Online Information on
Cuban Immigration to Miami, Florida
(Information gathered from various online sources.)
PART ONE
Background information
From 1511 to to its independence in 1898 Cuba was a Spanish colony populated largely by
Spanish and black African slaves (slavery was abolished in 1886). Once free of Spanish rule, the
Cuban republic came quickly under the rule of dictators such as Gerardo Machado and Fulgencio
Batista y Saldivar.
Despite significant corruption and repression under these regimes, a relatively large middle and
professional class developed. After years of guerilla war, communist revolutionaries led by Fidel
Castro overthrew the Batista regime in 1959. Castro andthe communist government have
remained in power since 1959.
Communist changes in government and society led to shifts (but no lessening) in repression,
increased literacy rates, changes in land ownership, and increased access to basic health care.
The country remains impoverished, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Bloc in the early
1990s.
History of Immigration
One outcome of communist victory in Cuba was a flood of middle and professional class
refugees to the United States. Many of these refugees established large Cuban communities in
Miami, Tampa, and New York City.
In 1980, the Cuban government allowed 125,266 Cubans, including a number of criminals as
well as persons with mental illness, to leave Cuba in the "Mariel boat lift." While most
"Marielitos" were healthy and guilty only of wanting to leave a repressive system, this
extraordinary event is often seen only as a means of Cuba ridding itself of the mentally ill and
criminals. In the 20 years since the Mariel boat lift, 1,425 of the Marielitos have been sent back
to Cuba and 1,750 remain in the custody of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service
(INS) (Ojito, 2000). Most Marielitos have enjoyed success in the U.S., while others have had
greater difficulty than earlier Cubans in establishing themselves.
The most recent large influx of Cubans was in 1994, when about 30,000 "rafters" reached the
U.S. Since then, the INS has sent all Cubans stopped in the water back to Cuba, while allowing
those who reach land to stay. From the beginning of modern Cuban immigration of refugees in
1959 and continuing until today, there have been large numbers of family reunification cases.
Most early Cuban refugees to the U.S. were of Spanish origin, while later refugees and
immigrant groups have included more people of mixed or African origin.
Culture and Social Relations
As with other cultures, differences among Cubans exist according to social class, background,
ethnicity, and other factors. Although many Cuban refugees are from urban backgrounds,
significant numbers will have lived in the city for less than one generation, hence may have more
rural than urban outlook on life. Almost forty years of communist rule have resulted in a culture
that is definitely Latino in nature, yet to some extent has moved away from such traditional
influences as the Catholic Church. For example, in a startling testimony to the power that
necessity and Marxism can exert over religion, large numbers of Cuban women have had
multiple abortions as a means of birth control.
The extended family is idealized and relatively common among Cubans of all social classes
(Blank & Torrechila, 1998). However, in many cases, the nuclear family is the basic unit of
social structure. Men usually have the dominant role, but many Cuban women are outspoken and
assertive in public and private. Age, social status, and education are respected. Both within and
without families, deference may be given to the elderly, persons of higher social status
(especially male), and those with higher education.
Communications
The language of Cuba is Spanish, though there may be differences between Spanish spoken by
Cubans and the Spanish of Mexicans, for example. Many new refugees and immigrants speak
only Spanish. Conversation tends to be animated, fast, and may seem loud; and communications
within families and among friends often seem warm and affectionate. Direct eye contact is the
norm in almost all interactions. Men greet one another with hand shakes and women are often
physically affectionate with one another.
Both women and men tend to be passionate and express themselves in a way that may seem
demanding to more reserved people. This may result in negative perceptions by health care
providers who sometimes expect docility in refugees.
Religion
Cubans traditionally are Catholic, but many younger recent refugees and immigrants have had
little exposure to religion of any sort. Protestant missionaries (often of "Bible church" or
Pentecostal orientation) are very active in Cuban communities in the U.S.
Although Catholicism is the primary religion of Cubans, Santeria is practiced by some Cubans
(and others from the Caribbean) in Cuba and the U.S. There is evidence that Santeria is practiced
by persons from middle and upper-class backgrounds as well as those with less education.
Santeria is based on the Lacumi beliefs of the Yoruba people who came to Latin America as
slaves. Santeria incorporates Yoruba gods (the "Seven African Deities") or orishas, Catholic
saints, and variations on Catholic ritual. Santeria rituals, a few including animal sacrifice, are
conducted by Santeros (priests) or less commonly, by Babalawos (high priests). Herbal
formulations and prayer are most commonly used.
Santeros intervene in both physical and mental illnesses; and seldom operate in conflict with
biomedical treatments. When treating mental illness Santeros may ascribe the problem as a
special attribute or strength (facultade) of the person being treated.
PART TWO
Cuban migration to Miami
'Cuban immigration' has greatly characterized 20th century Miami, creating what is known as
"Cuban Miami". Miami is one of the United States' largest metropolitan cities, comprised of
mostly foreign residents and the development in Miami continues to prefigure national trends.
However, Miami reflects global trends as well, such as the growing trends of multiculturalism
and multiracialism; this reflects the way in which international politics shape local communities.
Essentially, the coexistence of growth and internationalization within Miami has perpetuated an
ethnically driven social polarization. The growing number of Cubans in Miami remained loyal to
their cultural norms, mores, customs, language, and religious affiliations. The large influx of
Cuban immigrants remaining loyal to their cultures was accompanied with local fears that these
immigrants would greatly change the social and cultural landscape of Miami. Essentially,
Miami's residents of European descent feared that they would be ousted from their dominant
position within society. The transnational force of immigration defines Miami as a growing
metropolis, and the 20th century Cuban influx has greatly affected Miami's growth.
Why Miami?
After Fidel Castro assumed power in Cuba in 1959, many Cubans emigrated in protest of the
communist regime. Many of these immigrants chose Miami as their new home. As a result,
Miami gained a certain magnetism to future Cuban immigrants wishing to settle in a land other
than Cuba. "The so-called Golden Exiles of the early 1960s" comprised the first wave of Cuban
immigrants to Miami. These refugees predominantly set out to secure and serve their ethnic
group within Miami. Essentially, "this eased the absorption and accommodation of subsequent,
less highly selected waves of Cuban refugees, including the large influx of immigrants during the
1980 Mariel Boatlift". The 1980 Mariel Boatlift illegally transported approximately 120,000
Cubans into Florida, the majority of which settled within Miami-Dade County. Cuban
immigrants further perpetuated Cuban migration through the emergence of a materialistic culture
in Miami. "The bulk of Miami's many immigrants came here in order to advance themselves
economically. This is also true for the Cuban community, which was driven to prove Castro
wrong by building their own economic success story". This form of materialism acted to further
attract Cuban immigrants to Miami. “Although direct emigration from Cuba ceased in 1973,
movement of Cubans to Miami from elsewhere in the United States, a growing emigration from
other Latin American nations, and higher than city average birth rates among the Latin
Americans already resident in the county, have meant that the population continues to increase”.
Emerging notion of the "ethnic citizen"
With growing Cuban migration to Miami, ethnicity has reached the forefront of political and
social discourse. Increasingly, the notion of an ethnic citizen has become prevalent in 20th
century Miami. With the segregation of Cubans from Miami's white and black communities, it
has become easier to attach ethnic labels to Cubans. Furthermore, the appeal to ethnicity has
often mobilized ethnic groups within Miami. "The term "ethnic citizen" is intended to flag the
disquietude that the transformation of immigrants into ethnics since the 1960s poses for the many
Americans who find references to ethnicity troubling and dangerous. Miami … increasingly
defines citizenship in ethnic terms. This does not mean that individual and group behavior is
determined solely or even predominantly by membership in an ethnic community, but that the
progressive globalization in … Miami-Dade County tends to highlight differences between and
among groups".
The notion of the ethnic citizen is further perpetuated by the news and media within Miami
because they attach ethnic categorizations to isolated events. This creates feelings of alienation
and vulnerability on an individual basis within larger ethnic communities. This often leads one to
a life of crime and anti-social behavior which constricts assimilation. "Ethnic participation in
criminal activities is as old as the establishment of the first ethnic communities in nineteenthcentury cities. The search for security behind walled and gated communities in Miami … affects
directly the nature of civil discourse in democratic societies. The globalization of the drug trade,
immigrant smuggling, and money laundering are defining characteristics of many of the cities'
poorest neighborhoods".
Thus, a major challenge that Miami faces is to create social institutions that are inclusive and that
counter-act the notion of ethnic alienation and discrimination.
Housing segregation
With the influx of Cuban immigrants into Miami-Dade County, there was increased residential
competition and segregation. Cubans have migrated to Miami in large numbers since 1950, and
the majority of these immigrants had middle class backgrounds. Essentially, this propelled their
economic assimilation and prosperity. However, these 20th century Cuban immigrants have not
become residentially assimilated with the non-Latin population. "Instead, through invasion and
succession they are creating their own ethnic ghettoes … typical of ethnic minorities who have
recently arrived in United States cities, the Miami Latin population was highly centralized; 70
percent lived within a three mile semi-circle on the western side of the city's [central business
district]”. As a result, Miami's non-Latin populations (which includes Jewish and Black
populations) has become increasingly polarized in a geographic sense. Essentially, the vast
impact of Cuban migration has greatly affected Miami's non-Latin populations.
As Cubans began to arrive in large numbers the number of residents within the average
household grew, and single unit homes became multiple units. Furthermore, many houses were
removed to make way for the building of apartment structures. "Zoning restrictions, however,
regulated the conversion of homes to multiple unit dwellings as well as the construction of new
apartment houses, preventing a precipitous rise in the density of population. In addition, urban
renewal in the inner city converted much land from residential to other uses”.
Language
With the emerging importance of ethnicity and the increased effects of segregation, Cubans
within Miami attempted to reassert the Spanish language. In Miami, the Spanish language was
spoken to a larger extent than in other cities with large Hispanic populations; also it was spoken
in more diverse settings in Miami than any other city. Furthermore, the 1970 census confirmed
that Miami's Spanish-speaking population was 24 percent. The Spanish language was becoming
a norm in Miami as it was more extensively spoken by Miami's Cuban elite. Language became
increasingly important in 20th century Miami as a result of the Cuban influx and this had impacts
on other non-Latin communities.
Essentially non-Latin communities began to oppose the rise of the Spanish language as a
growing force within Miami. This can be seen in the anti-bilingualism/English Only movement.
This movement came about in 1980, after a long period of vast Cuban immigration and social
reform. Language was becoming a pressing issue as "Miami had the first bilingual public school
program in the modern period (1963) and the first English Only referendum (1980)". In fact the
debates of English as Dade County's official language led to violent and dangerous riots within
the 1980's. Cubans felt that by preserving their language, they were preserving a fundamental
component of their culture.
Media
Although the media in Miami allows a certain amount of cultural labeling to flourish within the
community, it also portrays the growing importance and domination of Cuban immigrants. For
example, the Miami Herald's June 14th, 1996 headline reads "Vanishing Spanish". The headline
refers to, and deplores the fact that, only a small percentage of recent high school graduates were
fluent in Spanish; whereas the majority of second-generation Cuban immigrants spoke broken
Spanish, and only spoke it in the home. "This was described as an alarming trend since it erodes
Miami's advantage as a bilingual community and diminishes its economic competitiveness".
Within 20th century Miami many Spanish-language newspapers were founded. "The Miami
Herald created a Spanish-language insert, El Nuevo Herald, in 1976". This addition received a
vast amount of support and "by 1981 circulation reached 83,000 on weekdays and 94,000 for
weekend editions. El Nuevo Herald is now published as an independent newspaper and reports a
weekday circulation of about 100,000. It too is accessible on the World Wide Web
(http://www.elherald.com). As the Hispanic population has grown and achieved considerable
economic success, it has also moved beyond Miami's city limits: Spanish-language newspapers
are now published in adjacent Hialeah and Fort Lauderdale. This expansion can be seen at a
statewide level as well, for Tampa, Orlando, and Immokalee each have Spanish-language
newspapers". Essentially, through the founding and growth of distinctly Hispanic newspapers,
Cuban immigrants established a distinctly Latin American media.
Rioting and social upheaval
The growing number and power of Miami's Cuban population increasingly impacted AfricanAmerican communities within Miami. In fact, "countless media and public reports portray
Miami in terms of a fragile truce among Hispanics, blacks, and Anglos that threatens to dissolve
into a full-blown culture war".
"African American rioting erupted on four separate occasions during the 1980s in Miami. With
the exception of the events following the Rodney King verdict in Los Angeles, Miami
experienced the worst U.S. rioting since the 1960s when Liberty City erupted in violent protests
in 1980. African Americans' non-traditional protests and civil disturbances in Miami coincided
with the social upheaval attendant on the arrival of 125,000 refugees from the Cuban port of
Mariel". Although the link between racial tensions and ethnicity need to be further examined,
African Americans nonetheless are impacted by Cuban immigration into Miami. Cuban
Americans' attachment to their culture further fuels the conflict and promote social
fragmentation. Essentially, "racial tensions and periodic episodes of civil unrest in its ghettos".
In-migration, out-migration, and interregional migration
Cuban immigration greatly effected the Miami's future demographics. For example the net inmigration of African American's into Miami was reduced during the 1960s in comparison to
previous years. This was the result Cuban immigrants competed for jobs that were often afforded
to African Americans living in Miami. This reduction of in-migration of non-Hispanics
displayed the growing power of Cubans in Miami. Miami "posts a low out-migration rate-43.6
per 1,000. This, of course, stems from the huge Cuban presence in Dade County and is testimony
to the holding power of the Cuban enclave in Miami".
Furthermore, Miami receives much interregional Cuban migration. "Miami posted an inmigration of 35,776 Cubans from elsewhere in the United States between 1985 and 1990 and an
out-migration of 21,231, mostly to elsewhere in Florida. Flows to and from Miami account for
52 percent of all interregional migration in the Cuban settlement system". This migration to
Miami shows Miami's appeal to diverse Cuban communities. Furthermore, it greatly effects nonHispanic communities causing them to leave Dade County.
Mariel boatlift
The Mariel Boatlift was a mass movement of Cubans who departed from Cuba's Mariel Harbor
for the United States between April 15 and October 31, 1980.
The boatlift was precipitated by a sharp downturn in the Cuban economy, leading to simmering
internal tensions on the island and a bid by up to 10,000 Cubans to gain asylum in the Peruvian
embassy.
The Cuban government subsequently announced that anyone who wanted to leave could do so,
and an impromptu exodus organized by Cuban-Americans with the agreement of Cuban
President Fidel Castro was underway. The boatlift began to have negative political implications
for U.S. President Jimmy Carter when it was discovered that a number of the exiles had been
released from Cuban jails and mental health facilities. The exodus was ended by mutual
agreement between the two governments in October 1980. By that time up to 125,000 Cubans
had made the journey to Florida.
Background
The Mariel Boatlift has its roots in 1977 and improving relations between Cuba and the United
States. The Carter administration established an Interest Section in Havana while the Cuban
government reciprocated by establishing an Interest Section in Washington, D.C. Cuba agreed to
the release of several dozen political prisoners, and allowed Cuban Americans to return to the
island to visit relatives – a privilege that had been denied to Cuban citizens living abroad.
Initially the Carter administration had an open-arms policy in regard to Cuban immigrants, and
Cubans were immediately granted refugee status and all the rights that came with refugee status.
Public view was initially favorable for the Cuban political refugees. However, during the Mariel
Boatlift that had changed; Cuban refugees were increasingly seen as undesirable illegal
immigrants. This, paired with pressure to allow Haitian rafters to be granted refugee status,
pushed the US government into action and would serve to heighten tensions between the two
nations.
Exodus
The episode started when on April 1, 1980 one Hector Sanyustiz acted on a plan he had secretly
been organizing for months. He boarded a bus, and along with four others (including the driver),
stopped several blocks from Embassy Row in downtown Havana. The driver, who was a friend
of Sanyustiz, announced that the bus had broken down and consequently emptied the vehicle,
leaving inside the four others who were privy to the plan. Sanyustiz took control of the bus and
drove it through a fence of the Peruvian embassy. Some of the Cuban guards who were
positioned to guard the street opened fire on the bus, one being fatally wounded in the crossfire.
The five had taken desperate measures to ask for political asylum, and the Peruvian diplomat in
charge of the embassy, Ernesto Pinto-Bazurco, granted it.
The Cuban government made an immediate appeal to the Peruvian government to return the five
individuals, alleging that they would have to be tried in the death of one of the guards. When the
Peruvian government refused, Castro threatened to remove the guards at the entrance of the
Peruvian embassy, which he did on Good Friday, April 4, 1980. The news spread by word of
mouth and by Easter Sunday, there were over 10,000 people crammed into the tiny Peruvian
embassy grounds. People occupied every open space in the grounds, eventually climbing trees
and other structures. The dangerous situation was allayed somewhat by other embassies,
including those of Spain and Costa Rica, which agreed to take a small number of people. Castro
then proclaimed that the port of Mariel would be opened to anyone wishing to leave, as long as
they had someone to pick them up. While news of the events was not broadcast in Cuba, Cuban
exiles in the United States rushed to Key West and to docks in Miami to hire boats and rescue
their relatives.
By the end of the boatlift in September, nearly 125,000 Cubans had arrived into the United
States.
Effect of the Mariel Boatlift on the Miami labor market
The Mariel Boatlift's effect on the economy and labor market of Miami was not as detrimental as
expected or believed to have been. However, some of these positives could stem from Miami
becoming the chief distribution city for powder cocaine. Considering the fact that fifty percent of
Mariel immigrants decided to permanently reside in Miami, this resulted in a seven percent
increase in workers in the Miami labor market and a twenty percent increase in Cuban working
population. Aside from the unemployment rate rising from 5.0 in April 1980 to 7.1 in July,
which should be expected with such a large increase of workers, the actual damage to the
economy was marginal and followed trends across America at the time. When observing data
from 1979 to 1985 on the Miami labor market and comparing it to similar data from several
other major cities across the United States focusing on wages it is made obvious that the effects
of the boatlift were marginal.
The wages for Caucasians remained steady in both Miami and comparative cities. Likewise the
wage rates for African Americans were relatively steady from 1979 to 1985 when in comparative
cities it dropped. Aside from a dip in 1983, wage rates for Non-Cuban Hispanics were stable,
when in comparative cities it fell approximately six percent. There is no evidence of a negative
effect on wage rates for Hispanics in Miami. Wages for Cubans demonstrated a steady decline
especially compared to other groups in Miami at the time however this is to be expected when
the market increases twenty percent.
The end
The Cuban government eventually closed the harbor to all would-be Cuban emigrants. Due to
ocean currents and the island nation's proximity to the United States, the refugees' vessels headed
to Florida, with the majority landing in Miami. The immigrants were detained upon arrival, and
crowded conditions in South Florida immigration processing centers forced U.S. federal agencies
to swiftly move many of the "Marielitas" to other centers in Fort Indiantown Gap, Pennsylvania,
Fort McCoy, Wisconsin, Camp Santiago, Puerto Rico, and Fort Chaffee, Arkansas. Riots in the
Fort Chaffee center were a factor in the re-election defeat of then-Governor Bill Clinton.
President Jimmy Carter was also heavily criticized for his handling of the situation.
During this period, approximately 125,000 Cubans arrived at the United States' shores in about
1,700 boats, creating large waves of people that overwhelmed the U.S. Coast Guard. Cuban
guards packed boat after boat, without considering who the boats were carrying, and without
considering weather or lifejacket safety, making some of the overcrowded boats barely
seaworthy; 27 migrants died, including 14 on an overloaded boat that capsized on May 17, 1980.
Upon arrival, many Cubans were placed in refugee camps, while others were held in federal
prisons to undergo deportation hearings. Some were later discovered to be violent felons released
from Cuban prisons, but only 2% or 2,746 Cubans were considered serious or violent criminals
under U.S. law and therefore were denied asylum.