The Musical Achievements
of the Scholar-King ChOngjo
of the Late 18th-Century ChosOn Dynasty
Song Ji-won
Seoul National University
Introduction
T he late Choson Dynasty was a period when ChosOn showed its cultural
pride that it was 'the cultural center', that is, 'the center of culture', as
Neo-Confucianism introduced as a foreign learning took root as ChosOn
Neo-Confucianism in its society. Such a notion was embodied in the period
of Crongjo, who, as 'a scholarly king' with cultural capacities, practically
exerted them on his cultural policies to establish a golden age of Choson
culture.
ChOngjo, who had a deep understanding of umnyul w1f, is judged in
musical attainments as an important figure with Sejong, among all the kings
of the Choson Dynasty. Thus, in this writing I recognize his musical
achievements referring to such major documents as CIVngjo shillok iHtlI.Jfift,
Hongjae chOnso 5L~~., Ils6ngnok B ~ift, Ch'un'gwan t'onggo ~-g~~ and
Kukcho pogam OOll~Wii, survey their historical meaning and on its basis
observe the phase of music at the close of 18th century.
Chbngjo the scholar-king
From the beginning of its foundation, the Choson Dynasty continually
strengthened training of the kings' leadership in order to cultivate their
monarchal qualities. As a result, it witnessed frequently ideal academic
kings such as Sukchong Jl!Hr-, Yongjo ~Wtll., and CMngjo iOtll. in its late
period as well as Sejong
in its early period. Of them, Sejong and
i!t*
228
Chongjo played pivotal roles in making ChosOn culture bloom brilliantly to
such a degree that they are called 'Sejong of early ChosOn' and 'ChOngjo of
late ChosOn', respectively. As is generally known, Sejong upgraded the
culture of early ChosOn by setting up ChiphyOnjOn ~ 'If ~ [Hall of Worthies],
an institute for research and policy-making, and ChOngjo made possible the
golden age of 18th-century ChosOn culture by establishing Kyujanggak ~.
M [Royal Library].
ChOngjo described himself as a king and at the same time a mentor and
he answered the description, for he bequeathed to us Hongjae cJWnso,l the
most voluminous book that any of the ChosOn kings ever wrote. As the
crown prince, he reached a high level of learning, and continued applying
himself in studies even when he was on the throne, which enabled him to
write profound books like that in many fields.
The late 18th century, during which Chongjo reigned, was also the
transition of ChosOn society. To put it another way, it was not until 18th
century after Ch'ong/Qing mreplaced Myong/Ming SA in the middle of the
17th century that ChosOn, on one hand, had a flood of pride that it was the
orthodox cultural nation, that is, "ChosOn is the center of culture" (ChosOn
is Chunghwa), and on the other hand, with a new idea of pukhak ~t*
[northern learning] emerging, created new intellectual atmospheres in its
society.
ChOngjo, who ruled during this turning point, by accomplishing many
cultural achievements through absorbing both the established order and the
new ideas, maintained Choson as the central state of culture. This was
possible, among others, because Chongjo was himself a king of deep
learning and he consistently to his mind to government by learning. This
attitude of ChOngjo gave rise to a great deal of cultural achievements.
Amendments of national ceremonies
ChOngjo said, "There is nothing in a country that is more precious than
national ceremonies, and nowhere is it observed more solemnly than in
Chongmyo
[the Royal Ancestral Shrine] and Sajik ifd:fI [the Land and
Grain gods]."2 This statement shows Chongjo's endeavor to reinforce the
amendments of the national ceremonies. It would be natural that such
recognition grew strong by the time the thought had been widespread that
*lij
IHongjae chiJnsiJ, a collection of Chbngjo's prose and poetry compiled and published in
Kyujanggak i!*M, carries the prose and poetry which CMngjo wrote from 1765, the year
when he was the son of the crown prince to 1800, the year of his death.
2Myosa in ~jfd:5!, Hongjae chDnso, vo1.10.
The Musical Achievements of the Scholar-King Chongjo
229
the legitimacy of cultural center was ChosOn since Qing Dynasty took place
of Ming Dynasty.
Today's China has been reduced to a fishy smell barbarian land and only our
Ch'inggu -]'If Ji3 has been preserved immaculate ....
This reveals CMngjo's opinion of China. As above mentioned, at
Crongjo's age it had already been turned into such a barbarian territory and
the thought had been so widespread that ChosOn was the orthodox cultural
center, that the interest deepened in the amendment of national ceremonies
as the center of culture, and in reality, a problem emerged how to use music
corresponding to it.
While the renaissance of a'ak ~~ (court music) at Sejong's time was
launched irrelevant to the notion of Choson's cultural center, the standpoint
at Chbngjo's was absolutely different. It was because it had been widely
recognized that legitimate ChosOn with the legitimacy was the center of
culture and it was in it. Accordingly, a'ak rose to a high position as that of
central nation of culture.
The revision of music in the national ceremonies was made in three
directions: supplementing ceremonies which lacked in music, adding music
to the promoted ceremonies, and, ensuing orthodox playing of ceremonies.
One of the first examples is Kwanye akchang n){U~•. It was played at
kwanye, which was an occasion when the king watched crops reaped out in
his field chOkchOn ~83. When in his fifth year (1781) Chbngjo performed the
ritual out in SOnnongdan )lcJlJlj, he noticed that it was lacking in akchang ~
. , and ordered SO M)6ng-u.ng ~ifi'JIW to compose. And the next day 55 did
so and his akchang was used at kwanye in the same year. (Upcoming
Kwanwangmyo ceremony music rm:f.J,ij~~ corresponds to this type.)
Of the second examples is the case of the ritual for kigokche iWT''i~ [the
ritual to pray for crops] which was observed without the king's attendance
got raised a great national ritual. s When the king was not in attendance, any
kigokche was observed with tanhOn .'!f!JIk [one glass of drink] and soroe IJ'2f:
[one sacrifice offered] and without music and dance. But this lacked in
respect, so ClUngjo made it, as a great national ritual, celebrated with samhJn
3means Chosi:)n.
4ChOngjo shillok, 1.24a2-3 (April 18, 1776).
5December 1787. Kukcho pogam, n.17a8-17b6.
230
-= JI:l; [three glasses of drink]
and t' aeroe :t:2f: [three sacrifices offered] in
accordance with Shihyang ui aif*1lt with music and dance in the same way
as in great services. The case in which the kigokche got upgraded was based
on Churye Jl!lIjjf [the Book of Rites]. That is, it followed the interpretation that
the ritual actions should not be omitted even though the king doesn't take
part in the service.
The third example can be found here and there in CMngjo shillok and
Kukcho pogam. Most records point out that the playing was fast, that the
performance was made with akchang skipped, or that sounds and rhythms
were not correct.
The year after his accession, Chongjo ordered: "At the sacrificial
ceremony, some akchang is played repeatedly when people move slowly,
and a certain akchang is not played, being skipped when people move fast.
This is not the original purpose of the making of the akchang. Make sure that
playing will not be adjusted to the people's movement."6 He means that the
main purpose of making akchang is to pay respect to the ancestors given the
offerings so akchang should not repeated or omitted depending on the
sacrificial officials' movements, but rather the ritual should be performed to
the speed of music.
An article in January of Crongjo's 8th year in Kukcho pagam reads: "Most
of the umnyul *~ of the sacrificial music of Sajik tan Ifrtfl:ll were incorrectly
played. Chongjo summoned tangsang (-gwan) 1itJ:'§ [the higher-level
officials] and nanggwan .&~'§ of Changagwon $~~7t [Bureau of Music] to
Hoegyongmun 1tJllr~ to see aksaeng nand mugong ~I [dancers] practice
music and dance." Such pointing out was natural, for the musical
performance at a sacrificial ritual was a very important event directly
connected to sincerity of the religious service.
As recorded in June of his 6th year, Chongjo pointed out that the cMlju lP
~ of making sounds sad and lewd, the melody is too fast. He interpreted
that making sounds is so closely linked to the way of rule that recovery of
music is that of the way of government. Remarkably more articles relevant
to musical performances are found in lots of documents from his reign than
from any other kings', which was because making sure the legitimate
musical playing was urgent in amending national ceremonies.
KyiJngmogung cheryeak "JJ'§'~ and Kwanwangmyo cheak
In May of his accession year, ChOngjo decided to observe the sacrificial
6ChiJngjo shiIlok, 3.45a15-45b2 (May 8,1777).
The Musical Achievements of the Scholar-King Chbngjo
231
ritual remembering Kyongmogung. After he ordered it examined whether
any sacrifice and music were adequate for the ritual, he instructed a cow
and a sheep to be used as a sacrifice: sam sang -:: : fiX. as music, and yugil 1\fjf.
[36 dancers] as dance. The ritual was made a grade lower than T'aemyo *~
[the Royal Ancestral Shrine]. Next, he gave orders to set up a togam ;g~~ in
Kynngmogung and make its musical instruments, which were completed on
May 25th of the next year?
Kyangmogung akchang was made by Yi Hwiji *1tZ, then taejehak 7,J:£*
[Academician (senior 2nd rank)], in ChOngjo's 7th year (1783) and later
revised by N am KongchOl. But the tunes were all made by shortening those
of CIVngdarop 5E*~ and PotaepYJng 1**zp.. Its score has been handed down
recorded in Sogak uX1nbo 1it~j~, vols. 3 and 6.
On April 1st of the same year, the eulogistic posthumous title of SudDk
ton'gyong *H~~~ was offered to Prince Sado J~:t.!jl."tltr, when it was
discussed whether to use music. Finally, it was decided that music would be
used and then akchang was written by Chong Minshi tIlt~itEl and chukch'aek
mun 1tiHI-x, by Hwang Kyongwon ~jjfjj, then taejehak. The rite can be
interpreted simply as his filial duty, more greatly as his intention to ensure
his legitimacy by reinstating his father Prince Sado, and most greatly as his
desire to enhance the power of the throne.
CMngjo, who as part of his efforts to strengthen monarchal power, had
already set up Kyujanggak in the year of his accession, now established his
Royal Guards, Changyong yong :l:UHt, in order to seize military power.
Chongjo tried actively to increase military forces in order to have his solid
support: he travelled many times to survey the military situation; he raised
the soldiers' morale by giving prizes after each of occasional mock battles;
he also participated personally in military training. What is remarkable here
is the fact that when he attended any event related to the army, he would
visit Kwanwangmyo and pay his respect bowing before it. This shows part
of CMngjo's attitude toward Kwanwangmyo.
Kwanwangmyo, the shrine of Kwanu rm~~, whose spirit was told had
helped defeat the Japanese enemies at Imjin waeran :fag;iilL [Japanese
invasion of Korea in 1592], had been built during SOnjo's reign. But Chongjo
had Kwanwang's tombstone with epitaphs Sajo oje I2.9ffl.ll.fiIllJQ written by four
kings on it put up to the southern and eastern shrines. And then he made
Kyujanggak copy the epitaphs to send to Pongsangshi :$1t~ [Office of
Sacrificial Rites] so that they could be used as akka ~~. The akchang for
Kwanwangmyo, made at that time, was used with music added to it for the
7C1vngjo shillok, 3.52a8-9 (May 25(1777).
232
first time in his 10th year (1786), and it was played in the order of Yongshin
~~, Ch'Snpye J;~, Ch' ohOn Milt Ah'Sn .5lft ChonghOn ~1It and Songshin
~fi$. During the performance, the musicians were made to wear armor and
put up banners in five directions. The score of Kwanwangmyoak is handed
down recorded as Muanwangmyo cheak jE\;;~3:.IfH~~ of Sogak ux'Jnbo, vol. 2.
The music borrowed from Chi1ngdaeiJp - Somu BgjE\;;, Punung lut, and
Yonggwan
which had a similarity that in the three t'aepyi'Jngso j,;:Zfii,
a military musical instrument, was used. Accordingly, sacrificial music for
Kwanwangmyo, for which musicians played in armor, is a sacrificial and at
the same time military music.
From the above survey, the ritual and music for Kwanwangmyo was
originally made on the basis of advocacy of allegiance to Ming, but its
context was directly connected to the reinforcement of military strength.
*a -
Compilation of music texts
From the beginning of his reign, ChOngjo, who had an intent to compile
musical texts, had been looking for a person who was familiar with umnyul. 8
Meanwhile, SO Myong.ung came forward and ChOngjo ordered him to
compile musical texts. At last, in 1780 Shi'ak hwasang ~~W saw the light
of day.
ChOngjo studied yullyi'J W8 whenever he could in his free time from
affairs of state, and he conceived a musical book, referring to many scholars'
theories and compromising rights and wrongs and merits and demerits. As
a result Ch'Sngjo decided the contents of the book and ordered SO to compile
the book. Accordingly, Shi'ak hwasong, the orthodox musical text, was
completed.
In April of his 15th year (1791) Chongjo went out to T'aemyo and
performing his ablutions and sitting up at night gave several orders. One of
them was about printing the akchang used in national rituals. Afraid that
when akchang was copied, mistakes might be made, CMngjo ordered
Changagwon to reprint Yongbi 6clifn ka 1i~1ill7(MX, Akhak kwelifm ~*~~
and Chongmyo Sajik akchang *lfHffd:~~. in type and to take notes at each
akchang to reveal which king's virtual achievements it eulogized. 9
In December of the same year, ChOngjo finished writing his own musical
book, Akt'ong U. Kukcho pagam reads about it: "1 found it lamentable that
Chu Hili *Jf and Ch'ae Wonjong's ~jf;~ yullyi'J had not been played, so I
8Chi'ingjo shillok, 6.67b9-13 (November 29,1778).
9April 4, 1791. Kukcho pagam, 73.20a2-5.
'The Musical Achievements of the Scholar-King Chbngjo
233
*-f-
made this book."l0 CMngjo, who worshiped Chuja
as if he had been
his teacher, acknowledging as important the musical writing of Ch'ae
Wojong, a disciple who Chuja cherished and referring to it, completed his
own book.
CMngjo's musical spirit - recovery of koak
~
What ChOngjo emphasized in his book Akt'ong was the recovery of
ancient music (the music of Three Generations). Its basis was none other
than the argument of admiration for Chu Jl!iJ. Chu originally meant the Chu
court, but since Qing's replacement of Ming, the substantial center of
culture had been shifted to ChosOn. In other words, the center had shifted
from Chu through Ming to Chos:'Sn. Chu is a symbolic nation for the cultural
center. The thought that now Choson, as the legitimate inheritor of
Confucian culture, was its center, added weight to the musical amendments
progressing in ChosOn. Therefore, the advocacy of the restoration of ancient
music emphasized in CMngjo's Akt'ong possessed confidence.
CMngjo thought that the ancient music has the most ideal form of music
and is the nearest to the nature of music; music should be a container to
hold the order of cosmos and nature, for only such music can make people
in harmony. Though the substance of ancient music had been presented
before in history, it may be something that was pursued as an ideal model.
_tt
Kyoruksaeng
in Yegi ~c reads: "'The reason why songs are up [rnngga !!:
llfX], and p'ojuk ~it are down [hiln'ga i\if~] is because the human sounds are
regarded as precious, and in Mybngdangwi a.,q1ltfil: reads: sing Ch'bngmyo iJtf(ij up
and play sang ~ with a pipe "g down." They are the evidences that pipe-sounds
were not used in rnngga of ancient music. Usb ~. in Sogyong iIfk~ reads: "That
musicians beat okkyJng B and sing plucking a string-instrument evidences that
there were t'ukkyOng *f~ and string instruments. There's no akhyiJn _ but look
like the shapes of nature." So we should not make an unnatural arrangement.
Nevertheless in rnngga of Oryei1i 11.8 [Five Principal Rites] pipe-sounds "gif" and
earth-sounds ±.if" are mixed, I don't know what it is based on.
This is about ti1ngga and hYn'ga discussed in ChOngjo's Akhy6n in Akt'ong.
Quoting from Yegi the reason we should sing with human voice and string
instruments in ti1ngga and play with a pipe-instrument in hifn'ga, Chongjo
said that akhyi'ln [insturmentions] as a shape resembling nature should not
lODecember 1791. Kukcho pagam, 73. 26a4-5.
234
make an unnatural arrangement.
Such a concrete discussion about akhyiJn was made in ChOngjo's age. Over
the entire period of the Chos(')n Dynasty the reason was continually
presented why ancient rituals and music should be recovered, but it was
Chongjo and music-understanding subordinate 5'0 Myong-ung that
systematized it as a learning.
~ explained in terms of the theory of Tug6n 4~ and Ilj()n B JI&. 56 said:
The principle of Tug(')n and Ilj(')n is that of cosmos and nature which has
existed from before sages and thus should not be disobeyed, It has been
handed down since the Three Generations; but considering only the
pleasure of ears without obeying the laws of music since Su and Tang Ji!:f,
they arrange p'ojuk on tangsang 1it1: and hyon'ga ~t:~ under tangha 1itT,
which means the loss of the main purpose.
Both Ch6ngjo and 56 discussed from thorough historical evidences the
rights and wrongs of akhyJn being used at that time. The king who had a
good understanding of sounds and rhythms and 56, who was publicly
recognized as his subordinate familiar with music, both made their
powerful voice in their respective books. But the akhyJn of rungga and h1n'ga
they emphasized was maintained in such rites as Munmyo ::tIM, 56nnong,
and 56njam )iGB in accordance with old laws, and though there were efforts
to follow in sacrificial rituals like Hwangdan ~:lI and Sajik, they were not
put into practice.
However, that the akhyon wasn't put into practice doesn't necessarily
mean that the ideal presented in ChOngjo's and 56's musical theory was
meaningless, for their work was theoretical revision with their far-reaching
ideal to find the main purpose of music in Choson, the center of
Confucianism. Perhaps, the restoration of ancient music must have been the
mission of Chos(')n as the central state of Confucian culture after Ming
perished. Correspondingly considerable weight was given in theoretical
amendment.
m
Conclusion
When a'ak is discussed in the music history of late Chos(')n, the period is
generally judged as the time when a'ak was impoverished. In appearance it
is true, in that the scale was reduced due to lack of instruments and
musicians. But putting together the musical achievements their meanings
during ChOngjo's time, I have confirmed that it is not the impoverishing of
a'ak but 'rigid amendments'.
ChOngjo's achievements originated from his three attitudes. First is his
The Musical Achievements of the Scholar-King Chongjo
235
ChosOn-centric view that it is the center of the East Asian culture. Such a
standpoint gave rise to revision of many national ceremonies and musical
systems and the compilation of musical texts by throwing his energy into
the improvement of musical theory.
Second is his intention to maintain the place of ChosOn's cultural center
by enhancing the power of the throne on the basis of his firm legitimacy.
This led to reinstating Prince Sado, who had the misfortune to die an
untimely death, and raising his eulogistic posthumous title to
Kyongmogung, enacting ceremonials appropriate to it, and making the
music for Kwanwangmyo with the reinforcement of military strength, etc.
Third is his effort to recover ancient music. Here, the recovery doesn't
mean restoration to reenact the music's original condition. The effort is
nothing but a pursuit for the most ideal form of music: it is the effort and
responsibility to find the original purpose in ChosOn society, the center of
Confucianism. This is viewed as CMngjo's future-oriented attitude of
looking out for the distant future, not just his contemporary situation.
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