunately these lines do not seem to live up to these high expectations 27 and therefore the academic discussion on Aristotelianism, and more specific on matter-theory within the work of Aristotle, is highly controversial. Before discussing the specific ideas of Aristotle's matter-theory it is necessary to introduce the division between the sublunary and superlunary realms which is present in the Aristotelian line of thought: 24 25 26 27 Lüthy, Leijenhorst & Thijssen 2002: 1. Lüthy, Leijenhorst & Thijssen 2002: 2. De Haas. In: Lüthy, Leijenhorst & Thijssen 2002: 31. De Haas. In: Lüthy, Leijenhorst & Thijssen 2002: 31. -9- Aristotle’s world was one of purposeful striving, in which each of the four elements of the sublunary realm – earth, water, air, and fire – strove to reach its “proper place”: matter strove for form, potentiality for actuality, and the celestial bodies strove to imitate the perfection of the immaterial Prime Mover. This realm of constant change from generation to corruption stood in contrast to the superlunary world, where the divine celestial bodies moved according to the perfect, immutable circular motion characteristic of the fifth element. It is as if Aristotle retained the idealizing, mathematical approach of his teacher Plato only for the celestial domain. In contrast, to study the natural or phenomenal world that surrounds us (which Plato barely thought worthy of study), Aristotle was forced to practically invent the disciplines of physics, biology, and chemistry, among others.28 This division between superlunary and sublunary realm is fundamental for the understanding of Aristotelian matter-theory. All the different notions and concepts of matter which can change are only to be found in the sublunary realm. To identify all these different types and notions of matter it is necessary to analyse the concept of substance. 29 Justin Broackes, who specialized in the notion of substance during the seventeenth and eighteenth century, suggested this approach. Broackes pointed out that there are many uses of the word 'substance' in the work of Aristotle, since the word stems from the Greek for 'to be'.30 He singled out four main candidates for the word substance, these forms all four play an important role in the seventeenth century: 1. First Substances, or individuals such as Tibbles the Cat 2. Second Substances; the kinds of which the First Substances are such as cats 3. Essences or Natures; the fundamental property or properties a thing has to have in order to be, for instance the 'catness' of a cat 4. Matter, either proximate matter (bones, tissue, etc.) or remote matter (the four elements or prime matter). 31 For this essay it is useful to focus on the third and the fourth conception of substance, i.e., on the essence or nature, and on matter. Before looking at the actual work (Physics) of Aristotle, I would like to discuss the summaries of Bostock and Hooykaas first. Bostock introduced the view of Aristotle briefly and he discussed two main points. First, it is necessary to understand that Aristotle 28 29 30 31 Chase 2011: 513. Broackes 2006: 133. Broackes 2006: 133. Substance is a rather difficult term in contemporary philosophy mainly due to the discrepancy between the ordinary usage and the traditional significance of the word. The word stems from the Greek word Ousia; being, which comes from the verb einai; to be. Broackes 2006: 133, 134. -10- did not believe in any kind of atomism. Aristotle spoke about the four elements: air, water, fire and earth. He supposed that they can all change into one another. This could be done because there is a 'prime matter' of which all the four elements exists. Second, there is the concept of change and generation in a substance. There is no such thing as 'generation ex nihilo'; in every change there is something to start with, and during the change that thing becomes something which it was not before. There is always some way of characterizing what is there at the beginning of change, which allows us to say that that same thing persists all through, and is still there at the end. Not only is there this something that persists, but also this persistent thing is at the same time a thing that underlies all things.32 Hooykaas, who was interested in the chemical history of the elements, started with pointing out that material substances consist of matter and form (hylomorphism): The form can be compared with the contents of a concept: those features which make the thing what it is. The coming-to-be of a thing concerns in itself no substance, but only a potential substance. It never exists without form. […] Aristotle's notion of matter -hyle- is not equivalent to our notion of matter. Modern science does not know such a notion, for, if it assumes a primary substance, this is not an indefinite one; it is not a potential body, but a real body. […] speculations about movement among other things lead him to the assumption that there are four elements: earth, water, air, and fire. […] We know the substances by their properties which are general, in each body, in order to find out which in particular are due to the elements. He regards the sense of touch as the most general sense, and the qualities which are perceived by it -moist, dry, hot and cold- as the most general qualities.33 After these brief introductions, which have already shown the importance of the concept of substance, the notion of form and the changing process of substance, I would like to discuss books I and II of the Physics. In these books Aristotle discussed the concept of substance in relation to matter and essence. The first step that Aristotle took was to identify substance as the only principle that existed by itself . After the identification of substance he started talking about different kinds of substances, as pointed out in the work of Broackes. The focus here will be on his work on matter, the first pillar in his hylomorphic theory. Aristotle denied that there is only one source for all matter, although it might be possible that everything is made of the same stuff. The best option for this stuff, was the 32 33 Bostock 2006: 32, 33. Hooykaas 1933: 6-8. -11- existence of some kind of intermediate stuff: 34 186a18 As a matter of fact, it is not even possible for everything to be one in species, because a man is specifically different from a horse, and opposites are specifically different from one another. But it may be possible for everything to be made of the same stuff; this, rather than the former alternative, is the sense in which some natural scientists say that everything is one. 35 [...] 189a34 This is the claim made by those who say that the whole universe consists only of a single stuff, like water or fire or something intermediate between them. The most plausible of these ideas is that it is some intermediate stuff, because fire, earth, air, and water are already intrinsically connected with various oppositions. 36 These oppositions are fundamental in the theory of hylomorphism as we know it today. 37 Apparently this opposition was also known in antiquity, since Aristotle simply postulated postulated that everyone regarded the opposites already as principles and he did not elaborate on this part of his theory. 188a19 It is clear, then, that in one way or another everyone regards the opposites as principles. This is a reasonable position to hold, because for things to qualify as principles they must not consist of one another or of other things, and everything must consist of them. Primary opposites fulfil these conditions. Because they are primary, they do not depend on another.38 In chapter two of Physics Aristotle introduced the concept of form, the second pillar of his hylomorphic theory. 193b6 Also, form is a more plausible candidate for being nature than matter is because we speak of a thing as what it actually is at the time, rather than what it then is potentially 39. 194a12 Since 'nature' refers to two things -that is, both form and matter- our investigation had better imitate an enquiry into what it is to be snubness, or something else which should not be considered in isolation from matter, but should not be restricted to matter either.40 With these quotations I have shown that the hylomorphic theory is present in the work of Aristotle. I 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 This might seem contradictory at first sight, because Aristotle first claimed that it is not possible that everything has the same source and the continues with claiming that everything can be made of the same stuff. But although that everything can be made out of the same stuff there is still the fundamental difference between the substances and the nature/essence of the substance (cat, man, tree etc) as introduced by Broackes. Aristotle 1996: 13, 14. Aristotle 1996: 23. Hooykaas 1933: 7. Aristotle 1996: 20. Aristotle 1996: 35. Aristotle 1996: 37. -12- would like to point out that this is one interpretation of the concept of substance, and that we cannot be sure about Blankaart's perception. 1.2 Medieval and Alchemical Influences During the medieval period two important matter-theories emerged. The first concept, minima and corpuscles, derived from Aristotelian tradition, which was the most influential and important tradition of the twelfth and thirteenth century, and underwent a change due to alchemical influences. The second theory, of semina, was prominent in the work of the Swiss physician Paracelsus and can be seen as iatrochemical. 1.2.1. Minima and Corpuscles The late medieval natural philosophers developed the theory about minima and corpuscles. For the philosophers Aristotle's authority was unrivalled and this has lead to the fact that they tried to maintain the Aristotelian philosophy although they did have problems with several notions. At first natural philosophy was nothing above and beyond the study and explanation of Aristotle's libri naturales, and therefore it was nearly tautologous to speak of Aristotelian natural philosophy. The strong school formation produced competing Aristotelianisms, in each of which extraneous religious and Platonist ingredients were forcefully present. 41 From the Aristotelian notion of matter originated two important notions of matter. The first notion is that of the minimum, which is based on the Aristotelian doctrine that substantial forms are not preserved beyond a given limit. 42 The second notion, that of corpuscles also derived from the Aristotelian doctrine of substance, and is concerned with the the problem of mixture. To illustrate how these two notions came into being I will discuss these two phenomena separately. 1.1.2.1. Minima The concept of minima is a notion that changed nearly as much as Aristotelianism itself. The original meaning of the concept is that of limit to the division of a substance, in the Aristotelian sense.43 The ultimate source for the idea of minima naturalia is Book I, chapter 4, of Aristotle's 41 42 43 Lüthy, Leijenhorst & Thijssen 2002: 1. Clericuzio 2000: 10. Clericusio 2000: 10. -13- Physics. Aristotle commented upon the understanding of the physical theory of the Greek philosopher Anaxagoras (5 BCE). The main problem was the fact that Anaxagoras maintained that there were an infinite number of homeomerous [consisting of the same parts] substances. This was incorrect according to Aristotle and he introduced the minima to explain that it is impossible for naturalia [animals, plants] to be indefinitely large or small, so it must be impossible that their parts [minima] be indefinitely large or small 44. Apart from this argument Aristotle also argued that if everything is in everything, and if anything comes from anything by segregation, then by the repeated extraction or segregation of parts from a finite natural body, at some point that extraction will come to an end, which means that there will be a size than which there will be no smaller things45. This theory of minima marked a significant step towards the establishment of corpuscular philosophy. Not only Aristotle discussed the concept of minima but many dramatis personae, as Murdoch introduced them, developed the theory of minima. Among them were the Dominican monk Albertus Magnus (1193/1206-1280) to whom many alchemical treatises were attributed, the Franciscan friar and English philosopher who was inspired by alchemical theory Roger Bacon (1214-1294), the famous Aristotelian philosopher Averroes (1126-1198), William of Ockham (12881348), a major figure of medieval thought and is commonly known for Ockham's razor, and Thomas Aquinas (1225 – 1274) who managed to unite christian theology with Aristotelian philosophy46. Although all these men discussed the concept of minima, this does not imply that the theory of minima can be considered as a corpuscular theory of matter. The main reason is that even if minima were deemed to be actually existing parts of matter, they were not used as explanans of natural phenomena47. Furthermore, Anneliese Maier pointed out that the majority of scholastic philosophers did not see the notion of minima as incompatible with the Aristotelian doctrine of the infinite divisibility of natural bodies, 48 with as major exception the thirteenth century work of PsGeber which will be discussed in the paragraph on corpuscles. The transformation of minima into corpuscles happened, according to Clericuzio, two centuries later. Two important steps take place in the work of Julius Caesar Scaliger (1484-1558) and Agostino Nifo (1473-1538/1545). Nifo maintained that generation, growth and alteration take place 44 45 46 47 48 Murdoch. In: Lüthy, Murdoch & Newman 2001: 96, 97. Murdoch. In: Lüthy, Murdoch & Newman 2001: 98. For the complete list of works on minima discussed in the work of Murdoch see Lüthy, Murdoch & Newman 2001: 99-101. Clericuzio 2000: 11. Clericuzio 2000: 11. -14- by means of minima. The minima are present as parts in this work and that paves the way to Scaliger's view. Scaliger presented an influential and innovative view in the Exotericarum Exercitationum Libri XV. He maintained that minima were not just the limit to division, but were the actual physical indivisible components of bodies. He explained a wide range of physical and chemical phenomena by having recourse to the minima, and with this he attributed motion, size and arrangement to the properties of the minima49. 1.1.2.2. Corpuscularism The development of Corpuscular theory is attributed to several different influences. As is shown in the former paragraph, Clericuzio made a strong claim for the fact that the corpuscular theory emanated from the theory about minima. It rejected the scholastic notion of substantial forms and explained sensible qualities in terms of motion of corpuscles endowed with purely mechanical properties, and reduced all natural phenomena to matter and motion. 50 Newman, however, claimed that the development of these corpuscular theories was mainly due to the pivotal role that alchemy played. Alchemy caused a great disjunction between the common view of matter-theory before and after the mid-seventeenth century. 51 He has shown that matter theory underwent a sea of change at the hands of medieval and early modern alchemists. It was alchemy that provided corpuscular theorists with the experimental means to debunk scholastic theories of perfect mixture and to demonstrate the retrievability of material ingredients. 52 The first developments of the corpuscular theory, as is highlighted by Newman (2001, 2006), were the corpuscular theories of thirteenth-century alchemist Geber and Daniel Sennert (1572-1637). The main problem that these two men faced were the properties of substance within Aristotelian philosophy. In the Aristotelian view the substance is irretrievable, once a substance is mixed with another substance a totally new substance will come into existence and it is impossible to retrieve the two original substances. As reactions against this, several corpuscular theories were developed and they exploited the idea that matter could be composed of invisibly small corpuscles having more or less permanent characteristics. 53 The first concept of the experimental corpuscular theory of medieval and early modern Western 49 50 51 52 53 Clericuzio 2000: 11, 12. Clericuzio 2000: 1. Lüthy, Murdoch & Newman 2001: 2. Lüthy, Murdoch & Newman 2001: 3. Newman 2006: 4. -15- alchemists was largely an elaboration in the textual tradition inaugurated around the end of the thirteenth century by Geber in the Summa Perfectionis.54 Newman has shown that chapter twentyfour of the Summa express the theory of Geber very clearly: Each of these [principles] in genere is of very strong composition and uniform substance. This is so because the particles of earth are united through the smallest particles (per minima) to the aerial, watery, and fiery particles in such a way that none of them can separate from the other during their resolution. But each is resolved with the other on account of the strong union that they mutually have received through the smallest (per minima).55 This does not imply that Geber denied the Aristotelian view. Geber asserted that the four Aristotelian elements combine the smallest particles to form the compounds of mercury and sulphur. So he perceived the four elements as minute corpuscles that bind together to form larger complex corpuscles united in a “very strong composition'. 56 This view is the basis of the work of Daniel Sennert.57 Daniel Sennert published the Hypomnemata physica in 1637 and introduced his corpuscular theory of matter. He developed a detailed defence of the notion that matter is composed of insensible particles that come together to make up bodies at the macro-level and can in turn be redivided into their original minimal form. 58 Although he also rejected the hylomorphic concept of Aristotle, he continued to work within the Aristotelian philosophical model and he imagined the minima naturae or atomi to be the smallest units of the four elements, which in turn compose the prima mixta as the real, experimentally treatable units of matter. 59 Sennert dismissed mathematical arguments in his matter theory as he was only interested in how nature in generation and resolution subsists in some kind of small bodies. He was one of the first to determine these atomic dimensions by means of experiment. 60 The language in which these observations were described abounded with quantitive statements about the 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Newman 2006: 26. and Newman 1996: 570. For this essay the identity or the origins of the Summa perfectionis are not relevant, only the perception of this work. See Newman 1985. New Light on the Identity of Geber and Newman 2006: 16. Newman 2006: 27. This quotation is taken from Newman's own translation of the Summa. Newman 2006: 27. Newman 1996 & Newman 2006. Newman 1996: 573. Meinel 1988: 73. Meinel 1988: 76, 77. -16- duration of the experiment, the number of corpuscles, the amount of the product, or the size of the candlewick. There is not, however, the vaguest idea of a quantitative methodology behind these indications. The language of the laboratory displays its figurative and rhetorical power, aimed at the imagination of the reader and his eventual persuasion. In tribute to the new scientific age, arguments needed support from the rhetoric of the experiment. But to do justice to Sennert, we have to admit that, in this case, even the most scrupulous quantitative experimenter would not have arrived at any result. 61 Even though it seems that Sennert tried to explain the atomic dimensions by means of experiment, he also admitted that, given the dimness of human cognition, there was no way of proving the mechanism by which the unity of parts was brought about and the form of the new compound generated. So he left this matter untouched and argued that one thing was certain: every mixture could be resolved into those parts out of which it was originally constituted. 62 He still kept the Aristotelian notion of form in order to account for the specific properties of the mixture. 63 Even so, this was an important argument in favour of corpuscles, although he preserved certain elements of Aristotelianism. The reason for introducing Geber and Sennert is their influence in the seventeenth century via the works of Robert Boyle (1627-1691). Newman claimed that the corpuscular theories of Boyle did not derive from figures such as Descartes, Pierre Gassendi (1592–1655) and Francis Bacon (15-611626), for which is argued by Marie Boas Hall,64 but that they derive directly from the work of Sennert who is inspired by Geber. Not only Boyle was interested in the corpuscular theories, it was in the seventeenth-century that this doctrine merged with “high theory'' to form the experimentally based matter-theory.65 Although both men, Clericuzio and Newman, argue that the corpuscular theory played an important role from the sixteenth century onwards it is Meinel who claimed that the particles were often taken for granted in the corpuscular theory: The particles were taken for granted, and their ontological and epistemological status did not even become a matter of debate. This noncommittal character enabled the resulting notion of corpuscle to assume whatever requirements future research would find convenient […] In any case, it would be mistaken to describe the steep rise of atomism as “a triumph of patient experimental research over metaphysical speculation”, unless we 61 62 63 64 65 Meinel 1988: 78. Meinel 1988: 92. Meinel 1988: 93. C. Lüthy, J.E. Murdoch & W.R. Newman. (2001). 15. C. Lüthy, J.E. Murdoch & W.R. Newman. (2001). 14. -17- admit that science proceeds by inferring correct theories from inadequate experiment. 66 1.2.2. Paracelsianism A new current that came into being during the medieval period or early renaissance was Paracelsianism. For some, this represented a radical break with medical authority, for others, it stood as an attack upon the intellectual jurisdiction of Aristotelian philosophy, and especially Aristotelian logic.67 Reconstructing the Paracelsian influence is an obscure task. The life, theories and influence of Paracelsus, whose real name was Philippus Aureolus Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim (1493-1541), are difficult to reconstruct. Although there are many books bearing his name, it is not even certain what the meaning of the name Paracelsus is. 68 The historical figure covers by no means the ideas that we now have about Paracelsus. Any concept of Paracelsianism is going to be manufactured, its tradition of Paracelsians constructed, and its members selected by the historian. Cunningham introduced the concept of the thin and the fat Paracelsus based on two images: an etching by Augustin Hirschvogel (1538) and an engraving by W. Marshall (1528). The first image shows Paracelsus as thin, hatless, bald, simply dressed, and with an expression which is neither smile nor scowl, while the second image shows him as fat, hatted, with hair showing below the hat, richly appareled, and with an expression which might be a smile. 69 These two images represent, according to Cunningham, the little knowledge the historians have about the historical Paracelsus and the huge amount of properties they attribute to Paracelsus. Of course it does not feel as though we are creating new fat Paracelsus-es as we labour to read and understand the writings of Paracelsus and his contemporaries. Indeed, the act of reading Paracelsus's own writings and of deploying them in our writings about him, make us feel that the opposite is true: that we are reading and thus listening to the true Paracelsus, and in our writings we are revealing the true, thin, Paracelsus to our audiences. Yet always there is the problem of the selectivity we unwittingly practice: our eagerness to see in what Paracelsus wrote what we want to find, plus our willingness to believe that Paracelsus must have meant what we want him to have meant.70 This historiography makes it clear that it will be impossible to give an objective account of 66 67 68 69 70 Meinel, C. (1988). 103. Buntz 2005. Benzenhöfer 2005. Cunningham. In: Grell 1998: 57. Cunningham. In: Grell. 1998: 61. -18- Paracelsus's own concept of the tria prima, and already illustrates the transformation and the different conceptions of the theory of matter, not only in modern scholarly work but also in the perception of seventeenth-century physicians in the Dutch Republic. The concept of matter-theory is not described by Paracelsus as such. In fact, there are several academic discussions about the concepts of matter in the Paracelcian works at this moment, and there were many more interpretations in the seventeenth-century. Both discussions can be placed within the 'fat Paracelsus' description, but this is probably the only description that is possible. 1.2.2.1. The Academic Debate Although there are still many discussions on the Paracelsian matter-theory it is clear that the notion of semina is central to the works of Paracelsus and of the Paracelsians. This does not imply that it originated within this tradition. The concept of seeds can be traced back to Anaxagoras, who maintained that all natural bodies are generated from specific steeds. Throughout history, from the Greek philosophy onwards, the notion of semina played an important role in several mattertheories: the Stoics tradition, Plotinus, Augustine, Albertus Magnus and several other alchemical theories. In the Renaissance philosophy the concept of semina re-surfaced in philosophy and medicine. Not only in the Paracelsian tradition but also in the works of philosophers Marsilio Ficino (1433-1499) and Girolamo Fracastoro (1478-1553).71 There are several important historians of science/natural philosophy who discussed the Paracelsian theory. Among them is the Dutch historian of science Reijer Hooykaas. In 1933 he published his influential dissertation Het begrip element, in which he explained his interpretation of the Paracelsian theory. According to the Dutch philosopher of science, is the matter-theory centred around the the tria prima: sulphur, mercury, and salt. All bodies consist of these elements, not only metals but even man. Human health depends on these principles, mainly on their proportions: 72 Notwithstanding the fact that the theory of three principia is essentially a qualitative theory, the principles thus being carriers of properties. Paracelsus' approach was less naïve than that of Scholasticism. In Paracelsus' opinion the principles are demonstrated not by directly observed qualities but by chemical analysis by fire: << Das feur bewehrt die dray Substanzen unnd stellt sie lauter und klaar für, rein und sauber: das ist, diewell das Feur nit gebraucht wirdt, dieweil ist nicht bewehrdt do>>. Thus no carriers are invented to correspond in a superficial way with an observed quality: only preparation reveals the carriers and the properties that these give 71 72 Clericuzio 2000. 16-18. Hooykaas 1933: 77. -19- to the substances. The quantitive proportion of the three principles will influence the properties of the whole. 73 Hooykaas introduced the theory of properties from the scholastic ideas and he identified the principles with the carriers of properties, but he pointed out that Paracelsus did not use them in the same way. Paracelsus abandoned the unity of substance in the Aristotelian way. He implied that the apparent homogeneity of the compound is not a substantial form, but an archeus, the vital principle. The vital principle of a substance or compound meant that we could not see the three substances as long as something lives, but the three substances manifest themselves through death and chemical decomposition.74 Another important medical historian, Walter Pagel, who is one of the first generation Paracelsus scholars, touched also upon the theory of matter. He discussed the relationship between the four Aristotelian elements (air, earth, fire and water) and the principles (tria prima) in a more direct manner. The elements are not the last and irreducible components of matter, they owe their admixture to the principles. The tria prima are the three principles of which all bodies consist. 75 In all objects of nature there is something that makes them more or less combustible and gives them “body, substance and structure” (“aedificium”) -this is their “Sulphur”. There is also something which makes them solid and gives them “colour, balsam and solidity” (“coagulation”)- this is their “Salt”. Finally something in their constitution makes them fluid or vaporous, conferring upon them “virtues, power and arcana” - this is their “Mercury”.76 Although all bodies consist of mercury, sulphur, and salt, it is not possible to see them as loose components which build all the matter. The three components stand for principles conferring on matter some faculty or condition such as structure, corporality and function. The nearest approach is through the concept of semina. The semina contain soul-like impulses and are built out of the tria prima. This leads us to the idea that the world is created from primal matter (the 'Semina') which already contain the soul: 77 Paracelsus leaves no uncertainty as to what really matters concerning the essential difference between natural 73 74 75 76 77 Hooykaas 1933: 80. Translation of the German in the quotation that is given by Hooykaas: 'The fire reinforces the three substances and poses them plain and clear, pure and clean: that means, while the fire is not used, the substances are not reinforced'. Hooykaas 1933: 82. 'In the Aristotelian theory of matter, it is not possible to retrieve the original substances once a new compound is formed. A new compound is a complete new substance. It is Daniel Sennert, via Geber, who introduced the retrieval of the original substances out of a new compound'. Pagel 1958: 82. Pagel 1958: 101. Pagel 1958: 103. -20- objects, i.e. their specificity as individuals and members of a species. The decisive factor is the immanent, specific, soul-like force rather than the -visible- chemical components of an object. The substances which we handle in daily life are but crude covers that envelop and disguise a pattern of spiritual forces. It is this pattern and not the corporeal cover which is responsible for the composition of matter. Among the coarse visible substances, it is in earth, water, air, fire, and sulphur, salt, mercury that the pattern of spiritual forces is least disguised and comparatively easy to recognise. 78 This leads to the idea that not the composition of matter, but the spiritual forces which direct bodies to assume certain qualities are the true elements and principles, whereas the elements of the ancients and the tria prima crystallized deposits.79 Pagel described matter as composed of elements and principles, but the composition must be understood in a fluid and dynamic, rather than in a chemical and material, sense.80 This academic discussion already illustrates that understanding and interpreting the work on matter of Paracelsus is rather difficult and that it is very likely that we end up with an image of the fat Paracelsus. At least, the academic debate gives us insight in the main Paracelsian ideas about matter-theory; the theories about the tria prima, semina and the relation with the four Aristotelian elements. In the seventeenth century it was not the matter-theory which was the most important element of the Paracelsian tradition, but the iatrochemistry that originated from this tradition. This tradition developed mainly during the seventeenth century in the writings of Jan Baptista van Helmont (1579-1644), Franciscus de le Boë Sylvius (1614-1672), Raymond Vieussens (ca. 1635-1715) and many others.81 This tradition not only connected Paracelsus to an explanation of disease as specific entities with specific etiologies, rejecting thereby the ancient doctrine of humours, but annexed Paracelsian notions to explications of physiological processes in the idiom of chemistry. 82 1.2.2.2. The Helmontian View One of the most influential iatrochemists is the Flemish chemist Van Helmont. With his work he inspired several Dutch physicians such as Sylvius, and therefore his theory will be discussed briefly as well. Van Helmont also used the concept of semina in his work. Water and semina are the two 78 79 80 81 82 Pagel 1958: 83. Pagel 1958: 84. Pagel 1958: 84. Buntz 2005. Buntz 2005. -21- principles of natural bodies, the former being the material one, while the seeds are the spiritual principles.83 The idea of seeds as spiritual principles already indicates that they have an antimaterialistic character, the main agents in nature being spiritual, non-corporeal entities. 84 With the willow tree experiment, which is published posthumously in the Ortus Medicinæ (first edition 1648), Van Helmont illustrated the important role that water played: "But I have learned by this handicraft-operation that all Vegetables do immediately, and materially proceed out of the Element of water onely. For I took an Earthen vessel, in which I put 200 pounds of Earth that had been dried in a Furnace, which I moystened with Rainwater, and I implanted therein the Trunk or Stem of a Willow Tree, weighing five pounds; and at length, five years being finished, the Tree sprung from thence, did weigh 169 pounds, and about three ounces: But I moystened the Earthen Vessel with Rain-water, or distilled water (alwayes when there was need) and it was large, and implanted into the Earth, and least the dust that flew about should be co-mingled with the Earth, I covered the lip or mouth of theVessel with an Iron-Plate covered with Tin, and easily passable with many holes. I computed not the weight of the leaves that fell off in the four Autumnes. At length, I again dried the Earth of the Vessell, and there were found the same two hundred pounds, wanting about two ounces. Therefore 164 pounds of Wood, Barks, and Roots, arose out of water onely." (Helmont,1662).85 Also the concept of semina also played a central role: It was through perfect knowledge (scientia adepta) that the “bolts” behind which truth “had hidden itself from him” were removed, by virtue of the “art of fire”, that is, chemistry. This study is concerned with analysis, the dismantling of composite bodies down to the invisible semina of things; and with the knowledge of how the semina mature and how the complex is formed from the simple (synthesis). […] The seeker of truth should therefore purchase coal and phials. 86 The semina are the primordia from which all things were to develop. Generation and development are not the work of seminal matter, but of the operative and formative “images that are struck, impressed and sealed in the semina”87. So this implies that it is not only the spiritual principle of the semina, but that the semina contain blue-prints of the images and these make the semina fertile. With this theory he rejected Aristotelianism, mainly because the chemist believed that the object is 83 84 85 86 87 Clericuzio 2000: 19. Clericuzio 2000: 56. This quotation is cited from the work of Hershey 2003: 80. Pagel 1982: 21. Pagel 1982: 24. -22- not composed of form superadded to matter, but that form is the force intrinsic to and inseparable from matter. 1.2.2.3. Paracelsianism in the Dutch Republic Not only the Helmontian theory became influential during the seventeenth century, there was also a strong Paracelsian influence in the Republic as well. Many of Paracelsus's works found their way into the Dutch vernacular language and there were several Dutch practitioners. During the sixteenth century several (attributed) treatises of Paracelsus were translated. Pieter Volck Holst, a surgeon from Delft, translated the book Die groote chirurgie88 (1555) and in the preface of the book he avidly supported iatrochemistry. A smaller work was translated by Martin Everaerts Die cleyne chirurgie ende 't gasthuys boeck 89 (1568) and several of his works on medicines and the three principles were translated by Jan Pauwelsz. as Theophrastus des ervarenene vorsten alier medicyns, van den eersten dry principiis overgheest 90 (1588). The most influential figures of that belonged to the Paracelsian tradition were Isaac and Johan Isaac Hollandus, probably father and son, who are still seen as shadowy fifteenth-century figures. They developed and improved alchemical furnace and experimented with metals, stones, vegetables, and fluids of the human body such as urine and blood, and there are also speculations that father and son Hollandus introduced the important theory that natural things were composed of three states: the fluid (mercurial), the combustible (sulfurous), and the fixed (salt) into the Dutch Republic. 91 Harold Cook also suggested that they had a more ambitious goal: to work with substances in such a way that the essential stuff that lay behind all things could be materialized in its pure form, the philosopher's stone, commonly thought to look like a yellowish or reddish powder and it contained powers of life and transformation.92 88 89 90 91 92 The Great Book of Surgery (translated by Cook). The Little Book of Surgery and Hospital Practice (translated by Cook). Theophrastus, the Experienced Prince of Doctors, from the First Three Spiritual Principles (translated by Cook). Cook 2007: 138-141. Cook 2007: 139. -23- 1.3. Seventeenth Century Matter-Theories The Dutch Republic in the seventeenth century was a hotbed for scientists. Not only was the Republic a place which many important scientist visited during their Grand Tour, but also many important books were published there, and several different matter-theories were present. The theories which are discussed in the former paragraphs were present in the Republic around 1650, the year that Blankaart was born, but many more started to flourish from the turn of the seventeenth century onwards. 1.3.1. Cartesianism One of the most influential theories which flourished during the seventeenth century was the mattertheory of Descartes. Although Descartes was born in France, he spent twenty years of his life in the Republic and had an enormous influence on the philosophical climate. The University of Franeker became a hotbed for Cartesianism from 1660 onwards, 93 and it was during that time that Blankaart studied in Franeker. It is an interesting similarity that Descartes himself was also enrolled at the University of Franeker. On 16 April 1629 the French philosopher entered at the university where he stayed for a couple of months. There are several possible explanation for his short enrolment. Cook suggested that his matriculation gained him access to the university library or provided him with the possibility to attend Mass safely, but the most logical explanation is the philosophical debates at Franeker. At the time when Descartes arrived there was a dispute between the professors of the university in the Frisian. Johannes Maccovius (1588-1644) joined the university and attacked the anti-Aristotelian character of the other professors and attempted to fend off theological heterodoxy. He valued the new Aristotelian teachings which tried to built up Counter-Remonstrant theology. 94 Although Descartes has an extensive oeuvre, with the world famous mind-body distinction and the quotation cogito ergo sum (“I think, therefore I am”) as the renowned expression, the main focus of this essay will be the matter-theory that he developed. Certainly because Blankaart acknowledged that his theories were primarily built on Cartesian grounds. Decartes' matter-theory is developed from within his philosophy, is one of the examples of corpuscular theories outside the Aristotelian framework and can be placed in the reactions against Aristotelianism that were still present in the universities at the start of the seventeenth century. With 93 94 Land 1878: 90. Cook 2007: 229-231. -24- his famous expression cogito ergo sum Descartes envisioned a method of establishing that his intellect, at least, existed, and that from this finding it was possible to proceed by logical steps to proof of the existence of God, basic aspects of the rules God had established for the world, and the existence of material nature. 95 Unfortunately he did not finish this ambitious project but by the autumn of 1629 he started an even more ambitious project. In a letter to Mersenne he wrote “I have resolved to explain all the phenomena in nature” and this was a reference to his book Du mundo or Le monde (“The world”).96 These ambitious works have led to new foundations within the field of philosophy and the matter-theory of Descartes was part of this field. This implied that his mattertheory is imbedded in his philosophy and that it is very likely that Blankaart was not only inspired by his matter-theory but by his philosophical framework. To compose the view of Descartes on matter I used one of his main works, the Principles of Philosophy. The main reason for using the Principles is that Descartes used this book to rewrite his philosophy in Scholastic terms, and this presented the total philosophy of Descartes. 97 The start of the concept of matter and substance can be found in his theory of God. God was the only one who could have created the world. Besides God there is no other substance which can be totally independent. I.51. By substance we can understand nothing other than a thing which exists in such a way as to depend on no other thing of existence. And there is only one substance which can be understood to depend on no other thing than whatsoever, namely God. In the case of all other substances, we perceive that they can only exist with the help of God's concurrence. 98 […] II.1. For we have a clear understanding of this matter as something that is quite different from God and from ourselves or our mind; and we appear to see clearly that the idea of it comes to us from things located outside ourselves, which it wholly resembles. And we have already noted that it is quite inconsistent with the nature of God that he should be a deceiver. The unavoidable conclusion, then, is that there exists something extended in length, breadth and depth and possessing all the properties which we clearly perceive to belong to an extended thing. And it is this extended thing that we call 'body' or 'matter'. 99 Although there is no other substance which existed fully independent, there were two other important substances in the work of Descartes: the mind and the body. The mind has thought as its principle attribute which constitutes its nature and essence, the body has extension as principle 95 96 97 98 99 Cook 2007: 230. Cook 2007: 231. Gaukroger 2002: 34. Descartes 1988: 177. Descartes 1988: 189. -25- attribute.100 This body is something outside of our mind and God, and it is possible for the human mind to conclude that there is something extended in length, breadth and depth and possessing all the properties that we perceive as belonging to an extended thing. This thing we can call matter. 101 Now that this distinction is fully explained and matter is defined, it is possible to focus only on his theory of matter. As mentioned previously, to know the true nature of substance, it is necessary to find the fundamental set of qualities and set aside the other/secondary set of qualities. In the Cartesian work the fundamental quality is motion. All the varieties in matter, all the diversity of its forms, depend on motion.102 In the part of the Principles on the visible universe, Descartes started to explain how that it is possible that there are different types of matter: III. 48. Since all the matter of which the world is composed was in the beginning divided into many equal parts, these could not at first have been spherical; for several spheres joined together do not {form a completely solid and continuous body, like this universe, in which, as I demonstrated earlier, there can be no void}. However, no matter what shape these parts may have had at that time, it was impossible for them not to become spherical with the passing of time because of their various circular motions. […] 49. However, inasmuch as there cannot be any empty space anywhere {in the universe}, and because the parts of matter, being spherical, cannot unite closely enough to avoid leaving certain little intervals {or spaces} around themselves: these spaces must be filled by certain other scrapings of matter which must be extremely tiny and able to change their shapes at any moment in order to conform to those of the places they enter. […] 50. The particles of this more subtle matter are very easily divided. 103 Different types matter emanated from one source of matter. He identified three kinds of matter. First, the heavenly matter which is spherical. Second, the subtle matter which is divided into particles of indefinite smallness. These particles adapt their shapes to fill all the narrow parts of the little angles left by the others. Third, earthly matter of which the earth, planets and comets are composed. The form of the third matter is either bulkier or has shapes less suited to movement. 104 In Principles part IV: of the Earth, Descartes elaborated on the creation of the earth. Then it becomes clear that the third type of matter came into being because the subtle and heavenly matter transformed into this new type of matter. 105 Once this third matter was formed the creation of the earth was possible. 100 101 102 103 104 105 Descartes 1988: 177. Descartes 1988: 177. Descartes 1988: 198. see claim 22 + 23 for a further elaboration. Descartes 1983: 109. Descartes 1983: 110. see claim 52. In this point Descartes did not elaborate on his theory, but he needed to invoke subtle matter because he did not believe in a vacuum. Descartes 1983: 181, 182. -26- It is a rather complex procedure but it comes down to the fact that the earth, which consists of the third type of matter, is still surrounded by the two other forms of matter. Between the three forms of matter there is still interaction, and this caused the emanation of many different forms of bodies. There are three principle species of terrestrial particles which are present on earth: 106 IV.33. D, must have subsequently been created between these two. For indeed, the figures of the particles of the third element, of which bodies B and C are composed, are extremely varied, as we noted above, and we can here distinguish these particles into three principal kinds. Some of these particles are assuredly made up of various arm-like parts, which extend this way and that, as do the branches of trees and other things of that sort; and these particles are the principal ones which having been driven down by the matter of the heaven, begin to adhere to one another and to form body C. Others are more solid, and have figures, not indeed all spheres or cubes, but rather as angular as any crushed stones. […] Finally, the last kind are rather long and branchless, like staffs: and these also intermingle with the particles of the first kind, when they find sufficiently large intervals between them, but are not easily joined them. 107 These three different types of bodies: the arm-like types which are as branches of trees, the angular body types which are as crushed stones, and the long and branchless types which are as staffs derived from complex interactions between bodies B, C and D. With these three different types of terrestrial bodies, and types E and F, he was able to explain many important questions of natural philosophy at his time; such as the nature of the Earth's interior, the causes of tides, and the existence of oceans. Since this essay is focused on the work of Steven Blankaart, who is mainly interested in chemistry and medicine, I will briefly point out paragraphs 61-63 in which Descartes focussed on acids, oils and the elements of Chemists. The elements of the Chemists, salt, sulphur and mercury, are the same ones as Paracelsus identified. Only the explanation and function of these three substances is different. IV.63. And thus we have here three things which are closely related to and can be taken to be the three customary elements of Chemists: salt, sulphur, and Mercury. That is, one may take the acrid juice to be their salt, the softest small branches of oily matter to be their sulphur, and quicksilver itself to be their Mercury. And it can be believed that all metals reach us only because of acrid juices, flowing through the pores of body C, separate certain of its particles from these pores. Then, after these particles have become developed by and 106 107 Descartes 1983: 196 – 219. Descartes did not name them but he just attributed letters to the different kinds of bodies. Descartes 1983: 196, 197. -27- covered with oily matter, they are easily carried upward by quicksilver which has been rarefied by heat; and they form various metals according to their diverse magnitudes and figures. 108 Descartes identified the salt as the arcid/acid juice. This juice, which he perceived as an acid are probably of the long and branchless type of matter and they become sharpened as swords. IV.61. Concerning the acrid and acid juices which are formed vitriol, alum, and other such metals. […] They become sharpened like swords, and thus are transformed into certain acrid, acid, corroding juices. These juices, subsequently uniting with metallic matter, form vitriol; with stony matter, alum; and form many other substances in the same way; depending on whether they mingle, as they congeal, with metals, stones, or other materials.109 The mercury is not further identified by Descartes, he simply referred to it as quicksilver which is the same substance, but the oily matter which came from the branching arm like type of matter is further discussed by Descartes: IV.62. Concerning the formation of oily matter of bitumen, sulphur etc. However, the softer particles become so thin, after having been thoroughly crushed in these pores, that they are torn to pieces by the movement of matter of the first element, and are divided into many extremely thin and very flexible branching particles. 110 On the whole, it is possible to identify different types of matter. One type of particles, the acid like particles, are sharpened as swords and depending on whether they mingle they will form different substances. Another type of particle, the oily matter, are divided into extremely thin and flexible branching particles. This has lead, according to Descartes, to the three types of particles which are known at that time. Still, Descartes' main assumption was that all matter emanated from one source. If we relate this back to the matter-theories which were present at his time there are some interesting observations to make. First of all is the position that Descartes has taken in relation to the elements of the Chemist interesting. In Discourse de la Methode he was rather disapproving of chemistry and alchemy111 and therefore it is striking that he identified the same three kinds of substances, salt, sulphur and mercury, as Paracelsus did in his work. Secondly is the relation to the Aristotelian work even more important. He developed a whole new frame of reference and there are two main differences. The first main difference is the notion Descartes has about the universe. He 108 109 110 111 Descartes 1983: 213. Descartes 1983: 211. Descartes 1983: 212. Joly 1992: 25. -28- claimed that the heaven and earth are composed of one and the same kind of matter, so there is no difference between the sublunar and the superlunar realm. The second difference is the whole perception of a substance. In Descartes his theory movement is the fundamental principle of substance, and all the different substances can be identified by their shape, size and movement. While there are different types of substance, such as the first and second substances, the essences and the hylomorphic theory of matter, in Aristotelianism. 1.3.2. The French School of Chemistry Besides the enormous influence of Descartes on the work of Blankaart, he also drew inspiration from the French textbook tradition. In the last decades of the seventeenth century several French chemists adopted corpuscular ideas and adopted these principles as 'working tools', not as the ultimate constituents of all bodies. 112 This is apparent in many textbooks which were produced at that time. The book of the Lémery, Cours de chymie, belonged to the French tradition and is translated by Blankaart as The Philosophical Laboratory. This translation is part of a bigger picture. The rise of chemical textbook was a primarily French phenomenon and they were translated into other languages and provided a model for chemical courses produced in other countries 113. The roots of this theory and their books can be traced back to an odd mix of Aristotelian elements and the Paracelsian principles. With the appearance of the Paracelsian physicians and apothecaries in the French system, the two views got mixed in a very inventive way. 114 The main explanation for this peculiar mix is the way in which the chemists wanted to discern themselves from the ordinary druggists. They started their own discourse of elements and principles which served a rhetorical function to secure the superiority of the chemist. 115 In this way the chemists tried to bridge the gap between chemical philosophies and operations of iatrochemistry. To do so they claimed that a good physician should have knowledge of the three different types of chemistry – chemical philosophy, which was concerned with knowledge of the nature of the heavens and stars, and the source and origin of the elements, iatrochemistry which had the goal of operation, but guided by contemplative and scientifical chemistry, and pharmaceutical chemistry. 116 Etienne de Clave, who was a predecessor of Lémery, introduced the five principles as a polemical 112 113 114 115 116 Clericuzio 2000: 163. Clericuzio 2000: 166. Kim 2001: 367. Kim 2001: 368. Kim 2001: 366. -29- force against the Aristotelian and Paracelsian notions. With this polemical response he secured the empirical foundation of the doctrine of principles and elements. He adopted five principles based on the chemical experience of fire analysis. Fire acting against mixts artificially disposed, resolve them so happily into five elements or first principles which were actually included and hidden in them, that is water or phlegm, spirit or mercury, sulphur or oil, salt and earth.117 Not only did de Clave introduce the five principles he also defined the chemical elements: The element is a simple body which actually enters into the mixture of composed bodies and to which they can be finally resolved.118 Although Lémery is placed within this French textbook tradition, he was also influenced by the work of Robert Boyle and therefore he developed a slightly different view from his predecessor. He became the primary figure in the replacement of Paracelsian analogies, similitudes, and sympathies with the mechanical and, thus, conceptionally-superior Cartesian philosophy 119. He defined chemistry as “an Art that teaches how to separate the different substances which are found in Mixt Bodies”.120 He kept the same view about the separation of substances but he did not define fire as the separating tool. Whereas the Chymists in making the analysis of Mixt bodys have met with five sorts of substances, they therefore concluded that there were five Principles of Natural things, Water, Spirit, Oil, Salt, and Earth. Of these Five, Three of them are Active, the Spirit, Oil and Salt, and tow passive, Water and Earth. 121 Lémery was besides his prominent role in the development of chymistry also one of the initiators of the demise of alchemy in France. In the fourth edition of Cours de chymie (1681) he limited the definition of alchemy to gold-making and he portrayed 'the alchemist' as a greed-driven fanatic whose moral failings led him to fantastical speculation and charlatanry. This depiction of the alchemist as a fraud highlighted Lémery's chemical practices, mainly the moral and methodological strengths of it and undermined the authority of alchemy at the same time. 122 117 118 119 120 121 122 Kim 2001: 369. Kim 2001: 370. Powers 1998: 163. Kim 2001: 385. Kim 2001: 385. Powers 1998: 164. -30- When Lémery began his chemical career during the 1660s, 'chymie' was a controversial subject among the French scientific establishment. Leading French natural philosophers say the philosophy of the 'chymists' as a rival to their own Cartesian mechanical philosophy and, thus, portrayed chemical research methods as shoddy and inconclusive123. 1.3.3. The Dutch Chemists As a citizen of the Dutch Republic Blankaart was part of the development within the Republic itself. Since 1660 chemical laboratories and courses had spread in various Dutch cities, and at the end of the seventeenth century most Dutch physicians were iatrochemists. 124 It is not the case that there were many new theories developed within the Seven United Provinces, but several theories were fused together, mainly iatrochemistry, Cartesianism, several other corpuscular theories, and were taught at the universities. The fusion of corpuscular theories and chemistry was very common among Dutch chemists, and although they adopted several aspects of Cartesian natural philosophy, the Cartesian system and his methodology were not adopted. The Dutch chemists stressed the importance of chemical practice and paid special attention to the teaching of chemistry. Their works retained the chemical principles, but they were often reinterpreted in corpuscular terms. 125 The most important leading figures in the field were situated at the University of Leiden. Sylvius built his own theories on the chemical principles and gave prominence to the acid/alkali reactions (were disease was attributed to an excess of either acid or alkali), though he did not refer to motion or any other topic that can be related to corpuscularism. 126 He also founded the the first chemical laboratory at the University of Leiden (1669) and although Sylvius was the instigator of the chair, Carel Maets (1640-1690) became the first university teacher of chemistry. Both Maets and his successor Jacob le Mort (1650-1718) received training by the chemist Johann Glauber (1604-1670) who had his own laboratory in Amsterdam and is still known for the Glauber's salt. 127 Sylvius, like other chemists of the seventeenth century, rejected the idea the the ancients should be 123 124 125 126 127 Powers 1998: 166. Clericuzio 2000: 187. Clericuzio 2000: 181. Clericuzio 2000: 188. Clericuzio 2000: 188. -31- followed blindly. He believed that the views of the medical authorities of antiquity were faulty and that they could not be relied upon. Rather, we must turn to experience, and the key was to be found in chemistry: an Art produceth things admirable and stupendious every day, and is certainly of principal use in the discovery of natural Mutations, and in some Particulars, if I may speak it, exceeding Nature her self; the most profitable and only necessary Means, for the constituting of Natural Science, and a solid Body of Physick (Sylvius, 1670).128 Besides his interest in chemistry, Sylvius also believed in the value of anatomical studies, which he sought to combine with each other. Therefore he played an important part in uniting anatomical studies with chemical explanations, but it was rejected by some because it posed a problem for the Helmontians who rejected the study of the human anatomy as a waste of time and effort. 129 Le Mort did not follow Sylvius, instead he based his chemistry on mechanical philosophy. With that he followed Descartes and stated that matter is extended and divisible. The fundamental principle of matter is motion, and although he followed the Cartesian line of thought he did not reject the chemical principles. He reinterpreted them in corpuscular terms and the so called principles were not to be thought of as simple substances. All bodies are composed of particles which are in movement or at rest.130 The chemical principles which le Mort used in his work were salt, water, earth, and a spiritual substance which he identified with the chemists' mercury. It is interesting to see that the principles, which derive from the French textbook tradition, were not the same. In the French tradition they often speak about the five principles, and in this case the oil is missing. Now that all the important figures have been introduced, the intellectual discussion of matter-theory in the seventeenth century has been completed. The main theories, views on alchemy, polemical positions and definitions of chemistry resemble the field of matter-theory. §2 Social life in the Dutch Republic With the construction of the field of seventeenth century matter-theory it is not only necessary to illustrate the intellectual debate, but also the social context in which the field should be situated. 128 129 130 This quotation is cited from the work of Debus 2001: 61. Debus 2001: 64. Clericuzio 2000: 189. -32- Since Blankaart was a physician in Amsterdam the primary focus will be on the social relations and the position of physicians in Amsterdam. As is already discussed the Dutch Golden Age is a rather confusing and contradictory term. There are several problems with the notion of the concept of Golden Age. Not only on a social level, but also economical research131 indicates that not everybody was as wealthy during this flourishing period as we now assume. Although there are strong indications that life in the wealthiest city of Holland was favourable enough. One of the indicators that this was the case is the fact that most people could afford to get medical help when they needed it.132 In fact, Cook suggested that there was a medical marketplace where even patients with small resources had an enormous range of practitioners from whom to choose. There were the 'kwakzalvers' (quacksalver), the 'piskijkers' (piss inspectors), and the free masters, who needed a certificate from the town council and an examination by a committee of the surgeons' guild, who were affordable for the lay public. Higher in the hierarchy were the apothecaries, which rested on their claim to know about the often exotic substances in which they dealt, the surgeons, and the iatrochemists, which used various methods to apply heat to dissolve and alter substances, breaking them down to their component parts. The most common process was to extract the essence of substances through distillation. Cook suggested that using distillation and similar methods of preparations, medicines could be made in large quantities relatively cheaply yet last for long periods without obvious loss of potency. At the same time, the method of preparation itself disguised the ingredients, helping to keep the secret remedies private. 133 Highest in the hierarchy were the physicians. They had a medical doctorate obtained after a university education in their subject. Even the word physician implied one who had studies physic, a word derived from the Greek word for nature. From his knowledge of nature, a physician could advise how best to retain or recover health by working in accordance with nature's dictates. 134 131 132 133 134 Recent research from van Bavel en Luiten van Zanden (2004) and Luiten van Zanden (2002) has shown that it is not the Golden Age that caused an increase of wealth but the change in Dutch economy before 1500 caused a radical transformation. Besides the fact that there is a change, it is an illusion that the wealth increased for everybody only certain groups of people gained more wealth. For further reading: van BAVEL & LUITEN van ZANDEN. 'The Jump-Start of the Holland Economy During the Late-Medieval crisis c.1350-c.1500.' Economic History Review. Vol. 7. No. 3. (2004): pp. 503-532. LUITEN van ZANDEN. 'Revolt of the Early Modernists.' Economic History Review. Vol. 5. No. 4. (2002): pp. 619641. Cook 2007: 135. Cook 2007: 139. Cook 2007: 145. -33- This medical marketplace, as is illustrated in the work of Cook stands in contrast with the theory about social ties during the Dutch Golden Age. Based on the work of Erna Kok and Luuc Kooijmans is this marketplace an illusion. According to Kok and Kooijmans are the social ties secured by the concept of friendship, there was no social system that protected the individual before the industrial revolution. The governments did not take care for the personal well-being of its citizens during the early-modern period. Compared to our modern government the Dutch citizens were living in poor conditions. People needed to take care of their own medical expenses, could only get mortgages by individuals and the concept of a pension was unheard of. This was not only the case in the Dutch Republic, but it implied that the people in the seventeenth century were dependent on their own social network.135 Their network was actually the basis of their well-being. Everybody was depending on family ties and friendship. Not friendship as we know it today, but friendship as a mandatory relationship. People had to make sure that they had friends on whom they could count in times of need. To establish these relations you had to make sure that you built up credit and that you had to offer them something in return. It was necessary to have a trustworthy reputation, and cultivating goodwill was a common zeal. Maintaining a relation happened mainly due to the exchange of gifts, compliments, pleasantries and invitations to parties. Once a good relationship was established it was essential to preserve this relation. So the mutual benefit from friendship was the basis of the social network in the seventeenth-century.136 135 136 Kooijmans 1997: 326. Kooijmans 1997: 327. -34- 1. Steven Blankaart and Matter-Theory §1 Steven Blankaart (1650-1704) 1.1. The Life of Blankaart As already stated, Steven Blankaart was a physician in the city of Amsterdam, the wealthiest city of the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands. In 1648, two years before Blankaart's birth, the Treaty of Münster had officially recognized the independence of these provinces from their former ruler, the king of Spain.137 In this historical context Blankaart was born on 24 October 1650 in Middelburg, one of seven children of Nicolaas Blankaart and Maria Eversdijck. Blankaart's education started in Middelburg where he went to Latin school and began working with an apothecary who taught him chymistry and herbal medicine. It is not exactly known when he finished Latin school and left for Franeker, but he graduated on 18 December 1674 as a doctor of philosophy and medicine. The likely suggestion is that Blankaart left, maybe together with his father, for Franeker sometime between 1666 and 1669. His father, Nicolaas was appointed as professor in Greek Language and Culture at the University of Franeker in 1669, and the closure of the 'Illustere School' at Middelburg in 1666 might be an explanation for their departure. Soon after finishing his studies he left Franeker and went to Amsterdam, where he started to practice medicine and became well-known for contributing to important books on medicine and other related sciences. 138 Blankaart was married on 3 March 1682 in Amsterdam to Isabella de Carpentier and they had two sons, Nicolaus Casparus and Willem Guilielmus. Nicolaus, his elder son died at the age of 4 of smallpox, his second son studied in Utrecht and became a doctor in law. 139 Blankaart died at the age of 54, on the 23 February 1704 and was buried in the Westerkerk in Amsterdam. He had dedicated his relatively short life to science and art and although his art work is lost, at the time he was known as a poet, painter and as somebody who had mastered ‘knipselkunst’, the art of paper cutting! 140 137 138 139 140 Brooks 1986: 158. Vandevelde 1925: 455. Ibdem. 456. Ibdem. 457. -35- 1.2. The Works of Blankaart Blankaart has left an impressive repertoire of works, often reprinted into eighth or ninth editions, concerned with up-to-date medical theory, child education, incontinence, and the modern disease of syphilis.141 He proved the existence of the capillary system and developed on a practical level techniques for injection. Blankaart also edited the first Dutch medical yearbook ‘Hollands JaarRegister’ (1680), containing articles about interesting medical cases from home and abroad and compiled one of the first English dictionaries of medicine, The Physical Dictionary (1684).142 Most of the works of Blankaart, together with treatises of other Dutch Cartesian followers like the 'teadoctor' Cornelis Bontekoe, alias Cornelius Dekker (1647-1685), were translated into German. In that way, Blankaart had a large impact on German medical reform, involving the rejection of traditional Galenic-Aristotelian theory and practice. Especially controversial was his advocating of the virtual abolition of blood-letting and purging and promoting the new life-style issues of tea and coffee drinking and tobacco-smoking.143 Blankaart pointed out that there was no gout in China, because of the use of tea, and he appears to have been a teetotaller, for he declared that paradise would come with the prohibition of alcohol. 144 Vandevelde, who was a founding member of the Royal Flemish Academy of Belgium for Art and Science, chemist and historian of science, was the first scholar to give an overview of Blankaart's works. Vandevelde’s work dates from 1925 and is neither complete nor totally adequate. His list of Blankaart's works can be found in Contribution to the Study of the Work of Stephanus Blankaart, 145 containing more than twenty treatises.146 The treatises that are mainly relevant for this thesis are those on chymistry and matter-theory, which are mostly written in relation to medicine. These are titled: The New Practice of Medicine, Together with a Discourse of Contemporary Chymie – mostly based on the grounds of Cartesius and that of the Alkali and Acidium,147 The Burning Salamander; or the Compositional Analysis of Chemical Substances: being a Guide, or an Institution to Practice all the Operations of Chemistry,148 The 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 Vandevelde 1925: 502. Cunningham 1938: 119. Munt 2007. Beukers 2002: 73. Bijdrage tot de studie der werken van Stephanus Blankaart. Vandevelde 1925: 456 t/m 461. This is the complete list that Vandevelde gives, although it does not contain all the works that Blankaart has written. This work is one of the few articles or books that was written about Blankaart. Nieuw-ligtende praktyk der medicynen: Nevens een verhandeling van de hedendaagze chymie – meest op de gronden van Cartesius en die van het Alkali en Acidum gesondeert De brandende Salamander, ofte ontleedinge der Chymicale Stoffen: zijnde een Weg-wijzer, oft Institutie om sich in -36- Philosophical Laboratory or the Chymist's Laboratory,149 Exact Discussion of Scurvy and Similar Accidents, as well as a Factual Discourse on Fermentation or the Inner Movements of the Body, mostly based on Descartes' Principles,150 and the Theatrum Chymicum or the Opened Doors to all Chemical Secrets,151 It is ironic that the name Theatrum Chymicum is also used for the famous collection of alchemical treatises published by the Elias Ashmole, whose manuscript collection is the basis of the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford. § 2 Blankaart's Matter-Theory 2.1. The Three 'Hooft-Stoffen' Blankaart described his view of matter in two books: an appendix to Exact Discussion of Scurvy: Factual Discourse on Fermentation and the Theatrum Chymicum. With these two books it is possible to reconstruct the view that the Dutch physician held on matter. It is interesting to see that Blankaart built his discourse on fermentation on the grounds of Descartes while he published another book on chemistry, based on the work of Lémery, in which he expands his view. The best explanation for using two books to describe his matter-theory is the seventeenth-century perception of matter. Until the eighteenth century the vast majority of chemists classified substances according to the three natural kingdoms rather than according to chemical composition. Historical analysis reveals that chemists did not consider knowledge of composition a reliable precondition ordering all of the kinds of materials with which they were dealing, 152 although Cartesianism did use composition, based on movement, to order the world. This leads to the problem that in theory these two positions are incompatible, so it will be interesting to see how Blankaart reconciled them in his work. The appendix of the book on Scurvy, Factual Discourse on Fermentation, can be seen as the starting point for Blankaart's matter-theory. In this book Blankaart provides us with his most extensive view of the general concept of matter or as he named it, the 'hooft-stoffen' (primary substances). The terminology, 'hooft-stoffen', is introduced by Blankaart without any explanation alle operatien der schey-konst te oeffenen. Het philosoophische laboratorium, of Der chymisten stook-huis. In the Dutch language there are two words for laboratory; laboratorium and Stook-huis and Blankaart used them both. 150 Nauwkeurige verhandelinge van de scheur-buik en des selfs toevallen; als ook een naakt vertoog wegens de fermentatie oft innerlijke bewegingen der lighamen, meest op de gronden van Des-Cartes gebouw 151 Theatrum Chymicum ofte geopende deure der chymische verborgentheden 152 Klein 2005: 269. 149 -37- concerning the plurality of the word, but the terminology is also present in the seventeenth-century Dutch translation of Descartes' Principles,153 and it seems that Blankaart assumed from the start that there are several primary substances present, although he did imply that there is one universal starting point:154 That there is a certain inner movement of bodies, there is no reason to doubt, because the changes that we perceive in bodies on a daily basis make this undoubtable, but how these changes are born, on that the philosophers do not agree; that is why we have the intention to clarify these changes. To do that we will start with the primal matters. […] The Principles or Primary substances are only those that are singular, and which do not exist out of other bodies, because otherwise they would not be principles, but composed bodies. All bodies must exist from these Primary substances.155 This demarcation of his scope of matter-theory is important for the reconstruction of his view. Blankaart assumed that there is a certain inner movement of bodies but he also pointed out that there are several views, which are incompatible with each other, present in seventeenth-century natural philosophy156. 2.1.1. The Rejected 'Hooft-Stoffen' Before elaborating on his own concept of matter, Blankaart discussed four other theories that he considered to be important at his time. With this discussion it becomes clear how Blankaart positions himself in the field, and whom he identified as players in the field of matter-theory. The four theories were: 1. The universal solvent or alkahest 2. The ancient idea of water as a primary substance, as introduced by the sixth-century BC philosopher Thales157 3. The four Aristotelian elements 4. The Paracelsian principles of salt, mercury and sulphur which are introduced by 153 154 155 156 157 Descartes 1657: 248. Blankaart 1684: Appendix. 5, X. Blankaart 1684: Appendix.1, I: Dat er een sekere innerlyke beweginge der lighamen is, daar is geensins aan 't twyffelen, wijl de veranderingen die we dagelijks in de lighamen gewaar werden, sulx genoegsaam ontwyffelbaar stellen maar hoe de nu dese veranderingen geboren werden, daar van zyn de wijs-gerige noch niet eens; zo is ons voornemen dan om d' ontleding der zelve op het aldernaakste verklaren, en eerst mijn begin van de hooft-stoffen te maken. […] De Beginselen dan oft Hooft-stoffen sijn alleen die gene welke zeer enkel zijn, en niet uit andere lighamen bestaan, want anders waren sy geen beginzels, maar te samen gestelde lighamen. Ut dese Hooft-stoffen, moeten alle lighamen bestaan. Blankaart 1684: Appendix. 2, II. Blankaart related the theory of water only to the work of Thales, not to the Van Helmontian theory. -38- Blankaart simply as the principles of 'the chymists'. Blankaart did not explain the reason for choosing these four concepts, but it is clear that he considered them to be influential in his time. Firstly, he discussed the idea of the alkahest, which was very important at that time. In the Factual Discourse on Fermentation Blankaart pointed out that it is unclear what the alkahest was, as he had never seen it, so it is impossible to say anything about it: About the alcahest, because I have never seen it, I cannot offer any assurance concerning it, and since I cannot clearly grasp the idea that it exists, I cannot accept that it exists: because if this was the case, in which bottle or barrel should we keep it?158 In the Physical Dictionary (1684), Blankaart did define the alkahest: signifies an universal Menstruum or liquor, which resolves Bodies into their first matter, still preserving the virtues of their seeds and essential form: a thing of great fame, if of equal virtue, which every one estimates according to his success in the Operation. Some take it for prepared Mercury, other for Tartar 159. It is fascinating to see that in the dictionaries, which were published after his death (1708, 1726), there was doubt about the existence of the Alkahest while in the dictionary which was published in the same year as the Factual Discourse on Fermentation Blankaart did not: Alcahest, or Alkahest 'tis sayed to be the General Resolvent, Everlasting and Immutable, which reduces every visible Body into a Liquor of its one Concrete, preserving the Power of its Seeds, and its natural essential form: this is very Great, if the Effect be answerable, and yet every one attributes the frame to his own form: Some take it for Mercury prepared, others for Tartar: but whether there were ever such a Liquor, or such an Universal Menstruum, I much doubt160. Secondly, he identified the concept of water as the 'hooft-stof', an idea of the ancient Greek 158 159 160 Ibdem: 3, VI: Wat belangt den Alkahest, dewijl ik die nog nooit gezien heb, kan ik daar geen versekeringe van geven, en dewijl ik niet klaarlijk kan bevatten dat sy der is, kan ik noch niet aannemen dat s'er is: want soo s'er was, in wat voor een glas of vat, zou men ze bewaren? Blankaart 1684: 10. Blankaart 1708: 9 or Blankaart 1726: 13. The definition of Blankaart differed from the definition which can be found in the Lexicon Alchemiæ (1612) by Martin Ruland the Younger. In the A.E. Waite translation the alkahest is defined as: The alkahest is prepared Mercury; some will have that it is tartar; but the special meaning of any writer may be judged easily by the description of his preparation. -39- philosopher Thales [of Miletus], who saw water as the fundamental element from which all other materials sprang. The idea that water was the only 'hooft-stof' seemed plausible to Blankaart at first, but then he identified a problem. The willow tree experiment did not prove that the tree grew only out of water; it also used other substances in the air, such as alkalis and acids: Concerning the growth of willows and pumpkins in the earth, without any noticeable decrease, the reason is this: the vegetation is indeed fed by the water, but that this water is not a primary substance is sure too: because the water is sprinkled continually, it has taken all the alkali and acids with it, which penetrate the vegetation via the air.161 For Blankaart this quotation was evidence enough to dismiss the theory of water as a primary substance. A remarkable fact about the dismissal of this theory is the strong relation with the work of Van Helmont and his description of the willow tree experiment. Thirdly, Blankaart discussed the foursome 162 of fire, air, water, and earth, which derived from Aristotle and his followers. Although Blankaart saw a possibility of relating the Aristotelian notion to his own matter-theory, he dismissed it in the end because Aristotle and his followers did not interpret it in the same way: Another sort of Philosophers have kept themselves pleased with the foursome of fire, air, water and earth, which come fairly close, because with fire they could understand the first or subtle matter which is shining. The air and water could be the second, that is the substance that is transparent. The earth for the third, which reflects all light; but while the Philosophers did not take it in this way, that turns sufficiently out of the theory of Aristotle and his followers, so actually we cannot permit it 163. With this interpretation Blankaart related the foursome of Aristotle to the matter-theory of Descartes. The three substances (heavenly matter, subtle matter and third matter) have light properties in the Cartesian work and I would like to suggest that Blankaart related the foursome to the different light properties as they were discussed by Descartes. Blankaart 1684: Appendix. 3, 4, IV: Wat aangaat het groeyen der wilgen en pompoenen in de aarde, zonder merkelyke verminderinge, daar van is de reden dese: dat wel het gewas door water gevoed werd, maar dat dit water geen enkele hooft-stof was is mede zeker: want het water daar geduurig opgegoten werdende, sleepte al het alcali en het acidum met zich, 't welk in het gewas door de logt wierde in gedrongen. 162 Blankaart used the Dutch word vierspan, which translates literally as four-in-hand or carriage-and-four but I will use the word foursome in English. 163 Blankaart 1684: Appendix. 4, VIII. Een ander zoort van Philosophen, hebben zich te vrede gehouden met de vierspan van vuur, logt water en aarde, welke vry nader komen, want door het vuur soude men konnen verstaan, de eerste oft subtyle materie die lichtend is. De locht en water voor de tweede, welke de stoffe doorschynig is. De aarde nu voor de derde, die alle licht wederom kaats; maar dewijl die Philosophen het in zulken zin niet genomen hebben, dat genoegsaam uit Aristoteles en sijn navolgers blijkt, soo konnen wij eigentlijk haar niet toestemmen. 161 -40- Fourthly, Blankaart considered salt, sulphur and mercury (the Paracelsian tria prima) as the 'hooftstoffen'.164 He argued that these elements are so different from each other that it would not be likely that they could create other elements: The chymists come as well with their salt, sulphur and mercury, but all considered individually they exist out of particles of a different shape, such that it is not possible that they create elements . Others give us still other [substances] such as Spirit, Salt, Acid, Sulphur, Water, Earth: they are not the most suitable, but while some others still exist out of other particles, and all appearances cannot be solved by the same, therefore they are not to be fully rejected, nor to be fully accepted 165. It is interesting to see that Blankaart neither expanded on the list that he gave (spirit, salt, acid, sulphur, water and earth) nor related the salt, sulphur and mercury to the works of Paracelsus. Not only did he not refer to Paracelsus' work, but he also misinterpreted it. He claimed that the Paracelsians argue that the tria prima can be seen as prima materia, but this is not the case as is illustrated in the former chapter. These four concepts are all rejected by Blankaart, based on the argument that it is not plausible or possible that these substances are the primary substances. In this way he identified his opponents, such as the followers of the Aristotelian and Paracelsian view, but also the theories of the alcahest and water as primary substances are dismissed. This is very interesting because Blankaart did not refer to van Helmont, who is an advocate for the latter two theories. With this information it is possible to position Blankaart within the field of seventeenth-century matter-theory. 2.1.2. Blankaart's Views on the Three 'Hooft-Stoffen' Now that his opponents are identified, it is possible to reconstruct Blankaart's theory and then place it within the field. The theory of Blankaart is mainly built on Cartesian grounds, at least that is how Blankaart positioned himself. He suggested, like Descartes, that there is one kind of substance in the whole of creation and it only varies in appearance. From this one kind of substance emanated three 164 165 Blankaart claimed that the Paracelcians argue that the tria prima can be seen as prima materia. This is a mistake. See Pagel 1982: 83. Blankaart 1684: Appendix. 4, IX. De chymisten komen ons mede met haar sal, sulphur en mercurius, maar elk in 't byzonder geconfidereert, bestaan sy uit deeltjes van verscheiden figuur, soo dat se voor geen elementen konnen gaan. Andere geven ons noch andere als Spiritus, Sal, Acidum, Sulphur, Aqua, Terra: dese sijn noch al de gevoegelijkste, maar wijl sommige noch al uit andere deeltjes bestaan, en alle verschijnsles door de zelve alleen niet konnen opgelost werden, zoo zyn se wel niet t'eenemaal te verwerpen, maar ook daar niet ganschelijk voor aan te nemen -41- primary substances due to the fact that there are different movements. To which substance should they turn themselves if these former are not primary substances? But the famous Descartes left us in his writings, that there is one kind of substance in the whole of creation, which is only known through its extensiveness, and only varies in appearance, through which the different movements were being made. Because all that God has created is matter and movement, the one cannot be understood without the other: from this general substance there emanated, due to the movement, three kinds of primary substances or principles: the first Primary substance is only light, which constantly lightened the whole universe from the one Vortex or whirlpool to the other. The second is transparent as Air, through which the first constantly flies back and forth. The third is all darkness, or the one which sends all the light back, instantly there is the earth and everything that originates from it: all these substances differ in nothing more that in figure, size and as a result in movement. […] These three primary principles lay at the start entangled, as a ferocious chunk, which could not stay long this way due to the different movements, but these substances were placed differently because of their different movements 166. The first 'hooft-stof' is subtle matter; matter that is created by God, is of the finest kind and is in a constant motion. These particles do not have a rigid form and they can fill the holes which cannot be filled by other bigger particles. The second 'hooft-stof' is what he called 'vloeybare hemelbolletjes' or fluid heaven-globules, which have different sizes and are less movable than the first 'hooft-stof'. The third 'hooft-stof' is the largest, differs in nature and size from the first two. They are heavier and more solid and are capable of reflecting the light. The third 'hooft-stof' are the only particles from which earthly matter emanates. The smallest kind of primal matter is the subtle or the first substance, created by God in such way that it is in a constant motion, and this is the cause of all movements which are created. The particles do not have a certain shape but are different in appearance to move the shapes of other bodies, to fill the spaces that the other particles leave.[...] The second primal substance is less movable then the first, they exist out of very small fluid heaven-globules, which differ from each other in size, and the biggest of the subtle matter makes larger movements then the smallest. These are capable of leaving the light through the particles of the first substance because there are open spaces between them. […] The third element exists out of bigger particles, which also 166 Blankaart 1684: Appendix. 5, 6, X. Waar toe zal men dan zich zelven keeren indien dese vorige geen hooft-stoffen zyn? Maar dien vermaarden Kartesius heeft ons in zyn schriften nagelaten, dat 'er eenderlei stoffe is in de gansche geschapentheid, welke alleen door hare uitgebreidentheid bekend is, en in gedaante alleen verschilt, waar door de verscheidene beweginge gemaakt werd. Want al wat God geschapen heeft, is stoffe en beweginge, die d'eene zonder d'andere niet konnen begrepen werden: uit dese generale stoffe, sproten door die beweginge driederlei hooftstoffen oft beginstels: de eerste Hooft-stof is dan alleen licht, 't welke het gansche heel al van de eene Vortex oft draay-kolk in de andere geduuring blixemt. De tweede is het doorschynige als de Locht, door welke de eerste geduurig gins en weder door vliegt. De derde is al het duistere, of het gene dat alle licht wederom steut, gelijk daar is de aarde en al wat daar uit voort komt: al dese stoffe schelen nergens meerder in dan in figuur, groote, en bygevolg beweginge. […] Dese drie Hooft-begisels lagen in 't begin onder een verwart, en als een woeste klomp, 't welk om de verscheidene beweginge soo niet lange kon blyven, maar dese stoffen wierden om hare verscheidene beweginge ook verscheidentlijk geplaatst. -42- differ in size, which after its different shape and size, have been moved and pressed differently from the first and the second substance. All these particles are heavier, more solid and bulkier than the other because they reflect the light and are dark. After the different movements and pressings that these bodies suffer, rise all the different appearances, because after that the particles are round, long, branching, rigid, unbending, slippy, bendable, polished, flat and such, emanate the different certainties and uncertainties of the substances 167. Although Blankaart did refer to the Cartesian work, he did not cite Descartes literally. The Dutch physician did use the concept of the three types of matter (heavenly, subtle and third), he even gave them nearly the same names. Also the properties of the substances depend on motion and from that the different size and shape of the particles comes into being. This implies a rather mechanistic view of the world. Blankaart's terminology sheds more light on his perception of matter. Once he discussed the properties of the 'hooft-stoffen' individually, he perceived them as particles: the subtle matter, the heaven-globules and the third 'hooft-stof'. Blankaart briefly discussed the agglomeration of the subtle matter and the heaven-globules, which lead to the third 'hooft-stof'. The agglomeration occurred as a result of two different processes. Firstly there is the fusion of particles by pressure, due to pressure from outside several particles are pressed together they will form new substances 168. The second process occurs only with branching particles, which clasp together and form new substances169. This agglomeration leads to the third 'hooft-stof' which emanated in several different substances on earth. This can be related to the Cartesian work as well. Descartes described in his Principles that only particles of the third matter were present on earth and the French philosopher discussed how the different kinds of matter came into being by agglomeration of the heavenly and subtle matter. From this third 'hooft-stof' emanated several different terrestrial substances: salts, acids, watery, and oily substances. Salt consists of long, solid and unbendable particles which have the form of chisels. 167 168 169 Blankaart 1684: Appendix. 6, X t/m XII. De allerfijnste van de hooft-stoffen is de subtyle oft eerste stoffe, soodanig van God geschapen datse in een geduurige beweginge is, en oorzaak is van alle de bewegingen die der in de geschapentheid sijn. Welkers deeltjes geen sekere figuur hebben, maar sijn met een onbepaalyke verscheidentheid om de figuuren van andere lighamen te bewegen bekwaam gemaakt, vervullende de ruimten die van de andere deeltjes sijn ledig gelaten. […] de tweede seder hooft-stoffen sijn van een mindere beweginge dan de eerste, bestaande uit seer fijne en vloeybare hemel-bolletjes, welke van malkanderen in groote verschelen, waar van de grootste van de subtyle materie grooter beweginge hebben als de kleine. Dese zyn bekwaam om door hare ledige openingen, het licht der eeste stoffe door te laten. […] Het derde element betaat uit vele grovere deeltjes, in figuur zeer van malkanderen verschelende, welke na hare verscheidene figuur en groote, van de eerste en tweede stoffe verscheidentlijk werden bewogen en geperst. Alle dese deeltje zyn lyviger, vaster en swaarder als die van de vorige en om datse het licht doen afkaastsen synse duister. Na de verscheidene beweginge en persinge die dese lighaamtjes lyden, ryzen alle de verscheidene gedaante, want na dat de deeltjes rond, lang, takachtig, stijf, taey, glibberig, buigsaam, gepolyst, plat en diergelyke zijn, alsoo spruiten daar vescheidene vastigheden en lossigheden der dingen. Blankaart 1684: 7. Blankaart 1684: 8. -43- Acids are also long, solid and unbendable particles, but they have the form of a sword because they have cutting edges and have sharp points. Oily substances are like branches of a tree; this is the reason that oil sticks to the other substances. The last substance is the watery substance, whose particles are long, slippery and light. This is the reason that they do not stick to oily substances, they are too light and slide from these substances 170. The distinction that Blankaart made in the three different kind of 'hooft-stoffen' is fundamental for his view on matter. In the Theatrum Chymicum he continued with his elaboration on the third 'hooftstof. Only the particles which are present on earth are subject to 'chymie'. The other two 'hooftstoffen' have divine origins and Blankaart does not discuss them any further in his work: The object of chemistry are all the things which have been present on our planet earth, and to which the single and compound bodies belong. Among the single bodies are all the substances which do not exist out of other parts as single substances, like a pure salt, which only exists out of solid particles, or like a pure water etcetera. The compound bodies, which exist out of more than one part, are normally reduced to three species; minerals, plants and animals.171 This theory, with the three different kinds of 'hooft-stoffen' already shows many similarities with the Cartesian notion of matter, 172 although there are two significant differences. The first difference is the introduction of the substances. Blankaart introduced subtle matter first (which is the smallest in size) and after that the heaven-globules, while Descartes introduced the heaven globules first (particles which emanated first). The second difference is even more interesting. Descartes acknowledges the fact that the 'customary elements of Chemists'; salt, sulphur and mercury, were closely related and that they could be composed out of each other. While Blankaart is rather contradictory on these terms. In the Theatrum Chymicum he first argued that these elements were very different from each, and in his discussion on the six substances on earth he did mention salt, sulphur and mercury as one of the six substances which are present on earth. In the Theatrum Chymicum Blankaart implemented his theory on the 'hooft-stoffen' within his framework of chymistry (scheydekonst) as is predominantly presented by the work of Lémery. This 170 171 172 Blankaart 1684: Appendix. 10. Blankaart 1684: Appendix. 5. Het voorwerp der Chymie zijn alle de dingen die op onsen Aardkloot sijn, en werden, onder welke soo de enkele als de samengestelde Lichamen behoorden. Onder de enkele zijn alle die stoffen die uit geen andere deele bestaan als uit eenderlei stoffe, gelijk als een suiver sout, die alleen maar uit styve deeltjes bestaen, of als een suiver water en diergelyke etc. de samengestelde lichamen zijn, welke uit meer als eenderlei deeltjes bestaan, en men brengt die gemeenlijk tot driederlei soorten, als daar zijn de Mineralen, de Planten en gedierten. Blankaart mentioned in the Philosophische laboratiorium (4) the starting point of the elements. He referred to the Cartesian thesis and how in the Cartesian works all the elements can be traced back to one starting point. -44- lead to a rather eclectic matter-theory. To shed light on this complex development I will focus on Blankaart's discussion of the third 'hooft-stof'. 2.2. Focus on the Third 'Hooft-Stof' Blankaart extensively discussed the third 'hooft-stof', mainly because this was the cause of all the substances on earth. In his chymical work, the Theatrum Chymicum, he elaborated on the properties of the different substances. Not only the focus on the third 'hooft-stof' made the Theatrum Chymicum an interesting book, there are several reasons. Firstly Blankaart defined the field of chemistry in the book and gave, more than in other books, an extensively developed view on the matter which is present on earth. Secondly, the book contained numerous recipes, which Blankaart divided into recipes for the seven metals and those for the other minerals. Thirdly, the book has two appendices: Concerning the Hermetic Prophesying Tripod Revealing the miracles of Chymia 173 by Johannes Joachim Becher (1635-1682) and The Most Important Chemical Secrets; about the Changing and Improvement of Metals and Stones,174 a collection of chemical and alchemical experiments and recipes, attributed to Digby. In the book Blankaart defined ‘Chemie’ as the decomposition of bodies by fire. The word Chemia is an Arabic word, which was written as Chamâ, and stems from the word Zymiâ, which means hidden or hiding. So Chymie is the hidden or occult art, which is kept hidden by the masters of the art so that they could profit from this. After defining chemistry and discussing the etymology of the word, Blankaart continued to define the subject of chemistry. 175 In the definition of the subject of chemistry Blankaart made a distinction between 'Chemia' and 'Chymie'. Chemia is about all bodies: single ones and the composed bodies. Subject to 'Chymie' are only the composed and mixed bodies which are present on earth. Blankaart identified three main categories in Chymie. These are the Subject ('Onderwerp'), Species ('Geslagt') and the Objective ('Oogmerck'). The subject contained the composed and mixed bodies which can be divided into 173 174 175 Behelsende de Hermetische Voorseggende Drie-Voet. Openbarende de chymische Mirakulen. Snelders 1993: 23. Johan Joachim Becher (1635-1682). Becher became a professor of medicine at the University of Mainz in 1663. He had a chemical laboratory for manufacturing pigments in Vienna. Becher had a lifelong interest in making gold. He believed in the process of transmutation. In 1678 he persuaded the authorities of Haarlem (the Netherlands) to buy a process for turning silver into gold by means of coastal sand. Becher is regarded important for the development of chemistry because his theory about the prima materia, water and earth was subsequently developed by Stahl (16591734), who, by means of the principle of phlogiston, explained not only the calcinations of metals, but the phenomena of combustion in general. De voornaamste Chymicale verborgentheden, Ontrent De verandering en verbetering der Metalen, en Gesteenten Blankaart 1693: 1. -45- three realms: animals, vegetables and minerals. The realm of minerals contained metals, stones, 176 or soil: I. The subject of Chemia were all bodies, single and composed. The composed and mixed substances are the subject of Chymie; the Chymie can be divided in three realms: the minerals, the vegetation and the animals. II. The realms of the minerals contains the metals, stones and soil III. Metals are the minerals which can be melted and forged. There are seven metals, named after the number of the planets, Gold is called Sol, Silver is Luna, Iron is Mars, Copper is Venus, Tin is Jupiter, Lead is Saturn and Quicksilver is Mercury.177 After the demarcation of the scope of chymistry, Blankaart continued to demarcate the scope of species. By species he means 'dissection' or 'anatomy,' which is nothing else than a separation of the composed bodies into their principles. These principles are water, earth, spirit, salt, sour, and oil. 178 All the lists and etymologies that Blankaart presented in his work are probably borrowed and will therefore be useful to reconstruct the field in which Blankaart positioned himself. The demarcation of the scope and the list of principles can be traced back to A course of chymistry: containing an easy method of preparing those chymical medicines which are used in physick 179 of Lémery, translated by Blankaart. Although he did add another principle, sour, to the five principles which were introduced by the French chemist. Therefore it is very likely that Blankaart fused the philosophical requirement that elements should be the building blocks of the universe with the act of chemical analysis as is done by Lémery.180 In the Factual Discourse on Fermentation Blankaart described salt, acids, watery, and oily Bosman-Jelgersma 1992: 17. Stones were in the Seventeenth Century very important for medical use, their appearance and origin was of interest. Apothecaries had to follow strict rules for the right treatment of these stones. 177 Blankaart 1693: 2. I. Het onderwerp der Chemiæ sijn alle lighamen, so enkelde als gecomponeerde; deze voor zo veel daar enkele substantien uitgetrokken werden; en gene voor zoo veel sy gecomponeerde lighamen uitmaken: de gecomponeerde en gemengde zaken nogtans sijn het onderwerp der Chymie, en dat deilt men in drie ryken, als het minerale, het vegetabele, en het animale. II. Het rijk der mineralen behelft de metalen, steenen, en aarden. III. Metalen werden genoemt minerale, welke konne gesmolte en gesmeed werde, welke men seven noemt, na het getal der planete, want het gout noemt men Sol, het silver Luna; het yser Mars; het koper Venus; het tin Jupiter; het loot Saturnus, het quiksilver Mercurius. 178 Ibdem. 4. Het geslagt-woord der Chymie is d'ontleding ofte anatomie, die niet anders is dan een scheidinge der gecomponeerde lighamen tot hare beginsels, en dese zyn dan water, aarde, geest, sout, suur, olie &c. 179 The original work of Lémery is published in French Cours de chymie: contenant la manière de faire les opérations qui sont en usage dans la médecine, par une méthode facile. Avec des raisonnemens sur chaque opération, pour l’instruction de ceux qui veulent s’appliquer à cette science. The translation that Blankaart made of this book has a different title in Dutch: Het Philosophische Laboratorium of der Chymisten Stook-huis. Leerende op een korte en ligte wyse alle de gebruikelyke Medicamenten op de Chymische wyse bereiden; te gelyk met aanmerkignen en nauwkeurige redeneringen over yder preparatie in 't besonder. He did not explain the change of title. 180 Kim 2001: 369, 370. 176 -46- substances as emerging from the third 'hooft-stof'. In the Theatrum Chymicum he introduced six different kinds of substances and he described their properties: The water, differently named Phlegm, is the watery fluid that is repulsive, being not too fast, unless it is ignited with a mediocre fire. The earth is a bulky and dry body, which normally is called caput mortuum or Terra Damnata181 after the distillation: and from this the bodies attain their solidity. […] The spirit is called, because of the similarity in volatility, Mercurius of the Chymists, being very pervasive and dynamic, like alcohol, wine, spirit, absinth, frumenti, rosarum. Being made out of fermented and digested things. […] The salt is a solid substance, though in liquid meltable: it has two features, being solid and volatile, named fixed and volatile. Both are named in relation to the fire; because the solid can survive fully the second, third and fourth degree of the fire, without being evaporated or condensed; but the other salt will evaporate with the first degree of fire, and disappear, that is why they cannot catch it with any appropriate tool. […] The acid is a substance which always reacts and ferments with salt, is liquid, and if it is on its own, it has a sharp and corrosive of taste, as the spiritus nitri, salis sulphuris etc. These are called spiritus by the Chymists, but are not actually. […] Hereby comes the oil, which they call sulphur being everything that is burnable; after they are mixed in different ways, they also have different tastes and smells, as bitter, sweet, foul or pleasant smelling. 182 Now that the properties of the substances are identified, Blankaart's overview of the 'hooft-stoffen' is completed. The properties of the substances give us insight into his view. He identified water as being fluid, earth as solid and bulky, spirit volatile, salt as solid but meltable, acid as a corrosive substance and oil as combustable sulphur. These insights not only help us to understand his view, they also raise the question of how he came to this view. Fortunately Blankaart's works were not static, but rather a dynamic process of progress. It is possible to trace several developments in his 181 182 The sources for the references to caput mortuum and terra damnata still need to be traced. In Martin Ruland's Lexicon Alchemiae (1612) are several references to caput mortuum and none to terra damnata. One reference to the caput mortuum is related to the Conversion of the Elements. A strand of thought in which the elements are separate things which must be extracted from one matter and the earth is called caput mortuum. It is very unlikely that Blankaart is directly inspired by these alchemical sources, but it is interesting that the composite substances which are extracted are Spirit, Phlegmatic Water, Oil and Earth (called caput mortuum) and that some others named this Salt, Sulphur, Mercury. Blankaart 1693: 5. Het water, anders plegma genaamt, is het waterige vocht dat onsmakelijk is, sijnde niet al te vlug, tensy het met matig veel vuurs werd aangeset. […] d'Aarde is een dik en droog lighaam, werdende na de destillatie gemeenlijk caput mortuum genoemt, ofte Terra Damnata: en hier uit hebben de lighamen meest hare soliditeyt. […] De geest werd om de gelijkenisse van sijne vluggigheid Mercurius van de Chymisten genoemt, zynde zeer doordringelijk en beweeglijk, gelijk den alcoholvini, spiritus, absinthii, frumenti, rosarum &c. Sijnde gemaakt uit gegiste en gewerkte dingen. […] Het sout is een solide dog in vogt ligt smeltbare stoffe: en is tweederlei, namentlijk vast en vlug, fixum en volatile gezegt; beyde werden sy ten opsigte van het vuur aldus genaamt: want het vaste kan de tweede derde en vierde graat des vuurs volstandig uitstaan, zonder te vervliegen ofte opgelicht te werden; maar het andere sal met de eerste graad des vuurs opvliegen, en verdwijnen, zoo men het met geen behoorlijke werktuigen komt te vangen.[...] Het suur is een substantie op het sout altyd werkende en fermenterende, vloeybaar, zoo het op zyn selven staat, scherp en bytende van smaak, als daar de spiritus nitri, salis sulphuris &c. Die van de Chymisten spiritus genoemt werden, maar sijnse eigentlijk niet. […] Hier by komt d'olie, die men sulphur ofte swavel noemt, sijnde alle het gene verbrandelijke is: dese heeft na sijn verscheide vermenginge ook verscheyde smaken en reuken, als bitter, soet, stinkend, aangenaam &c.als de crystalli tartari, vitriolum, sal commune &c. Dese haalt men uit de mineralen en planten. -47- works, mainly because the Theatrum Chymicum, which is written by Blankaart himself, can be seen as his master piece. Several translations, mainly those of Descartes, Lémery, Lancillotti and Digby show a development in his view. § 3 The Developments in Blankaart's Work 3.1. Intellectual Development in his Matter-Theory To reconstruct developments in Blankaart's view is a rather obscure task. It is indeed possible to identify certain changes and rectifications in his work, but the main question is: where to start? Blankaart has left an extensive oeuvre and it is not possible to discuss all his works in great depth. Therefore I will focus only on those works which are concerned with chymie, and more in particular with the definition of chymie and the relation it has to matter-theory. This leads to three books: The New Contemporary Art of Separation or Chymia (1678), which was written by Blankaart himself and The Burning Salamander (1680), and The Philosophical Laboratory (1683) which were only annotated by Blankaart. The former book was written by Lancillotti, while the latter was written by Lémery. The fact that Blankaart only annotated the books is problematic in itself, mainly because the scope of the books, and the approach the authors have used had been dismissed in the Theatrum Chymicum. Besides the problems with the scope of the book, the focus of Blankaart is interesting as well. The comments which Blankaart made in The Burning Salamander and The Philosophical Laboratory vary widely from each other. In the first book Blankaart only annotated recipes. The first part of the book, which is concerned with the scope of chymie, does not have a single foot-note made by Blankaart, even though the definition of chymie includes the old wisdom of Hermetica and Spagyrica as the most beautiful and highest operation of chymie. 183 It might be the case that Blankaart was satisfied with the idea that Lancillotti considered chymie as the art of separation, but there is a huge contrast between Lancillotti's opinion and his own polemical position against the obscure art of alchemy and the old writers such as Paracelsus, Hermes and Geber. 184 If we compare this former book with The Philosophical Laboratory, which is published four years later, it becomes clear that Blankaart started to focus on the relation of matter-theory and chymie. 183 184 Lancillotti 1680: 2. J.N.L.N has written a poem in the book as well. This poem is actually a paean for the alchemy of Geber, Hermes, Paracelsus and Basil. -48- Although he gave extensive comments upon the different passages it is interesting to see that he did not make a remark on the etymology of the word chymie. Lémery however, defined chymie as: The word Chymie stems from the Greek word Chymus, which means as much as juice; or as others think of the word Chyein, that means the same as melting; because it treats in the same way how the most pure creatures needs to be extracted from mingled bodies. These have sometimes been called juices; it also teaches how the most stone-hard things can be melted. The Chymists have added the Arabic word Al; while they understood it to be the most important part, which is equal to the changing of metals. While Alchymia is nothing other than chymica, they also give it the name of Spagyria, that means as much as to tear apart, and collect, because they were taught to separate in the same way the pure parts from the impure parts of the mingled bodies, and to fuse them together again. […] Chymie or the Art of Separation is an art to separate different entities, which are in mingled bodies: by mingled bodies we understand things that grow in nature, which are Metals, Plants and Animals. Under the Metals they count the seven metals, Minerals, Stones and Earth. 185 If we compare this to his view in the Theatrum Chymicum there are two important observations to be made. First, there is a similarity of categorisation between the two definitions. Both men classify chymie into three kindoms (metals, plants and animals), but the classification of Lémery did not make the subtle distinction between Chemie en Chymie, which is a nuance of Blankaart to distinguish between all the bodies and the composed and mixed bodies which are present on earth. Secondly, there is a different etymology of the word chymie. Lémery traced the origin of chymie back to the Greek word Chymus, while Blankaart refered back to the hidden art of chemia, which derived from the Arabic word Zymiâ. The relation between the matter-theory of Lémery and Blankaart is elucidated in the second chapter of The Philosophical Laboratory: 'The origin of Chymie'. In a comment on Lémery's matter-theory Blankaart tried to reconcile the French division into the three realms with his own Cartesian views. Lémery identified spirit as the primary substance, from which all the compound bodies are composed. According to him, all the chymists 186 identified five different primary substances: Water, 185 186 Lémery 1683: 2,3. Het woord Chymie is afkomstig van het Grieksche woord Chymus, 't welk soo veel bedied als een sap; of als andere meinen van het woord Chyein, dat soo veel te seggen is als smelten; om dat de selve een wijse verhandelt om d' aldersuiverste wesens uit gemengelde lighamen te trekken. Die somwijls sappen genoemt werden; ook leert de selve een konst om d'alderhardste saken te smelten. De Chymisten hebben daar nog het Arabische woordje Al by gevoegt: dewijl sy daar door verstonden des selfs voornaamste deel, gelijk als is de veranderinge der Metalen. Alhoewel Alchymia niets anders te seggen is, als chymica, ook geeft ment het de naam van Spagyria, dat soo veel te seggen is als van een scheuren, en by een samelen; om dat in de selve een wijse geleert werd van te scheiden de suivre deelen van d'onsuivre der gemengelde lichamen, en wederom hoedanig die te samen gevoegt werden. […] De chymie of Schei-konst is een konst om verscheide wesens te scheiden, die in de gemengelde lighamen sijn: door de gemengelde lighamen verstaen wy die dingen welke natuurlijk groyen, als daer sijn Metalen, Planten en Dieren. Onder Metalen rekent men de seven metalen, Mineralen, Steenen en Aarde. The Dutch word stof-scheiders is used for the word that I translated as chymist. H.A.M. Snelders. (1993). 3. The term 'scheider' is used for somebody who purifies silver and gold. Simon Stevin -49- Spirit, Oil, Salt and Earth. Three of them (spirit, oil and salt) are moving bodies while the other two are passive bodies (water and earth). Blankaart commented upon this: All these elements or primary substances, have been united by the Cartesian thesis, those which they called earthly matter, are everything of the kind that reflects light, because the diversity of the bodies only depends upon the shape, place, coherence, pressing of air etc. so that according to the diversity of these, many substances show immediately another appearance. 187 This quotation shows that Blankaart is trying to reconcile the different approaches from 1683 onwards. Therefore it is even more interesting to compare the view in the Theatrum Chymicum to the view which he held in 1678, in The New Contemporary Art of Separation or Chymia. If this polemical position against the obscure art of alchemy is kept in mind, this approach is very surprising. Blankaart wrote this work from a medical point of view and positioned medicine in the sublunary realm of physics and chymistry in his introduction: As medical science increases on a daily basis, and they base it fully on reason, which does not only stay within the realm of chymistry, but its knowledge is extending over the whole of the natural sciences, because as much as we perceive, that is the way in which all sublunar things go, through fermentation, melting, separation, turning sour, crystals, ice, and petrification; that makes substance-separation one of the most important arts and sciences.188 Not only did he position medicine within the sublunary realm, he also referred back to the Ars Hermetica, claimed that the origin can be found with Mercury, who is known as the Greek Hermes. 189 As in all his books, Blankaart started with definitions. He determined the Object ('Voor-werp') of chymia and he illustrated the five 'hooft-stoffen': The object of the art of separation are all naturally mingled bodies, which are separated and have been brought to their five primary substances by it, and the same can be composed again. 190 187 188 189 190 also used this word in the book De Wysentyt, and there is an engraving from Jan Luyken (1694) which is called 'De Scheider'. Lémery 1683: 4. Alle dese elementen oft beginselen, werden door de Cartesiaanse stellinge tot een gebragt, die sy de aarde stoffe noemen, sijde alles van 't geene het ligt wederom steut, want de verscheidentheid der lighamen hangt aleenig af van de figuur, plaatsing, t'samen-hang, persing des logts etc. soo dat na de verscheidentheid deser, menigte stoffen ons meteen andere gedaante vertoonen. Blankaart 1678: A2. Gelijk de medicijne dagelijks meer en meer toe-neemt, en men die ganschelijk op reden fondeert, die niet alleen binnen de palen van de schei-konst blijft, maar haar tot kennisse van de geheele natuurkunde uitstrekt, want soo veel as wy merken, soo vergaan en werden alle onder-maansche dingen door gisteingen, smeltingen, scheidingen, schiftingen, crystal, ys en steen-makingen; soo dat de stof-scheiding onder de voornaamste Konsten en wetenschappen. Blankaart 1678: A2. Blankaart 1678: 7. Het voor-werp der schei-konst zijn alle Natuurlijke gemengelde lichamen, welke door haar -50- The five 'hooft-stoffen' as they were identified by Blankaart in 1678 were different from the 'hooftstoffen' which he distinguished in his Cartesian work Factual Discourse on Fermentation. I would like to emphasise this, because this is the part where his work is in development, or maybe even inconsistent, and therefore difficult to analyze. Blankaart determined three different types of 'hooftstoffen' in his Cartesian work and from the third 'hooft-stof' emanate five or six substances which are the principles from which all the bodies on earth are composed. These principles were water, earth, spirit, salt, sour, and oil, while in his earlier work he only singled out a few of these substances as 'hooft-stoffen'. In 1678 he suggested that spirit, sulphur, salt, water and earth were the five 'hooft-stoffen': Spirit is the most volatile entity, above all the other primary substances, and it appears to be a part of the heavenly substance, so that it would be in everything as an instrument to do the same, living, moving, feeling. Mostly, it can be found in animals, mainly those who are warm [blooded], then in trees, plants, and fruits. Only a little or nothing can be found in stones or metals. […] The second primary substance is sulphur which is heavier than spirit, and therefore not as volatile because it was better enchained by the other primary substances. From it emanate nearly all the heath of the bodies, nice taste, smells and colours […] The third primary substance is salt, and it is more solid than spirit and sulphur, that is why it does not condense as easily, it makes bodies dense, heavy, solid and durable. […] The fourth primary substance is water, being the most accomplished chair for spirit and sulphur, and as a remedy to unite itself with salt. The fifth primary substance is earth, which just as water in fluid, and also in solid bodies, fills the holes between the other primary substances, and prevents the others from touching each other. 191 If the properties of the five 'hooft-stoffen' in the this work are compared to the properties Blankaart attributed to them in the Theatrum Chymicum and the Factual Discourse on Fermentation it becomes clear that there has been a shift in his thought. Not only is this shift important, but as is indicated in a quotation from the Factual Discourse on Fermentation (see page 44), also his attitude towards the substances had changed. In this work he referred to the list of the chymists (I would 191 ontdaan en tot hare vijf hooft-stoffen gebracht werden, en de selve wederom t'samen stelt. Blankaart 1678: 7-9. De Geest is de vlugtigste selfstandigheit, boven d'andere Hooft-stoffen, en schijnt een gedeelte van de Hemelse stoffe te zijn, op datse in yeder ding soude zijn als een werk-tuig om het selfde te doen leven, bewegen en gevoelen. Sy wert meest gevonden in de dieren, voornamentlijk die warm zijn, daarna in de bomen, planten, en vrugten. In de steenen of metalen wort sy seer weinigh of niet gevonden. […] De tweede Hooft-stof is de Swavel wat dikker dan de geest, en daarom soo vlughtigh niet om dat hy van de andere Hooft-stoffen beter beknevelt wert. Uyt haar ontstaan de meeste warmte der lighamen, aangenaame smaken, reuken, en koleuren […] De derde Hooft-stof, is het sout, en is vaster dan de geest en swavel, daarom vervliegt sy so licht niet, maakt de lichamen dicht, swaar, vast, en duursaam. […] de vierde Hooft-stof is het Water, sijnde de bekwaamste setel voor de geest en swavel, en als een middel om de selve onderlingh, en ook met het sout te doen vereenigen. […] De vijfde Hooft-stof is de Aarde, die gelijk 't water in de vloejende, even so in de vaste lichamen, de ruimte tusschen de andere Hooft-stoffen vervult, en belet, datse den anderen niet konnen raken. […] -51- like to suggest that this is the list that came from the French textbook tradition, probably borrowed from the work of Lémery) which contained spirit, salt, acid, sulphur, water, and earth. These substances were not the most suitable because some of them still exist out of other particles while in his first work he listed five of these substances; spirit, sulphur, salt, water, and earth as the five 'hooft-stoffen'. Besides the change in thought, Blankaart attributed different properties to the five 'hooft-stoffen' and the five substances which emanated from the third 'hooft-stof'. The most crucial change concerns the role of spirit. In his earlier work, he kept the Aristotelian notion of the sublunary and superlunary realms and he positioned the spirit as the one substance which formed a bridge between the two realms, while in his later work he did not believe in a distinction between sublunar and superlunar realms. As well as the function of the spirit, the arrangement and the role of the five 'hooft-stoffen' underwent a metamorphosis. From the substances that were responsible for the properties of the nature of matter (spirit as the substance which was accountable for living, moving and feeling and sulphur as a substance which was the cause of smell, taste and heat of bodies) they became substances to which Blankaart only attributed several properties (water as a fluid that was not so fast, the earth as a dry and bulky body). He also listed different substances in his two works. In the former work he made a list which contained spirit, sulphur, salt, water and earth, while in his latter work his list was composed of water, earth, spirit, salt, acid and oil. 3.2. Development in his Social Life To place Blankaart's matter-theory within the field of matter-theory in the Dutch Republic it is not only necessary to illustrate the intellectual work of the Dutch Physician, but also his social relations. When Blankaart left Middelburg, and Franeker, he needed to establish a whole new life in Amsterdam. Maybe he saw Amsterdam as the city of opportunities, or his wife had good connections in the richest city of Holland, but it becomes clear from his work that he tried to launch himself as an important physician in Amsterdam who had up-to-date medical knowledge and was known for translating many important works into the vernacular language. The main question is, did he succeed in establishing a new network? The fact that his books have been published into eight and ninth editions already illustrate that he was a widely read author in his time. But what else can we learn from his books? The first element is the publisher of his books. -52- Almost all his books, which are written in the Dutch language, were published by Jan ten Hoorn or by his son Nicolaas ten Hoorn. This already illustrates that there is a long-standing relationship between the two men. The second element, which might be an explanation for the shift in his thought, was the preface in the books. His first book, The New Contemporary Art of Separation or Chymia, is dedicated to sovereign Henrik Casimier, by Gods grace Prince to Nassau, landgrave to Catzenelleboge, Vianen, Dietz, Spiegel-berg, Baron to Liesvelt, Stadholder Friesland and captain general of the militia. His titles already show that he was an important man within the ruling classes of the society. In fact, his position as landgrave and prince to Nassau are the same titles that Willem of Orange also had. While all the other books, which are discussed in this essay, were dedicated to famous physicians in Amsterdam. Blankaart's masterpiece, the Theatrum Chymicum, is dedicated to J. Roman, philosopher and doctor, in Amsterdam. Besides the shift in dedication he also used this work to position himself within the field of medicine in the Republic. In the preface he referred to the book the Acta Leidensia, written by sir Morley, who was connected to the University of Leiden. Blankaart claimed that he saw it as his noble duty to serve the Dutch country and to present the works of these important men in the vernacular language so that everybody could read them. These social ties illustrate how Blankaart tried to position himself within the medical field of his time. It was very common to dedicate a book to a certain influential figure, but in the case of Blankaart this gives us insight in how he tried to establish his reputation as an important physician. There was a shift from a high raking figure within the ruling class of the Republic to the smaller circle of Amsterdam physicians. This can either indicate that the social bond that he tried to establish failed and therefore focussed on another social group, that of the physicians in Amsterdam, or that his social ties were strong enough. Since there was also a change in thought in his work it seems that this might have been more than a coincidence, but since nearly all the correspondence that Blankaart maintained is lost therefore it is impossible to draw strong conclusions. -53- 3. How to Position Blankaart's Matter-Theory in the Historiography of Natural Philosophy in the Dutch Republic? Blankaart's work on matter-theory is a fascinating and highly eclectic theory, which was in constant development and was probably a source of inspiration for his readers. From the developments in his work it is possible to draw several interesting conclusions and to identify his position within the field of matter-theory. The developments in his work show that his position in the field changed over time. At first he did not take a polemical stance against alchemy; he traced the origins of chymistry back to the Ars Hermetica and claimed that the origin could be found with Mercury, who is known as the Greek God Hermes. His first work on matter-theory, The New Contemporary Art of Separation or Chymia (1678), was still influenced by the Aristotelian concept of the sub-lunar and super-lunar realm, which is refuted in the work of Descartes. Although he identified five substances in his first book, these substances are fundamentally different from the ones that he identified in his later work. The five substances were five primary principles with three active and two passive principles, with the spirit as the substance that was active between the two realms. After this first publication his work started to develop fast. In The Burning Salamander he only annotated the recipes and did not comment upon the references to alchemical works while in The Philosophical Laboratory he started to comment upon the origins of 'chymie' and he tried to reconcile the theory of Lémery with the Cartesian view. He claimed that all the elements and principles are reconciled with the Cartesian thesis. The union between these two theories is problematic from a modern historical point of view. Descartes has a strict mechanistic view and tried to differentiate between the different substances on his matter-theory while in the work of Lémery the separation into the three different realms, as is based on experiments and derives from the French textbook tradition. Apparently it was possible to reconcile these two views in the seventeenth century, as is done with several other matter-theories. The main explanation for this is probably the fact that they take the particles for granted as is suggested by Meinel; the ontological and epistemological status was not a topic of discussion, and the identification of the particles is often based on experiments as is evident in the theory of Lémery. -54- Still there are several important questions to be asked in relation to the development in his work. Why is there a distinction between the sub-lunar and super-lunar realm in his first book? This is even more problematic because he was trained at the University of Franker, which was a hotbed for Cartesianism from 1660 onwards. Therefore Blankaart must have been familiar with the Cartesian theory, certainly because he claimed to be presenting medicine in a Cartesian way, and it remains unclear why he decided to use the Aristotelian worldview. I would like to suggest that this might be related to the social sphere instead of the intellectual sphere, and that there was a non-intellectual reason such as patronage or the publication of his first book, to use the Aristotelian view. This suggestion is supported by the fact that only his first book is dedicated to a prominent political figure instead of a physician in Amsterdam, but this is only a suggestion since there is no correspondence about this topic. Another question is related to his polemical position in the field. In the Factual Discourse on Fermentation Blankaart positioned himself against alchemy, and took a very radical stance against the Paracelsian tradition, but he did not attack van Helmont. From the four theories which he rejected, three are problematic. Firstly he refuted the Aristotelian ideas, while he defended a part of that theory in his first book. Also his rejection of the Paracelsian way can be seen as a very polemical stance. In the work of Lémery he tried to unite several principles although they were very different from each other and in his rejection of Paracelsianism he only claimed that these particles differ to much from each other to be primary substances. So on an intellectual basis this argument is not very strong. Once we put this in the perspective of a polemic and his position agains alchemy it is fully understandable that he rejected the Paracelsian principles. The third theory which he rejected is water as a primary substance. The argument that Blankaart used, the growth of the willow tree, derived directly from the Helmontian work. Van Helmont claimed that this experiment showed that water was a primary substance, while Blankaart used this same experiment to illustrate that water was not a primary substance. It is even more important that Blankaart did not refer to the work of Van Helmont, but only to the theory of water as a primary substance by Thales. This leads to the position of Blankaart in the field. Once he fully developed his view, it is possible to place him within the mechanistic worldview based on the Cartesian work, but with the French textbook tradition as another source of inspiration. -55- Bibliography Primary Sources BLANKAART, Steven. De Kartesiaanse Academie ofte Institutie Der Medicyne. Behelsde de gansche Medicyne, bestaande in de leere der gesondheid en des selfs bewaringe, als ook der ongesondheid en haar herstellinge. Alles op de waaragtige gronden, volgens de meining van den Heer Cartesius gebouwt. Amsterdam: Johannes ten Hoorn, 1684. BLANKAART, Steven. Nauwkeurige verhandlinge van de scheur-buik. En des selfs toevallen als ook een naakt vertoog wegens de fermentatie oft innerlijke bewegingen der lighamen. Meest op gronden van Des-cartes gebouwt. Amsterdam: Jan ten Hoorn, 1684. BLANKAART, Steven. Theatrum chimicum, ofte Geopende deure der chymische verborgentheden: Ontsloten van de vermaartse autheuren. Met groote vlyd door en Liefhebber der chymie byeen versamelt. Appendix: K. Digby Met een vervolg over de Chymische verborgentheden aangaande de verandering en verbetering der metalen en gesteente. Amsterdam: Jan ten Hoorn, 1693. BLANKAART, Steven. Opera Medica Theoretica, practica et chirurgica, quae omnia variis observationibus, experimentis, tam ex corporibus valetudinariis, cadaveribus, quam ex Mechanicis. Leiden: Cornelium Boutenstein en Jordanum Lugtmans, 1701. BLANKAART, Steven.The Physical Dictionary: Wherein the terms of Anatomy, the Names and Causes of Diseases are accurately described. As also the Names and Vitues of Medicinal Plants. 5th edition. London: John and Benjamin Sprint and Edward Symon, 1708. BLANKAART, Steven. The Physical Dictionary: Wherein the terms of Anatomy, the Names and Causes of Diseases are accurately described. As also the Names and Vitues of Medicinal Plants. 7th edition. London: John and Benjamin Sprint and Edward Symon, 1726. BLANKAART, Steven. Lexicon Medicum Renovatum. In quo totius artis medicae termini, in Anatome, Chirurgia, Pharmacia, Chymia, reBotanica etc. Usitati, dilucide & breviter exponuntur, juxta Neotericorum tum Practicorum tum Mechanicorum placita &vere demonstrata principia. Leiden: Samuelem & Johannem Luchtmans, 1756. DIGBY, Kenelm. In: PAPINIUS, N. & KIRCHERUS, A. (transl.). Theatrum Sympatheticum ofte wonder toneel der Natuirs Verborgentheden. 3rd edition. Amsterdam: Jan ten Hoorn, 1709. LÉMERY, Nicolas.In: BLANKAART, S. (transl.). Het philosoophische laboratorium, of der chymisten stook-huis. Leerende op een korte en ligte wyse alle de gebruikelykste medicamenten op de chymische wyse bereiden; tegelyk met aanmerkingen en nauwkeurige redeneringen over yder preparatie in 't besonder. Amsterdam: Jan ten Hoorn, 1683. LÉMERY, Nicolas. In: HARRIS, W. A course of chymistry: containing the easiest manner of performing those operations that are in use in physick: illustrated with many curious remarks and useful discourses upon each operation. London: printed for Walter Kettibly, 1677. -56- Secondary Sources ANSTEY, Peter R. 'Essences and Kinds'. In: CLARCK, D.M. & WILSON, C. (eds.). The Oxford Handbook of Philosophy in Early Modern Europe. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011: pp. 11- 31. AQUINAS, Thomas. In: ROWAN, J.P. (transl.). Commentary on the Metaphysics of Aristotle. Chicago: H. Regnery Co, 1961. ARISTOTLE. In: LAWSON-TANCRED, H. (transl. & intro.). Metaphysics. London: Penguin Books, 1998. ARISTOTLE. In: WATERFIELD, R. (transl.) & BOSTOCK, D. (intro. & notes). Physics. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. BENZENHÖFER, Udo. (2005). 'Paracelsus'. In: HANEGRAAFF, W.J. Dictionary of Gnosis and Western Esotericism. Leiden: Brill, 2005. Accessed: 21 November 2011. <http://www.brillonline.nl/subscriber/entry?entry=dgwe_DGWE-275>. BLOCH, E. 'Die chemischen Theorien bei Descartes und den Cartesianern.' Isis Vol.1 No.4. (1913): pp. 599-636. BOSTOCK, David. Space, Time, Matter and Form: Essays on Aristotle's Physics. Oxford: Claredon Press, 2006. BROACKES, Justin. 'Substance'. Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society. Vol. 106. No.1. (2006): pp. 133-168. BROOKS, Lynn M. 'Dancing at a Dutch University, Part I, The Franeker Dancing Mater, 1682'. Dance Chronicle. Vol. 9. No. 2. (1986): pp. 158-176. BUNGE, Wiep. (ed.). The Early Enlightenment in the Dutch Republic 1650-1750. Leiden: Brill, 2003. BUNTZ, Herwig. 'Alchemy III: 12th/13th-15th Century.' In: HANEGRAAFF, W.J. Dictionary of Gnosis and Western Esotericism. Leiden: Brill, 2005. Accessed: 10 July 2012. <http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/dictionary-of-gnosis-and-westernesotiricism/alchemy-DGWE_008?s.num=0&s.rows=20&s.f.s2_parent=s.f.book.dictionaryof-gnosis-and-western-esotiricism&s.q=alchemy >. CHASE, Michael. 'Teleology and Final Causation in Aristotle and in Contemporary Science'. Dialogue. Vol. 50. No. 3. (2011): pp. 511-536. CISLO, Amy E. 'Paracelsus's Conception of Seeds: Rethinking Paracelsus's Ideas of Body and Matter'. Ambix. Vol. 55. No. 3. (2008): pp. 274 – 282. CLERICUZIO, Antonio.Elements, Principles and Corpuscles. A Study of Atomism and Chemistry in the Seventeenth Century. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2000. COOK, Harold J. Matters of Exchange. Commerce, Medicine, and Science in the Dutch Golden -57- Age. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007. CUNNINGHAM, Eileen R. 'Reference Works in Medicine'. Bulletin of the Medical Library Association. Vol. 27. No. 2. (1938): pp. 118 – 132. DANIEL, Dane T. 'Invisible Wombs: Rethinking Paracelsus's Concept of Body and Matter'. Ambix. Vol. 53. No. 2. (2006): pp. 129 – 142. DEBUS, Allen G. The Chemical Philosophy. Paracelsian Science and Medicine in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Vol. 1. New York: Science History Publications, 1977. DESCARTES, Rene. In: COTTINGHAM, J., STOOTHOFF, R. & MURDOCH, D. (transl.) Descartes Selected Philosophical Writings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. DESCARTES, Rene. In: MILLER V.R. & MILLER R.P. (transl.). Principles of Philosophy. Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Company, 1983. FRIJHOFF, Willem. & Spies, Marijke. Dutch Culture in a European Perspective. 1650: Hard-Won Unity. Vol. 1. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. GAUKROGER, Stephen. Descartes' System of Natural Philosophy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. GRELL, Ole P. (ed.). Paracelsus. The Man and his Reputation. His Ideas and their Transformation. Leiden: Brill, 1998. GRENDLER, Paul F. 'The Universities of the Renaissance and Reformation.' Renaissance Quarterly. Vol. 57. No. 1. (2004): pp. 1-42. HERSHEY, David. 'Misconceptions about van Helmont's Willow Experiment.' Plant Science Bulletin. Vol. 49. No. 3. (2003): pp. 78-84. HOMBURG, Ernst. 'Chemistry in the Low Countries: A Comparison Between North and South, 1600-1900'. In: BERTOMEU-SÁNCHEZ, J.R., THORBURN, D.B & VAN TIGGELEN, B. (eds.). Neighbours and Territories: The Evolving Identity of Chemistry. The 6 th International Conference on the History of Chemistry. Louvain-la-Neuve: Memosciences, 2007: pp. 65 – 88. HOOYKAAS, Reijer. The Concept of Element. Its Historical-Philosophical Development. Utrecht: Drukkerij Fa. Schotanus & Jens, 1933. ISAACS, Alan. A Dictionary of Physics. 4th edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. JANSSEN, Geert H. 'The Dutchness of the Dutch Golden Age.' The Historical Journal. Vol. 53. No. 3. (2010): pp. 805-817. JARCHO, Saul. 'Blankaart’s Dictionary. An index to 17th Century Medicine.' Bulletin of New York Academic of Medicine. Vol.58. No.6. (1982): pp. 568-577. JOLY, Bernard. La rationalité de l'alchimie au XVII siècle. Paris: Vrin, 1992. -58- KIM, Mi Gyung. 'Chemical Analysis and the Domains of Reality: Wilhelm Homberg's Essais De Chimie. 1702-1709'. Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science. Vol. 31. No. 1. (2000): pp. 37-69. KIM, Mi Gyung. 'The Analytical Ideal of Chemical Elements: Robert Boyle and the French Didactic Tradition of Chemistry.' Science in Context. Vol. 14. No. 3. (2001): pp. 361-395. KLEIN, Ursula. 'Shifting ontologies, changing classifications: plant materials from 1700 to 1830.' Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science. Vol. 36. No. 4. (2005): pp. 261-329. KLEIN, Ursula. 'Styles of Experimentation and Alchemical Matter Theory in the Scientific Revolution.' Metascience. Vol. 16. No. 2. (2007): pp. 247-256. KOOIJMANS, Luuk. Vriendschap. Amsterdam: Uitgeverij Bert Bakker, 1997. LAND, J. P. N. 'Philosophy in the Dutch Universities.' Mind. Vol. 3. No. 9. (1878): pp. 87-104. LEIJENHORST, Cees., LÜTHY, Christoph. & THIJSSEN, Johannes M.M.H. The Dynamics of Aristotelian Natural Philosophy from Antiquity to the Seventeenth Century. Leiden: Brill, 2002. LINDEBOOM, Gerrit A. Geschiedenis van de medische wetenschap in Nederland. 2nd edition. Haarlem: Fibula-Van Dishoeck, 1981. LÜTHY, Christoph., MURDOCH, John E. & Newman, William R. Late Medieval and Early Modern Corpuscular Matter Theories. Leiden: Brill, 2001. MEINEL, Christoph. 'Early Seventeenth-Century Atomism: Theory, Epistemology, and the Insufficiency of Experiment.' Isis. Vol. 79. No. 1. (1988): pp. 68-103. MOLHUYSEN, Philipp C. & BLOK, Petrus J. 'Nicolaas Blankaart.' In: MOLHUYSEN, P.C. & BLOK, P.J. (eds.). Nieuw Nederlandsch Biografisch Woordenboek. Deel 4. Leiden: A.W. Sijthoff, 1918: pp. 155-156. MORAN, Bruce T. 'Paracelsianism.' In: HANEGRAAFF, W.J. Dictionary of Gnosis and Western Esotericism. Leiden: Brill, 2005. Accessed: 10 July 2012. <http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/dictionary-of-gnosis-and-westernesotiricism/paracelsianism-DGWE_274?s.num=>. NADLER, S. 'Chapter 17: Doctrines of Explanation in Late Scholasticism and in the Mechanical Philosophy'. In: GARBER, D. & AYERS, M. (eds). The Cambridge History of SeventeenthCentury Philosophy. Vol. 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998: pp. 513-552. NEWMAN, William R. 'What have we Learned from the Recent Historiography of Alchemy?.' Isis. Vol. 102. No. 2. (2011): pp. 313-321. NEWMAN, William R. 'Alchemical Atoms or Artisanal “Building Blocks”? A Response to Klein.' Perspectives on Science. Vol. 17. No. 2. (2009): pp. 212-231. -59- NEWMAN, William R. Atoms and Alchemy. Chymistry and the Experimental Origins of the Scientific Revolution. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006. NEWMAN, William R. 'The Alchemical Sources of Robert Boyle's Corpuscular Philosophy.' Annals of Science. Vol. 53. No. 6. (1996): pp. 567-585. NEWMAN, William. R. & PRINCIPE, Lawrence.M. Alchemy tried in the fire. Starkey, Boyle, and the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002. NEWMAN, William. R. & PRINCIPE, Lawrence. M. 'Alchemy vs. Chemistry: The Etymological Origins of a Historiographic Mistake.' Early Science and Medicine, Vol. 3. No 1. (1998): pp. 32-65. PRINCIPE, Lawrence M. 'Boyle, Robert.' In: HANEGRAAFF, W.J. Dictionary of Gnosis and Western Esotericism. Leiden: Brill, 2005. Accessed: 06 February 2012. <http://www.brillonline.nl/subscriber/uid=1393/entry?entry=dgwe_DGWE-052>. PAGEL, Walter. Paracelsus. An Introduction to Philosophical Medicin in the Era of the Renaissance. Basel: S. Krager, 1958. PAGEL, Walter. Joan Baptista Van Helmont. Reformer of Science and Medicine. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982. PARACELSUS. In: A. WEEKS, A. (ed. and transl.). Paracelsus Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim, 1493-1541. Essential Theoretical Writings. Leiden: Brill, 2008. ROBERTS, Lissa. 'The Death of the Sensuous Chemist: The 'New' Chemistry and the Transformation of Sensuous Technology.' Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science. Vol. 26. No. 4. (1995): pp. 503-529. ROODNAT, Albert. 'Helmont, Joan Baptista van.' In: HANEGRAAFF, W.J. Dictionary of Gnosis and Western Esotericism. Leiden: Brill, 2005. Accessed: 06 February 2012. <http://www.brillonline.nl/subscriber/uid=1393/entry?entry=dgwe_DGWE-158>. SHAPIN, Steven & SCHAFFER, Simon. Leviathan and the Air-Pump. Hobbes, Boyle, and the Experimental Life. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985. SHAPIN, Steven. The Scientific Revolution. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1996. SNELDERS, Harry A.M. De geschiedenis van de scheikunde in Nederland. Deel 1: Van alchemie tot chemie en chemische industrie rond 1900. Delft: Delftse Universitaire Pers, 1993. SPIES, Marijke. 'Helicon and Hills of Sand: Pagan Gods in Early Modern Dutch and European Poetry'. In: SPIES, M. (ed.). Rethoric, Rhetoricians and Poets. Studies in Renaissance Poetry and Poetics. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1999: pp. 69-77. THIJSSEN-SCHOUTE, Caroline L. Nederlands Cartesianisme. Utrecht: Hes Uitgevers BV, 1989. TUCK, Richard. 'Chapter 1: The Institutional Setting.' In: D. GARBER, D. & AYERS, M. (eds). The Cambridge History of Seventeenth-Century Philosophy. Vol. 1. Cambridge: Cambridge -60- University Press, 1998: pp. 9-32. VANDEVELDE, Albert. J.J. Bijdrage tot de studie der werken van Stephanus Blankaart. Gent, 1924. -61-
© Copyright 2026 Paperzz