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ALTERNATIVE WAYS OF KNOWING:
PLACE NAMES AND PERSONAL TITLES
AS INDIGENOUS VOICE, AN ANDEAN OPTIC
SUSAN ELIZABETH RAMIREZ
Anthroponyms and Toponyms
Unlike Mexicanists who are blessed with relatively abundant sources in Nahuatl, Mayan, and
other native languages, historians, anthropologists, archaeologists, and other scholars lament that
few written sources by indigenous peoples in their native languages exist for the Andes. Hence,
sources that reflect native preoccupations and perspectives are largely missing. Durston’s studies
found only about a dozen manuscripts in Quechua and these were brief. Without such documents,
scholars of the Andean history have turned to other indigenous peoples’ mechanisms to reconstruct
the past. Those without an alphabetic, codified writing system recount historic events through
stories, songs, and dance. They inscribe meaning to distinctive physical features of the natural and
built landscape to recall important people and events. In addition, symbols in their woven textiles,
wooden and stone carvings, hand-crafted masks, and effigy pottery refer to their heritage. Andean
peoples also developed a unique system of knotted strings (khipus) to record information. Finally,
architecture in its form, layout, location, and construction symbolizes their legacies and power
(Durston 2007; Lockhart 2000; León Portilla 1962; Sahagún 1950-79; Távarez 2006; Basso 1996;
2007; Raymond 1952a; 1952b; Salomon 2004; Urton 1990; 2003; 2006; Quilter 2002; Niles 1981).
Scholars of the colonial American past have long sought to understand these messages to
better represent the voices of natives in their analyses. This has proven difficult for many reasons.
First, many of these mechanisms remained either summarily or imperfectly described or unrecorded
by early observers. Published Spanish chronicles, for instance, provide a relatively easily-accessed
record recounting some aspects of native society and thought, though mostly through a strong and
distorting European filter. Cieza de León is considered highly accurate in his early reports, but his
descriptions are largely superficial. Even Betanzos, an official interpreter of Quechua, who recorded
Inca oral history at mid-sixteenth century from their perspective and especially from the point of
view of his Inca wife’s family, could not escape his culture. Cabello Valboa relates some native
memories in the context of a wider narrative, but often did not indicate his sources. The almost
contemporaneous chronicles of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century of the mestizo
Garcilaso de la Vega and the native Quechua speaker Guaman Poma de Ayala, though voluminous
and detailed, each have shortcomings. The former white washes certain features of Inca culture to
make it more acceptable to a European audience. Recent research on the latter shows that the
assumption that he served as an authentic authority on pre-conquest native history and culture was
wrong. He, too, in learning to read and write Spanish, acquired a European understanding of the
world that colored how he translated native knowledge into a form that the Spanish King, his
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expected reader, could readily understand (MacCormack 2007; Lupher 2003; Lamana 2008;
Reyna 2010; Cabello Valboa 1586/1951; Cieza de León 1553/1987; 1548-50/1985; 1864/1964;
Betanzos 1551-57/1987; Vega 1609/1987; Poma de Ayala c. 1615/1980; 1590s/1969; Adorno 2000;
2001; Puente Luna 2006; Zorrilla 1977; Mañaricua 1955; Barnes 2002; Pereyra Chávez 1977).
Administrative, judicial, and notarial records suffer some of the same problems, but
regularly bring readers closer into contact with a native optic. Indigenous sources, like testimonies,
petitions, and letters, written by natives or their agents in sometimes bad Spanish or, very rarely, in
their native languages can express traditional norms and values, but they must be considered
carefully, looking for contradictions and wrong word choice that betray non-European
understandings. 1 Even these must be considered tainted to some degree or another by the very
process of their writers’ acquiring literacy, using representatives to put their thoughts into Spanish,
and living years amongst Europeans, mestizos, blacks, and the castas (persons of mixed blood).
Also, readers of the transcriptions of idolatry trials that sometimes provide intimate testimony of
beliefs, behavior, and rationales for action, plus descriptions of ritual activity and settings, must be
mindful that some accusations were politically motivated and some testimony was given only under
torture. Therefore, even these rich sources must be evaluated rigorously and used cautiously
(Duviols 1986; Polia Meconi 1996; 1999; Sánchez 1991; Larco 2008).
Anthropologists and archaeologists actively interpret native festivities and rituals or the
material remains of past peoples to broaden the scope of their histories. Millones has pioneered the
interpretation of native dances as pantomimes replete with meaning. Songs, like those recorded by
Betanzos and interpreted by Cerrón-Palomino, a noted linguist, shed additional light on Andean
thought and commemoration. The study and excavations of Inca sites by Rowe, Zuidema, Morris,
Thompson, Bauer, and Sandweiss, to name a tiny fraction of those engaged in such activities,
likewise have added information to fill the gaps in the written record. But, physical remains
deteriorate and are destroyed and de-contextualized – lessening their contribution to historic reconstructions. Such considerations have brought some scholars to the desperate conclusion that
writing a history of pre-literate native societies that reflects pre-contact cosmologies and cultures is
an impossible goal (Millones 1998; 1982; 2004; Cerrón-Palomino 1998; Rowe 1946; 1948; 1957;
Zuidema 1964; Morris and Thompson 1985; Bauer 1992; 2000; 2004; Sandweiss 1992; Van
Young, 1999; Haber 1997; Burns 2010; Lomnitz 1999).
Not willing to concede defeat, other scholars have continued to do research and seek
methods that bring the professions closer to the ideal, a native version of their own history. Most
recently, anthropologist Lamana, building on earlier efforts to use contradictions in the sources to
tease out the ethnic perspective, analyzed widely dispersed statements in probanzas de mérito
(records of one’s service to the king) and other records to show that the native hierarchy and
Francisco Pizarro’s and his successors learned from each other to construct a hybridized postinvasion world (Lamana 2008; Ramírez 1996, especially Chs. 3 and Ch. 5; 2005).
To further advance research on native culture and history, Lockhart and Restall have
advocated philology. This is a promising methodology, which has proven to open new avenues to
understanding. In this article, I advance this tactic, arguing for the reasoned translation and
contextualization of toponyms (names used in designating the geographical features of an
environment) and onomastics that are ubiquitous in mundane ethnic sources to add native voices to
the stories of Andean peoples and, thus, close gaps and enrich their histories. The examples below
are a tiny sampling of the abundant yields that attention to such information provides. Toponyms
reveal resource bases and commemorate or confirm historical events. They have been employed to
1
See, for example, the petitions of natives copied into the residencia (administrative review) of Dr. Gregorio Gonzalez
de Cuenca (Archivo General de las Indias (AGI)/Justicia 454-462; Ramírez 1987; 1997; 2006a.
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outline language and cultural areas. Onomastics identify individuals, groups and social organization
and divulge core cultural values and beliefs. Because both place names and personal names change
over time, the judicious use of these can add depth to oral accounts and sometimes divulge the
outlines of sequential ethnic occupation, contact, and dispersal (Lockhart 2000; Restall 2003;
Ramírez 2006a; 2006b; Adelaar 1990: 85, 88; Torero 1989; Domínguez Faura 2010; CerrónPalomino 2010; Salomon and Grosbell 1986; Wright 1929; Krzanowski and Szeminski 1978;
Maeda Ascencio 2011; Gentile 1995; Dyckerhoff 1984; Zevallos Quiñones 1944; 1993a; 1993b;
Moore 2007).
The examples included here consider meanings of toponyms and personal names in the three
most important Andean native languages: Quechua, Aymara, and Mochica.2 The first two were and
continue to be spoken throughout the central and southern Andes. Elsewhere, Quechua is also still
heard in dispersed geographical locations where the Inca resettled subject populations (e.g., the
Cañares population that today live in and around Incawasi, east of Ferreñafe in northern Peru).
According to Cerrón-Palomino, Aymara was a “true lingua franca employed from Huamanga to
‘Chile and Tucumán’”3 until the end of the sixteenth century. Mochica was spoken on the Peruvian
north coast and in scattered highland settlements well past the colonial era (Fernández Alvarado
2010: especially 102; Ramírez 1597/1906; Quesada 1986; Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1985;
Cerrón-Palomino 2004: 10, citing Ramírez, “Descripción”, 297; Carrera 1644/1939).
Toponyms, Learning to Read the Landscape
This is not the first study of toponyms. Several scholars pioneered in the collection of
toponyms, which they published as dictionaries. Others dedicated themselves to translating one or
more of these for various purposes, but few used them as a way to recreate and comprehend the
ecology and human geography of a given people (Stiglich 1922; Paz Soldán 1877; Vallejo 1957;
Zevallos Quiñones, 1944; 1993a; 1993b).4
Translations of toponyms are not without acknowledged challenges. One is the occasional
uncertainty about the original language. Thus, interpreters might confuse the term “alco”, which
means “native priest” in Culle (spoken in the northern Andes), with “allqu” (dog) in Quechua. This
is particularly the case where language zones overlap, like in the southern Andes around Lake
Titicaca, where both Quechua and Aymara are spoken, or in the north where spoken Quechua and
Culle (now largely lost) were heard. Adelaar also found evidence of contact between Mochica and
Quechua. Linguist Cerrón-Palomino believes that Aymara was, in some instances, Quechuaized,
making translation difficult. 5 Thus, for example, Zuidema translates “choque”, from Quechua,
meaning “adorned lance”, while, Cerrón-Palomino translates the word as gold or golden from
Aymara. One might expect that the translation would affect profoundly its interpretations and
understandings. But, indeed, if one looks at the drawings in Múrua’s early seventeenth century
chronicle, the scepters (that look like miniature lances) of both Manco Capac (the first Inca on the
traditional list) and Guayna Capac (the last) are golden in color. So, the “correct” meaning is
illusive and may not be an “either/or” choice. Another challenge is the fact that place names reoccur
2
Translations in this article were made by the author and used the following resources: Santo Thomas 1560/1951;
Gonçalez [Gonzalez] Holguin 1608/1952/1989; Bertonio 1879; Zevallos Quiñones 1947; 1948; 1993b; Carrera
1644/1939; Durand 1921; Cerrón-Palomino1995; Larco Hoyle 1939.
3
The original Spanish for the above quote: “verdadera lengua general empleada desde Huamanga hasta ‘casi Chile y
Tucumán.’” The original Spanish for the quotes in the text will be included in the footnotes below.
4
The exceptions, to one extent or another, include Barnes 2002; Nacuzzi and Pérez de Micou 1994; Dyckerhoff 1984;
Torero 1986. See Raymond 1954a; 1954b for Mexico.
5
See also Cerrón-Palomino 2000 on the word “Lima”, especially 152-53 and below.
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in different areas. [See Chart 1.] Gentile identified the toponym “Tucumán” throughout Northwest
Argentina as a designation of fertile sites and the pre-Hispanic divinity protecting them. This makes
context essential but not always sufficient in the consideration of possible meanings. In addition, the
extinction of native languages, such as Mochica and Culle, makes it impossible to verify some
translations (Gentile1995; 2008: 61-98; Cerrón-Palomino1989; 2000: especially 158; 2002; 2004;
Durand 1921; especially 23; Adelaar, 1990; Krzanowski and Szeminski 1978 for Quechua, Kulli
(or Culle) and Mochica; Zuidema Forthcoming; Múrua c. 1615/2004: II, 9v and 19v).
Chart 1: Traditional List of Inca Rulers (after D’Altroy 2002: 4)
Finally, Cerrón Palomino details how native languages change over time and elaborates on
the idiosyncrasies (“caprichos”) of spelling -first by Spanish explorers and soldier citizens, and,
then, by priests, scribes, and notaries, who did not understand ethnic languages and had to sound out
native words. Thus, scholars are left with a variety of spellings of terms that vary with individual
recorder and over time before they are (if ever) standardized. Consider, for example, the various
spellings of Yamayoguan: Yomayuguan, Yumayugua, Yamayuguan, Yunayguan, Yomayocguan
and the shifting meanings of malca, marca, and llacta, which evolved from meaning “people” to
“region” in the middle of the nineteenth century. These same terms then are subject to errors of
transcription and publishing. Nevertheless, with careful cross-checking and verification of
circumstance, this methodology, especially when used in conjunction with material remains and
multiple manuscripts, helps recover ethnic knowledge and adds valuable insightful into the stories
of unlettered peoples who long relied on orality to explain their origins and history (Ramírez 1996:
especially chapter 5; 2006a: 255-82; Zevallos Quiñones 1948: 116; Silva Santisteban 1986:
II,pp.365-70; Pawlik 1951: 51-57).
Like such names as Cincinnati that recalls the famous aristocrat and politician of the Roman
Republic and now refers to a city in the Midwestern region of the United States and Salzburg that
was once an important European settlement of salt-producing people, the analysis of the following
Andean place names, chosen to reflect widely dispersed geographical locations, identifies historical
events and their significance and ethnic resources.
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Apurímac
The word is a composite of “apu” meaning principal man (señor principal) or lord and
“rimac” that means speaker or spokesman (hablador) in Quechua. Garcilaso de la Vega translates
the toponym as “the speaking captain or leader” and notes that it conveys the principals of peace
and those of war. 6 But, Cerrón-Palomino believes that this translation reflects the Spanish
understanding of the word and not its native meaning. He translates the word as “el hablador
principal”, the “grand or great(est) speaker” or oracle and identified it as the sixteenth century idol
and sanctuary that was located near the River Apurímac. Indeed, Pedro Pizarro, the cousin and page
of Francisco Pizarro, wrote that “in this Aporima the devil spoke” 7 before he described the
sanctuary. Cerrón-Palomino, likewise, rejects interpretations that identified the word with the sound
of the river, based on indications that “the metaphor of the talking rivers does not form part of the
Andean imagination” 8 . Mention must be made that Garcilaso’s definition may reflect Spanish
persecution of native religions or idolatry (to use the Spanish term). The native speakers would in
that context have hidden the oracle aspect of the term from the Spanish colonists to avoid problems
(Vega, VIII, XXII, 204 as cited by Cerrón-Palomino 2004: 17; Vega 1609/1987: Part I, Book 8, Ch.
22, 527; Porras Barrenechea 1986: 134; Pizarro 1571/1978: XIV, 81-83).
Lima
Such considerations also help understand the meaning of Lima, which is today the name of
the Peruvian capital city and its surrounding hinterland. Again, Lima is a corruption of “limac” or
“rímac”, meaning “he who speaks” or hablador. It referred to a human-shaped idol that spoke and
responded to questions there. Speaking idols and images were common in the Andes in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The indigenous populace believed that native authorities
descended from hero-like ancestors or had been chosen by their forbearers to rule and could address
them. Native dignitaries mediated between commoners and their gods, often going into a trance-like
state with the help of drugs during which they communicated with the dead. [See Illustration 1.] To
help legitimate Spanish rule, the European invaders built atop the sites of oracles. In this instance,
Spanish settlers constructed the governor’s palace at the oracle’s sanctuary (Curatola and
Ziolkowski 2008; Ramírez, 2005: especially ch. 2 and 145-46; Vega 1609/1987: Part I, Book VI,
Ch. XXX, 379-80; Cerrón-Palomino 2000; 2004: 20-21.9
6
“el principal, o el capitan que habla”
“en este Aporima hablaua el demonio”
8
“la metáfora de los rios habladores no forma parte del imaginario andino”
9
See also Duviols 1986: especially 141-47, 154-55, 158-59, 165, 175-76.
7
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Illustration 1: The Inca mediating between his followers and the Sun
(Poma de Ayala 1936)
Chuquiapu (or Choqueapu)
This toponym identifies the place where Spaniards refounded the city of La Paz (Bolivia) for
a second time. Some have translated the term as “lanza capitana” (captain’s or leader’s lance) or
“lanza principal” (principal lance or lord’s lance; “chief or leading lance”) from chuqui (lance) and
apu (señor or lord). Cerrón-Palomino calls the first translation an “absurdity” and attributes the
incorrect translation to the fact that the translator assumed that the toponym was Quechua. He
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corrects this, stating that it is, in fact, Aymara from “chuqui” that means gold and “apu” that means
“heredad” (legacy, field (chacra)) or “heredad de oro” (gold [-yielding] place). Diego Cabeza de
Vaca confirmed this translation in his sixteenth-century description of the city of La Paz, when he
wrote “the settlement and place where they peopled [the city of La Paz] is called in the language of
Indians Chuquiapo that means ‘gold [-yielding] place’”.10 He continues stating that “on one side of
the said place are some old gold mines that at the time the Spanish discovered this land they found
[the mines] settled [being worked] (Vega1609/1987: Part I, Book III, Ch. VII, 149).”11,12.
The two cases of Apurimac and Chuquiapu exemplify the dangers of assuming that everyone
in the southern highlands spoke Quechua, without sufficient attention to the bilingual context of the
region and the importance of cross-checking the translations with written accounts. The second
example also shows the consequences of the inaccuracies of early efforts to convert the native
languages to a written form by persons who did not dominate the native languages completely. The
examples of Lima and Apurimac both point to the importance of cultural factors in understanding
toponyms. In both cases cosmological connotations were deemphasized in colonial renderings.
Cassamarca (or Caxamarca, Caxamalca, Qashamarca, Kazamarca)
There are four possible translations of this toponym. Today, both scholars and natives
translate the name of the region and city as a place of cold and frost or a place of spiny and/or
thorny plants. Indeed, one literal translation of the Quechua is: cassa or ice (helada) and marca
(malca) or people or province. So, an accepted English equivalent was people in/of a cold place.
This translation does not fit, because cold does not diagnostically characterize the region on a
comparative basis. For example, the average annual temperatures in Cajamarca (13.7 C. (57 F.)) are
not significantly different than in Cuzco (12.8 C. (55 F.)). Only if compared to the jungle or the
seacoast, would Cajamarca be judged “cold” (Silva Santiesteban 1986: 16-17; Humboldt 1802/
1973: 15; Gerard Helferich 2004; Cerrón-Palomino 1991: 153; 2004: 18-19; Ramírez 2006a: 25582; http://www.weather-and-climate.com;www.worldweatheronline.com;
www.climatetemp.info/peru/cusco.html (All webcites accessed November 28, 2011).13
A second meaning is also discussed by Cerrón-Palomino who analyzes the term linguistically,
noting that the first half of the term can also mean thorn [kasa] in one dialect of Quechua. He
concludes that the correct meaning is land of thorns or spines, citing the authoritative report of a
corregidor (district governor) of the distant and more southern area of Ayacucho (Huamanga), Luis
de Monzón, of 1586 who defines the term as follows (referring to the town of Nombre de Jesús de
Caxamalca):
it was so named because all around there are many large cacti, and their thorns in the
native language are called caxa, and the word for the jurisdiction is marca, so for this
reason it was called Caxamalca, that means land where thorns are grown14
10
“el asiento y lugar donde se pobló [“the city of Nuestra Señora de La Paz”] se llama en lengua de indios Chuquiapo,
que quiere decir ‘heredad de oro’.”
11
“a un lado deste dicho sitio hay unas minas antiguas de oro que al tiempo que los españoles descubrieron esta tierra las
hallaron pobladas …”
12
See also Zuidema forthcoming; Cerrón-Palomino 1991: 162; 2004: 17-18; Cabeza de Vaca 1586/1965: I, 342;
Durand, 1921: 105, 197.
13
See also Durand 1921: 11, 24, 159-62.
14
“se llamó así, porque hay a la redonda del muchos cardones grandes, y a las espinas dellos en lengua de los indios
llaman caxa, y al distrito de la tierra marca, de suerte que por esta razón se llamó Caxamalca, que quiere decir tierra
de donde se crían espinas.” Luis de Monzón 1586/1965, I, 230. See also Cerrón-Palomino 1991: 153-54, 156, 162.
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Third, Cerrón-Palomino states that both Garcilaso de la Vega and Fernández de Palencia
confused the term with another that is pronounced differently. He compares “caça” or qasa,
meaning cold or ice, with cassa [q’asa] or portillo, meaning gap, aperture, passage, wicket, gate, or
opening. Marca (malca) is a synonym for llacta, which from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century
meant “people”. It was only in the eighteenth and nineteenth century that the terms gradually took
on the meaning of region. Thus, Caxamarca could mean people of the [or living near the] gap or
opening. Elsewhere, I have contextualized the truncated pyramids of the north coast and the
platforms called ushnus in early sources, suggesting that they served as ceremonial and religiopolitical spaces. The Inca and ethnic authorities used the flat top of such constructions as a platform
or stage (audiencia) from which to judge and address their people in their roles as mediators with
the ancestors and supernatural powers (Cerrón-Palomino 2004: 18-19; Fernández de Palencia, El
Palentino 1571/1963; Ramírez 2006a: 362-73, 377-78; forthcoming.).15
Indeed, in 1532, Cajamarca served as a ceremonial center that was built on and in front of the
hill (cerro) named Rumitiana, which translates from the Quechua as seat or stool (tiana) of stone
(rumi) or seated stone (perhaps referring to the representation of a lithified ancestor, akin to Ayar
Oche at Guanacaure). At its “top it had a small Fortress of three walls [fences, enclosures] which
were accessed by a staircase”16.17 From this height and platform, the Inca officiated. There was a
second ushnu or stage, situated on one side of the plaza. The Inca ruler Atahualpa, in his first
encounter with Francisco Pizarro, prohibited the Spanish leader from ascending to the top of this
mount. Years later, the viceroy Francisco de Toledo climbed the truncated pyramid and ushnu in
Vilkasguamán and was greeted by the native witnesses as a ruler and god. This suggests that the
reason why Atahualpa ordered Pizarro to stay away was the authority and role that the native
populace would attribute to a leader who ascended to the platform at the top of the structure. The
point is that the term “q’asa” may refer to the upper-most level of such a construction as an opening,
gap, or space from which human authorities could contact and communicate with the gods. These
authorities who claimed to be related to the ancestral gods and to be chosen by them to rule, in
essence, filled the void or gap, linking the people of this world with their antecedents in the next.
Thus, the toponym could refer to a people who had such a structure where supernatural advice and
oracular help were accessible. The first structure still exists, renamed as the cerro (hill) of Santa
Apolonia or “el castillo” (the castle), for short (Ramírez forthcoming).18
15
See also Durand 1921: 12. On ushnus or usnus, see also Zuidema forthcoming; 1980; Staller 2008.
“cúspide tenía una pequeña fortaleza de tres cercas a la que se llegaba por una escalera.”
17
Ramírez 2005: 45; Betanzos 1551-1557/1996: 10-11, 15; Cabello Valboa 1586/1951: 261-63; Dammert Bellido 1997:
43 citing José Antonio del Busto. Horacio H. Urteaga describes the fortress as: “otra Fortaleza dominaba la ciudad,
elevándose sobre el cerro de Santa Apolonia; trozos de cantera labrada, rastros de caminos, escaleras de piedra, se veían
hasta antes de 1890, en que los canteros y picapedreros las hicieron desaparecer á fuerza de tiros de dinamita. Esta
Fortaleza estaba circundada por un triple muralla que descendía hasta la base del cerro teniendo la forma de una enorme
espiral.” He notes in a footnote that “Uno de estos contratistas de obras de cantería, el señor don Aurelio Sánchez, contó,
al que esto escribe, el hallazgo de todas estas ruinas. En este cerro, que es casi todo de cantería, muestran hasta hoy la
silla del Inca, especie de canapé labrado sobre una enorme masa de cantera; desde este sitio se domina el oeste de la
población y toda la campiña.” (Urteaga 1914: 324).
18
See on the historical meaning of “malca”, “marca”, and “llacta”, Ramírez 2006a. See also Durand 1921: 12. On
ushnus or usnus, see also Zuidema forthcoming; 1980; Staller 2008.
18
“cúspide tenía una pequeña fortaleza de tres cercas a la que se llegaba por una escalera.”
18
Ramírez 2005: 45; Betanzos 1551-1557/1996: 10-11, 15; Cabello Valboa 1586/1951: 261-63; Dammert Bellido 1997:
43 citing José Antonio del Busto. Horacio H. Urteaga describes the fortress as: “otra Fortaleza dominaba la ciudad,
elevándose sobre el cerro de Santa Apolonia; trozos de cantera labrada, rastros de caminos, escaleras de piedra, se veían
hasta antes de 1890, en que los canteros y picapedreros las hicieron desaparecer á fuerza de tiros de dinamita. Esta
Fortaleza estaba circundada por un triple muralla que descendía hasta la base del cerro teniendo la forma de una enorme
16
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Illustration 2: Atahualpa atop his ushnu
Finally, a fourth possibility is that the toponym translates as people of the snake, where cassa
or kassa glosses as serpent or snake. The snake was a pre-Inca god associated with the population’s
origins and fertility-giving waters and rain. Atahualpa on his approach to the plaza on November 16,
1532, the afternoon of the encounter, sent word to Pizarro that he would inhabit the building that
contained the image of the snake, perhaps hoping to invoke its supernatural powers. This detail is
all the more significant given the stories of the civil war between Atahualpa and his half-brother
Huascar for the vacant throne of their father, Huayna Capac, and the title of “el Cuzco” that
espiral.” He notes in a footnote that “Uno de estos contratistas de obras de cantería, el señor don Aurelio Sánchez, contó,
al que esto escribe, el hallazgo de todas estas ruinas. En este cerro, que es casi todo de cantería, muestran hasta hoy la
silla del Inca, especie de canapé labrado sobre una enorme masa de cantera; desde este sitio se domina el oeste de la
población y toda la campiña.” (Urteaga 1914: 324).
18
See on the historical meaning of “malca”, “marca”, and “llacta”, Ramírez 2006a.
18
See also Durand 1921: 161.
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mention that in the first battles, Atahualpa was captured by Huascar’s forces only to escape by
transforming himself into a snake. Franklin Pease interprets this incident as a turning point in a
ritual war, during which Atahualpa leaves a precarious situation to return as a solar hero who never
again was defeated by Huascar’s generals. It is at this point that he is recognized as Inca and in a
position to meet Pizarro in the plaza of Cajamarca (Pease 1991: 138-143).19
This example highlights the sometimes extraordinary difficulties in using toponyms, given
the sources that reflect the imperfect recording of native languages by persons who were not native
speakers and who often had only a rudimentary or no knowledge of the original language, and who
did not know or chose not to reveal the cultural context of its use, and the continuous changes in
meanings of some terms overtime (Ramírez forthcoming).
Arequipa
Valera, a sixteenth century mestizo priest who spoke Quechua, but did not speak Aymara,
wrote that the term meant “trompeta sonora” (sounding trumpet) from “ari”, a Quechuaized
Aymara word meaning “new’ and “quipa” meaning “[conch] shell trompet”. [See Illustration 2
where the figure in the right-hand corner holds a shell trompet.] Cerrón-Palomino rejects this
translation. Instead, he points to the word “qhipa” which in both Aymara and Quechua means
“behind” and “ari” that in Aymara means “peak” or “cumbre”. He concludes that the term refers to
the “place behind the peak”. This translation makes more sense, especially when one considers the
city’s location at the base of a volcanic peak. [See Illustration 3.] It also provides perspective and
indicates that the Aymara speaker viewed the place from the highlands (Puno/Lake Titicaca) area
and was looking toward the west and the coast (Valera 1585-90/1945; Vega 1609/1987: Part I,
Book III, Ch. IX, 153; Cerrón-Palomino 2004: 24-25.).20
Illustration 3: Arequipa
19
See also Durand 1921: 161.19 See also Durand 1921: 161.
See also Durand 1921: 10, 145.
20
See also Durand 1921: 10, 145.
19
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Yahuarcocha
This term is translated relatively straightforwardly as “yahuar” or “blood” and “cocha” or
“body of water”, “lake” or “sea”. This term, “sea or lake of blood”, can be traced through early
sources to the location where oral tradition recounts how Carangue rebels were beheaded by the
victorious army of the Inca Huaina Capac (died circa 1525), the last Inca king who claimed
jurisdiction over most Andean peoples living scattered from southern Colombia to northwestern
Argentina and northern Chile. This example confirms references in the sources to pre-Hispanic
historical events. Stories of such victories served to legitimate and confirm the ruler’s authority as a
person chosen by the gods (Cieza de León 1553/1987: 223; Cobo 1653/1964: II: 137).
Cuculí
This word comes from the Mochica and still identifies a small hamlet on the north coast of
Peru in the hinterland of Chiclayo as well as a hill north and east of Motupe and Olmos on the far
north coast and places in the modern Departments of Ancash and Lima. The term means “dove”
(paloma). Judging from the monographs on Lambayeque, this toponym identified a place that was
no doubt more heavily forested than it is today where persons could hunt for fowl (Miranda Romero
1927; 1959; Carrera 1644/1939: 25; Nacuzzi and Pérez de Micou 1994: 91-103).21
Sian
This Mochica toponym is a composite of “si” meaning “moon” and “an” referring to “house”.
It signified the house or temple of the moon. This name indicates that despite the sun-worshipping
Inca hegemony of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, ethnic populations still respected their
authorities and continued to worship their traditional paramount god, the moon. This complements
MacCormack’s finding that Sun worship quickly faded after the Spanish arrival, but that ethnic
cults survived much longer. The Mochica people who lived predominantly on the coast believed
that the moon was more powerful than the sun, because the moon controlled the tides and the moon
was visible when the sun shined, but not vice versa. The word Sian appears in the records of a
valley, today known as Pacasmayo (see also below). Calancha, an Augustinian priest, wrote:
in this valley, and in all the valleys of the Chimos, the Indians communicated with the
Devils face to face like a friend with another equal, visibly attending their festivals, and
as dancers in their drunken gatherings, they were so subject to their dominion, that they
spoke words and speeches to their oracle, they had a palace and principal seat in the
great guaca (sacred complex) Sian, that is (as we said) in the part and place that today is
Guadalupe. This Sian was a temple of the Moon….22
21
See also Cerrón-Palomino 1989: 54.
“en este valle, i en todos los de los Chimos comunicavan los Demonios [literally, “the devils”, from the Spanish,
Catholic perspective or from a more relativistic perspective, the ancestral gods]) con los Indios cara a cara como un
amigo con otro igual, allándose visibles en sus festines, i dançantes en sus borracheras, tan sugetos a su dominio, que
las palabras i discursos rendían a su oráculo, tenía su palacio i silla principal en la gran guaca Sian, que está (como
digimos) en la parte i asiento que oy es Guadalupe. Este Sian era el tenplo de la Luna …. “ (Calancha 1638/1974-81: IV,
1239, 1260-61 (for the quote); MacCormack 1991).
22
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This toponym cannot be confused with Sican, as Brüning did (1922). Sican (also Çicani,
Çican), the person, was one of four important lords serving the paramount ruler of the Jayanca
peoples before 1549. He appears in the early records between 1536 and 1549. His son, Cami or
Cani succeeded him. Some authors believe that the Spanish later corrupted this son’s name and
wrote it as Cabani or Bani who appears in the records in 1540. The name Sican, like that of so many
other north coast lords, in time, became immortalized as a piece of land that, in this case, was
incorporated into the modern Hacienda of Batán Grande, according to José Maeda (Brüning 192223; 1989; AGI/Justicia 418, 201v, 217v, 219, 237-38, 251, 256-56v; Gama 1540/1974, 225;
http://www.diariolaprimeraperu.com/online/Chiclayo/noticia.php?IDnoticia=2464
(Accessed 1/13/2012).
Names as Cultural Indicators
Place names are not the only ubiquitous evidence of native voice in the sources. Another is
the meaning of personal names and titles, which have been - to date - too often overlooked as
sources for ethnohistory (Ramírez 2010).23 I will analyze several below, first, at the imperial level
of the Inca and, second, at the ethnicity-level of rulers known as curacas or caciques and the lessor
lords or nobles (principales) under their jurisdictions.
Huaina Capac (or Wayna Qhapaq) was the “praise name” of the last Inca ruler (as noted,
in passing, above) to have jurisdiction over a united empire before the Spanish invasion. This
denomination is made up of “wayna” meaning young and “capac” which is translated in the sources
as “very much more than king”24 or “magnanimous ruler”, magnanimity being a characteristic of a
great administrator and lord. Thus, his subjects referred to him as the “young magnanimous ruler”,
which, given their cosmology, meant young god or man-god and direct descendant of the blood line
of the union of the father sun and mother moon. Native rulers used several names sequentially
throughout their lives. One of Huaina Capac’s personal names was recorded as Titu Cusi Wallpa.
But, he was rarely addressed as such, because, as Garcilaso de la Vega wrote, the leader’s given
name was too sacred to utter: “the majesty of his name [referring to Manco Capac], so great and so
high, that among them it was considered so sacred and divine that no one dared utter it, except with
the greatest veneration, then only to name the king.” Cieza de León confirms this, stating that “in
public no one dared name his [Huascar’s] name.”25
Thupa (Tupa) Inca Yupanki (Yupanqui) is a title that refers to the tenth Inca ruler on the
conventional Inca king list, which has been translated as Royal Honored Inca. A more nuanced
rendering, however, would be a combination of “Tupa” as “ruler who challenges” and “yupanki”,
which literally means “accountant”. Thus, a better understanding is “exceptional (or prominent)
ruler who counted unnumbered peoples”. This latter conforms to the Andean ideas of “wealth”,
“prominence”, and “status”. Inca cosmology dictated that the person who commanded the loyalty of
the greatest numbers of people held the highest status. At important ritual gatherings, this position
was symbolized and acknowledged by the height and manufacture of an authority’s seat, stool or
throne (tiana). The cultural norm was the higher the seat, the higher the status, and the greater the
23
See also Whiteley 1992: 208-27 who analyzes Hopi names as literature.
“mucho mas que rey” (Julien 2000: 28-29.)
25
“La majestad de su nombre, tal y tan alto, que entre ellos era tenido por sagrado y divino, que nadie osaba tomarlo en
la boca sino con grandísima veneración, solamente para nombrar al rey.” (Vega 1609/1987: Part I, Book I, Ch. 23, 59);
“en público no se osava nonbrar [referring to Huascar, one of Huaina Capac’s sons] su nonbre” (Cieza de León
1553/1987: 146)
24
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13
number of persons who could be mobilized for various tasks. Lower status ethnic rulers sat on
lower and rougher stools. Commoners either sat or squatted or laid face-down on the ground before
such authorities (Ramírez 2005).26
Likewise, the fame name of Qhapaq (Capac) Yupanki, the fifth Inca in the conventional
king list, could translate as “great man-god accountant” or “man-god ruler who keeps track (and
protects”, (by implication)) the people or their labor, instead of the more usual “powerful honored
ruler”. Such an understanding reflects the belief, mentioned above, that rulers had special powers to
contact and influence the ancestral gods for the good of their followers from a sometimes elevated,
but always consecrated position or ushnu.
Finally, the name of Sinchi Roq’a, the second Inca who many believe is mythical rather
than strictly historical, refers to a hospitable warlord: “sinchi” meaning “warrior” and “roq’a”
meaning “generous”. Hospitality was a highly-valued cultural rule. Subjects expected that a highranking lord would be more generous in ritual drinking and feasting than a lesser status lord. The
practice of polygamy was crucial in this regard, because the more women in a lord’s service, the
greater his production of maize beer, the par-none ritual drink that was dispensed liberally at
communal gatherings. The Inca had a principal wife (ideally, his sister) and many secondary wives
taken from other ethnic groups who were chosen usually for political considerations. Lower status
ethnic lords, likewise, aspired to multiple wives, a practice hidden from the Spanish because of their
strong religious objections. But, multiple women helped the lords live up to expectations of
hospitality and magnanimity. Women brewed maize beer (chicha) and wove textiles that the rulers
gave to subjects on various occasions (Espinoza Soraino 1986: II, 15-34; Cieza de León 1864/1964:
219, 239; Bandera 1557/1968: III, 499, 506).
An analysis of the names or titles of ethnic-level lords also reveals important information
that rarely appears explicitly in early Spanish descriptions or administrative and judicial documents.
For example, the prominent lord Don Francisco Palarref Cononciq[ue] ruled the Ferreñafe people
on the north coast in 1560. The name he bore indicates that he was 1) baptized into the Catholic
faith (with the Christian name “Francisco”) and 2) a noble (with the Spanish title, don, indicating
“gentleman”). Palarref probably referred to his lineage. But “conocique” refers to his rank. “Cono
“means a “thousand” and “cique” (or “ceque” or ssiek, çiec, çiek) means “lord” in Mochica.
Therefore, he was the lord of a thousand families, a second-tier rank of the ethnic religioadministrative hierarchy. The term could also add time-depth, indicating that when the Inca
conquered the Mochica people they imposed their decimal organization on the ethnic power
structure. [See Chart 2.] This deconstruction and translation of a lord’s name, then, confirms more
macro-level accounts of immediate pre-Hispanic events (AGI/Audiencia de Lima 133, 1560;
Cerrón-Palomino 1995: 102, 160, 202; Ramírez 1990; Zevallos Quiñones 1993a; Julien 1982; Rowe
1984: 26-59).
26
For a longer, more detailed discussion, see Ramírez 2010: 178-79.26 See also Whiteley 1992: 208-27 who analyzes
Hopi names as literature.
26
“mucho mas que rey” (Julien 2000: 28-29.)
26
“La majestad de su nombre, tal y tan alto, que entre ellos era tenido por sagrado y divino, que nadie osaba tomarlo en
la boca sino con grandísima veneración, solamente para nombrar al rey.” (Vega 1609/1987: Part I, Book I, Ch. 23, 59);
“en público no se osava nonbrar [referring to Huascar, one of Huaina Capac’s sons] su nonbre” (Cieza de León
1553/1987: 146)
26
For a longer, more detailed discussion, see Ramírez 2010: 178-79.
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Chart 2: Inca Administrative Hierarchy
Other names that appear in mundane sources reveal something about the ethnic division of
labor and specialization. Thus, Don Diego Calanseque’s last name indicates that he was the lord of
the jesters. In Mochica, “cala” means “fun” or “laughter” and may be the specialists who the
Spanish rendered as “trujanes” (and “truhanes”, knaves, rogues, rascals or yaktum or iactum) in
Mochica and “chocarreros” (clowns, jesters, buffoons, joker, joke teller, shocker) in sixteenth
century sources. Both Spanish terms have the negative connotations of crude and coarse, which
suggests Spanish sensitivities and that they did not understand native humor.27 A second case is
Don Gaspar Purriseche whose Mochica name refers to his role as lord of the feather workers.
“Purri” means feather and “seche” [ceque] means “lord”. Ann Rowe published a book about the
provenience of beautiful colored feathers and showed examples of the work of the specialized
feather workers. The Spanish colonial authorities, in their attempt to control better ethnic
populations, prohibited unauthorized, long-distance native travel, so colored feathers became in
time scarcer. To adjust to these colonial restrictions, these specialists may have become the itinerant
cloth painters (pintores) that appear in the community records in the second half of the sixteenth
century. In the same way, Don Diego Senseque’s name may refer to his role as lord of the
beekeepers from “sem” or sweet (ART/Lopez de Cordova 29-III-1563; Cerrón-Palomino 1995: 111,
203; Cieza de León 1548-50/1985, 29; 1864/1964: 219; Agustinos 1550s/1865/1964: 33-36; Rowe
1984; AGI/Justicia 462, 1863; Audiencia de Lima 133, 1560).28
But, not all indigenous names are so straightforward in their translations. Tuniseque is an
example where “tuni” or “tumi” translates as universe, time, stars or, more commonly today, as
arms or knives. So, Tuniseque could have been the keeper of the knives or arms or lord of metal
workers (called “plateros” (literally, silversmiths) by the Spanish). The second translation might be
astronomer or star-gazing priest. These two translations may help us understand better native
imaginations in the sixteenth century. Because Andean people did not categorize their world using
the European categories of political, religious, social, and economic, Tumiseque/Tuniseque may
refer to a lord who watched the stars to predict the weather and to determine the proper time to plant
and schedule rituals, who rose to power through a military victory. An early native account records
how a noble rose up against his higher-ranking ethnic ruler. As he advanced, his success drew
followers, because they attributed his triumphs in battling those above him as the mandate and favor
of the gods. Thus, it might refer to the leader who could lead in times of crisis and war and indicate
27
28
See Darnton 1984 for a French example.
See also Ramírez 1998: especially 243.
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15
when to plant in peace time. The conflict between Atahualpa and Huascar for the rulership of the
empire and an ethnic 1566 lawsuit indicate that ordeals were usual in deciding power relationships
and justice. Ordeals were interpreted as the means by which the gods chose who was indicated for
supernatural favor and superhuman status (AGI/Justicia 461, 1572; Ramírez 1995; 2005: especially
Ch. 2).
A third possibility is to translate “tumi’, like Cerrón-Palomino did, as “lobo marino” (seal)
or pescado (fish) from coastal Quechua (Cerrón-Palomino 1989: 54).29 Izquierdo Gonzalez in 2011,
Vázquez de Espinosa in the seventeenth century, and Don Baltazar Martínez Compañón, the
enlightened Bishop of Trujillo toward the end of the eighteenth century, either wrote about or
provide a drawing of river seals native to the north. This translation would render “tuniseque” as
“lord of fishermen” or “lord of sea mammal hunters” (Vázquez de Espinosa 1616/1948, paragraphs
1383, 1415, 1420, 1451, 1826; Izquierdo González 2011: “Prólogo”; Martinez Compañón 1978:
VI: cuadro 40).
Such evidence of highly specialized workers corresponds to information related by Cabello
Valboa about the peopling of the north coast by an ancient ancestor, called Naimlap, and his court.
Among his followers were forty specialists (oficiales). He wrote
thus Pita Zofi who was his trumpeter or player of some large shells, that the Indians
value a lot, another Ñinacola who was the person in charge of caring for his litters and
throne, and another Ñinagintue under whose charge was the drink of that Lord like a
Botiller, another named Fonga sigde [seque ?] who was in charge of sprinkling
powdered marine shells on the path where his Lord would stand, another Occhocalo was
his cook, another was in charge of his unctions and color with which the Lord adorned
his face, he was called Xam muchec; Ollopcopoc was in charge of the Lord’s bath[,],
making tunics and feather clothing was another very valued noble of his Prince called
Llapchiluli, and with this group (and an infinite number of other craftspersons and men
of worth) he adorned and legitimated his person and house30.
Finally, the term “Pacatnamu”, which also appears in the chronicle written by Calancha,
translates as “common father of all” or “padre comun”. His biography indicates that Pacatnamu was
a valiant captain sent with an army by the ruler of the peoples of Chimo and Chicama to conquer
the peoples to his north. And, after many battles that cost many lives and “rivers of blood”
(“arroyos de sangre”), Calancha continued
They called this Captian (who after the victory was named Governor by the Chimu
[ruler of the Chimu civilization] Pacatnamu, that in that language meant common
father, or father of all, because ignoring the victors, he benefited the losers, in his
honor [adulation] the valley was called Pacatnamu, and today the valley is called
corruptly Pacasmayo; and the hill where he founded his house whose descendants
[reliquias] live, conserves without corruption the name Pacatnamu, that even among
29
Note that Cobo does not write about the animal (Cerrón-Palomino 1995: 168 citing Brüning and Carrera).
“ansi como Pita Zofi que era su trompetero ó Tañedor de unos grandes caracoles, que entre los Yndios estiman en
mucho, otro Ñinacola que era el que tenía cuidado de sus andas y Silla, y otro Ñinagintue a cuio cargo estaua la vevida
de aquel Señor a manera de Botiller, otro llamado Fonga sigde [seque ?] que tenia cargo de derramar polvo de conchas
marinas en la tierra que su Señor auia de Pisar, otro Occhocalo era su Cocinero, otro tenia cuidado de las unciones, y
color con que el Señor adornava su rostro, a este llamauan Xam muchec [,] tenia cargo de bañar al Señor Ollopcopoc;
labrava camisetas y ropa de pluma, otro principal y muy estimado de su Príncipe llamado Llapchiluli, y con esta gente
(y otros infinitos oficiales y hombres de cuenta) traia adornada, y autourizada su persona y casa.” (Cabello Valboa
1586/1951: 37). See also Brüning 1922-23; 1989. Spondylus shells were considered essential to ritual by Andeans in the
sixteenth century and were highly valued.
30
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uncultured peoples, the memory continues of his favor to his subjects, and protection
of strangers31
Paragraphs later, Calancha reiterated that “in this valley of Pacasmayo, and in the valleys of
the coast, Devils [ancestors] ordinarily gave answers [to questions], and attended their dances,
drinking bouts and festivals”32, further suggesting the mediating role of the ethnic ruler and the
distorting cultural filters of the Europeans.
Such quotes conform to the definition of ayllu or lineage - meaning a kin group in which
everyone believed that they are descended from a common ancestor. Followers expected the leader
to organize his lineage to provide for group subsistence needs and protect them through his
influence with their deified ancestors. One sixteenth century source that contains references back to
the 1539 (just seven years after first European contact) indicates that no matter what their given
name, the ruler assumed the name of the ancestral hero or god upon rising to power and his position.
This indicates that a given name of the original founder became over time the title of the ruler and
thus preserved his memory in the peoples’ oft-repeated oral histories. When the Spanish arrived,
many of these indigenous names and titles became toponyms, e.g., Sicán, Íllimo, and Jayanca,
among them. In this case Pacatnamu came forward into the twenty-first century distorted as
Pacasmayo (AGI/Justicia 404; Calancha 1638/1974-81: IV, 1234-35; Ramírez 2006b: 13-56).33
Names as Artifacts and Sources of Ethnic Knowledge
For decades, some archaeologists have based their reconstructions of pre-European contact
indigenous history on small fragments of broken pottery and other artifacts. From such material
remains they have determined much about the socio-economic, political and religious lives of their
subjects, detailing, for example, the technology employed to make this or that item, the provenience
of the materials needed for its manufacture, some generalizations on economic specializations, and
the use of the object. Attention to toponyms and onomastics, other small bits of information,
sprinkled liberally in primary sources are also artifacts.34 They, representing the native voice, can
identify natural resources (Cuculí and Chuquiapu), locate oracular ceremonial centers (Apurimac,
Cajamarca, and Lima), indicate perspectives (Arequipa), and confirm the outcome of historical
events (Yahuarcocha). Likewise, names or titles characterize native lords, like the young Huayna
Capac and the warrior Sinchi Roq’a. These and the rendering of such names as Yupanqui also
underscore group cultural ideals: generosity, protection, and the importance of large numbers of
loyal followers. Furthermore, they identify the location and functions of ceremonial complexes
(Sian), suggest that the Inca imposed a decimally-based administrative hierarchy on ethnicities
(Conoceque), and reveal the specialists who served at court or the larger society (e.g., jesters,
31
“Llamaron a este Capitán (que después de la vitoria nonbró por Governador el Chimo [ruler]) Pacatnamu,
que en aquella lengua quiere decir padre común, o padre de todos, porque [ig]norando a los vencedores,
acariciava a los vencidos, a su adulación se llamó el valle de Pacatnamu, i oy se llama corrupto el nonbre el
valle de Pacasmayo; i el cerro donde fundó su casa cuyas reliquias viven, conserva sin corrupción el nonbre de
Pacatnamu, que aún entre gentes incultas, se eternizan las memorias de los que favoreciendo a los súbditos,
anparan con protección a los estraños “ (Calancha 1638/1974-81: IV, 1227).
32
“en este valle de Pacasmayo, i en los de los llanos [the coast] davan ordinarias repuestas los Demonios [ancestors], i
asistían visiblemente en sus bayles, borracheras i festines” (Calancha 1638/1974-81: IV, 1249)
33
See also Gentile 1999: 169-94, especially 189; Duviols 1986: 148, 159, 174.
34
On words as artifacts, see Herrick 1983: 271-87.
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S. E. RAMÍREZ: ANDEAN OPTIC
feather workers, beekeepers and metal workers) who are not treated specifically in early Spanish
sources. Thus, together, these names, these relatively small and sometimes seemingly insignificant
words or phrases, fragments of a once thriving cultural understanding, can function effectively as
native voices and tools for completing Andean cultural and ethnic histories. Their translation adds
details and dimension to sharpen historical versions where sources are otherwise deficient or
lacking. Also, the concentration of certain toponyms and onomastics can outline cultural influences
and politico-religious jurisdictions, thus adding a spatial framework and diachronic layering to the
story of ethnic interactions. As a methodology, it can be used throughout the world to improve
inter-cultural communication.
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