UNMAKING OF PAKISTAN
IF BOSE HAD LIVED!
By
Lt. Gen. Eric A. Vas
&
Col. Anil A. Athale
E
Strategic Book Group
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Copyright © 2011
All rights reserved – Anil A. Athale
No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, graphic,
electronic, or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, taping, or by any information
storage retrieval system, without the permission, in writing, from the publisher.
Strategic Book Group
P. O. Box 333
Durham, CT 06422
www.StrategicBookClub.com
ISBN: 978-1-61204-951-9
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Table of Contents
Foreword
Chapter 1 Mission India
Chapter 2 Japan Sues For Peace
Chapter 3. A Death is Announced
Chapter 4. Undecided About the Future
Chapter 5 Refuge in Sumatra
Chapter 6. Sumatra to Ceylon
Chapter 7. Return to India
Chapter 8 Admiral Lord Mountbatten Takes Over as Viceroy
Chapter 9. Bose Moves To Bengal
Chapter10 The Gathering Storm
Chapter 11 London Promises Dominion Status
Chapter 12 Bose Takes Over as Prime Minister
Chapter 13 Jinnah’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence(UDI)
Chapter 14 Final Push for Victory
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Foreword
THE STORY BEGINS……..
Once in each century or so, there appears in India a man who stands out above all others.
Subhas Chandra Bose, was such a person in the last century. Millions of Indians, while
agreeing that Gandhi represented all that is noble in the country’s spirit and soul, would insist
that it is Bose and not Gandhi who was India’s man of destiny. Millions of Indians,
irrespective of their religion, caste, language and regional affiliations, were captivated,
entranced and fascinated by Bose. He received from his followers an unabashed hero-worship
as a kind of unifying national symbol; an embodiment of the secular modern aspirations of
the nation. Neither Gandhi, nor Jinnah nor Jawaharlal Nehru could match Bose’s charisma.
Subhas Chandra Bose was bon on 23 January 1897 at Cuttack in Orissa. His father,
Janakinath Bose, was an able, public-spirited lawyer of broad social interests and orthodox
nationalism. In 1909, when Bose was 12 years old, he was shifted to the Ravenshaw
Collegiate School, in order to improve his Bengali and prepare for his matriculation. Here he
found more scope for his hobbies of gardening and nature study. He was introspective, his
mind turning in upon itself in a precocious concern for religious truth, self-control and
psychic harmony. The sadhus and pilgrims at Puri, near his home, fascinated him; he was
attracted by Yoga and mysticism. Throughout 1915 and 1916, Bose remained immersed in
his studies at Calcutta University. Until politics and Indian freedom became an all-absorbing
passion with him. By virtue of his outstanding leadership and capability, Bose was always
being elected to take the lead in every College movement. During a dispute with management
college authorities declared a lockout and Bose was expelled from College in February 1916.
Like Tilak, Bose came to realise that if India was to be a modern nation, she would have
to pay the price and not shirk shouldering military responsibilities. Political freedom was
indivisible and those who worked for the country freedom would have to be prepared to take
charge of both the civil and military administration. World War I had shown that a nation that
did not possess military strength could not hope to preserve its independence.
Janakinath Bose wanted his son to go to England and sit for the ICS entrance
examination. He hoped that if Subhas succeeded in entering the ICS, then the power of office
would cure him of his adolescent grievances. The father’s decision was sudden and the son’s
dilemma acute. He asked himself: “ If I succeed, what of nationalism? Will the power of the
ICS office corrupt me? “ With many misgivings he agreed to go. He justified his decision by
telling himself that this was no change of heart; to enter the ICS was still consistent with
Indian nationalism, and the examination would serve him as a test of his superiority over the
European.
Bose left India on 15 September 1919, arriving in Britain five weeks later. Prior to his
departure, the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre had taken place and Punjab was put under martial
law. But the public was left in the dark about what had actually happened. Bose had only
eight months to prepare for his examination, which covered such subjects as English
Composition, Philosophy, British Law, Political Science, Modern European History, British
History, Economics and Geography. Upon arrival, he successfully obtained permission to
enter Cambridge University. He passed the ICS examination with credit and was placed
fourth from the top, a considerable achievement for one who had been in England for barely
eight months. No Indian had ever resigned from the ICS. His mind was made up. In April
1921 he resigned from the ICS. The Under-Secretary of State for India sent for him. Bose
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told him that he did not think one could be loyal to the Raj and yet serve India honestly, heart
and soul.
During the long 5-week sea journey from London to Bombay, Bose dreamt of the
freedom movement and prepared to throw himself at the feet of Gandhi who had promised
independence for India within a year. Bose found Gandhi in Bombay and the first meeting
between the two took place there. Bose began to heap question upon question, and the
Mahatma replied with his habitual patience. Bose was openly disappointed. Instead of action,
he found non-violence, instead of revolutionary plans he was given the pious hope that the
British would be “converted” by Gandhi’s methods. He went home to Calcutta to work under
C.R.Das, the Bengali patriot who had given up his lucrative legal practice for poverty and
nationalist agitation. At the Congress Assembly of December 1922, Das, as President, sought
backing for his idea of “council entry”. Bose was his secretary and active partisan. But
although Gandhi was in gaol at that time, his influence against the policy of “council entry”
was too strong, and Das’s proposal was turned down. A month later Das resigned to form his
own Swarajya [Self-government] Party to contest the 1923 elections In April 1924, the
Swarajists won control of the Calcutta Corporation. Das became Mayor of Calcutta and Bose
was elected Chief Executive Officer. In October 1924, when several suspected terrorist
leaders were rounded up under an emergency ordinance, he was arrested as one of the most
dangerous. In 1927 his health broke down and the Government of Bengal offered release on
condition that he go to Switzerland without setting foot in India.
In November 1934 Bose published his own account of Indian nationalism, The Indian
Struggle. Bose was witness to how Germany, after a decade of confusion, permitted a
fanatical Austrian World War I veteran, Adolf Hitler, to organise a revolutionary National
Socialist Party and seize the reins of government. Bose followed these events closely. In 1936
he met de Valeria of Ireland and was also received by Adolph Hitler, Ribbentrop and other
members of the German Nazi hierarchy. On return to India, he conferred with Gandhi in
Calcutta, and agreed to accept nomination as Congress President in 1938.
For Gandhi, non-violence was a moral value; an article of faith that governed his every
action, Bose treated non-violence as a tactical weapon, to be used or discarded, depending on
the situation. He accepted that in the absence of military power, Gandhi’s policy of civildisobedience and non-cooperation was the only alternative by which Imperial power could be
challenged. This ideological clash between the two made Bose an ineffective Congress
President and he had to resign due to non cooperation of the followers of Gandhi.
Bose sensed that war was coming. He assessed that the morale of Imperial bureaucrats in
India was faltering. They were afraid and kept looking over their shoulders at the dark war
clouds looming on the European horizon The role of the “white man’s burden” had become
too heavy a burden. British rule in India was running on the momentum of the past rather
than the impulse of any new initiatives
By the second week of January 1941, it was rumoured that Bose was too ill and may not
even be well enough to attend his trial, which was set for 26 January. His critics said that if
he could attend a Congress session on a stretcher, he could just as well be taken to court on a
stretcher. The guards watching Bose’s residence grew complacent. Shortly after midnight on
17 January 1941, a car stopped near Bose’s house. By now, Bose had grown a beard.
Disguised as a Muslim divine and carrying a small handbag, he slipped out of his house, and
joined his nephew Sisir Kumar who was waiting for him in the car. Driving by night they
reached Gomoh, 210 miles away from Calcutta. Here, taking leave of his nephew, he
purchased a railway ticket in the name of Maulvi Ziauddin and boarded a train for Peshawar.
There, he was met by a man who called himself Bhagat Ram.
Bhagat Ram took Bose to a small house an introduced him to a Pathan who called himself
Rehmat Khan. He was to be Bose’s escort from Peshawar to Kabul. Bose now assumed the
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role of a deaf mute to conceal his ignorance of Pushtu and Persian, the only languages being
spoken all around him. After a night’s rest, Bose and his escort traveled by bus to a stop just
short of Jamrud Fort, the check point for those who enter the tribal belt which acted as a
buffer between British India and Afghanistan. From here the two men traveled on foot. They
by-passed Jamrud Fort and moved across the hills running parallel to the winding motor road.
It was tough going and they covered about twelve miles a day, halting at night in small
villages where they were given shelter and enjoyed traditional Pathan hospitality. After three
days they reached the outskirts of Landikotal, a large British military post, which controlled
entry from Afghanistan into the Khyber Pass. They by-passed Landikotal and moved on to
Torkham, the Afghan check post on the road to Kabul. It was very cold and snowing in Kabul
valley. They by-passed Torkham, entered Afghanistan, and moved on for about ten miles.
Here they returned to the main road and joined several villagers who were waiting to catch
the bus to Kabul.
It was 27 January and Bose knew that his absence would have been detected; a hue and
cry would be taking place in India. The embassies in Kabul were under guard. Contact had to
be done discreetly without attracting attention; any Indian might be a British agent, any
Afghan could be a member of the Criminal Investigation Department [CID]. Bose had over
the years established many reliable contacts throughout Europe, Afghanistan and Japan with
small Indian revolutionary groups; but he was reluctant to make use of those contacts for
security reasons; the less people who knew of his presence in Kabul the better. Therefore, at
Kabul Bose and Rehmat stayed at a truck drivers’ inn. They spent three days trying to seek
access to the Soviet Embassy without success. They were always afraid of being stopped on
the street and being unable to explain themselves. They could find no indirect way to contact
the Russian envoy.
It was bitterly cold weather. Filthy clothes, poor lodging and indifferent food began to
have an effect on Bose’s health. But there was no question of going back. He must somehow,
at any cost, keep moving to Europe. On the fourth day, in sheer desperation he boldly sent
Rehmat Khan to the Italian Legation. Here, when Rehmat mentioned Bose’s name he was at
once greeted with smiles and told that Bose would be welcomed; he was promised a passport
to enable him to travel to Europe. By now their presence in the inn had begun to arose
suspicions about the real identity of the two pilgrims. An Afghan police agent had begun to
inquire into the prolonged stay of a deaf-mute and his companion in a lorry drivers’ inn. So
Bose made secret contact with Uttam Chand Malhotra, an Indian residing at Kabul, who had
long since given up his revolutionary ardour and had now become a respected businessman.
Malhotra proudly but fearfully agreed for Bose to stay with him. The next night, on 3
February, Bose quietly slipped out of the inn and once again “disappeared”. His escort left
Kabul and returned to Peshawar. For three weeks, Bose lay low in Malhotra’s house till he
finally obtained a passport in the name of Orlando Massotta. Shaved and dressed in European
clothes, Bose looked the perfect Italian businessman
Bose’s disappearance became known in Calcutta on 26 January. When the shocked
authorities discovered that he had escaped, they began to search for him far and wide. [It was
not until Bose began operating from Berlin that they learnt about his whereabouts.] The
journey from Kabul to Rome or Berlin could only be by way of Moscow. Even now Bose had
no good word for the Axis. He still hoped in the last resort to reach the Soviet rulers on his
way through their country. But Bose was still unable to draw Russian attention. He told his
host: “I am not altogether happy about going to Berlin or Rome. But there is no choice.” Bose
was impatient. As soon as he received his passport, he wanted to continue his journey, alone
if necessary. The Italian Embassy persuaded him to be patient and wait. Six more weeks were
to pass before his journey could be resumed. In the first week of March, two couriers from
Europe arrived in Kabul to fetch him.
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On 18 March, accompanied by two couriers, he set out by bus along the road from Kabul
to Mazar-I-Sharif, and across the Oxus River into Soviet Central Asia. The next day they
reached Samarkand where they boarded the train for Moscow. The next three days and nights
were spent travelling through bleak terrain of the Karakum desert, past fabled places;
Bokhara, Merv and Ashkhabad. This leg of the rail journey ended at Krasnovodsk on the
Caspian Sea. Bose and party crossed over by ferryboat to Baku and continued the rail journey
to Moscow. On 28 March, Bose flew to Berlin. There had been no chance of appealing to
Russia.
His Austrian friend, Fraulein Emilie Schenkl, who had helped him produce The India
Struggle in 1934, contacted him. After the annexation of Austria, Schenkl was technically
classified as a German. She agreed to serve as Bose’s secretary and helped Bose set up a
functional office. Bose added the map of Eastern Europe and Russia on his office wall and
began to plan for the day when sweeping German victories would carry him to the borders of
India. When the Germans launched out beyond Stalingrad into Central Asia, the Indian
parachute companies would move ahead of the German forces, to carry out Intelligence and
propaganda work in North-West India; but that was not enough. He proposed to raise an India
Legion of three infantry battalions. The news that an India Legion was operating with the
Germans, would affect the morale of the Indian Army adversely. When the Indian Army
turned on its old masters, Bose hoped to lead his Legion into India; he planned to found on it
an Army of Free India. From here he would draw government officials and administrators, as
he took possession in the name of India and founded a Congress Raj.
At this time, the Indian Independence League [IIL] under the overall control of Rash
Behari Basu was functioning secretly in Tokyo with underground groups located in Hong
Kong, Shanghai, Bangkok and Berlin. Japanese Imperial Headquarters created a group of
intelligence and psychological warfare officers. This group, named “Shita Kikan” was given
the task of associating with the IIL.
Apart from censorship of the written word, all Germans and citizens in occupied Europe
were prohibited from listening to foreign radio broadcasts. Bose had special dispensation to
listen to the BBC for information that would facilitate his anti-British plans. German
Intelligence also supplied Bose with copies of leading newspapers from the USA and
England to enable him to assess what was happening in the enemy camp. Although the
newspapers were over a week late, they enabled him to take and objective perspective of the
war. He fully understood the implications of Germany’s strategic failure. He and many
German friends with military background would quietly discuss the consequences of this. By
now, Bose had been able to raise two units for the India Legion. He now wondered whether
he would ever be able to move these to Central Asia for use in India. But he did not give way
to pessimism; he continued his recruitment drive to raise a third unit for the Legion. He had
been contacted by the Japanese Embassy and been introduced to its Military Attaché, Colonel
Satoshi Yamamoto. Bose kept in touch with Rash Behari Basu in Tokyo and enlarged the
small IIL cell in Germany into the European wing of the Free India Centre.
When the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbour with carrier borne aircraft, on the morning of
Sunday 7 December 1941, American warships were moored side by side, the troops were in
barracks and many were away on leave. Nineteen ships, including six battleships were
destroyed or badly damaged. 2,800 officers and men were killed and a large number
wounded. The Japanese attacked Malaya from their bases in Indo China.
In late December 1942, Bose told his companions that he wanted to take a short holiday
in order to escape from the blackout and intermittent air raids in Berlin. Subash secretly
joined Emilie in Austria. A very close and affectionate relationship had developed between
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them. While in Vienna, they were married in a registry towards the end of the year. The
happy couple decided to keep their marriage a secret, even from their closest friends.
New Year 1943 opened with the German armies in Stalingrad and North Africa in a
precarious position. All attempts to relieve the Sixth Army at Stalingrad had failed. General
von Paulus was surrounded by the Russians and in a critical position. He flew to Hitler’s
headquarters and offered to break through the Russians at a loss of half his strength. The
proposal was rejected; instead Hitler promoted him to the rank of Field Marshal. By 8
January his position was hopeless and the Russians called on him to surrender. This demand
was rejected, so the extermination of the Sixth Army continued. On 31 January von Paulus
with eight of his generals was captured. Two days later the remnant of the Sixth Army,
22,500 officers and men surrendered
Bose had spent a peaceful New Year with his wife and daughter in Vienna. He kept
abreast of what was happening on all fronts and knew that Germany had lost the initiative if
not the war. He had been told to keep himself ready to travel by submarine to Japan. On 8
February Bose and Abid Hassan left Kiel in a German U-boat. The U-boat carrying Bose
made a wide sweep out into the Atlantic, sailed down its whole length past the Cape of Good
Hope to a meeting place four hundred miles S.S.W. of Madagascar. On 20 April, a Japanese
submarine quietly left the naval base in Penang for the Indian Ocean. On 26 April it arrived at
rendezvous off Madagascar ten hours ahead of schedule and began moving around the area in
quest of the German U-boat. Contact was established during the night but it was not until the
early morning the following day that visual contact was confirmed. The sea became a little
calmer the following morning. A rubber boat was lowered and the two submarines were
connected by a rope. Then the two passengers entered the rubber boat and were slowly pulled
across from the German U-boat to the Japanese submarine. It was a dangerous operation.
Bose and Hassan were ducked into the ocean more than once, and drenched to the skin. On
board the Japanese vessel, Bose was warmly greeted by Commander Teraoka Izu.. .Bose
reached Tokyo and over the next week, Yamamoto arranged for Bose to meet the Foreign
Minister, Army Chief of Staff, Minister of the Navy and Chief of Naval Operations. Bose
was frank. He told Tojo that India’s Freedom Movement was important, not simply as a
source of military intelligence and fifth columnists in Burma, but in Japan’s whole political
and propaganda effort. Names and slogans were more significant at this stage than actioneven military action. Bose explained why there must be a Provisional Indian Government
recognised by the Axis, as the Japanese themselves had proposed in 1942. Bose accompanied
by Rash Behari reached Singapore on 27 June. At the airport to greet them were the leaders
of the IIL and the INA as well as a large number of Indian national residing in the city. On 4
July a public meeting of the IIL was held. Rash Behari was the first to address the gathering.
He announced his resignation as President of the IIL and proposed Bose as its new leader.
In the afternoon of the same day, Bose called on Field-Marshal Count Terauchi,
Commander-in-Chief of the Japanese Army in South-East Asia. The next day he reviewed an
impressive INA parade composed of 10,000 commanded by Colonel Bhonsle. Bose, standing
to attention in a scorching sun, addressed the troops:
Today it has pleased Providence to give me the unique privilege and honour of
announcing to the whole world that India’s Army of Liberation has come into being.
Comrades, Soliders! Let your battle cry be Chalo Delhi [To Delhi)…For the present I can
offer you nothing except hunger, thirst, privation, forced marches and death. But if you
follow me in life and in death, as I am confident you will, I shall lead you to victory and
freedom…
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Having established his Command Headquarters in Singapore, Bose turned his full
attention to the INA 1st Division. He would join its soldiers without warning at their meals
and listen carefully to what was being said. He was forced to accept that the men were slack,
idle and ill-disciplined. Desertion and pilfering were rife, and there was disloyal talk. Bose
spoke plainly to the officers that such behaviour must stop; bad hats had to be weeded out.
Their first task was to build up morale. Let the lukewarm and chicken-hearted go. Only
genuine volunteers must be retained. This was done ruthlessly, and the reformed 1st Division
was sent to north Malaya for rigorous training.
The training structure for new entrants was supported by Officer and NCO Training
Schools, and by the Boys’ Organisation, the Balak Sena. Women were to play their part as
nurses and soldiers in the Rani of Jhansi Regiment, which was founded in Singapore.
In 1943 General Mutaguchi, commander of the forces in North Burma, had established
his defences, east of the River Chindwin, under the impression that the jungles beyond the
Chindwin were impenetrable. He suffered a loss of face when the Chindit Expedition had
operated from Imphal into his area of responsibility. This had convinced him that Imphal
must be attacked to forestall any British invasion of Burma. The aim would be to establish
Japanese defences on the mountains around Imphal and Kohima, a stronger line than that of
the River Chindwin. His insistence had led to detailed planning for an offensive into the
border regions of eastern India. Opposing the Japanese was General W. Slim, Commanderin-Chief XIV Army, consisting of two corps composed of four new Indian infantry divisions;
one corps was holding the areas of Imphal and Kohima, and one corps was in reserve, along
with the Chindit brigade. Two Chinese divisions under General Joe Stillwell were operating
in northern Burma attempting to keep open the road to China. On 19 March, Part II of the
offensive plan was launched; three Japanese divisions, each accompanied by about 200
soldiers of the INA Intelligence and Bahadur Groups, crossed the Indian frontier; two
divisions were directed towards Imphal and one towards Kohima. Slim considered the threat
to Kohima the greater one as this opened the way to Dimapur which was the rail head and the
base for operations in the Imphal area and was unprotected.
The British had complete air superiority. Apart from constant air attacks on the advancing
Japanese, between 17 and 18 March, a whole infantry division was flown into Imphal; one of
its brigades were moved by road to Kohima where more than half the town was already in
Japanese hands. Savage hand-to-hand fighting took place between the Japanese and
defending outposts around Imphal. At Kohima, mixed group of about 3000 soldiers under a
Colonel was holding out on a hill overlooking Kohima, which the Japanese kept repeatedly
attacking to no avail. By the end of March more than four divisions were defending Imphal
and fresh divisions were in Dimapur, moving towards Kohima. The situation at both places
had been stabilised.
Bose was ignorant of what was really happening in Imphal and Kohima. On 7 April he
received news that all was going well with the offensive. He was pleased to know that his
troops were on Indian soil. He was distressed to learn that, for the most part, the INA agents
did what was expected of them when under the Japanese eye, but deserted as soon as there
was a reasonable chance of escape.44 On 8 April, he flew to Maymyo and met Chatterji. From
here he made a proclamation to Indians in liberated territory.
Bose received the news of the invasion of Europe during his tour of Malaya. He did not
allow this to disturb him. He warned the 2nd Division to be prepared to move to Rangoon in
July and join its 4th Regiment, which was already deployed there. The Penang Spy Schools
were now placed under Indian control, a move that he had been recommending for some
time. He visited the 3rd INA Division being raised at Johore.
Bose, like Wavell, could see that the final stages of the war were in progress. He, too,
believed that the European colonial regimes were doomed. Bose knew that Japan’s days were
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also numbered. He meditated deeply on his future role in such a situation. He convinced
himself that his victory was no longer dependent on the victory of Japan or of the Axis. His
victory would be the expulsion of the British from India, and he would share that triumph
with Gandhi and the Indian people. He believed that no matter if the Allies were the victors,
they could now never re-establish themselves in Burma or Malaya.
1945 was slated to be the decisive year, for the world, India and Bose…for the story of
those fascinating days read on……………
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The Springing Tiger , by Hugh Toye, Cassell London, 1959, p 123.124
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Chapter 1
Mission India
As Nora Harris stepped out into the mellow light of a London spring evening in May
1945, she could barely breathe. Instead of the freedom of Cambridge and carefree student life
to which she had been looking forward, she had just been offered a permanent position in MI6 (Military Intelligence-6). Never in her 25 years of life did she need the counsel of her
loving mother and devoted father more than on this crucial day. That was one luxury she did
not have. Jahanara, her mother died in 1942 and father, three years before at Dunkirk.
With an impatient wave of hand, she dismissed the official car and preferred to walk
along the Thames instead. The bombshell that she had received during her farewell interview
still kept haunting her. Cool spring breeze was the best cure for a muddled head, she thought
and opted to walk along the cobbled stone path along the river bank. She barely noticed the
Bobby tipping his helmet, regretted the un-intended affront, turned and gave him her 1000volt smile. She could see the pleasure on the face of the man. For it is not often that ‘head
turners’ showed this courtesy, the policeman mused to himself.
Nora Harris was a remarkable woman in more ways than one. Her striking good looks
and large black eyes were only the minor part of her persona. Her linguistic skills were a
phenomenon. Blessed with an elephantine memory she was an intelligence man’s dream
come true. It was but natural that she caught the eye of MI-6, desperate to bolster its network
before the D-Day.
Nora was inducted into Spain, in 1943. From there she had slowly made her way, as a
Spanish waitress, into the Cherbourg peninsula by December. Her brief day in the sun came
when she and her group of French Resistance, cleared the way for Americans who had landed
at Utah beach. Decorated by both the American and British governments for her contributions
to Allied success in Normandy landings, Nora looked forward to complete her studies. Deinducted from France in August 1944, Nora spent the rest of 1944 and most of 1945 desk
bashing. Monitoring the radio calls between Madrid and Berlin was hardly her idea of
excitement. But her commitment was till Victory, and she was all excited when on 1 May she
decoded a message about Hitler’s suicide of a day before. Then came the VE (Victory in
Europe) day and Nora began dreaming of her return to Cambridge.
As the wind grew chilly, Nora decided to walk back to her room at the Royal Army
Medical College, her temporary home for last one year. Making her way slowly along the
river, she crossed over the Westminster Bridge and made her way back through the gloomy
London night. ‘Politics and dirty politics’, she muttered to herself. For even though there was
no enemy within 10,000 miles of the British islands now, the blackout still continued. The
war with Japan in the Far East still raged with all its fury and Churchill did not want to
slacken the war effort. So the blackout continued and London remained in ‘War Zone’.
Once in her room and comfortable in her bed, Nora went over the day’s events. When she
entered Sir Howard Bloom’s chambers her mind was already at Cambridge. But her heart
sank when she heard his opening sentence, “Welcome, my new India-desk Assistant
Director”. Her first and instant reaction was to decline the appointment. But Sir Howard was
prepared, and he pulled out a personal letter from the Prime Minister requesting her services
to the Crown. Howard then introduced her to Mr. Richard Mercer, Director, India desk, and
told her that he would give her a full briefing once she made up her mind. He gave her a Top
Secret file marked ‘Operation Akbar’. “Please go through this and let me have your answer
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by this evening,” said the old man. “Her Majesty appreciates your wartime work and we will
understand if wish to choose to return to the university. I have no doubt that the daughter of
Harry and Jean will take the right decision.”
“But why me?” was the first and foremost question in Nora’s mind. Sir Howard, could
see the question in her eyes. “You are one of the few that Jinnah is likely to trust. After all
you are the great–great grand daughter of Tippu Sultan. And we need Jinnah. Your role will
be of great significance in the coming war with Bolshevik Russia and despotic Stalin.” Nora
realised that the old fox, Howard, was playing on her liberal views and anti-fascist
sentiments. She did not expect anything less. One does not become top spymaster for
nothing. Nora mumbled her goodbye and hurried to her cabin with the file on Operation
Akbar.
**
1945 was proving to be a decisive year in every sense of the word. The war weary people
of Europe could finally begin to see the light at the end of the dark tunnel. Across the
continents the Axis powers were on retreat. The writing on the wall was obvious…From
January to March Germany’s western and eastern defences were overrun. All organised
defence on the Western Front collapsed within a week of crossing the Rhine. German forces
were in complete disintegration
In the Philippines, US ground forces made slow progress against heavily defended
localities. Fighting continued till July when the campaign was officially ended. This had cost
the Americans 60,628 in killed, wounded and missing, and the Japanese 327,000 killed and
7.236 in prisoners. The campaign had cost Japan over 9,000 aircraft, and more than half her
remaining fleet. At that time, America’s air base in the Marianans was over 1,500 miles away
from Japan. They decided to capture the island of Iwo Jima, which was 775 miles away from
Japan. This island was strongly fortified and garrisoned by over 20,000 Japanese. The
invasion began on 19 February and Japanese resistance was fanatical. Of all the land battles
fought during the Pacific War, in proportion to numbers engaged, that of Iwo Jima was the
most costly. American losses totalled 4,189 killed, 15,305 wounded and 441 missing, or
nearly one for each of the Japanese garrison, of which close to 21,000 were killed and less
than 100 taken alive.
**
In Burma Bose returned to Rangoon on 12 January 1945. By this time, the Japanese had
withdrawn to the east bank of the River Irrawaddy. where defences were being prepared to
counter an anticipated British offensive into upper Burma. The Japanese was protecting the
northern and central approaches across the River into Mandalay. The other approach, about
50 miles south of Mandalay was being looked after by the Japanese along with the 4th INA
Guerrilla Regiment, a newly raised formation, which had not yet seen any action. The 1st INA
Division was deployed in Pegu some 50 miles north of Rangoon. The 2nd Division was being
held as a reserve in Rangoon. The 3rd Division was deployed in Malaya.The British offensive
in Burma began in January in the Arakan Hills with a small but successful sea borne landing
on the coast near Akyab. Japanese defenders in the Arakan along with 160 INA personnel
belonging to the Intelligence Group were cut off and had to retreat through the hills. Only 50
INA soldiers managed to reach Rangoon. On 14 January, the British crossed the Irrawaddy
River, 50 miles north of Mandalay. The Japanese were convinced that the main crossing
would be in that direction and concentrated their reserves to meet this threat. On 24 January,
regiments of the 2nd INA Division began moving towards Meiktila.
Bose reached Meiktila in the midst of much confusion with the Japanese making
desperate efforts to improvise some defence under frequent and heavy air attack. The British
had broken out of their bridgehead and were making their way to Meiktila; only the INA
defences at Mount Popa stood between them and the town. The whole of the 2nd Division
13
under Dhillon were now concentrated at Mount Popa. Shah Nawaz was sent to review the
defences at Popa and report back. He found Sehgal well in control of the whatever elements
of 2nd Division were present; Dhillon was busy gathering stragglers from the battle on the
river line; he was able to collect as many as 400 of the missing 1200 men..
Shah Nawaz returned to Meiktila on 25 February and told Bose that the Mount Popa
defences were strong; this would withstand an attack. The INA task of denying the approach
to Meiktila was an impossible one, because the British were moving tanks across the river
and would soon be in a position to by-pass Mount Popa without attacking it. At this time it
was discovered that the Japanese had commenced retreating from North Burma and
Mandalay, and moving on foot, east across the hills into Siam. It was obvious that the
Japanese had decided to withdraw from Burma. Shah Nawaz decided to return to Mount Popa
and take over command of the 2nd Division whilst Bose returned to Rangoon.
Bose left Meiktila at 9 am in a car with his doctor and a Japanese officer. They travelled
about 20 miles south and then, as the sky was full of British planes, they lay low till nightfall
The car reached the 1st Division position at Pegu on 27 February. Bose reached Rangoon in
the first week of March. His main concern was for the safety of about 100 women of the Rani
of Jhansi Regiment who had to be returned to their homes outside Burma; he said that he was
responsible for them to their parents. He also arranged for the evacuation of three thousand
unfit men. He kept requesting the Japanese for transport and sending whatever he could in
batches to Siam On 25 March, the Burmese National Army under Aung San, revolted against
the Japanese. Bose refused a Japanese request to allow the INA to be used against the
Burmese.
**
Wavell still hoped to break the political deadlock in India. Since he could make no
headway with his earlier exchanges with the Secretary of State, he addressed himself directly
to Churchill, who was the dominating force in the British Cabinet. The Viceroy pleaded for a
change of spirit, which would convince Indians of Britain’s goodwill. The Cabinet requested
Wavell to come to London for a personal discussion on his plan. When he arrived in London
towards the end of March, he found it difficult to get their ear. Whereas in 1942 they had
been desperately anxious to secure Indian co-operation at a very low moment in the war,
now, with victory in sight, the pressure for an immediate decision in India had relaxed.
Internationally, the USA had other things on her mind. Politically, Churchill had no need to
bow to demands from the Labour wing of his Government, who was expected in any case to
leave the coalition when the war was ended or even sooner.
A Cabinet, whose eyes were on the advance of the allies towards the heart of Germany,
on her surrender, found his persistent presence a bore. But Wavell was determined upon some
action. Churchill who wanted to stand fast opposed him throughout. It took him nearly two
months to get any final decision on his outline plan. In the end it was the influence of Cripps
and Amery, in support of the Viceroy, that carried the day. Churchill grudgingly agreed
saying “at any rate we aren’t giving anything away.”
**
Within ten days of the conquest of Iwo Jima, American preparations began for an attack
on the island of Okinawa, 300 miles south of Japan. This island was being defended by
65,000 soldiers On 1 April the Americans landed two corps under cover of an intense air and
naval bombardment.. The defenders fought ferociously and were repeatedly reinforced from
the home islands. There were frequent Japanese attacks on American shipping by small short
range rocket accelerated aircraft, carrying more than a ton of explosives in its war-head; this
was the Kamikaze or suicide attack; a manned Japanese version of the German V1... By the
middle of June, 33 US ships had been sunk and forty-five damaged. The severity of the
fighting may be judged from the casualties. Those of the Americans were 39,000 killed,
14
wounded and missing, including losses of over 10,000 naval personnel of the supporting
fleet. About 109,000 Japanese were killed and 7,800 taken prisoner.
**
On 20 April it was clear that the Japanese in spite of their assurances were leaving the
Burmese capital. Indian resistance could now achieve nothing. It was already too late to
evacuate the mass of the INA from Rangoon, but 200 volunteers were marched off to
Moulmein. On 23 April he was officially told of the Japanese withdrawal from Burma. Dr Ba
Maw was going with them; “What,” asked the Japanese, “was Bose going to do?” Bose
wanted to stay, but his Cabinet overruled him; he had other responsibilities in Siam and
Malaya, which nobody else could fulfil. Before his departure he issued a last message: “I do
not leave Burma of my own free will; I would have preferred to stay on here and share with
you the sorrow of temporary defeat, which was only an incident in their struggle. Go down as
heroes,” he said, “go down upholding the highest code of honour and discipline.” MajorGeneral Loganadhan was left to preside over the INA surrender in Rangoon.
**
On the Eastern Front, the Russians encircled Berlin. On 25 April fierce street fighting was
reported around Hitler’s war bunker. Bose was not surprised by the manner in which events
in Europe and the Pacific were unfolding. He was however alarmed when he learnt that. the
Soviet Union chose this time to renounce the Neutrality Pact, which it had signed four years
earlier with Japan. He guessed that this was a prelude to its declaring war against Japan The
collapse of German forces in Italy was equally rapid. On 29 April, Italian partisans
assassinated Mussolini and his mistress. On 30 April, Hitler shot himself, and on 2 May, what
remained of the Berlin garrison surrendered. On 5 May a German delegation signed the
instrument of unconditional surrender and the war in Europe was concluded.
**
Back in London as she flipped through the pages of the file Nora became tense. Blood
rushed to her head when she realised the full impact of Operation Akbar. It was a blueprint to
engineer human sufferings on scale as massive as Hitler’s genocide of the Jews. She would
have nothing to do with such Imperial games and diabolical plans. Her first instinct was to
throw the file back at Sir Howard and quit MI. Nora could almost hear her father’s voice,
“No impulsive decision sweetheart, count hundred and then decide.” Nora was in a dilemma.
On the one hand was the prospect of a long dreamt for visit to India but in a job that entailed
everything she hated: racism, imperialism and dirty politics. On the other side was a return to
Cambridge and her first love, linguistics and history. A rejection of the offer for selfish
reasons would be perfectly justified, Nora thought. To hell with the dirty tricks of MI, let
them find some one else. But would that stop the catastrophe? Am I not running away from a
challenge? Contradictory thoughts crowded her mind. She needed more time to think. Sir
Howard readily agreed and even gave her two days off.
At times like this she needed her godfather’s advice. She spoke to the Professor Cecil
Townsend and invited herself to Cambridge. Not that she needed his confirmation; after the
death of her mother, the Townsends were her family. The two hour bus ride to Cambridge
brought a flood of memories about her parents, Harry and Jean Harris, and about her
childhood in India. John Harris was amongst the thousands of young Britons who volunteered
to serve during the First World War. Commissioned from Sandhurst in October 1917, Harry
was one of the lucky one to get into the elite Gurkhas of the Indian Army. Competition was
stiff and Harry was elated when he wore the black pips and the natty Gurkha hat for the first
time. The Gurkha Rifle regiments were regarded amongst the finest of the Indian army. His
joy knew no bound when he was ordered to join the battalion in France. In 1917 every young
Subaltern’s nightmare was that he may land up in some far corner of the Empire, twiddling
15
his thumb while the ‘fun’ of war may be all over. The scene of action was France where
mindless ‘meat-grinder’ battles for trenches were being fought.
After a boring two months, Harry first saw action in battle of Cambrai. The battle began
on 20 November 1917 with the rumblings of over 300 tanks, which were closely followed by
infantry. By 4 p.m. the troops had penetrated up to ten miles into German lines. Lieutenant
John Harris showed his mettle when on 30 November, facing a German counter-offensive, he
successfully extricated his company and brought it back to safety after the company
commander was killed in the early stages of the battle. But John did not savour his success
for too long. A chance shell hit his trench and shattered his left leg.
The next time John opened his eyes he found himself in a Paris hospital with huge plaster
round his left leg. Luckily the doctors managed to save his leg and but for a slight limp, John
was soon declared fighting fit. The battalion in the meanwhile had been de-inducted from the
front and was preparing to go back to India. Captain Harris’s request that he be allowed to
join his battalion. His request was accepted and he was shifted to Calcutta in advance to
arrival of the Gurkhas in Fort William, the seat of British power in India. It was here that he
met Jahanara, daughter of a successful barrister, Inayatullah Khan.
Jahanara, or Jean, was a typical member of the upper crust of Calcutta society. The family
had great prestige and social standing. Inayatullah was the great grandson of Tippu Sultan,
the legendary ruler of Mysore who had died in action during the battle at Srirangpattan,
towards the end of the 18th century. The British had been generous with the Sultan’s children
and settled them in Calcutta, far away from Mysore and under the watchful eye of the British
government. Despite his anti-British ancestry, Inayatullah was amongst that tribe of educated
Indians who regarded the British rule as both temporary and a blessing. He firmly believed
that but for the British take over of India and the introduction of the English language, India
would have remained mired in backwardness. So when Jehanara, his only child wanted to
volunteer as a Red Cross worker and serve the war wounded, he readily agreed.
The first meeting between John and Jahan was not a case of love at first sight. The latter
regarded the reserve and shyness displayed by John Harris with suspicion. There were many
‘Imperialist’ types to be seen strutting on the streets of Calcutta in those days. She thought
that John was another of those who believed that Indians were subhuman and the British were
God’s own creation. Her first reaction was to keep the contact to the minimum and not
beyond the mandatory ‘How are you’ greeting with a smile that was taught to her in her Red
Cross nursing lessons.
John was certainly attracted to Jahan, who was a tall girl with delicate features; her
femininity over accentuated by the severe khaki uniform. John watched with amusement and
a certain sense of resignation, the antics of his other more adventurous co-patients who made
futile advances to this girl. Making advances to a pretty girl is hazardous at the best of times,
thought John. Attractive girls are so used to it that their instinctive reaction is to reject such
an approach. Thus the fear of being spurned keeps many ‘genuine’ admirers away. The
impasse would have continued but for the fact that Jahan found that this shy, handsome
officer was immersed in a serious study of Indian languages. So it came as a pleasant surprise
to John when Jahan one day offered to help him with his Urdu lessons.
After that it was a regular event for him to savour the delights of Ghalib’s poetry with the
help of Jahan. The traffic was two way as he introduced her to Wordsworth and Shelly. It was
not long before the gossip mill in Calcutta coined a phrase ‘Jan and Jahan’ (life and world).
Their courtship was intense and lasted nearly a year. After John had joined his battalion he no
longer had any excuse to be in hospital. Anyway, Jahanara had resumed her studies at the
University of Calcutta. Fluery’s on the Park Street, a delightful Swiss-run tea restaurant,
became their favourite rendezvous. It was here that the two lovebirds met almost daily. A
kind waiter would smuggle them to a private room, away from the prying eyes of Calcuttan
16
society. Both however knew that the news must have reached Fort William, It was in the
spring of 1919 that they decided to take the plunge. Barrister Inyatullah was difficult but not
implacable; he eventually gave his consent. But John had cross another hurdle; the approval
of his commanding officer.
The British were concerned that their young officers in India, lonely and away from
home, may make ‘rash’ decisions about marriage. So Army Regulations clearly stipulated
that an Officer can only get married after he completes 25 years and that too only with the
Commanding Officer’s ( CO’s ) approval. Captain John Harris took all the usual precautions.
He chose a day when the CO was in good mood having made a great killing in his game of
bridge the previous evening. The day of reckoning was Saturday, time 9.30. John Harris in
his diligently polished Sam Browne gingerly climbed the iron steps to first floor of Dalhousie
Barrack.
His interview with the CO was short. Lieutenant Colonel Roy Stewart turned down
Captain John Harris’s request. “I shall not have native riffraff entering my officer’s mess.”
John’s face went ashen and with great difficulty he managed to control himself. “The bloody
racist!” he thought to himself. Captain Harris was given a clear choice, forget Jahanara or ask
to be posted out of the battalion. Captain John Harris took the only honourable course open to
him, with heavy heart he bid goodbye to his beloved Gurkhas. Luckily for him his flair for
languages and good grades on an Intelligence course got him an opening in the Military
Intelligence. The happy couple settled in Leyuten’s Delhi. It was here that Nora (Noor) was
born in the summer of 1921
A home posting in 1935 saw the Harris family move to England. It was a heart wrenching
farewell for Nora. She even now remembered Amrita Kaur and Saroj, her best friends at the
Convent of Jesus and Marry. A bright child, she quickly adapted herself to English conditions
and was soon earning straight As. Entry to Cambridge was natural and a new world of
carefree student life was opened to Nora. The idyllic life was not to last too long. The start of
World War II saw the induction of a British Expeditionary Force into Europe. LieutenantColonel Harris was one of the many thousands who crossed over into France. One dark day
in May 1939, came news of the over-running of France by German Panzers. This was
followed by a dreaded telegram from the War Ministry: Lieutenant-Colonel John Harris was:
killed in action at Dunkirk. Jahan’s life lay in ruins and Nora suffered her first shock. But
Jahan was a steely woman. Setting aside her personal grief, she plunged into the work at a
London hospital as a volunteer nurse. Life was to test Nora again when one July afternoon he
godfather, Professor Townsend, walked into her hostel room to tell her that. Jahan had died in
a bombing raid the previous night.
The entire British military establishment threw a protective blanket around her. The
Townsend family took her under their wings and Sir Howard personally kept track of her
wellbeing every week. When she volunteered for an assignment in MI, Sir Howard was
delighted. But later when she offered to go to occupied France in 1943, it was a strict no-no.
It was only her threats of resignation and fierce determination to fight German tyranny that
ultimately got her to France. Nora was an idealist; the fight against Hitler was for her a fight
against evil. And now, here she was battling with her conscience over an assignment that was
everything that Nora abhorred. Nora looked forward to her meeting with the Professor.
As the bus reached Cambridge, Nora came out of her reverie. Every time when she
thought that her life was stabilising she found herself in a vortex of events facing new
challenges. She dearly looked forwarded to her meeting with Professor and his doting wife.
But not a word about work was exchanged till lunch was over. Dona Townsend would have
none of that. As she lovingly insisted on Nora finishing the last of the strawberries and cream,
Nora only exchanged pleasantries. Lunch out of the way, the Professor suggested a walk
along the river. Nora had waited for this moment and quickly got into casuals.
17
There is a mystical quality about the walk along river Cam. This may well be because
intellectual giants from Newton to Rutherford had trodden that very path, and this fact
subconsciously affected everybody. The gentle breeze, the sound of the river flowing gently
by and meadows full of early spring lilies, all made their contribution to the mood. Nora
found her mind clearing as she listened to the Professor talking of enduring British values and
the place of morality in human history.
“But why is Churchill so obstinate when it comes to the issue of India?” Nora asked. The
Professor laughingly told Nora that the first thing that was wrong with his friend Winston
was that he was from Oxford University and not Cambridge. But on a more serious note,
Professor Townsend felt that Imperialists did not understand that the British Empire, though
won by the sword, had survived due to the British spirit of liberalism and their strong sense of
justice and fair play. “While the rapacious Spanish colonies revolted, the British rule
continued to flourish,” he pointed out. “It is the lack of understanding of this ethical
dimension by individuals like Churchill that make them ignore the reality. Even Warren
Hastings, nearly century and half ago, clearly saw that the British rule over India was
transitory. Nevertheless there are many amongst us who seriously believe that the myth of the
‘White Man’s Burden’ is a fact.
“Kipling has brainwashed a whole generation. Even Macualay, an otherwise rational
fellow, actually wrote that the entire wisdom in the East and particularly India was not
enough to fill even one shelf in a European library? The only contact the ‘Burra Sahibs’ had
was with Indian sycophants, tradesmen and servants in cantonments. They formed their
impression of India and Indians on that basis. To expect them to know that the modern
algebra, astronomy, plastic surgery and inoculation were Indian gifts to the world was indeed
a tall order. While this was the British attitude, the traditional Indian elite was no better. For
long, they treated the British with disdain and considered any contact with them, ‘polluting’”.
On hearing this, Nora opened up and told the Professor the terrible secret she had learnt at
the MI. India was to be divided on religious lines between Hindus and Muslims and the
operation is code named Akbar. Nora could take the liberty of sharing this secret with the
Professor as she knew that he had worked for the MI in advisory role throughout the war.
Townsend wryly noted that naming the operation after one of the greatest promoters of peace
between Hindus and Muslims showed a typical Churchillian sense of humour. The Professor
was not surprised at what Nora had told him. He could see it coming since 1942, when
Gandhi launched the ‘Quit India’ movement at a most awkward time for the British and
drove them into Jinnah’s arms. “Churchill and England do not realise that they are creating a
Frankenstein,” mused the Professor.
“Why do you not try to influence the PM to call this off,” said Nora, half in hope and half
in desperation. The Professor said that Winston is a stubborn man and it is not possible for
any one to make him change his mind on India. Unknown to most, the hurt he suffered in
India has left a deep scar on his psyche. “It was, I think in February 1899, we both, Winston
and I, were the guests of Sir Pertab Singh, the Jodhpur Maharaja. Winston had come to play
Polo as part of the 4th Hussar team and I was on an archaeological expedition in the deserts of
Rajputana. Here Winston first set his eyes on Princess Savitri Devi from one of the western
Indian Princely State. In a swift courtship, Churchill proposed marriage. But the Princess
firmly turned him down not because she found Winston unattractive, but because he was a
‘Mlencha’ (an unclean one) Winston has never since then stopped commenting on the
stupidity of a race that continues to act high and mighty even in slavery. ‘Nice people in India
are few and far between,’ he wrote to his mother from Bangalore. ‘I do not think India will
survive for long. I am convinced that once the British leave, the warlike races of the north
west will first conquer North India and then the South.’”
18
Nora felt a sense of disappointment. Analysis is all very fine and none but a Cambridge
Dons can do it so well, she thought. But what is the solution; the way out? The Professor read
her pregnant pause correctly. “The scheme of dividing India on religious lines is first rate
madness. Millions will die. One fifth of humanity will not know peace for centuries to come.
You must do your duty by your country. I will say no more, and do not need to. Did your
father abandon Jean just because a racist tried to stop him from following his heart’s desire?
In life it is principles like justice and fair play that make us immortal and not pyretic
victories.”
It was at that very moment she made a decision; she, the great grand daughter of the Tiger
of Mysore, was going to stop it from happening. She made up her mind to accept the
assignment and do everything within her power to undermine Operation Akbar. Having
decided on her mission, she felt a sense of relief. The feeling was same as when she had
heard the rumbling of American tanks approaching Paris nearly a year before.
**
Bose left Rangoon on 24 April by road in 21 vehicles, with Swami, a few ministers and
senior officers, about fifty League workers and the last contingents of women. The vehicles
moved at night and would lie concealed at dawn in places where they could spend the whole
day. At every halt, Bose moved among his people attending to those in distress. Despite all
precautions by the fourth day, they had lost all but two vehicles due to air attacks and
breakdowns in the mud and at river fords. They had also lost all their baggage and their
Government files and records The column moved on foot; only the sick and weak were given
a lift in transport; Bose walked with the others. His tirelessness, his determination to share in
the common suffering and his personal courage inspired them all. Till now the party had
suffered only one casualty during an air raid. On the fourth day, his Japanese liaison officer
was able to procure sufficient transport for the party, which reached Moulmein on 3 May.
From here after a pause, about half the party went on by train, half by road. All movement
was carried out only at night and progress was slow. Bose reached Bangkok on 15 May.
Loganadhan’s authority in Rangoon lasted until 4 May when the first Indian brigade
landed from assault craft which had brought it up the Rangoon River. The British ordered the
disarming and concentration of the INA. At that time, Shah Nawaz, Dhillon and Sehgal were
still holding out at Pegu; they and about 50 men surrendered on 13 May. So the Indian
Independence Movement in Burma came to an end, its leaders behaving with dignity and
giving what assistance they could to the British commanders. 750 of the ex-Indian Army
officers and men were shipped to India for investigation. They were followed, as the months
passed, by more from Rangoon and elsewhere.
**
Back in London Sir Howard was delighted when Nora confirmed that she had accepted
his offer. He told her that Mr. Mercer would give her a detailed briefing on Operation Akbar
to prepare her for her assignment. Mercer began his briefing by telling her that Operation
Akbar was born in crucible of desperation in early months of 1942; a decisive year of the
war. In the summer of that year the fate of the world hung in balance. It was high noon for the
Axis Powers, Germany and Japan.. Rommel's Afrika Corps was barely 40 miles from
Alexandria.. Clouds of smoke rose from the chimneys of the military headquarters in Cairo as
their files were hastily burnt. The world assumed that the British had lost the Middle East.
The outlook on the Russian front, continued Mercer, was even more grim. The fate of
Stalingrad appeared to be doomed. The Germans had begun dreaming of a sweep to
Afghanistan and junction with the Japanese forces in India. The situation in the Asian theatre
was no better. . Victorious Japanese Armies had swept through Malaya and Indonesia. Most
of Burma except some territory in North was in Japanese hands. The humiliating surrender at
Singapore had destroyed British prestige in Asia. The submarine campaign by the German
19
Navy had reached a peak.. Britain could not sustain heavy losses in shipping without being
strangulated.
The Americans after the Pearl Harbour disaster were in no position to threaten Japan..
The Japanese Navy dominated the Indian Ocean. Field-Marshal Slim had led his tattered 14
Army in a disastrous retreat into India. After reaching India, Slim expected the Japanese to
land on the eastern coast of India. He had nightmares about the Japanese advancing along the
Hoogly River. This was the situation in India, Mercer explained, when one day, he had to
carry a Top Secret message to the PM. It was a personal communication from American
General Donovan of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), America’s fledgling secret
service.
The OSS was America’s first ‘civilian’ secret service and Donovan reported directly to
the President. General MacArthur was uneasy with this arrangement and flatly refused
permission for the OSS to operate in his domain. The OSS was permitted to open its offices
in South East Asia only in those areas that were under British charge. At the behest of
Admiral Mountbatten the OSS also opened its offices in New Delhi, Calcutta and Karachi.
The Americans were now repaying their debt. From an impeccable source based in Allahabad
, the OSS learnt that under Gandhi’s influence the Indian national Congress was getting ready
to launch a civil disobedience movement. This was to coincide with the entry into India of the
Indian National Army [INA] led by Bose and fully backed by the Japanese. Donovan
mentioned that the President was deeply worried over these developments.
Mercer described how Churchill’s instant reaction was a triumphant grunt, “I told you
so.” He never trusted Gandhi. He felt that under his saintly exterior operated a shrewd
political mind. . Churchill was also aware of the support that the Indian Independence
Movement enjoyed in the Labour Party. At the same time Roosevelt and other American
diplomats kept up their pressure on the British Government. to make some gesture to Indian
national sentiments. In order to mollify the Americans and his Labour critics, he decided to
send Sir Stafford Cripps on a mission to India in March, to met Indian political leaders and
try to find a solution to their persistent demands for independence...
Mercer told Nora how, even before Cripps left for India, Churchill had established
contact with Jinnah. He was given a clear promise that in return for his support in the war
effort after a crackdown against Indian nationalists, His Majesty’s Government would help
him to realise his dream of Pakistan. He had flown to India with a personal letter from the
PM for Jinnah. But the crafty barrister was adamant and refused to accept this as a sufficient
guarantee. He recalled the British legacy of broken promises. “You promised Arabia to Sherif
Hussain in 1916 at the height of First World war and thereby won Arab support. Then in
1917, your foreign minister Balfour, declared His Majesty’s support to a Jewish homeland in
Palestine.” Jinnah insisted on a formal commitment from no less than His Majesty himself,
and that too in writing. He even produced a draft for Mercer to carry back with him to
London.
Mercer described Churchill’s dilemma. He knew that his Cabinet would not support this
and the King, a stickler for constitutional propriety, would not issue it without the approval of
the Cabinet. It was at this stage that chance played its part. Admiral Lord Louis Mountbatten,
Chief of Staff, Combined Operations in South East Asia, was on a brief visit to London.
Knowing that the King had a soft corner for his dashing relative, Churchill decided to discuss
this with Mountbatten. He explained to the Admiral the reason for urgent need of Muslim
support in India; he told him about Jinnah’s demand. The wily Admiral suggested that the
King could well act in this regard on his own. The Viceroy wore two hats. India was both a
Crown territory as well as a British colony. Only half of India was governed by the Viceroy
under orders of the Cabinet through the Secretary of State. The other half, composed of the
Princely states, was bound directly to the Crown in treaty relationship, and was governed by
20
the Governor-General on behalf of the Sovereign. Softened by the Admiral’s arguments and
Churchill’s considerable powers of persuasion, the King signed the document committing
Britain to the creation of a Muslim Homeland in India. The British also agreed that no
constitutional arrangement would be enforced without the approval of Jinnah who was
acknowledged to be the sole representatives of Indian Muslims. This secret agreement was
only known to the three of them.
Before sending Sir Strafford Cripps on his mission to India, Churchill emphasised that
Cripps must keep the interests of Indian Muslims in mind. They were never to be coerced by
the Congress majority on any account. In effect this meant that Jinnah and the Muslim
League had a virtual veto over any proposals that he made. As expected and desired by
Churchill, the Cripps mission failed. Gandhi described it as an offer of a post dated cheque on
a failing bank.. Churchill continued to maintain that with Muslim support he would manage
the situation. And he was indeed proved right. The Muslims under Jinnah’s influence not
only supported the war effort but also acted as a strong fifth column against the Indian
Independence Movement.
After the failure of the Cripps mission Gandhi began propagating that the British should
withdraw from India and leave her defence in Indian hands. "Quit India” was the slogan
given by him that summed up his one point programme. The fateful All India Congress
Committee meeting took place in Bombay between 7-9 August 1942. Largely at Gandhi’s
bidding, the Congress demanded withdrawal of British from India and also promised that free
India would join the Allies with all her great resources. The resolution asked people to launch
a non-violent struggle.
In the early hours of 9 August, a massive British crackdown began. Congress leaders
were arrested and taken to various high security prisons. On hearing the news of their arrest,
disturbances broke out in Bombay, Ahmedabad and Pune. But like all such movements, it
was difficult to sustain action it in the absence of trained leadership and proper organization.
The British were helped by the fact that Indian Communists, a large majority of Muslims, a
faction of the Congress itself, and the RSS remained neutral. Some elements provided active
help and information to the British police to round up nationalists. There was no second rung
Congress leadership to fill the vacuum created by the arrest of leaders, and no plans for an
underground network. Nearly ten thousand Indians died in police firing. In less than two
months time the movement died down. A subsequent Congress appeal for mass non cooperation issued in November 1942 evoked no popular response... The war effort, except for
some minor hiccups, did not suffer greatly. When Bose arrived in Asia in 1943, and the
Japanese advanced into Burma, India was well under control.
After Churchill was proved right in his assessment that Congress leaders would show
themselves to be ‘men of straw’, Roosevelt did not interfere in Indian matters and trusted
Churchill’s judgement implicitly. In 1943 when the Japanese were knocking at the doors of
India, the Muslim League ministry in East Bengal fully co-operated with the British in
implementing a scorched earth policy. Most of the inland shipping resources and rice stocks
were either destroyed or shifted out of Bengal. This operation was carried out under the
efficient command of Mountbatten. Famine was an un-intended consequence of this war time
move. In the great Bengal famine of 1943 a million and half Indians, mostly Muslims, died of
starvation. There was massive migration from villages in Bengal to the cities of Calcutta and
Dacca. The streets of these two cities were littered with hungry and dying peasants. All
through this period the Muslim League remained steadfast in its support to the British and
carried out their orders.
In the Tehran conference of November 1943, the future world organisation (the United
Nations) was discussed and China was accepted as a Great Power along with UK, US, USSR
and France. The Indian contribution to war effort, much greater than China’s, was
21
discounted.. An American delegate to the conference remarked that India was yet to win its
‘Yorktown’ (this was the decisive battle of American war of independence) and as such had
no right to sit at the high table of great powers. Churchill explained his thesis that since the
two most dynamic provinces of India, Punjab and Bengal, would soon be divided between
India and Pakistan, residual India would be dominated by lethargic people of the IndoGangetic plains. “Such a nation, inhabited by people who do not have any history of
opposing repeated invasions or preventing the desecration of their temples need not be taken
too seriously. Independent India. will forever wallow in poverty and self pity. The country
will continue to be a fractious and frivolous nation.”
Mercer ended his briefing with these parting words: “Now that the war is about to end,
we have to fulfil our promise to Jinnah. MI-6 must ensure that Muslims get a homeland in
India. Your job is to liase with the Muslim League and help to create conditions that leave no
choice to the nationalists who want a unified India. The operational details of actions to
create conditions that will frighten the Congress leaders will be given to you in India. Your
main job is to win the confidence of Jinnah and co-ordinate our covert actions with the
Muslim League’s plan of ‘Direct Action’. A seat was arranged for Nora Harris on a DC-3
flight on 25 May. Nora barely had time to wind up her affairs in London and make a quick
farewell visit to the Townsends before flying to India.
**
By May 1945, 100-bomber raids were being carried out on Japan. The Japanese Naval
General Staff had come to the conclusion that on account of air, fleet and shipping losses,
Japan could not win the war, and therefore, should seek a compromise peace. The Japanese
Premier, General Koiso, agreed with this assessment. However, he was not sufficiently strong
a man to stand up to the military faction in his Cabinet, with the result that the situation
drifted from bad to worse. With the capture of Iwo Jima and Okinawa, incendiary air attacks
on Japanese cities were stepped up five-fold. 40 per cent of the built-up area of sixty-six
cities was destroyed. This caused much suffering and reduced production, but the loss of
shipping was the main factor in Japan’s economic decline. Japan’s industries and
communications were made inoperative through blockade; her coal, oil, steel and other raw
materials were severed from her by lack of shipping while her cities, crumbling under air
attack; were progressively being reduced to ashes. In Burma Mountbatten, after the reconquest of Burma was preparing to invade Malaya, In China, Chiang Kai-Shek had assumed
the offensive, and Russia had renounced the Neutrality Pact. Nevertheless the Japanese were
determined to fight it out to the death. However, the Emperor now ordered that General
Koiso be replaced by Admiral Suzuki, who was given one clear aim: to bring the war to an
end.
**
In May, Bose’s immediate concern was finance. The IIL was broke. He sent Raghavan,
Chatterji and other key ministers to Singapore, Saigon and elsewhere to collect money. There
was a second reason for this dispersion of his ministers. Nobody could be sure where the
Allies would next strike. Bose was trying to provide a safeguard for the Indian community’s
interests in each area where an Allied landing might take place. .
Before dispersing his Cabinet, Bose had a detailed discussion with them on the graver
implications of the Axis defeat in Europe. He told the Cabinet that Japan could only be
brought low by direct invasion. Despite American successes in the Pacific there was still
plenty of time and territory to be taken. The Japanese would withdraw their forces from
places like Java and Sumatra and concentrate their strength in Japan. . But the immediate
danger was Malaya. He envisaged the withdrawal of the 3rd Division to join the 1,300 INA
survivors in Siam.
22
He appreciated that the appointment of Admiral Suzuki as Premier was a step towards
negotiating for peace. If the Allies were able to break Japanese resistance, the Indian struggle
would certainly go on; India would still need help from outside. Russia was his only long
term hope. It might be possible for him to preserve the Provisional Government in Moscow;
much would depend on how quickly and how openly the breach with the Anglo-Americans
developed. The Japanese were jealous of Russian influence in the Co-Prosperity Sphere and
had never allowed him access to the Russians in Tokyo. The growing danger of war with
them was not likely to make the Japanese any less sensitive. He must therefore be very
careful of his approach. Bose told his Cabinet that he proposed to set up a nucleus Provisional
Government in Manchuria, within the inner ring of Japanese defence If the Japanese allowed
this, they would all move there and be certain of continued activity to the limit of Japanese
resistance. Then, in the event of a Japanese collapse, a move to Russian territory would be
easy.
**
Nora left England in May 1945 with mixed feelings. In her hearts of heart she knew that it
was a good-bye to any aspirations for an academic career. As she boarded the military DC-8
aircraft on her way to India, her mind continued to ponder over the issue. She reflected that
“it is not large forces of history, political, economic or social, alone that make history.
Destiny of nations has often been shaped by towering individuals, who can, and often have,
turned the current of history in a different direction. But the incidents that have led to this
have been as frivolous as a young Gandhi being thrown out of train in South Africa or a
young Churchill been spurned by an Indian Princess. Who could stop Operation Akbar?”
Nora had a good theoretical knowledge of Indian affairs and the top political leadership.
She first thought of Sardar Patel who was admittedly a tough ruthless man, but he controlled
only the Congress machinery. Could she rely on Gandhi or Nehru? It was at that moment,
like a flash, she thought of Bose! She had never met the man but MI-6 documents had warned
that “Bose is imbued with a revolutionary spirit,. which is absent in Gandhi the pacifist and in
Nehru who is subservient to Gandhi.” Yes, here was a man of reputed action whose secular
credentials were acceptable to all Indians. He would not require any motivation; he already
believed that he was India’s man of destiny. He alone could counter Jinnah’s madness and
British machinations. But Bose was not even in India and was classified as a war leader of the
‘enemy’. Irrespective of the risks of the enterprise, Nora was determined to get in touch with
Subhas Chandra Bose the moment she landed in India..
As the DC-3 Dakota carrying Nora circled over Palam airfield, the first thing that struck
her was the bright sunshine! It had been quite while since she left Delhi and the brilliant
sunshine of an Indian summer dazzled her. The second thing that impacted her was how
‘relaxed’ Delhi was. Even at the height of the war, there was no blackout, no air raids and no
destroyed buildings. Nora quickly settled in her new assignment, a Joint Director in the
Liaison Office of the Supreme Commander. The Liaison Office had tremendous clout as it
had direct access to the Allied Command, with powers to have access to all documents of the
government. At the same time it was only answerable to the Supreme Command. This was a
perfect setting for Nora to achieve her mission.
Wartime Delhi in 1945 was a strange place. There was a huge influx of the Americans,
who seemed to be everywhere. With their easygoing ways and the ubiquitous jeep at their
command, they were the envy of their relatively poor British cousins. The clubs were full and
evening life was as gay as ever. It was difficult to imagine that India was at war and soldiers
in remote jungles of Burma were dying. It took quite a while for Nora to adjust to this as well
as the exaggerated courtesy, almost bordering on slavishness, of the Indian staff at the
Queens Barrack mess. Her office at South Block of the Viceroy’s palace was also a
23
nightmare. With its maze of corridors and passages, it took Nora two weeks to get the hang of
the place and reach her office without getting lost en route.
On Sir Howard’s advice, Nora had been given an army rank; she was Major Nora Harris.
The old fox had explained that rank mattered a lot in India and will actually make her less
conspicuous. Nora saw the wisdom of the move as it provided her an excellent cover to move
around. But the army rank had its drawbacks as well. The first and the minor one was the
constant ‘saluting’ that Nora had to endure. At this rate my right arm is going to be certainly
stouter than my left, Nora thought amusedly. The tight Khaki uniform also had another
unintended effect. The uniform actually accentuated her femininity and warding off male
attention became her major preoccupation.
The Liaison Office was a joint Anglo-American organisation and it was not long before
Nora became friendly with a Marine officer, Major Robert Ford, a budding Orientalist in his
own right. Robert was a delightful company and a great change from stuffy British officers
who Nora encountered daily. But by far the greatest frustration for Nora was her complete
inability to make any contacts in civil society. She was a virtual prisoner in Queens Barracks
and had begun to despair of making any contact with people who could lead her to Bose.
24
Chapter 2
Japan Sues For Peace
In May 1945, the Japanese Supreme War Direction Council considered how the War
could be brought to an end. It was decided that the first step to be taken was to approach
Russia and ask her to intercede as mediator. The Japanese knew that the Russians, who had
not forgotten the humiliating events of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, were likely to
demand the abandonment of her conquests, including the Manchuria and Korea, as the price
for Russian mediation. This aspect alone must have made it clear to the Western Allies that
Japan had reached a catastrophic position.
By this time, the Manhattan Project had advanced to the stage where US scientists were
ready to carry out a test explosion of an atomic bomb. Kamikaze attacks and fanatical
Japanese resistance at Iwo Jima and Okinawa had convinced the President and his military
advisors, over the protests of key scientists, that the bomb was the only alternative to an
extraordinarily bloody invasion of the home islands. On 1 June, President Truman, who had
succeeded Roosevelt, accepted recommendations that atomic bombs be dropped on Japan as
soon as possible- “without specific warning and against a target that would clearly show its
devastating strength.” Bose and the Japanese had no knowledge of the Manhattan Project,
however the Russian secret service had penetrated the Project and obtained vital data on how
to manufacture the bomb; Soviet scientists were already busy attempting to catch up with the
Americans.
On 20 June, Emperor Hirohito once again called the six members of the Supreme War
Direction Council to a conference in order to inform them that it was essential that the war
should be closed on any terms short of unconditional surrender. Bose was unaware of these
negotiations, which were taking place in Tokyo. He put forward his proposal for establishing
a nucleus Provisional Government in Manchuria. The Japanese Government turned this
down.
**
On 14 June, ten days after his return to India, Wavell broadcast his proposals. He
intended to have a conference in Simla on 25 June 1945. Twenty-one political leaders
including the Chief Ministers and ex-Chief Ministers of provincial Governments, the leaders
of the Congress Party and deputy leader of the Muslim League in the Central Assembly,
Gandhi and Jinnah, and a representative each of the Sikhs and the Scheduled Castes were
being invited to attend. The purpose would be to discuss the formation of a politically
representative Executive Council. This would be entirely Indian except for the Viceroy and
Commander-in-Chief. External affairs, hitherto the preserve of the Viceroy, would be in
charge of an Indian member. Communally, the Council would include equal proportions of
Caste Hindus and Muslims. While it would function under the existing constitution, the
Governor-General would not use his reserve powers unreasonably.
As a token of India’s new status, Britain would appoint a High Commissioner in India to
look after British interests. One vital task of the new Government would be to work towards a
long-term constitutional solution. If his conference succeeded, declared Wavell, he hoped that
Ministries would again be formed in all the provinces. Orders had been given for the release
of such members of the Congress Working Committee as were still in detention. The new
central and provincial governments would decide upon the release of other detainees.
**
25
The Liaison Office in Delhi operated on the basis of complete trust between the two
Allies. One day, Major Ford casually mentioned to Nora that the OSS was in regular touch
with Subhas Bose since 1944. This chance remark gave Nora the first glimmer of hope of
being able to contact Bose. But before she could make a move in that direction, she was faced
with a major “fire fighting” exercise. In the last week of June, a frantic message from London
said that Jinnah was very upset at the Viceroy’s forthcoming conference in Simla. Wavell’s
aim was to reconcile the differences between the Congress and Muslim League and preserve
Indian unity. Jinnah saw this as typical British duplicity and threatened to make the King’s
letter public. Mercer had established contact with Jinnah and assured him that Wavell was
unaware of the agreement between Jinnah and the King; he was acting entirely on his own.
Mercer reiterated that Wavell had been given clear instructions that no agreement on the
future of India was to be effective without his (Jinnah’s) approval. Mercer instructed Nora to
proceed to Simla and attend the conference as an observer on behalf of the Supreme
Command. Whilst in Simla, she would meet Jinnah, establish a personal relationship with
him and re-assure him that the British intended to abide by their agreement..
Nora looked forward to an escape from the heat of Delhi. The breathtaking train journey
in the toy train from Kalka to Simla and the salubrious mountain air put Nora in good cheer.
But in Simla she faced a stone wall when Jinnah refused to meet a mere major! After much
telegraphing between Sir Howard in London and Jinnah in Simla, Nora finally got an
appointment with the Grand old man of Muslim politics. It was 7:30 p.m. when Nora walked
along the Mall to Hotel Cecil where Jinnah was staying. The lobby was full of Jinnah’s
personal bodyguards who gave her a thorough look over. They seemed reluctant to let her go
towards the Royal Suite where Jinnah was staying. Luckily for Nora, Fatima, Jinnah’s sister
who also doubled as his private secretary, entered just then and much embarrassment was
avoided.
Right at the stroke of the appointed time Nora saw a frail, gaunt-looking man, impeccably
dressed in a double-breasted suit, enter the suite. Their initial exchange of greetings was
mechanical and cold. Nora squirmed in her seat as Jinnah’s icy gaze settled on her. . Jinnah
sensed her discomfort and decided that it was time to turn on the charm. “So, Noor, how do
you find India after all these years in London?” Nora was taken aback at the use of her
Muslim name, a secret known to very few. Obviously Sir Howard had briefed Jinnah about
her past. Jinnah brought in the family connection to put her at ease. “Incidentally, I knew
Khan Bahadur Inayatullah well, though I confess I never had a chance to meet either of your
parents. You are one of us and I trust you. . "How quickly Indians get on to ‘family’, "
thought Nora. She gave him one of her devastating 1000-volt smiles.
Jinnah nodded appreciatively and continued, “You must be an extremely brave person.
I’m told that you are a highly decorated soldier: the George Cross, the Croix de Guerre and
an MBE.”
Nora didn’t bother to point out that she had served as a civilian spy during the War. She
merely shrugged and said, “It was fortunate that I was at the right places at the right time; I
did my duty and was lucky to survive.”
A waiter appeared silently with Scotch and soda. Jinnah motioned him towards Nora. ‘I
will settle for apple juice’, said Nora. Jinnah took his Scotch, and waited. When Nora’s juice
was given to her, he raised a toast, ‘Together we shall succeed, Inshallah. Here is to
Pakistan.’ In the dim light of the evening Jinnah looked unhealthily pale. Nora thought to
herself, "the man is dying and yet seems so firm on his resolve." A sneaking admiration for
his willpower showed on her face. Jinnah was used to this reaction and felt satisfied. Nora
sensed that the old man was in an unusually good mood. She understood the reason for his
optimism. Jinnah had persisted in his demand for Pakistan, and had stood firm against the
pressure of Wavell and Congress leaders, secure in his belief that thanks to Churchill’s
26
instructions, he had a virtual veto over any proposal. He knew that the Simla conference was
virtually dead, before it had even started; all that was left were the last rites.
Jinnah saw this first meeting with Nora as a golden opportunity to convert her to his point
of view. He launched on a monologue. ‘In a free democratic India the 20 percent Muslim
population will be a permanent minority. Like many others before, Muslims would soon be
absorbed by the Hindus. Islam and its heritage will be lost forever. I do not want another
Spain to be repeated here. Pakistan will not be an Islamic State in the religious sense. It will
be a nation based on the principles of Islam, equality and peace’
Nora nodded her head in mock agreement. "It was futile to argue with someone who had
already made up his mind," she thought to herself. As to how a separation based on religion
of only a part of the Muslims of India is going to solve their problems was a question that
begged the answer, she thought. Even after Jinnah gets his Pakistan there will be a greater
number of Muslims left in India. What was to be their fate? What if India also decided to be a
‘Hindu’ state? Will Jinnah’s Pakistan then be ready to accept them? Many questions crowded
her mind. But she thought it best to keep them to herself.
“I know that many Muslims are opposed to my idea of Pakistan and could easily fall prey
to Congress propaganda. It will be necessary to take recourse to ‘Direct Action’ to convince
them of the futility of living together,” Jinnah went on. “We will create conditions with the
help of our lashkar [miitia] and your department so that the false ideas of peaceful coexistence planted by Gandhi are removed.” Jinnah then outlined extracts from Operation
Akbar; a schedule of riots that he hoped to engineer in Punjab and Bengal to drive home his
point. “All that I want is for the British to remain neutral while we fight our jihad [holy
war],” he concluded.
It was getting late and Nora began shifting in her seat. Jinnah sensed her discomfort and
bid her goodbye. The meeting had lasted for nearly an hour. As she was leaving the hotel,
Fatima confided to Nora that it was one of those rare occasions after the dissolution of his
marriage that she had seen her brother so relaxed in female company; a luxury that he had
seldom enjoyed ever since his tragic break up with Shirin.
**
Bose’s agents in India had kept him regularly informed of what was happening in the
country. However, because of his uncertain moves after the fall of Rangoon, the monthly
courier had not been able to make contact with Netaji. He knew that the Simla talks were
taking place and believed more than ever that negotiation with Britain was against India’s
interests. There were so many new factors: the growth of nationalism in South East Asia and
the disappearance of European prestige, Burma’s taste of freedom, the renewed sympathy of
Americans with Indian aspirations. These things were forcing the British to rethink about
their Imperial position. An objective reconsideration could best be done by a Labour
Government, which would surely come into power in July. Negotiations should therefore not
take place with the Imperialist Churchill Administration, but with men like Cripps, Attlee,
Bevan, the men he had met in 1938. Bose prepared a series of broadcasts intended to prevent
political agreement. As Bangkok Radio was no longer working he flew to Singapore on 18
June.
**
In India, Gandhi declined to appear at the Simla Conference on behalf of the Congress; he
said it should be represented by the President, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, who was
accordingly invited. But he agreed to be present at Simla in the wings in case he were needed
for consultation. His repudiation of any representative capacity did not deter him from
expounding his views at length both by letter and in public.
Jinnah was studiously non-committal; he asked that the conference be postponed for a
fortnight, until his Working Committee could consider the clarification of the proposals,
27
which he hoped the Viceroy would meanwhile have given him. Wavell did not yield; the
conference was held on schedule and was attended by Jinnah and other members of the
Muslim League.
As the Conference progressed, there appeared to be agreement that the Executive Council
should contain an equal number of Muslims and Hindus. The Congress had strong views
about the door through which the members would enter; the Council should be appointed on
a political and not on a communal basis. To avoid dissension, Wavell asked all the interests
represented to send him lists of persons whom they would like to see included in the
executive Council. After seeing these lists, and possibly considering further names of his
own, he would form on paper an Executive Council and see how the conference reacted. The
nominations would be secret and he would consult the party leaders in confidence before
putting his proposed list to the conference. In a reply to a question from Jinnah, Maulana
Azad confirmed that Muslim names would be included in the Congress list.
On 5 July, the Congress Working Committee duly submitted a list of names. On that day
Jinnah wrote to the Viceroy raising several issues but mainly insisting that all the Muslim
members should be chosen from the League. Wavell discussed with Jinnah all the points
raised by him and said he could give no guarantee that the Muslim members would be
selected exclusively from the League’s list any more than he could give a similar guarantee to
the other parties. In that event, replied Jinnah, the League would submit no list. The Viceroy
proceeded accordingly to frame his own proposed selection, to which he obtained the
approval of His Majesty’ Government.
On 11 July, Wavell saw Jinnah again, and told him that he was prepared to include in the
Council four members of the Muslim League, together with a non-League Muslim from the
Punjab, all of whom he named. He added that if Jinnah wanted to substitute other League
names he would consider them. His team, he emphasised, embodied parity not only between
Hindus and Muslims but also between the Congress and the League. Jinnah replied that the
Muslim League could not co-operate unless all five Muslim members of the Council were
drawn from the League, and unless there was a special safeguard for Muslims within the
Council. The Viceroy would accept neither of these conditions. He told Jinnah that this spelt
the failure of his efforts and that he would so inform the conference.
Wavell had inexplicably capitulated to Jinnah. at a time when the latter’s control over the
Muslim community was far from certain The Unionist Party in Punjab was still strong. It had
held office since 1924 under such distinguished leaders as Sir Fazl-i-Hussain, Sir Sikander
Hyat Khan and Sir Khizar Hyat Khan Tiwana. It had always opposed the Muslim League and
represented all three communities- Sikhs, Muslims and Hindus. Thus Wavell’s proposal to
include a Muslim representative of the Punjab Unionist Party was entirely reasonable.
Apart from the Punjab, there were many uncommitted Muslims in the country. In Bengal,
Khwaja Sir Nazimuddin, the Muslim League Premier who had succeeded Fazl-ul-Huq, had
been defeated in the Assembly in March and the state was under Governor’s rule. In the
North-West Frontier Province, a Muslim League ministry had been set up in May 1943 when
most of the Congress members of the Assembly were under arrest. The gradual release of
detainees in accordance with Wavell’s policy, had destroyed the League government’s
majority, and in March a Congress Ministry had been formed under Dr Khan Sahib. Above
all else, within the Muslim League itself, Jinnah’s deputy, Liaqat Ali Khan favoured a
settlement.
It is arguable that if the Viceroy had been as adamant as Jinnah, the latter would have
been obliged to give in. If he had not, the Viceroy could have operated for the rest of the war
with his choice of members, who would have been acceptable to all the others. The Muslim
League would then have faced the prospect of being out of power and isolated, at a crucial
moment in the evolution of the freedom struggle. Jinnah knew how much political ground the
28
Congress had lost by isolating itself from 1940 onwards. He was too shrewd a political
tactician to make the same mistake and permit this to happen to the Muslim League.
Moreover he feared that he might face dissension within the League if he took this step. For
all these reasons, Wavell was in a very strong position and his abrupt decision to terminate
the Conference came as a total surprise to the participants and the nation, but not to Nora or
Jinnah. Back in dusty and hot Delhi, Nora received a laudatory telegram from her boss.
Mercer was pleased with the rapport she had established with Jinnah
On 14 July, Wavell announced his decision to the Conference, taking on himself the full
responsibility for the break-down. Gandhi took the news philosophically, observing that, as
the Congress and the League were irreconcilable, sooner or later the British would have to
decide between them. Others were astonished and incensed; a minority party, with
unsupportable claims, had been allowed to veto the whole project for advancing India’s selfgovernment. Jinnah said he must remind the conference of the fundamentals. “The idea of
Pakistan and the idea of united India were incompatible”. Secretly he was delighted; the
immediate effect was to greatly heighten the prestige of the Muslim League and its leader at a
time when its fortunes were declining
All this may have been inevitable, but it does not fully explain why Lord Wavell brought
the proceedings to such an abrupt halt. He gave no further explanation to the conference,
simply recording that when Mr. Jinnah told him that his solution was not acceptable to the
Muslim League he felt it would be useless to continue. Many people, including some of his
official advisers, thought he was wrong to accept Mr. Jinnah’s veto without even a struggle,
and that a great chance of setting India on the road to united self-government had been
needlessly abandoned.
**
On 8 July, Bose laid the foundation stone of a memorial to the INA dead on the Singapore
waterfront. At this time, two events occurred almost simultaneously: the Allied Powers met
in conference at Potsdam to settle the future of Germany, and in a desert area in New Mexico,
on 16 July, the first atomic bomb in history was detonated. Robert Oppenheimer, the father of
Atom Bomb, used Verse 12 from Chapter 11 of the Bhagwat Gita to describe the power of
the first atom bomb: ”As if the radiance of a thousand suns have burst into the sky, such was
the splendour of the mighty one.” The results of this second event were flashed to President
Truman at Potsdam, and there and then he decided to drop two bombs on Japan in order to
shorten the war and thereby save “hundreds and thousands of lives, both American and
Japanese.”
**
A few days later Bose went on a tour of Indian communities in upper Malaya and visited
units of the 3rd Division. The Divisional Commander had agreed with the Japanese on the
localities in which the INA would fight. But he was faced with other problems. Desertions
and unrest in his command had continued. Some of the men were trafficking with the
Communist anti-Japanese guerrillas who were beginning to come into the open. He was being
pressed by the Japanese to allow his troops to be used against the guerrillas. He had resisted
this pressure and Bose supported his decision.
**
In Britain, Churchill ran a ‘Presidential-type’ election campaign in 1945, supremely
confident that the grateful British people would give him and his Conservative party a
massive mandate, he continued his wartime rhetoric. It came as no surprise to Nora when
election results began tricking in. The Labour party won a landslide victory and by end July
Churchill had resigned and handed over power to Attlee. The election results created a flurry
of excitement in the British community in India The few die-hard imperialists and
conservatives were vastly outnumbered by the pro-Labour men. Everyone looked forward to
29
a new Labour government and returning home. In the last days in his office Churchill’s main
concern was the looming conflict with Bolshevik Soviet Union. On 12 May 1945, much
before his later famous ‘Iron Curtain’ speech at Fulton, he had written to Truman that an iron
curtain has drawn down upon the front in Europe. He predicted a future contest with Soviet
Union, he was convinced that India would not side with the West. Thus the concept of
Pakistan, the dream of Jinnah, acquired a new significance in the post-war world.
Before stepping down as Prime Minister, Churchill paid a formal call on the King. After
this, he sought a private audience with His Majesty. The King’s letter supporting the creation
of Pakistan was like dynamite. If Jinnah was to make it public, it could do irreparable harm to
British prestige and reputation. It was therefore imperative that Jinnah be assured of British
support. The MI 6’s mandate was the Royal promise to Jinnah and not the wishes of the
Cabinet. It was decided at that meeting that irrespective of political change, the MI-6 will go
ahead with Operation Akbar in India. Churchill accepted the role of informal advisor and
promised the King that he will see through Operation Akbar with all the resoluteness at his
command. . Nora knew that the Labour Party had a different approach to the ‘India
Question’. But her hopes for a change in Britain’s approach to India were short lived. An
emphatic message arrived from London informing her that ‘irrespective of the recent political
changes, His Majesty desires that Operation Akbar continue as planned. Nora realised, in
power or out of power, Churchill’s writ still seemed to run as far as MI-6 was concerned.
**
One Saturday, shortly after the elections, when Robert requested Nora for a ‘date’, she
was not surprised. She knew that she was attractive and young men wanted to date her. With
his academic background at Wisconsin (Madison) university and detailed knowledge about
India, Robert was delightful and stimulating company. Nora did not have to think too long
before accepting the offer. But Robert was quite frank with her and told her that it was also a
‘business’ date. He proposed that they spend an evening visiting the Qutub Minar gardens.
Major Ford said that he would be using this opportunity to pass a message to Bose. Nora’s
company would provide him with a useful cover and also make it a delightful evening. Nora
seized the opportunity to mention that she too had an envelope that her organisation wanted
sent to Bose. Ford was relieved. “The OSS is a professional outfit and we understand that
your people have to keep tabs on me. Because of your presence, British sleuths would leave
me alone”.
Writing to Bose was a risky business. She faced the danger of being caught dealing
unofficially and clandestinely with an enemy leader. But this girl who had spent time behind
the German lines was no sissy; she was not afraid to face the risk of detection. It was the
moral aspect, which posed a dilemma. Would she be betraying England? Who was she? An
Englishwoman, an Indian or as Jinnah suggested, a Muslim? Her mind went back to her
briefing in London. Before her departure for India, the MI had arranged her meeting with old
India hands in London. At the prompting of Professor Townsend, Nora had met Eric Arthur
Blair, Literary Editor of the Tribune, a publication of the Labour Party..
Better known as George Orwell, Eric Blair was born in Motihari in Bengal, India, on 25
June 1903. His father was a minor official in the Opium Department of the Government of
India. The Blairs had a tradition of career employment both in the Church of England and the
Colonial Civil Service, and Orwell humorously characterised their social standing as 'LowerUpper-Middle-Class' - that is, with all the pretensions of the well-brought-up bourgeoisie and
none of the finances to match. In 1917 he became a King's Scholar at Eton. In 1921 he left
without matriculating and chose to follow the family tradition of living East of Suez. He
joined the Indian Imperial Police and was stationed in Burma
After seven years, Blair became restless in his job partly for reasons of climate and
health, but also from a growing personal awareness of the iniquities of the British presence in
30
the subcontinent. He resigned his post at the beginning of 1928 and returned to Europe with a
desire both to explore writing as a serious profession, and to investigate the lives of the urban
poor - tramps, destitutes and assorted lumpen proletariat. By 1932, poverty forced him to
abandon his bohemian activities and get down to serious writing. His first novel, Burmese
Days (1934), was a scathing portrayal of British colonial decadence in the Far East, clearly
based on Orwell's policing years, and considered so potentially libellous that its publication
was delayed in the UK until editorial changes were made.
In 1937 Orwell went to Spain to fight on the side of the Socialists. While in Barcelona, he
was confronted for the first time by the viciousness of the Republican internal struggle for
power when the Stalinist-controlled Government forces unsuccessfully attempted to suppress
their unruly anarchist comrades-in-arms. His experiences during the Civil War convinced him
more than ever of the need for radical socialist upheaval in England, and created a
longstanding fascination with the appalling methods of totalitarian rule and a disgust for
Stalinist Communism.
At the outbreak of World War II, Orwell, now convinced of the need to fight Nazi
aggression, attempted to enlist in the Forces but was turned down for health reasons. In 1940
he was recruited by the BBC Eastern Service to work as a broadcaster to India. Orwell
became more and more depressed by what he considered was the futility and dishonesty of
his work. He resigned in 1943. When Nora met him the first thing he told her was that he was
dying of tuberculosis. He then laughingly added.. ‘ The lies that I have told on the BBC are
so many that I have a place reserved in hell. I may meet Jack the Ripper or even Miss Mae
West there, but will surely miss you!’ . Turning serious, Eric told her of his experiences in the
Imperial Police service in India. He mentioned the conflict that was deliberately engineered
between communities and the violence and torture carried out by rapacious colonial rule. ‘We
even successfully blocked the news of one and half million people being killed in Bengal due
to our ‘Scorched Earth’ policy. How is killing people by starvation any different to killing
them in gas chambers as Hitler has done?’
Reflecting on the important moral issues raised at that meeting with Orwell, Nora reached
the conclusion that above all else she was a human being; her nationality, religion or
background, were of secondary importance. In any case the secret actions of MI-6 and
Churchill, were a betrayal of the will of the British people. Her moral dilemma thus resolved,
she went ahead and began writing her letter to Bose. In this she gave her background and
outlined the contours of Operation Akbar, Jinnah’s resolve to divide India, the Churchill led
conspiracy and finally the British assessment that Congress leaders were likely to accept the
division of the Indian Union as an alternative to the prospects of a fighting civil war. She
implored Bose to come back to India and lead the struggle to preserve Indian unity. She
ended her letter with a plea “Failure to do this is going to result in millions of deaths and
continued strife on the Indian peninsula.” She sealed her letter in a blue-coloured envelope
and awaited the arrival of her date.
**
As Nora and Robert were strolling around the ruins at the base of the Qutub Minar, a
beggar approached them asking alms in the name of Chandragupta. This apparently was the
code word and two envelopes were smoothly passed on. to Bose’s courier. The quick
departure of the courier after this slick, brief meeting came as an anti-climax. Nora and
Robert looked at each other and laughed. Serious business over, they could now relax and
have some fun. Robert took her to the 1500-year-old iron pillar, erected in the memory of
victory over the Huns by Chandragupta II. ‘ If you can circle the pillar with your back
touching it and out stretched arms, the belief is that you will rule the world!’ Nora tried and
failed. Major Ford then gave her the American solution, “Let us join our arms and then circle
the pillar. Americans and British together will rule the world’. More than any expression of
31
Anglo-American solidarity, Nora suspected that Robert’s request, was an excuse for him to
hold her hands. She did not mind and as they left the ancient monument in fading sunlight,
Robert kissed Nora gently. Nora readily responded. She liked it.
**
Bose had returned to Singapore on 1 August 1945. He was glad that his prediction had
proved right and the first Labour Government with an independent majority had taken office
in Britain under Attlee. . On 6 August, he was happy to receive the long-overdue courier with
messages from India. He first opened the letter from his brother Sarat giving him all the
details of what transpired during and after the Simla talks, with his assessment of the political
situation in India. His brother was not able to explain why Wavell had abruptly called off the
talks when Jinnah was about to concede to every issue. Anyway, Bose was gratified to learn
that the talks had broken down.
Bose next opened the letter from the O.S.S. The Americans had made their first tentative
contact with Bose in 1944. Almost immediately after the Normandy landing in June, an
American emissary had sent a message to Bose through a Sindhi businessman, Javed
Murjani, based in Singapore. The message was simple: the Americans were supportive of
India’s demand for independence and they wanted Bose to break with the Japanese and come
over to their side. The American source pointed out that with the successful Allied landing in
Europe, it was only a matter of time before Germany was defeated. Japan on its own was
incapable of withstanding the might of the Allies. The American communication used a
colourful phrase, “British and Americans are strange bedfellows in Asia. We share the same
bed but dream different dreams. Our sole aim in Asia is to defeat Japanese militarism. The
British, besides this are also keen to re-establish their colonies. As a former colony of the
British who fought and won its independence from Britain, the United States of America is
opposed to re-colonisation of Asia.”
Bose, through his sources in India, was well aware of Roosevelt’s efforts to force the pace
of Indian independence. The policy differences between the British and the Americans were
also well known to him. But at this stage leaving the Japanese would have been an act of
betrayal. In a responding message to the Americans Bose politely declined the American
offer. However he did make one concession by adding that if he had anything to do with free
India’s future policy, an independent India would develop the friendliest ties with America.
He also promised that the INA would not confront the American troops in Burma. At that
moment in time, the immediate aim of the Americans was to reduce Japanese fighting
capacity by getting Bose to defect. When that aim failed, they lost interest in Bose. However,
the O.S.S.,.using Bose’s underground couriers, continued to maintain discreet contact with
Bose throughout 1944-45.
This O.S.S letter was one of their routine “keeping-in-touch” letters. Bose read this and
set it aside before turning his attention to the last letter; a blue envelope addressed to him in a
feminine hand. He was surprised to find that his correspondent introduced herself as Nora
Harris an agent working with MI-6. She told him that she was contacting him clandestinely,
and at great personal risk; she would be in serious trouble if her organisation knew what she
was doing. He must therefore not betray her confidence and must never discuss her letters
with anyone; all future correspondence intended for her should be addressed to “Felix
Williamson” at a London address. . What intrigued Bose was the fact that she had openly
admitted to being an officer of British MI-6. He was immediately suspicious. Only when
Nora’s letter revealed that she was grand daughter of barrister Inayatullah Khan of Calcutta,
that his unease was reduced. What Nora had to say jolted him. The letter disclosed a devious
plot to partition India and described in some details how it was planned to have riots
engineered in areas populated by a mixture of Hindus and Muslims. While the Muslim
32
League was to be the active initiator, right wing Hindu organisations like RSS and Hindu
Mahasabha, were to be provoked by rumour into retaliatory action.
Nora said that Wavell and the Labour Party was unaware of these plans. But she was
emphatic that while outwardly the British bureaucrats will maintain a facade of working to
preserve the unity of India, covertly they, supported by MI-6, intend to work for India’s
break-up. She then went on to tell him about Operation Akbar, Jinnah’s plans for a Muslim
homeland, and how the King, supported by Mountbatten and Churchill was backing him.
Nora had ended by saying “in this hour of peril the Congress leadership is incapable of
standing up to Jinnah’s bullying and British intrigue. Only you can save the country of my
ancestors from a bloodbath that is sure to take place should the British designs succeed.”
Bose spent some time thinking about Nora’s letter, which only confirmed what he had
been hearing from other sources. He was assailed by conflicting thoughts. Bose knew that the
British were leaving, because it was no longer politically possible for colonialism to survive
in Asia. The slogan “Chalo Delhi” was no longer relevant. When the British left, his life’s
ambition would end. He had been planning to retire from public life. His presence in free
India would embarrass the Congress and would only create differences between himself and
Nehru. He had no desire to ferment internal trouble once the British were out of India. In fact
he had written a letter to that effect to Gandhi after it was announced that a Labour
Government had assumed power in London. He was planning to go into exile not only
because he no longer had a role in free India, but also because he wanted to avoid the
supreme humiliation of becoming a British prisoner and being taken to Delhi in chains.
Was Nora’s letter a British ploy to win his confidence in order to learn his exile plans?
On the other hand, her letter gave a rational explanation of why the Simla talks had been
abruptly called off by Wavell when Jinnah was under great pressure. The British had divided
and ruled India for over 200 years. If one was to believe Nora, Churchill and others were
planning to continue their policy of dividing the country so that they could continue to rule
South Asia in absentia through Pakistan. However, he found it difficult to believe that a
Labour Government would support such an act of imperial stupidity. He also found it
difficult to accept that staunch nationalists like Nehru and Gandhi would ever agree to the
partition of the country and the creation of an impractical Pakistan. The division of India into
a Muslim and Hindu nation was not only absurd but also went against the grain of Indian
history.
Yet, Nora’s letter had not only excited his curiosity but had also given him a fresh aim
and purpose in life. If Nora’s information was correct, then he was determined to fight the
conspirators. They must not be allowed to divide the country before they left. He was touched
and flattered by the concluding plea that he was the only one who could stop the partition of
India and should return and rally the forces of unity. The prospect of a fresh and difficult
challenge excited him; he began thinking of a new slogan; something on the lines of
“preserve India’s unity”. But experience intervened and made him cautious. He could not
discuss Nora’s information with anyone. He would not contact Nora for the present. He
would first of all carry on with his secret exile plans. He would wait and see how matters
developed in India and only make an action plan after he had more information.
**
Early on 6 August, when industrial workers had started their day’s work and children
were at school, one aircraft, a B-29, carrying a crew of eleven men approached Hiroshima,
which had been selected as the first target. At 8.15 am, the crew released the bomb attached
to a parachute, whereupon the plane raced away out of the forthcoming blast. A few moments
later two balls of fire appeared over the centre of the city several hundreds of feet above the
ground. The temperature at the core has been calculated at millions of degrees Centigrade and
the pressure exerted at hundreds of thousands of tons per square inch. A “fire storm” resulted
33
in which hundreds of fires were simultaneously started, the most distant being 13,700 feet
away from the centre of the explosion. People felt the heat on their skin as far away as 24,000
feet, burns occurred at 15,000 feet, and radiation rays proved fatal within a radius of 3,000
feet. In all, 4.4 square miles of the city were completely burnt out, and 62,000 of 90,000
houses in its urban area were destroyed. At the time there were probably 320,000 people in
the city, and of them, 78,150 were killed and 13,983 missing.. An equivalent number were
injured. The total casualties were about 180,000.
The same day, President Truman made a public statement and among other things he
said: “Sixteen hours ago an American airplane dropped one bomb on Hiroshima, an
important Japanese army base. That bomb had more power than 20,000 tons of T.N.T….It is
an atomic bomb. It is a harnessing of the basic power of the universe. The force from which
the sun draws its powers had been loosed against those who brought war to the Far
East….We have spent two billion dollars on the greatest scientific gamble in history- and
won.”
**
On 7 August, Bose was still unaware of what had happened at Hiroshima. In fact, the
news of what had happened at Hiroshima was slow even to reach the Japanese government in
Tokyo. There was very little authentic reporting of what had actually happened due to the
chaotic conditions prevailing in Japan. That same morning, Bose left Singapore to visit the
INA Training Centre at Seremban, some miles north of Singapore, in order to resolve a
disciplinary problem. He had meant to make a brief visit and return to Singapore and had
therefore not carried his radio set with him. He found himself being drawn into the affairs of
the Centre. The guest house at Seremban was restful and he decided to spend a few nights
there thinking about Nora’s letter. He was therefore unaware when, on 8 August, Stalin
declared war on Japan. The next day the Russians crossed the Manchurian border. The same
day a second atom bomb was dropped on Nagasaki, a city of 260,000 inhabitants, of whom
probably 40,000 were killed and as many injured, and 1.8 square miles of the city destroyed.
Though this bomb was more powerful that the first one, the uneven terrain confined the
maximum intensity of damage to the valley over which it exploded.
When the second atom bomb fell on Nagasaki on 9 August, American physicists released
a manifesto giving technical details of the atom bomb and addressed it to the Japanese
scientists. Now all doubts were removed. The next day Japan took the decision to surrender.
On 10 August a broadcast from Tokyo announced that the Japanese Government was ready to
accept the terms of the Allied declaration from Potsdam, “with the understanding that the said
declaration does not compromise any demand which prejudices the prerogatives of the
Emperor as a sovereign ruler.” The following day the Allied reply was: “From the moment of
surrender the authority of the Emperor and the Japanese Government to rule the State shall be
subject to the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers.”
Bose in Seremban still had no knowledge of what had happened at Hiroshima and
Nagasaki, and that peace negotiations were taking place. It was only on 11 August that he
received a telephone call from Singapore informing him that Russia had declared war on
Japan. He did not let this news disturb him and went on with his careful and detailed
examination of the Centre’s affairs. He was keen to follow the news of Russian advances into
Manchuria and was able to obtain a wireless set .in order to keep in touch with events. He
was still unaware that Japan had agreed to surrender
On 12 August, he was annoyed to receive a message requesting his return to Singapore.
He was under the impression that this was related to Russia’s moves into Manchuria. “How
does this effect us?” he asked. “We shall have to go on whatever happens.” His mind was
busy examining the implications of Russia’s action. He wondered where the Japanese would
make a stand. Was this another chance for him? Did it bring him nearer to a Soviet
34
sanctuary? In fact the phone call had nothing to do with Russian moves. At about 2 am on 13
August, Bose was woken up by two of his advisers who arrived from Singapore to tell him
about the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and inform him that Japan was about to
surrender. It was a hot night and Bose sat on the veranda in a vest under a fan with Iyer. For a
moment he said nothing, then quietly: “So that is that. Now, what next? Well we are the only
people who have not surrendered.”
Bose’s first reaction was to send for Swami and Raghavan. who were then in north
Malaya. He turned to Iyer and said, “Now we have got to think out what we shall do.” Iyer
was anxious that he should have some sleep, but there was to be little rest that night. “It
doesn’t matter,” said Bose. “We shall have plenty of sleep from tomorrow on.” Bose reached
Singapore on the evening of 13 August. He was still unaware of the nature of the bombing at
Hiroshima and Nagasaki. One of the first to call on him was Major Yoshiro Takahashi, who
was a staff officer attached to the Japanese Scientific Adviser operating with Southern Army.
The Major’s face was ashen white and he found it difficult to keep his emotions under control
as he told Bose that the Americans had dropped a new type of bomb, called ‘Atomic Bomb’
on the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. A single bomb was capable of wiping out a city.
With barely concealed tears in his eyes, the Major informed Bose that Japanese had began
making preparations to surrender.
Bose remembered what his physicist uncle, Satyen Bose had told him many years ago.
“Subash, do not get so angry or you will explode! And God forbid if the atoms in your body
were to break up, there is enough energy there to destroy the city of Calcutta.” The great man
had then gone on to describe to him how matter was nothing but frozen energy and if man
could un-lock it, he would have the key to an unlimited source of energy. Satyen had told him
that the nature in its wisdom had placed such formidable obstacles in our path that it was
unlikely to happen except in case of a rare material like uranium.
‘Was it a uranium bomb?’ asked Bose. On receiving a nod from the distraught Major,
Bose realised the enormity of what had happened. It meant that the Allies had the ultimate
weapon. His mind immediately began to race ahead. What would that mean for the future of
American-Russian relations? Many ideas crowded his mind. He again thought of the strange
letter he had received a month ago from an unknown Nora Harris and the difficult task, which
might await him in India. But one thing was uppermost in his thoughts, now it more
imperative than ever that he must first go through with his secret plan for exile; it would be
unwise to make any changes at this stage. Once he was safely away, he would give thought
on what he should do about India.
He conferred immediately with his military and civil chiefs who were under the
impression that Netaji was planning to move with his Cabinet to Russia. They discussed
Japan’s surrender and agreed on instructions to be sent to League branches. Later,
Ambassador Hachiya sent him formal notice that Japan was about to surrender and told him
about the devastating attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. On 14 August, the Emperor
accepted the terms laid down by the Allied Powers, whereupon the “cease fire” was sounded.
The Cabinet discussion went on throughout 14 August. There was no disagreement that
the INA would be surrendered as it stood, and all records would be destroyed. But what
would the leader do? Unknown to his Cabinet and close associates, Bose had already secretly
made a plan for his exile, which would not be to Russia. However in the presence of his
Cabinet, Bose hinted that he was inclined to stay and face surrender with the rest. His Cabinet
wanted him to go- somewhere, anywhere. In the afternoon, Bose had a tooth extracted. In the
evening he saw a play about the Rani of Jhansi staged by the women of the Regiment. Most
of the routine work was done but still no final decision was announced on the leader’s plan.
Bose kept thinking of many alternatives. .. The Japanese had again in the last month rejected
his request for contact with Russia, but might there not be chances in the confusion of the
35
next few days to seek asylum there? How far had the Russians got? How soon would they be
in Darien?
In its history of 2,600 years, Japan surrounded by the sea, had never been defeated by any
enemy, though its security was once threatened by the Mongolian invaders. Against this
background, Japan’s unconditional surrender to the Allied powers was a unprecedented
experience; the first the Japanese race had ever had, and it came as a terrible blow to the
Japanese people. Its psychological effect on them was difficult to describe and for a foreigner
to understand. Some insisted on putting up continued resistance. Some became jittery and
nihilistic. Some top-ranking military leaders went into hiding or committed suicide, The
whole country was thrown into a state of confusion and chaos. It was only by 16 August that
a few, including Bose, had really begun to understand what had happened at Hiroshima and
Nagasaki, and the terrible power of atomic weapons. Several Japanese units in South East
Asia still could not understand or accept the abrupt surrender orders and Prince Kanin had to
be sent on a tour of those areas as the personal representative of the Emperor to explain why
an unconditional surrender was unavoidable.
The Japanese Armed Forces virtually collapsed after 15 August. There was little advice to
be obtained from the Japanese in Singapore. Stunned by their country’s fate, each officer was
faced with the urgent problem of coming to terms with the surrender or committing
honourable suicide; they could well be excused their indifference to Indian affairs. Most
accepted with bewilderment their Emperor’s decision; none cared how the surrender of the
INA should proceed. Late that night, under strong pressure from his Cabinet, Bose decided to
leave Singapore. He kept sending messages to Headquarters Southern Army, Saigon, that he
would prefer to seek refuge in Russian territory and resume the struggle from there. That at
least was his announced official purpose
**
When Nora first heard the news of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, she
knew that even the fanatic Japanese could surely not withstand that kind of destruction. The
news of the Japanese surrender therefore came as no surprise to her. There was much
celebrating in Delhi. The Americans began packing their bags. Luckily, Robert Ford was
asked to stay back for a while. With the war over, talk of independence to India became the
main topic of discussion in the officer messes.
**
On 16 August 1945, Bose appointed Major-General Kiani official representative of the
Provisional Government in Singapore. There remained the choice of companions for the new
venture. He would have liked to have taken Swami and Raghavan with him, but they had still
to arrive from North Malaya. At 9.30 am on 16 August he took off with Iyer and LieutenantColonel Habibur Rehman, who was INA Chief-of-Staff. He left orders for some to follow as
they reached Singapore, and hoped to pick up others on his way. The plane halted for a night
at Bangkok where Bose conferred with Major-General Bhonsle, General Isoda and other
Japanese officials who advised him to approach Southern Army Headquarters. The plane
took off early in the morning on 17 August. Besides Bose and his two companions from
Singapore, Isoda, Hachiya and three others boarded the plane, which touched down at Saigon
by midday.
In Saigon, Bose contacted Field-Marshal Count Terauchi who told him that no orders on
the surrender of the INA had been received from Tokyo. He went on to say that Imperial
General Headquarters had turned down Bose’s request to fly to Manchuria. However, he
sympathised fully with Bose’s point of view. He decided on his own responsibility, to accede
to Bose’s request. He had therefore arranged for Bose to fly to Manchuria, together with
Lieutenant-General Shidei, who had just been appointed as the Chief of Staff of the
Kwantung Army and was waiting in Saigon for a plane to fly him to Manchuria. Terauchi
36
offered Bose one seat in this aircraft bound for Tokyo via Darien in Manchuria. There was a
heart-searching discussion between the three Indians. Should Bose go alone? He must not
seem to be running away. Once more he had to be persuaded; there was no sense in his being
captured; if there was only one place, he must take it. The Japanese waited for the answer:
Bose again contacted Terauchi and pressed them for three seats; he allowed one more seat for
Habibur Rehman, and promised to send the rest of the party on as soon as possible.
37
Chapter 3
A Death is Announced
On 17 August 1945, a number of Indians, and a few staff officers from Southern Army
Headquarters and the Hikari Kikan collected at Saigon’s air port lounge to bid Bose farewell.
Several Indians citizens came up to him with two suitcases and said that this was a donation
of jewellery on behalf of the 3-million Indians of East Asia. Bose accepted the gift on behalf
of the Provisional Government. As it was well past noon, the Japanese Air Force officer in
charge of the airfield, who spoke English, invited Bose and Rehman to move to a separate
military area and join them for lunch before take off. Bose turned to those who were
surrounding him, bid them farewell and requested them to please home and not to return to
bid him farewell as he wanted his departure to be as quiet as possible so that the Allies had no
idea of his destination.
As people started moving away, Bose made a sign to General Isoda and Iyer to wait. He
told Iyer to collect the other Cabinet Ministers as they arrived and keep in touch with General
Isoda for help in their onward movement to Manchuria. If there was any hitch that prevented
them from reaching Manchuria, Iyer should return to his home in Singapore. Bose wanted the
IIL Office at Singapore to continue functioning under Iyer; this would be his principal liaison
centre with the rest of South East Asia. He then drew Iyer to one side and putting his hand in
his pocket, extracted a single playing card: the ace of clubs. He tore this in half and gave one
half to Iyer and said, “Any message I send you will be authenticated by the other half of this
card. Don’t trust any message that is not authenticated.” Iyer nodded and concealed the torn
card in his shirt pocket. They turned and rejoined the other three. Bose then bid Isoda and
Iyer farewell, and thanked them for all they had done
Habibur Rehman and Bose accompanied by the Japanese Air Force officer walked over to
the military area. The officer told them that they had excess luggage. He asked if this could
be reduced. Bose said that this would be done after lunch. By three p.m., Bose and Habibur
Rehman had repacked their personal baggage into one small suitcase each. They told the
Station Commander that they had decided to take only one of the two treasure suitcases with
them. The other along with surplus baggage was being left behind; this should be sent to Iyer
at the IIL Saigon office as and when it was convenient to do so. Bose asked the Air Force
officer if he could have the use of a staff car for one hour; he wished to call on a friend to bid
him farewell. This was at once arranged; Bose was asked to be back by 5 p.m. as his plane
was scheduled to take off at 5.30 p.m.
Bose requested Habibur Rehman to accompany him. Bose gave the driver precise
instructions and after a short drive reached a small detached house in the suburbs. Bose
alighted, told the driver to wait, and asked Rehman to accompany him. They entered a small
compound and walked along a flagstone pathway flanked with flowering bushes leading up
to the front door. Bose turned the door knob, entered unannounced, then closed and bolted the
door from the inside. He called out, “Robin. Are you there?”
Rehman was astonished to see a tall handsome man, a splitting image of Netaji, stride
into the room. Not only did this man walk like Bose, but he was also dressed in a khaki drill
uniform with polished jack boots and a forage cap of exactly the same pattern as the Netaji’s.
He wore spectacles and looked like a mirror reflection of Bose.
“Habib, I would like you to meet Rabindra Nath Ghosh, who will be accompanying you
to Manchuria.” Bose turned to his double and said, “Robin, meet Lieutenant-Colonel Habibur
38
Rehman, my Chief of Staff who will look after you from now onwards. We have been able to
arrange for two seats on a flight to Manchuria which leaves Saigon at 5.30 p.m. Before you
leave, please give me your watch, Robin, and taken mine; it will be recognised by inquisitive
agents.” While this was being done, Bose asked both the men, “Now, are there any
questions?”
Rehman had been tongue-tied during this initial meeting. He turned to Bose and said,
“Ghosh may deceive a few strangers, but our ministers will surely see that this man is no
Netaji. Then –”
Bose raised his hand and interrupted him. “Agreed my dear Colonel, but when you get on
that plane, there will be no one who knows me intimately, and I assure you that Rabin will
play his role very proficiently. .He has been preparing for this for the past one year. When
you get to Darien, you will be among strangers. No one will suspect anything. If Rabin is
asked for his opinion on any important political issue, you will be surprised by how well he
has mastered all the political jargon.”
He turned to his double and asked, “Well Netaji, tell Rehman what should be the
Provisional Government’s role at this grave juncture, when the Allied Powers have won the
war?”
Ghosh struck a typical Bose pose and in a ringing voice, which was a close copy of
Netaji’s style, said, “The Provisional Government’s role is to continue supporting all the
internal forces in India which challenge British rule, and to also continue seeking outside
military assistance and diplomatic aid.”
Habibur Rehman shook his head impatiently. He was not satisfied. He had a number of
questions: What will happen when Cabinet Ministers begin arriving in Manchuria and joining
up with us? How long can this deception be carried on? Where are you going, Netaji, and
what are you plans?
Bose smiled and said, “You must make it a point to meet the Ministers who arrive in
Darien, preferably before they meet Robin. You must, of course, tell them of the deception.
This will prepare them for the first impact of their meeting with my double and also help
them to play their part in fostering the deception. Its up to all of you to try and play your
respective roles for as long as you can. When you find that the deception can no longer be
sustained, then of course the truth will come out. But it is essential that you try to delay the
truth from being known for as long as possible, so that I have enough time to escape detection
and reach a secure place, where I can make my plans.
“It is not in your interest to know where I’m going and what are my future plans. If you
don’t know my plans and where I am, then you cannot be forced to tell the British or
Americans where I have gone or what I’m doing. Please do not worry unduly. I will get in
touch with you once things settle down. Till that happens, you will be under pressure from
British agents and others. You may be approached by my enemies who will give you false
instructions, claiming that I have issued these. Be careful. Ignore all those who say that they
are my emissaries.”
Bose put his hand into his pocket and withdrew a single playing card: the ace of
diamonds. He tore this in half. Handing one half to Rehman, he said, “When my agent
contacts you, he will show you the other half of this card; that will be the true proof of his
identity. If we have not used this by the time you reach India, please had this over to my
brother Sarat and explain the significance of the other half. Tell him the truth of my double
and how we switched places at Saigon.”
Bose looked at his watch and told them that it was time they left. He shook hands with
both the men, and wished them every success. He then walked to the door, unbolted the latch
taking care to stand well to one side so that he was not visible to anyone looking at the house
from outside. After the two had departed, he re-bolted the door and went into one of the inner
39
rooms. He began undressing and carefully hung his uniform in one of the cupboards from
which he extracted a small handbag. He removed some clothes from this and began wearing a
grey shirt and a coloured sarong. He sat. on the carpet, adopted the padma-asan posture and
began his meditation routine.
**
During the drive to the airport, Rehman told Ghosh that they were returning to the
military wing of the Airport, where they would contact the Air force Station Commander,
who had already met Netaji. That earlier meeting had been a very brief one, so there should
be no problem. Ghosh should adopt an aloof pose. They reached the guestroom at 5.10 p.m.,
much to the relief of the Japanese officer who was waiting for them. He told them that their
three suitcases had been loaded; the other suitcase of treasure and their surplus baggage had
been despatched to the IIL premises and handed over to Iyer. While walking across the
tarmac, the Japanese officer pointed to the plane in which they would be travelling. He told
them that this was a twin-engine heavy bomber, Model 97-2-Sally, belonging to the Japanese
Third Air Force. There would be a crew of five, two pilots, a navigator, radio operator and
gun operator, and eight passengers, a total of thirteen. “I do hope that you’re not
superstitious? he asked. “Netaji” smiled and shook his head.
As Rehman and “netaji” approached the aircraft, five Japanese staff officers who were
standing near the entrance ladder, began boarding the plane, to join four members of the crew
who were already aboard the aircraft. The two men who were awaiting their arrival saluted,
and Lieutenant-General Shidei and the Pilot, Major Takizawa, were introduced to “Netaji”
and Rehman. After shaking hands with “netaji”, the Pilot promptly began boarding the
bomber, followed by Rehman, Shidei and “netaji”. The plane taxied the entire length of the
runway before becoming airborne at 5.30 pm. After an hour’s flight the plane landed at
Tourane, in northern Indo-China “Netaji” and Rehman stayed overnight at the Morim Hotel.
**
In the suburban bungalow in Saigon, Bose having finished his hour of meditation, was
sitting relaxed and reading English translation of a Dutch book on the history of Sumatra.
There was a light knock on the front door. He rose, put away his reading spectacles and put
on his daily-use spectacles. He opened the door to allow entry to a portly bearded individual,
dressed in a khaki shirt and sarong, who looked approvingly at Bose’s attire, glanced at his
spectacles and quietly said, “Netaji, I’m Abdullah Albar. I’ve come to take you to my boat.”
Bose shook hands with him and said, “Abdullah, from this moment onwards don’t ever
address me as Netaji; I am Rehmat Khan.” He invited Abdullah to sit down and apologised.
“I’m sorry that I can’t offer you any refreshments. But you know how it is. Tell me. When do
we have to board your boat?”
Abdullah was captivated by Bose’s cool, self-assured and authoritative demeanour. He
told Bose that they should wait for another thirty minutes when it would be really dark. He
had kept his ricksha waiting. It would take them about twenty minutes to reach the wharf
where fishing craft were berthed;.
Bose asked him what explanation he had given his crew for his presence on his boat.
Abdullah said, “I’ve not yet told them that we are carrying a passenger. When we board, I
will tell them that you are a Malaya, an anti-Japanese agent, who has escaped from Saigon
jail during the chaos and confusion of surrender. You are paying me a fat fee for a safe
passage to join the British at Singapore.”
Bose frowned and asked, “To Singapore?”
Abdullah laughed and clarified, “Ah! That’s only to put them off, in case some one talks
loosely” He hastened to add that his crew of three Malayas were very reliable, but sometimes
inclined to over indulge in liquor when on shore. “Anyway, our journey to your destination
won’t take more than ten days with two or three small stops on the way to drop and pick up
40
cargo, fresh water, fruit and vegetables. Except for your presence, it will be a routine trip so
that no suspicion is aroused. . The crew will be instructed to tell outsiders who enquire about
your presence that you are a member of the crew.”
Bose nodded his agreement and said, “You should tell them that the Japanese, while
torturing me during interrogation, had damaged my tongue, and made me a mute. This may
earn me some sympathy, and would cover my inability to converse in the language…. And
you musn’t worry about my spectacles. I will not be wearing these when we leave the house.”
Abdullah was amazed at how Netaji had perceived his unvoiced disapproval of Bose wearing
spectacles in his new guise.
At a little after seven o’clock that evening, Abdullah and Bose, wearing an old pair of
rubber slippers and carrying a small hand bag, left the bungalow and travelled by ricksha to
Saigon’s crowded fishing wharf. Abdullah lead the way across a plank to a boat, and then
from there across another plank to the ketch, Lucky Dragon. Bose was taken to a small cabin
dimly lit by a hanging lantern. Ten minutes later Lucky Dragon slowly chugged its way out
of Saigon harbour. Once it entered the main stream and a stiff evening breeze filled the open
sails, the diesel engine was switched off. Abdullah told Bose that the first leg of their journey
would be through territorial waters to a small island at the southern tip of Indo-China. They
would make a roadside halt at dawn where they would be met by a skiff, which would deliver
and collect a few items. Bose tactfully avoided displaying undue interest in what was being
traded, but he watched everything that was taking place with great interest. He had started
another grand adventure and was once again full enthusiasm and optimism.
**
The next day, 18 August at 5 a.m., “netaji’s” plane took off from Tourane. While in
flight, information was received that the Russians had occupied Port Arthur, and it was feared
that they might be in Dairen before long. It now became all the more necessary to reach there
as quickly as possible. The weather was perfect. They arrived at Taipeh Aerodrome,
Formosa, [later named Taiwan] at about noon. The passengers rested for an hour and took a
light lunch during which time the plane was re-fuelled. Thereafter the passengers boarded the
plane. . .
The plane taxied to the end of the 390-metre-long runway. Those who were watching the
take-off saw the bomber make a steep ascent. When it reached a height of about 30 metres, a
loud explosion was heard and the plane tilted to right. The propeller and the port engine fell
off and the plane dived to the ground.
Major Taro Kobo, a staff officer posted to Manchuria, one of the passengers who
survived the crash, later gave a vivid description of what happened. “After we took off, the
plane leaned towards the right and nose-dived. After that I saw baggage from the rear flying
towards me and. Behind me was an exterior fuel tank, which broke and hit LieutenantGeneral Shidei, who was sitting by my side on his head and killed him. Behind me, there
were Mr. Bose and Mr. Rehman, but because the broken tank came in the way, I could not
see them.
“After about two or three minutes; a fire started in the left engine, which had torn off, and
the plane caught fire. I broke the window above me and got out. I stood on the left wing of
the plane, just above the broken engine. When I jumped down from the wing, I was showered
with gasoline from the broken engine and I caught fire. I rolled on the grass nearby and put
out the fire. After that I sat quietly on the ground. Then Colonel. Nonogaki, a fellow survivor
joined me. We saw that the plane was broken into three parts.”
Rehman and Ghosh trapped within the burning plane could see that their escape routes
were blocked, on one side by fire and on the other by baggage. Fuel from the broken tank had
spilled on Ghosh’s tunic and trousers, which immediately burst into flames as they both made
their way through the fire. Rehman, who followed Ghosh, using his hands, took some time to
41
put out the fire, which enveloped Ghosh, In the process he burnt both his hands. Colonel
Nonogaki and Major Kobo, sitting on the ground outside the plane, saw “Netaji” coming out
through the fire from the middle part of the plane. Major Kobo said, “Netaji was completely
wrapped in flames and he stood erect with both hands stiff, like a guardian God in Buddhist
shrines. His shirt was burning. I saw his aide trying to put out the fire and remove his shirt.”
Rehman laid Ghosh on the ground. He noticed a very deep 4-inch-long cut on the left side
of his head. His forehead had been scorched by heat and his hair was singed. He noticed that
the right side of his right knee was also bleeding profusely. Rehman was in acute pain and
exhausted. He lay down by Ghosh’s side.
Despite the confusion of the crash and the fire, Rehman remembered Bose’s parting
order: “It is essential that you try to delay the truth from being known till as long as possible,
so that I have enough time to escape detection, to reach a secure place and there make my
plans.” He was therefore determined, whilst addressing Ghosh in the presence of others, to
keep referring to him as “netaji”. Ghosh and Rehman, along with the other injured, were
taken by the airport crew in two vehicles to Nanmon Army Hospital, Taipeh.
Because his condition was the most serious, “netaji” was treated first. Captain Yoshimi, a
Japanese Army medical doctor was in attendance. He found that “netaji” was burnt all over
his body and his skin was black. The burns were of the severest type. His face was swollen.
He was in high fever. The condition of his heart was also weak. Dr. Yoshimi, gave “netaji”
the standard treatment. A blood transfusion to the extent of 400 cc was given to him. Then a
sulfonamide injection also given to prevent infection.
“Netaji” retained consciousness in the beginning, and occasionally asked for water, a little
of which was given at a time. In addition to two doctors, several nurses were also attending to
him. An interpreter was brought in so that “netaji” could speak to the Japanese personnel if
he so desired. The interpreter, Mr. Juichi Nakamura, had acted as interpreter for Bose on
several previous occasions, when he had stopped over at Taipeh on his trips between
Singapore and Tokyo. On his arrival, Nakamura recognised the patient as Bose.. On being
told that an interpreter was present, “netaji” said, “My men are following me and they should
be taken care of when they come to Formosa.” A little later he asked, “What happened to
General Shidei?” The third time he said. “My blood is rushing to my head. Please give me
treatment for that.” The last time he spoke, he said, “I want to sleep.” He spoke in English,
although Hindustani phrases crept in here and there.
At about 7 pm, “netaji’s” condition deteriorated. He was given injections of vita-camphor
and digitamine. His heart and pulse did not improve. Slowly his life ebbed away. Shortly
after 8 p.m. he breathed his last. Captain Yoshimi made out a medical certificate of death in
respect of the deceased, writing his name in Japanese as “Chandra Bose” and giving the cause
of death as “Burns of third degree”. Present at that time were Dr Yoshimi, Dr Tsuruta, two
nurses, Lieutenant-Colonel Habibur Rehman, Nakamura [interpreter] and Mr. Kazo Mitsui [a
nursing orderly]. Immediately after “netaji” passed away, the Japanese present stood up and
paid respect to his mortal remains by saluting. Rehman knelt by “netaji’s” body and prayed
for the departed soul. Captain Yoshimi informed Military Headquarters of the death. Major
Nagatomo was sent down from Formosan Army Headquarters. He ensured that the body,
swathed in bandages, was removed to one corner of the room and a screen was put around it;
according to Japanese custom, flowers and candles were placed by its side.
On 20 August, "netaji's" cremation took place at the Taipeh City Crematorium. It was a
simple and quiet ceremony. Present at the cremation were Habibur Rehman, Major Nagatomo
from Formosan Army Command Headquarters, Juichi Nakamura [interpreter] and a Buddhist
priest. The next day, the same people were present when the ashes were collected and placed
in a small wooden box measuring eight cubic inches. The box was then wrapped in white
42
cloth and put around the neck of Rehman. They then went by car to the Nishi Honganji
Temple, where the ashes were kept after a special ceremony.
After the cremation, Rehman asked the authorities about the whereabouts of the suitcase
of treasure. When it was learnt that this had been burnt, Major K. Sakai, Officer-in-Charge of
the Aerodrome Defence, was ordered to carry out a search and collect what he could from the
ground. Army troops and about 100 girls from the Taipeh Girls’ High School were formed
into a line and ordered to dig up the sand, to a depth of 10 cm beneath the surface, at the site
of the air crash. The sand thus collected was sieved and washed in water. Valuables collected
were kept in a wooden box and handed over to Major Sakai.
**
Bose had no knowledge of what had happened at Taipeh when Lucky Dragon left the
territorial waters of Indo-China and began sailing through the South China Sea towards Kota
Bharu in north Malaya, a straight run of 150 km. On the first day at sea, Abdullah told Bose
that there was an arrangement, on board, for those who desired to have a salt water bath He
said that there would be no harm in Bose wearing spectacles; this would help him to move
about. However, he should remove this whenever they dropped anchor and were visited by
outsiders.
Bose was enjoying his cruise in fine weather and relished the simple meals of fish and
rice, his two favourite foods. He was glad that he was without his radio, totally isolated from
the Provisional Government and his INA; and relieved of the burden of politics; there would
be enough of that later. He found himself falling asleep the moment his head hit the pillow.
He would awaken at the crack of dawn and relish his breakfast of a banana accompanied by a
large mug of sweet hot tea. Everyone ate a common diet. The crew was served two main
meals every day. The first, at 11 o’clock, was a plate of hot rice and fish curry. One raw
vegetable was served with every meal; this would be either shredded cabbage, or an onion, or
a tomato. Green chillies were always available for those who wanted them. At three o’clock
there would be another large mug of tea. The last meal of the day was served at 6 p.m.; this
was identical to the morning meal except that the vegetable would be different, and all would
be given a large spoon of pungent prawn balichao..
They saw no other boat or ship whilst traversing the South China Sea, though several
aircraft were observed flying at a great height. Abdullah explained that this route was off the
main sea lane, which ran directly from Saigon to Singapore. Bose spent all his spare time
reading his book on Sumatra. This was interspersed with periods of quiet meditation and
introspection. As anticipated, Lucky Dragon docked at a small wooden pier in a river
settlement just short of Kota Bharu early on the evening of 21 August. Abdullah told Bose
that this would be a six-hour halt; hereafter their journey would be through Malayan
territorial waters. That leg of the journey would be a bit slower because coastal winds were
never very strong or constant. The crew was kept busy unloading several heavy items of
cargo; they were assisted by four locals who had come to deliver some items, and collect
their cargo. After this was done, one of the crew was ordered to remain on board. Two
members of the crew were sent ashore to arrange for fresh water, and purchase fruit and
vegetables. Bose walked up and down, near the water-edge in order to stretch his legs.
Bose was interested to see that the man, who was left on board, kept himself busy fishing.
By the time that Lucky Dragon continued its journey at dusk, he had caught twelve fish, each
about 1 kg. These were strung together by a line threaded through their gills and kept alive in
a large pail of salt water This served as their daily fare till the next stop. The fish were bony
but very tasty. Bose was told that the coastal waters were teeming with fish. The river mouths
were rich in prawns and crabs. Fisher folk living in those settlements would catch enough
seafood for themselves daily, and sell the surplus to others in their village
**
43
Dealing with INA personnel who had been repatriated to India presented the Government
with several problems. The British knew that it would be dangerous to allow an INA soldier,
full of the propaganda of Bose, to return to the Indian Army, which had been so carefully
protected against subversive nationalism. INA men, apart from being interrogated for
information of Japanese methods and tactics, were screened and sifted into three categories:
white, grey and black. “White” were those who had joined the INA to avoid the hardship of a
Japanese prison; they were discharged from the Army and sent home. The second or “grey”
category were those who had taken an active part in recruitment. The last, “black” category
were those who had committed criminal offences. Those branded as “grey” or “black” were
kept in detention in Delhi Red Fort. When the war with Japan ended, the story of the INA,
hitherto regarded as a military secret, was released in an official announcement.
**
News of “netaji’s” death was released by Imperial General Headquarters on 23 August,
and reached the outside world only when news of the accident was broadcast from Delhi on
the same day. Nine senior Indian officers and ministers who were by then trying to follow
him stopped wherever they happened to be, stunned and confused. Half of them refused to
believe that what they had heard was true; this was probably Netaji’s plan to escape arrest.
Others accepted that there had been an air crash and hoped that Bose would somehow would
have survived. A few believed that he had died but prayed for a miracle and his reappearance.
Lord Wavell was sceptical when he heard the news of Bose’s death. In his Journal he wrote:
I wonder if the Japanese announcement of Subhas Chandra Bose’s death in an air crash is
true. I suspect very much, it is just what would be given out if he meant to go under ground.
My first reaction when I heard it was to tell the PSV [private secretary to the viceroy] to ask
S.E.A.C to make most careful inquiries into the story as soon as they could. If it is true, it will
be a great relief. His disposal will have presented a most difficult problem .
**
On 23 August, when the news of Bose’s death in an air-crash arrived in Delhi, Nora was
crestfallen. Her desperate and risky attempt to contact Bose had served no purpose. Nora
went into a deep depression. The gloom was heightened even further when Major Robert
Ford left for Tokyo on a mission. Robert was quite emphatic that it was only a three-month
assignment and he would soon be back. Over the past months Nora had grown rather fond of
this lively and cerebral American. His departure left her lonelier than ever.
**
The news of Bose’s death was given wide publicity. Films about Bose, the INA, the Rani
of Jhansi Regiment and IIL were smuggled out of Singapore and shown privately in Delhi.
By the end of August, reports from unofficial sources, supplemented by photographs and
stories of returning prisoners of war, and Indian civilians from Rangoon and Malaya, were
widely circulating in India
After Japan’s surrender and with the Labour Government installed in London, Sir
Stafford Cripps became a powerful influence in Westminster. He publicly declared that time
should not be wasted in trying to arrive at a temporary arrangement but that means be
expedited to arrive at a permanent solution, in which the question of Pakistan must form a
major issue; and for this purpose new elections should be held in India. The Viceroy agreed.
On 21 August, Wavell announced that elections to the central and provincial assemblies
would be held in the coming cold weather, and that he would shortly be visiting England for
consultations. He spent the last week of August and the first two weeks of September in
London, in a very different atmosphere from that which he had endured in the previous year.
**
On 23 August, Lucky Dragon was sailing southwards at a steady speed and keeping about
five km away from the shore line. After breakfast, Bose stood on the starboard gunwale
44
watching the dense green coast, which appeared to be uninhabited. Abdullah dispelled his
misimpression and told him that there were many small river-mouth settlements all along the
coast; these were not easily visible because of the dense foliage. Several small boats were
visible, their crews busy fishing near the shoreline. At dawn on 24 August, Lucky Dragon
docked at a stone pier near Kuala Terengganu. Locals, who were awaiting their arrival, came
on board to deliver and collect cargo. Two of the crew were sent to collect fresh water,
vegetables and fruit. Bose stepped ashore to stretch his legs. When he returned to the boat, he
tried his hand at fishing. He was given a light line to which was tied an iron bolt to serve as a
weight. A small hook was tied to the end of the line; there was no trace. He was given a tin
filled with small prawns to be used as bait. Bose was shown how to fix this on the hook,
lower it into the water, let the line rest lightly on one finger and wait for the tremor of a
nibble. An angler’s skill lay in his ability to sense when the bait had been taken and jerk the
line in order to hook his fish. Bose spent a relaxing hour, and was delighted to catch five
large fish.
Abdullah Albar. stayed near his boat where a couple of cronies came to meet him. After
the Japanese surrender on 16 August, the news of “netaji’s” death in an air crash in Taipeh
had become the next main topic of conversation throughout Malaya. Abdullah was intrigued
when he was told of “netaji’s” accidental death. His admiration for Bose’s planning increased
considerably. Later he told Bose what he had learnt. The news came as a shock to Bose. He
realised that this had been a genuine accident. He concealed his true feelings. Poor Ghosh; it
was never intended that he should become a victim in this deception plan. Many questions
flashed through his mind: Had Habibur Rehman survived the crash? If, yes, would Rehman
be able to keep up the charade? If Rehman was dead, then Bose and Abdullah [and, of course,
his future host when he reached his destination] would now be the only ones who knew the
truth, and the deception plan would be more secure than ever. He kept his thoughts to
himself. He would only make his plans when he reached his destination and came to know
more of the facts.
**
On 25 August, after his return from London, Wavell announced :
His Majesty’s Government are determined to do their utmost to promote in conjunction with
the leaders of India opinion the early realisation of full self-government for India…It is the
intention…to convene as soon as possible a constitution-making body,…His Majesty’s
Government further authorised me, as soon as the results of the provincial elections are
published, to take steps to bring into being an Executive Council which will have the support
of the main Indian parties.
Congress and Muslim League reactions followed familiar lines. The Congress
emphasised its demand for independence and unity of India. It accepted that each territorial
unit should have the fullest possible autonomy within the Union, consistent with a strong
national State. The League insisted that Pakistan must be a viable national State with no
common organs of government with Hindustan for defence, currency, communications or
other functions.
**
From 25 to 28 August, Lucky Dragon continued its slow, passage through Malayan
coastal waters. The days remained sunny except for one evening when dark clouds collected
on the eastern horizon and moved towards them, engulfing the ketch in a heavy shower. A
gentle drizzle continued throughout the night. The next day was cloudy with intermittent
showers but this did not impede Lucky Dragon’s progress to Kuantan and then to Merseng,
picking up and delivering cargo at both places. The crew kept replenishing their stock of fish,
45
fresh water, fruit and vegetables. Bose remained immersed in his book. He was fascinated to
learn that the Indonesian archipelago stretches 3000 miles from east to west; the largest island
complex in the world. The two main islands were Sumatra and Java. The former consists of
seven provinces and one special district of Aceh, located at the northern end, 90 km short of
the southern tip of India’s Nicobar Islands. Aceh, which was Bose’s destination, is a region
inhabited by strict Muslims long noted for their resistance to European influence.
On the morning of 30 August, Lucky Dragon halted alongside a smart gleaming white
yacht anchored at the eastern edge of a small island near Bilitan, located south of Singapore,
at the eastern entrance to the Malacca Straits. Abdullah ordered the small skiff to be lowered.
He pointed to the yacht and told Bose that this was the Moghul Princess, an ocean-going
yacht, on which. Bose would carry out the next leg of his journey. Bose went to his cabin
with Abdullah to collect his hand bag. While in the cabin he softly whispered his thanks to
Abdullah for all he had done. Abdullah shook his hand and said, “May God look after you
and may your great endeavour be successful.”
Bose was rowed across to Moghul Princess where he was met by a young clean-shaven
Sumatran who clasped his hand and lead him to a small cabin fitted with two bunks and a
small writing desk. Not a word had been spoken between them. When both had entered, Bose
closed the cabin door and put his finger to his lips, requesting silence. Bose sat at the desk
picked up a pencil and note book and wrote. “My assumed name is Rehmat Khan. I have
escaped from a Japanese prison and am seeking asylum. I am pretending to be a mute.” His
companion read the note, tore it into small pieces and put the pieces in his pocket. He spoke
softly, “My name is Abdurahman Suwondo, an employee of your future host, Alip Agung,
who eagerly awaits your arrival. The yacht Moghul Princess is registered in Jakarta and has
been hired for this journey. It has a crew of two and the men are trustworthy. They will be
told that you are Rehmat Khan, a mute who has escaped from a Japanese prison and that you
are seeking asylum in Java. They do not know your final destination. As soon as we see
Lucky Dragon weighing anchor, we will set sail and go eastwards. The men who rowed you
over, have been told that Moghul Princess is heading for Jakarta. I have no doubt that they
will spread that news to the rest of the Lucky Dragon’s crew.
At 11 o’clock, as Lucky Dragon was preparing to sail north for Singapore, Moghul
Princess weighed anchor and set sail to the south-east. They passed several small fishing craft
on the starboard and saw two large ocean-going ships moving westwards in the far distance
on the port side. After four hours Moghul Princess changed direction to the south and began
approaching the coast. It tied up at Selat wharf in central Sumatra. Abdurahman and Bose
disembarked. . Bose was not wearing his spectacles. He had a fortnight’s growth of beard and
looked impressively scruffy in his sarong and slippers. Abdurahman was dressed in a faded
pair of khaki slacks and a brown shirt; he wore boots, no head gear and had no baggage. But
he had attached a bushy beard to his chin. This completely disguised his facial appearance. .
He insisted on carrying Bose’s handbag and led the way through a busy narrow street to an
open market place.
Abdurahman told Bose that he should adopt the role of a mute Muslim mendicant. He
said that he would have to purchase two fez caps, a pair of socks and brown canvas shoes for
him; these would be needed for the later stages of their journey. But before doing this he told
Bose to wait, and walked across to a kiosk and purchased two bus tickets. Abdurahman then
took Bose to nearby shops and purchased two fez caps, which they both wore, and a hand
torch, a cheap pair of canvas shoes and socks, which were packed away in the handbag. By
now it was 6 p.m. They went to a wayside café and ordered a supper of rice and vegetable
curry. They then went to the bus station and occupied the reserved seats in the bus which was
waiting to go to Jambi..
46
They reached Jambi, some 60 miles away, at 8 p.m. and were able to get reserved seats on
the next bus to Tanjungbalai, 150 miles north on the coast. They reached Tanjungbalai on the
morning of 31 August at about at 5 a.m. Abdurahman was able to get two rooms for their use
in a small hotel. He told Bose to rest. They would be halting for the night at Tanjungbalai. He
went to the bus station to arrange seats for the next leg of their journey. When Abdurahman
returned he took Bose for a light lunch. After lunch, both of them rested. They went out for a
light supper at 6 p.m. Bose was fast asleep by 8 o’clock
On 1 September, both awoke well refreshed. They had their lunch at 11 o’clock. At 1
p.m. they occupied their reserved seats on a crowded bus which rattled along over an
indifferent coastal road which took them north-westwards. The bus passed through numerous
villages and halted at almost every ten miles to drop off and pick up passengers. The fields on
either side of the road were dotted with rich plantations of rice, banana and papaya trees; here
and there he could see cultivated vegetable plots. He saw numerous streams and channels
leading to the fields. Villages consisted of about 100 houses mostly constructed of bamboo
with red tiled roofs; a few masonry houses were also visible. Within the villages he could see
a network of well swept earthen paths.
The bus reached Langsa late in the evening. Abdurahman led Bose to a small wayside
hotel. After a whispered conversation with the proprietor, two rooms were opened for them.
Abdurahman asked Bose whether he ate meat and would like a change after his long fish diet.
Bose nodded his assent and was told to have a bath and be ready to accompany him for
dinner. Bose had only two sets of clothes and underwear. He was advised to give one set to
be laundered and returned the next day before noon.
Later, Abdurahman took Bose to a nearby restaurant and ordered a meal of rice, mutton
curry, fried fish and vegetables all cooked in the Indonesian style. It was well past 9 o’clock
when they returned to their hotel. Abdurahman explained that the bus journey next day to
Bande Aceh would take about six hours. Buses kept running every four hours commencing
from 8 a.m. onwards; the last bus left Langsa at mid-night. They would travel by the last bus,
but for security reasons he did not want to do this openly. He had therefore decided board the
bus secretly at the next stop after Langsa, some 10 miles away.. He had already made the bus
reservations under false names. He suggested that they eat a hearty lunch at midday and
collect their laundry. They should try and snooze in the afternoon, have their dinner at 6 p.m.
and check out at 7 p.m. He asked Bose to wear his canvas shoes and socks for that part of the
journey.
2 September, was a clear day. Bose spent it quietly; eating, reading and in meditation and
introspection. Before they checked out, Abdurahman once again took possession of Bose’s
handbag. He then settled the bill and they walked out of the hotel. They took a footpath going
west, as if heading for the interior. Abdurahman led Bose along a leafy pathway. They had
covered a three miles before it grew dark. They halted for a ten-minute rest. Abdurahman
opened Bose’s handbag and took out his hand torch and gave it to Bose; he told him to try
and avoid switching this on till it was really necessary. The path was clearly defined and the
torch was not required till they reached the second halt near a sweet water spring. They both
drank copiously and then carried on walking along a path that gradually looped northwards
onto the main road. They made good time and after a third and fourth halt, reached a small
hut; this was the first sign of habitation they had encountered.
Abdurahman gave the handbag to Bose and told him to wait. He took the torch,
approached the hut, opened the door and entered. After a minute, he came out and called out
to Bose to join him. The empty hut was a simple one-room structure in which there was a
string bed, a wooden chair and table, upon which rested a kerosene lantern which had been lit
by Abdurahman. Bose was told that the coastal road and their bus stop near a small roadside
village were a few hundred yards ahead of the hut. It was now nearing mid-night and they
47
had at least fifteen minutes before the bus arrived. He asked Bose to rest. He then added to
his disguise by wrapping a light cotton scarf around his head and face He was quite
unrecognisable. They put out the lantern and made their way to the bus stop. They were the
only passengers waiting at the stop. They woke up the attendant who served them iced bottled
lemonade. The bus arrived at fifteen minutes past midnight and was half empty when they
occupied their allotted seats. Bose was tired, but could not sleep as the bus rattled along the
coastal road. He kept thinking about his host who he would be meeting shortly
Bose and Alip Agung were the same age and kindred spirits. They had first met whilst at
Cambridge. They had taken an instant liking for one another. When Bose became a
probationer in the ICS, he kept in touch with Alip who was continuing his studies at
Cambridge. Though most of the Indian fraternity had disagreed with Bose’s decision to
resign from the ICS, Alip had supported his plan and openly admired his courage and
determination to do something for his country. He planned to graduate and return to Sumatra
to follow the same path. Over the years, they had kept in touch with each other but had never
again met. Alip knew of the sacrifices Bose had made in pursuit of his objective. When Bose
came to South East Asia as Netaji, he had kept in secret touch with Alip but never made any
effort to meet him. No one in the INA or IIL knew of their relationship.
When Bose began realising that Japan’s power was declining, about one year before the
surrender, he openly began planning to go to Russia. But at the same time he secretly
contacted Alip and asked him to arrange for a safe asylum in Sumatra. All the detailed moves
from Saigon till now had been the outcome of Agung’s careful planning and Bose was deeply
impressed. He now looked forward to an exciting reunion. He eventually dozed off to sleep
filled with happy thoughts. He was woken up by Abdurahaman one stop before Bande
Acheh. They alighted and made their way to a nearby teashop. Abdurahman advised that they
eat a hearty breakfast of fried eggs and buttered toast with a mug of tea. They still had to
walk another eight miles before they reached the Agung estate. Both were hungry and Bose
needed no persuasion.
During the walk, Abdurahman explained how Agung had originally wanted to send a car
to pick up Bose, but decided against this for security reasons. A car was easily recognisable.
He did not want the public to know that the Agung establishment was associated with the
arrival of this mendicant. This was also the reason for Abdurahman’s crude disguise and the
round about route taken while leaving Langsa. However, the worse part of the journey was
over. They were now faced with a leisurely stroll of ten miles into the interior. Abdurahaman
told Bose that Sumatra was inhabited by two major races: widely dispersed Bataks and
Malayas who were concentrated on the east coast. The two lived together harmoniously and
inter-married freely. About 15 languages and dialects were spoken in Sumatra. However,
Bahasa Indonesia, devolved from a Malaya dialect, has become the most widely spoken
language; this is written in the Roman script. Abdurahman told Bose that every village in
Aceh had an elementary school. There was little economic activity; purchases were made
from peddlers on market days.
On 3 September at 11 o’clock, they found a car with darkened windows waiting for them
on the road inside the Agung estates. Abdurahman ushered Bose into the rear seat with his
handbag, and sat in front. They were driven for about three miles through a narrow gravel
road to a small cottage. The car with Abdurahman in it drove off when Bose alighted with his
handbag. There, waiting to greet him, was a short, sturdy, athletic-looking man with brown
hair. Bose found no difficulty in recognising his friend Alip. Their meeting, after twenty-four
eventful years, was charged with emotion. Not a word was spoken. They embraced each
other and Bose was led into a small sitting room. Alip clapped his hands and an elderly
woman entered with a tray on which were placed three mugs of hot tea. The each took a mug,
and Bose looked at the third mug and raised his eyebrows. Alip spoke to the crone who went
48
inside; a minute later a tall, thin, frail, elderly Chinese male, dressed in simple blue cotton
pyjamas and a matching closed-neck tunic entered the room. Alip stood up and said, “Subhas,
I would like you to meet Ziang Chu-cheng.” He turned and said, “Ziang, you have always
wanted to meet Netaji; well here he is.” Bose stood up and shook hands with Ziang Chucheng..
The three of them sat down and picked up their mugs of teas. Bose had not spoken a word
but Alip could see that he was uneasy because an outsider had being drawn into the secret of
his asylum. Alip said, “Subhas, I have known Ziang for many years. Our relationship is a
very personal one, and I treat him as my father. I would not have normally involved him in
your secret, but I have done this with open eyes for two reasons. Firstly, Ziang, like you, is
also a refugee under my personal protection. It would be difficult for me to run two separate
establishments for both of you. Secondly, Ziang is lonely. More importantly, you would have
been isolated if left to yourself. I feel it is never good for men of your temperament to be left
alone, without intellectual support for long periods of time. I believe that there could be no
better companion for you than Ziang; no better friend for him than you.”
Bose apologised, “Alip, I’m sorry for having doubted your decision. Please –”
Agung interrupted him by raising his hand and said, “Don’t apologise. You’ve had a hard
and long journey. We will discuss this after you have rested and had time to get to know
Ziang. Now, all I wish to tell you is that you both have separate bedrooms with attached
bathrooms. This room is a common rest-cum-dining room for both. Aceh province is ninety
per cent Muslim and ten per cent Chinese. All who work in my estate have been told that you
are a mute Muslim mendicant. They will respect you and keep away from you. It is quite safe
for you to speak to one another within the cottage. No one will hear you; no one is allowed
into or near your residence without my permission, except the crone, Jualia Begum, who will
keep your rooms clean, bring you your meals and look after your laundry. There is no
telephone. If you need me, tell Jula and she will contact me. There is a radio in each of your
rooms. You are free to walk about in the estate for exercise, but do not to speak to anyone
and please do not come to the main house; my family is to be kept out of this.“
He stood up and taking their leave said, “ I’m sure that the two of you will soon be deeply
involved in discussions about the future of Asia and the world, communism and capitalism,
and the deeper meaning of life and moral values. I envy you and wish that I could be with
you, but regret that I will not be able to visit you every day. Don’t worry. I will make it a
point to try and join you at least once or twice a week for an exchange of ideas.”
At the door, he turned around and looking at Bose said, “I have kept a pile of old
newspapers and journals near your bedside; you may enjoy reading about your death by
accident in an air crash. I’m impressed by your planning; later you must tell me how you
organised that episode.”
“I’m sorry to disappoint you, Alip, but that was not planned by me; it was apparently a
genuine accident in which my poor double, who was on his way to Manchuria as a part of my
cover plan, died. However, what is impressive is the skilful arrangements made by you for
my moves from Saigon to here; I’m deeply grateful and indebted to you for that.” Alip smiled
and walked away.
The next day, Abdurahman came with a suitcase. Packed in this were a woollen sweater,
cotton shirts, cotton trousers, underwear and three identical pairs of brown shoes of varying
sizes. The clothes were a perfect fit. He tried the shoes and selected a size that suited him.
Abduraham departed with the unwanted pairs. The swift, efficient and generous planning of
the Agung establishment again impressed Bose.
**
The sudden end of the war with Japan in mid-August had been as much a surprise to the
British and American forces in South East Asia as it was to the Japanese forces. The invasion
49
of Malaya, planned for late September 1945, had to be modified in haste into a peaceful but
cautious occupation of Malaya and Siam, to begin with, and later of Indo-China, Java and
Sumatra. At the same time, British and Indian prisoners of war had to be repatriated, and
more INA soldiers rounded up and taken into custody. All this took time. Thus before the
arrival of Allied troops, the Japanese allowed regional political leaders to take charge of their
respective regions.
Meanwhile in Taipeh, on 5 September at 2 p.m., “netaji’s” ashes and the box of treasure,
weighing 11 kg, were loaded in an air craft and flown to Tokyo; this was escorted by Habibur
Rehman and three Japanese officers. On arrival at Tokyo, the box of treasure was taken by
the Japanese officers and handed over to an officer at Imperial General Headquarters. By this
time, Iyer had reached Tokyo and was staying with Mr. A.M.Sahay, an Indian businessman.
Iyer was unaware of the fact that Bose had a double who had switched places with him at
Saigon. Rehman, who still wore bandages on his head and arms, carried the ashes and went to
Sahay’s house. There was a tearful reunion as Rehman, who kept up the charade, was made
to recount the details of the last flight, the crash, “netaji’s” dying moments and the cremation.
The next day they had a conference and decided that the ashes should be kept in a safe place.
50
Chapter 4
Undecided About the Future
On 7 September, "netaji's" ashes were taken to Rankoji Temple, and handed to the priest
in charge of the shrine. The next day, Mr. J. Murti, Chairman of the Tokyo Branch of the IIL,
went to Imperial General Headquarters and collected the box of treasure and took this to his
house. This was then opened in the presence of Rehman and others. The contents were sorted
out into three lots: gold, jewellery and odd pieces, and repacked into three smaller boxes,
which were left in the custody of Murti and the IIL.
It was at this time that the Government of India sent a team headed by Superintendent of
Police, T.S. Finney, and assisted by a wireless operator, and Inspectors of Police A.K. Roy
and Kalipada Dey, to investigate Bose's death. The team flew to Bangkok, where a number of
persons were interrogated. A visit was also paid to Saigon, where more persons were
interrogated and documents examined. The team could not proceed to Taipeh because
General MacArthur would not permit any outside intelligence agency, not even the OSS, to
operate in his area of command. However, on MacArthur’s orders, an independent inquiry
was held by a team from the US Counter-Intelligence Corps that operated within his
command; this was headed by Lieutenant-Colonel Figges. This team visited Taipeh and
Tokyo, interrogated Habibur Rehman and other eye witnesses who told their stories as
already recorded above.
Despite these enquiries and the official acceptance by the Government that Bose was
dead, wild rumours of his being alive kept pouring in; each report no matter how bizarre and
incredible was carefully followed up. All were found to be untenable. At this time the
Government of India announced that the rank and file of the INA “who yielded to pressure
and were so misguided as to join forces raised by the enemy” would be leniently and
generously treated. Only the leaders and those charged with atrocities. would be courtmartialled A few days later the Congress set up a Defence Committee to handle the cases of
INA soldiers and civilian members of the IIL brought to trial.
**
In September. Nora was the showpiece at the conclave where Jinnah proudly introduced
her to his inner circle. She sensed that she was being used by Jinnah to reassure the sceptics
that the British indeed would stand by him and his dream of Pakistan. Nora was sickened by
the knowledge that the contours of Operation Akbar were beginning to take shape; the modus
operandi was to be brutally simple. Over 500 cities and towns all over India, where the
population was composed of a near even number of Muslims and Hindus, were identified as
‘targets’. A time-tested method of provoking a riot was to be adopted: agent provocateurs
would throw pork into a mosque and beef into a temple. Then with help of rumours a cycle of
retaliatory violence was to be fostered. How gullible Indians can be, thought Nora. But then it
was precisely this aversion to beef and pork and passionate commitment to religion that had
lit the first spark in 1857
**
Bose spent the initial month of his stay at the Agung Estate adapting himself to a new
regime. He would wake up early in the morning, and after a fruit breakfast and a hot mug of
tea, would take a brisk five-mile walk. On his return he would take a bath, spend an hour on
meditation and introspection after which he would join Ziang for their midday lunch. The two
men would separate after lunch and retire to their respective bedrooms for a quiet read, to
51
listen to the radio or to write. Bose was always making copious notes, studying journals and
the newspapers. It did not take more than a few days for Bose to realise that Alip’s decision
to keep the two of them together was a wise one. Ziang was a captivating character with a
fund of anecdotes, which he would happily recount with verve and style. Bose learnt that
Ziang was born in 1875 and had his initial education in Ken Kuan monastery.
“The name literally means ‘mountain’ [ken] ‘view’ [kuan].” explained Ziang. “This is a
Taoist monastery and for Taoists the name has a further implication. By extrapolation ‘ken’
comes to mean ‘keeping still’ and ‘kuan’ means ‘contemplation’. This alludes to the form of
meditation known as tso-wang or ‘sitting with a blank mind ‘.
“Yes, I have noticed that you meditate daily. Are you able to achieve a blank mind?”
asked Bose.
“People will tell you that there are over hundred techniques of meditation. I, like you,
adopt the padma-asan posture and a steady breathing rhythm. I have been trained to focus my
attention on the mysterious spot in the middle of the forehead between and just above the
eyes. This is the site of the pineal gland where, after much concentration, I am sometimes
able to see the first glowing of the ineffable, like an aurora borealis in the soul.”
“I must admit that I have never enjoyed such an experience,” said Bose. “I use meditation
as a means to awaken the realisation of the self within, to achieve a high state of
consciousness; a process that calms my mind and frees me from bodily and mental
distractions.”
Ziang said, “I too attempt to seek a high state of consciousness. But during meditation, I
sometimes reach a state of imminence: as though somewhere deep within me, a door has
opened in another world; a blissful feeling. Mind you, this does not happen every time.”
“You had told me that you are an agnostic and also claim to be a Taoist. Aren’t the two
propositions contradictory, Ziang?”
“Not at all. Like Buddha, a Taoist refrains from using the word “god” in its philosophical
sense. Taoism offers secular treasures, which give me solace and security. Firstly,
compassion for all created things. Secondly, frugality, to which is tied a willing acceptance of
poverty as a form of compassion towards the inanimate world; a gesture of respect and
deference to things. The third treasure is humility or lowliness, which invokes a promise to
refrain from active power over men."
Bose said, “During my student days, I learnt that one of China’s great ancient thinkers
was Lao Tzu, whose philosophy became known as Taoism. But apart from that, I know very
little about Taoism. So please tell me more about it.”
“Lao’s theory stressed the importance of action through inaction, wu wei. From birth, all
of us, the sage and the fool, are castaways adrift on the great ocean of Tao. Not all of us can
cope with the rigours of that fate with equal success. Some spend their lives trying to make
their way against the current. But Tao is too strong and remorseless, and in the end they
drown.”
Bose ruefully remarked, “ I suppose I am in that category. I have been swimming against
the tides of Tao- first in India against the British, then in a German ocean, then in a Japanese
ocean. Now, have I come to the sea of Sumatra to drown?”
“Don’t underestimate yourself, Subhas. You are one of the chosen ones who has never
ignored proven principles. Admittedly, you have made many mistakes, but in the process of
gaining experience you have never treated the journey of life as an opportunity for licence or
for an evasion of principles. That is the true measure of a man’s sincerity and purity of heart.
You must continue to keep faith with yourself, maintain your integrity and remain true to
your dharma. Your journey has only just begun.”
Bose was deeply impressed by the old man’s robust philosophical approach to life and
was touched by his faith in him. He felt that a change in the trend of their conversation was
52
desirable. “Permit me shift from philosophising to ask a few personal questions. What did
you do after completing your education in the monastery, Ziang?”
“My father ran a small but prosperous provision store in Shanghai. This was the period
when Russia and China signed a secret treaty of alliance against Japan. Russia gained the
right to construct the Chinese eastern railway line across northern Manchuria. At the turn of
the 19th Century, I pestered my father to send me to America to study Business Management.
I was then 18 years old and infatuated with what I had seen of Americans working in
Shanghai; their clean living, rational thinking and their unabashed pursuit of money and
happiness appealed to me. Three years as a student in America made me realise that the seven
deadly vices and the seven heavenly virtues are human attributes, equally common to all
nationalities; one could find them in a Chinese village or in New York, though the scales may
differ.
“During my student years I made many good American friends. Many of them were
intrigued to learn that I was a Taoist. But all of them found it difficult to understand that Tao
is the source and matrix of existence the formless womb out of which ten thousand forms
arise and to which they return at last when they die. They found Tao too impersonal, mystical
and dull, not real like Dow,” said Ziang.
Bose was puzzled and asked, “Dow?”
Ziang smiled as he explained. “Dow is my abbreviation for the Dow Jones economic
index. Dow is a sort of pulse of economic activity. Tao is the pulse of a heart’s secrets, which
is revealed to the trained listener as a guide to correct living. Tao is the way to selftranscendence. Dow is the way of self-interest.”
Bose laughed at this comparison. “It is no wonder that your young American friends
found it difficult to understand what you were preaching. But tell me, Ziang, are Dow and
Tao irreconcilable?”
“No, they cannot be, because Tao embraces everything in life, including Dow. But it is a
question of perception; a question of striking a proper balance. America is a very young
country and many of their people feel that monastic training is a waste of time. The pursuit of
money and profit are the gods of America. When young man finished his day’s work, he
would go home and turn his mind to searching for happiness; an elusive target that
accelerated away from him as he approached it.”
“How old were you when you graduated?” asked Bose.
“I was twenty-three years of age. I began to feel that I was wasting my time in America. I
wanted to return to China. But this was the period when China was weak and divided. Russia
occupied Port Arthur and Darien, and the anti-foreigner uprising, the Boxer Rebellion, had
taken place. The situation in Shanghai was very confused. I decided to stay on in America for
a few more years and began working for an American import and export company. It was a
valuable and unforgettable experience: very hard work for five days a week and then a long
weekend. My senior colleagues were all middle-aged men who displayed bravado and
aggression in their business relations and an unembarrassed worship of power and
achievement, regardless of the means employed to get this.
“I would often be invited to spend weekends with some of them. I discovered that their
business ethics spilled over to their private lives. Antagonism prevailed between the
generations: between grandfather and son, and parent and son. Many of them regarded their
old parents and relatives as rather pathetic creatures. The young were not encouraged to take
advantage of the knowledge and experience of their elders. In fact some children seemed to
take delight in opposing them and defying them if they could; this was not frowned upon but
treated as a mark of individuality.”
“I sympathise with the young who refuse to accept that a man is wise merely because he
is old. We, in India and China are apt to attach too much importance to age. Old wise men
53
can often be an embarrassing obstacle to social reform. We have an example of that in
Gandhi who refuses to accept that the wave of industrialisation is an inevitable evolutionary
phenomenon. He is convinced that India can somehow return to a medieval golden era.”
“Well I don’t know about Gandhi. But it is true, Subhas, that there are many old donkeys
that expect to be respected purely because of their age. The old must recognise that scientific
knowledge is advancing at a terrific speed. Even in our lifetime we have seen the spread of
electricity and radio, the invention of rockets, the discovery of medical miracles and now
atomic power. I don’t know whether this headlong rush of knowledge will be good or bad for
mankind. But I do know that even though I make use of these “inventions” I am often quite
ignorant about how some of these things work. It would be foolish for me to pontificate about
these things merely because of my age. It would be equally presumptuous for me to claim
that my age has enabled me to find answers to the timeless questions of why and what life is
all about. But there are certain values associated with human relationships, which continue to
be relevant. In those spheres of human activity, old, experienced men have a lot to offer.
Human societies will be the losers if they fail to take advantage of that experience.”
Bose said, “I agree that wise individuals have a lot to contribute to society, but I would
hesitate to rely solely on the older ones. History tells us that law, I don’t mean judges or
jailers who represent it, but the code of justice, is the true essence of our sensations of right
and wrong. Law is one of the things that separate use from animals. Laws, which continually
evolve are the best conscience of society. Good laws and the will to implement these is the
one sure indicator that differentiates the civilized state from the uncivilized. The legal system
has taken thousands of years to develop, and is the greatest thing, which has evolved with
mankind. None of our temples, churches, mosques, religions, weapons, tools, arts and
sciences is as great an achievement as justice.”
Ziang smiled and responded, “After the Romans, British law is assumed to be the most
advanced of the civilised legal systems. How come that you, Subhas, were in constant
rebellion against the British legal system.”
Bose replied, “To begin with, British justice and fair play won the hearts of all Indians
and earned them the loyalty, respect and support of Indians. But after 200 years, the colonial
system grew corrupt and selfish. When I was in Cambridge, two systems of British justice
prevailed; the enlightened one for the Home front and a repressive one for the colonies. I
always respected the former and rebelled against the latter.” He apologised for the
interruption, and asked Ziang to please continue with his fascinating account of life in
America.
“I think it was around 1903, when I was about 27 years of age that I realised that. if I
continued to stay in America it would mean giving up all that I valued. This is not to deny
that I had also discovered that the average American is a decent god-fearing man who, like all
of us, is searching for the age old answers to life: why are we in this world and where are we
going? Undoubtedly, America had a lot to offer and I had learnt much from my stay there,
but I had begun to fell like a transplanted fruit tree; the American way did not suit me and I
knew that I could never blossom in this environment. So I returned home. My move
coincided with a wave of renewal in China.”
“If I am not mistaken, that was the period, which saw the rise of Sun Yat-sen and the
formation of his United League. You will agree, Ziang, that Sun was a very “Americanised”
person; he was educated in Western schools in Hawaii and Hong Kong, and then at Harvard “
“I agree, but there is nothing wrong with Western education. You, Nehru, Gandhi and so
many of your other nationalist leaders are Western educated. Good education invariably
strengthens one’s character. A good education is always a valuable asset provided one’s
cultural roots and human values are permitted to blossom and shape the soul—“
54
Bose interrupted him and said, “As a good agnostic you should surely avoid using such
confusing terms as ‘soul’”
“Like all Indians you enjoy quibbling over words. By “soul” I mean character or psyche
or personality- call; it what you want., depending on your beliefs. Sun, though nominally a
Christian, had a Confucian background and Taoist values and that made the difference; that,
along with this education, shaped his personality. His arrival in China definitely influenced
the timing of my return to China.”
Bose looked at his watch and said, ”Its very late, Ziang.. I think we should both go to bed
and continue this discussion tomorrow.”
The next day after breakfast, Bose wrote several letters. The first was to his brother to tell
him that he was alive and well and that he had no intention of returning to India for the
present. News of his survival should be kept secret. He requested that this information be
passed on to Chitta with instructions to keep the underground contacts alive throughout India.
Any letters for him should be addressed to Zaffarulla Khan and sent to Iyer by courier. With
this letter he enclosed the torn half of the ace of diamonds. In the second letter, which was
addressed to his family in Austria, he sent his love to his wife and Anita. He told them he was
well; he wished that news of his survival should be kept secret for the present. He realised
how chaotic conditions must be in Europe; but he hoped that this letter would reach her and
that he would be able to keep in touch with them at her last known address through the post.
He requested her to send letters to him through normal mail addressed to Zaffarulla Khan
C/O his brother. The third letter was for Nora and was addressed to Felix Williamson in
London; thanking him for his letter of July. All these letters were dated 4 September and
were left unsigned.
He then composed a letter to Iyer. His instructions were brief and precise: “Sarat-da and
Chitta are being informed about my survival. This news is to be kept secret for the present. I
want you to re-establish under-ground links with Calcutta and any of the other surviving IIL
branches in South East Asia. I want you to compile a weekly situation report and make an
assessment on what is happening in South East Asia. Your report should be enclosed in a
sealed envelope addressed to “Zaffarulla Khan” and handed over to the man who delivers you
messages from Zaffarulla..” He went on to add.” I am enclosing three sealed letters. The one
addressed to Sarat-da should be sent to him by the next courier. The other two are addressed
to people in Austria and England, and should be stamped and posted in Singapore’s General
Post Office. This message to Iyer was also left unsigned; before sealing the envelope Bose
enclosed the torn half of the ace of clubs,
That evening, Alip joined Bose and Ziang for supper. After an early meal, the three men
sat down in a relaxed mood. Bose said, ”I have been pestering Ziang to tell me all about his
past sins, and how it is that he has come to be a refugee in your home.”
“I was telling Subhas how and why I decided to leave America and go home, Alip.” He
turned to Bose and said, “Shortly after my return to Shanghai, I married and immersed myself
in my father’s business. This was a profitable concern but was being run on primitive lines. It
didn’t take me long to see how profits could be increased tenfold by increasing production,
cutting out the middle men, improving the distribution system and evolving attractive brand
names for fast moving popular ethnic food items. At first my father resisted my plans for
modernising the business. Eventually, he agreed. We retained the old retail outlet Shanghai
Provisions, and opened a large wholesale depot, which was named The Shanghai Trading
Company; this became the head office of the family business. We also opened a wholesale
depot with a retail outlet in Hong Kong under the same names: Shanghai Trading Company
and Shanghai Provisions. I then purchased several sailing junks and began using these to
move our stores between Shanghai and Hong Kong;. This involved a major investment but
55
one round trip earned us the cost of a junk. America had taught me that making money is the
easiest pastime in the world
“When the Russo-Japanese War broke out, I was the father of two children, a boy and a
girl, and I had become a millionaire. Sun Yat-sen and other Chinese leaders could see that
resurgent Japan was taking over from the Russians. They began to search for some
constitution, which would unite the country and oppose foreign intervention. I was never
interested in politics. I was busy raising a family and making money. I was planning to deal
directly with our main sources of raw materials. I turned my attention to Java, from where we
imported most of the spices used in our products. Jakarta was the main port to which our
finished products were exported for the large Chinese expatriate community. We opened
retail and wholesale outlets under the names Shanghai Provisions and Shanghai Trading
Company in Jakarta and purchased several ketches. We used these to transport our goods
between Hong Kong and Jakarta. On the way up and down the ketches also supplied the large
Chinese expatriate community in Malaya with Chinese provisions under popular brand names
which had become household words in almost every Chinese and Japanese kitchen. ”
Bose mused on how different his life had been. He said, “At that time I was deeply
interested in politics and current history. I recall that Sun Yat-sen had formed the
Kuomintang [nationalist party], and joined up with General Chiang Kai-Shek’s nationalist
army. If I am not wrong, Sun died in 1925.”
“Yes,” said Ziang. “This period saw the rise of General Chiang, the militarization of the
Kuomintang and attempts by him to suppress the war lords and the Chinese Communist
Party.[CCP]. This led to the Long March by Mao Tse-tung who led his 40,000 strong Red
Army to north China, where it began getting military aid from the Soviet Union. .
Alip said, “By 1930, Ziang was a billionaire. It is then that he met my father, and through
him, met me, after my return from Cambridge. Our family was deeply involved in the
nationalist movement. When Sukarno was arrested and put in jail by the Dutch, my father
went underground and would have suffered the same fate had it not been for Ziang who gave
him secret passage in one of his ketches to Hong Kong where he took refuge with the Ziang
family.”
Ziang continued, “I was then fifty years old. I found myself in a difficult position in
Shanghai. When the Japanese marched into Manchuria. The Shanghai Trading Company
refused to supply the Japanese army with its popular brand name products, which their troops
wanted. The Japanese used every tactic to persuade me to change my policy, without success.
Several years later, when Japan planned to openly attack China and occupy Shanghai. I was
pre-warned by Japanese friends to leave before I fell into the hands of their dreaded secret
police. I went to Hong Kong where I joined Alip’s father. I left my son, in charge of the head
office. He is a true Taoist with very flexible principles; he bowed to Japanese demands. The
best joke is that he also kept supplying the Kuomintang and the Red Army with their
requirement .of provisions. He thus tripled his profits”
Bose said, “Ah! But your son now had to contend with the conflicting precepts of Tao,
Dow and Mao.” They all burst out laughing.
Alip said, “You’ve changed Subhas. You have developed a sense of humour, which was
sadly lacking in the old days. It suits your new role and-“
Bose interrupted him, “What new role, Alip? I am a refugee, and this is a role I dislike
intensely. It is something I have wanted to discuss with both of you, and I am glad that you
have raised the issue. I can understand why Ziang came here. He had to flee from the
Japanese with your father before the Japanese overran Hong Kong. So they both fled secretly
to Sumatra.” Bose then turned to Ziang, “When the Japanese overran Sumatra, you had to go
into hiding. But why do you still remain a refugee, now that the Japanese have been
defeated?”
56
“Yes, I agree that I no longer need to remain in hiding nor seek refuge. I could go back to
Shanghai but I dread doing this because I foresee a grim future for China and if my
predictions prove true, then I would not be able to live in such an environment. So Alip has
kindly allowed me to continue to stay here till things settle down in China.”
“Grim future? I don’t understand,” said Bose.
“During the War years, the CCP and Kuomintang joined hands to fight against the
Japanese. By then, General Chiang’s army, had expanded into a two million strong force and
was receiving generous military, material and financial aid from the Americans. The Red
Army, which had increased its strength to100,000, continued to receive minimum military aid
from the Soviet Union; but it lived a Spartan existence and grew its own foodstuff.
Immediately after Japan surrendered, a power struggle broke out between the CCP and the
Kuomintang. The Red Army has grown lean and strong under Mao. The nationalist Army has
grown soft and corrupt with Dow. I am told that today thousands of young soldiers from the
Nationalist Army, attracted by the prospect of discipline, austerity and honour, are deserting
with their arms and joining the Red Army, which has already reached the strength of
1,50,000; it has been renamed the Peoples Liberation Army [PLA] and is sweeping through
China.”
“So, you predict that Mao will win and take over the whole of China. Surely, that is what
China needs at this hour: a strong honest government, which will provide the nation with
disciplined sincere governance? As you yourself have said, Mao, Dow and Tao are not
incompatibles. Why then do you predict a grim future?”
“Ah, Subhas, I have read your book and know that you dream that India will throw up a
leader like Kemal Attaturk to guide it with a strong hand for a period of twenty years before
democracy is finally established. It is not for me to say what India needs. The people of India
will decide that. However, history tells me that prolonged dictatorship does not suit a
developing democracy.”
Alip frowned and said, “I was under the impression that Mao was great democrat, and it
this factor that makes his regime so attractive to the people.”
Ziang shook his head in disagreement and said, “Tao embraces Mao, but the little I know
of Mao Tse-tung, and I have met him thrice, he is a fanatic and will not tolerate Tao or Dow
or any other religious belief- not even Stalin’s communism.”
“But what about his inner circle,” asked Bose. “Surely men like Chou En-lai and others
around him would exert a moderating influence.”
“Chou is a very shrewd man and is very popular with the rank and file of the party, but
like your Nehru, he is essentially a follower and will never stand up to Mao. Luckily, there
are other men around Mao who have the vision of Taoists. I recommend that you particularly
watch the future career of Deng Shiao-peng. He has no fixed dogmas about Mao or Dow.
When I last met him, he praised me for being a billionaire and told me that it is a sin to be
poor and glorious to be rich. Deng is not a trained economist but seems to believe that
Taoism stresses the importance of letting go and not restricting nature’s way of achieving
balance. His attitude chimes well with a free-market economy, and even offers a way of
explaining America’s recessions after each boom. Given a chance, he will turn Mao’s
concept of communism up side down. But this will depend on what happens after Mao passes
away, and whether the CCP mandarins will allow Deng to survive.”
Bose said, “I can understand your reluctance to return home. But my refugee status is
very different to yours, Ziang. I cannot return to India because my country is still occupied by
the enemy. I would not like to face the humiliation of being taken to a jail by the British in
Delhi. I am grateful that Alip allows me to stay as his guest till the future of India is decided.”
57
Alip said, “If I read the international situation correctly, Subhas, you are likely to return
home very soon; the Labour Government in London is keen to grant India its independence.
But you are welcome to stay here as long you wish.”
Bose thanked Alip for his offer of unlimited hospitality. He refrained from mentioning his
doubts about British intentions. Before dispersing, Bose asked Alip if he still maintained his
under-ground contacts with Singapore through which Bose used to send him secret messages
in 1944. When Alip confirmed this, Bose handed him the sealed envelope addressed to Iyer
and requested that this be delivered to Iyer at the Singapore branch of the IIL
Bose and Ziang continued to meet daily in the early hours of the evening for an exchange
of views on some news item, which interested both of them. Their host would sometimes join
them. Supper would be followed by further talks. Bose also made constant use of Alip’s
extensive personal library, which was well catalogued. He would jot down the name of books
he wanted and send this through Jula who collected what he needed from the librarian. While
continuing his study of Indonesian history he was not surprised to find that political events in
colonial Indonesia had followed almost the same pattern as events in India.
Dutch rule by the close of the 19th Century had unified the colony’s administration with
key appointments being held by the Europeans and clerical jobs by the locals. There was one
difference however; the Dutch, unlike the British, had no intention of treating their colony as
a temporary abode; they were determined to live and die here. They therefore made every
effort to make the Dutch East Indies a self-sufficient country. But they were unable to isolate
themselves from the anti-colonial wave that was sweeping through Asia. That period saw the
rise of three separate movements, each under secular, Islamic and Communist leadership.
1927 saw an attempt to unite the three strands of nationalism through the creation of the
Indonesian National Association under the chairmanship of Sukarno who attempted to follow
Gandhi’s non-co-operation strategy. He was arrested and given a 4-year sentence. On his
release, he continued opposing the Dutch. In 1933, Sukarno and his deputy, Mohammad
Hatta, were imprisoned. None of the books in Alip’s library covered the more recent history
of Indonesia. Bose intended to ask his host for detailed information about this.
**
In October 1945, when Delhi’s summer began to retreat and day temperatures began
cooling down, Nora’s gloom lifted. Robert was back from Tokyo and had been assigned a
new task; preparing ground for the establishment of an American embassy in Delhi. Nora’s
joy knew no bounds when a letter arrived from London. It was a plain ‘thank you’ addressed
to Felix Williamson dated 4 September 1945. The first thought that came to Nora’s mind.
was “Bose is alive and there is hope for India.”. She decided that she must write to him
immediately. Here she was faced with a problem. The OSS had accepted that Bose was dead
and had closed down their communication links with him. It was apparent that Bose wanted
his whereabouts and his survival kept secret. She therefore could not ask Robert to open his
links with Bose. She came to the conclusion that further communication with Bose would
have to be through his brother Sarat.
Around this time, the solicitors Gough & Batliwala of Calcutta wrote to her stating that
that they were executors of her grand-father’s will. The major portion of his assets had been
bequeathed to Nora’s parents. The ancestral home in Calcutta had been given to Nora who
was a minor at the time of his death. The court decreed that this should be kept in the custody
of her executors until she reached the age of eighteen. When her solicitors tried to contact her
in 1939, they were informed that Nora was on active duty and could only be approached after
the war. In June 1945 they again wrote to the War Office and were given Nora’s address in
Delhi. They offered their apologies for the delay in contacting her. They went on to explain
that her grandfather’s house was a large rambling two-storey building located in Park Circus.
This consisted of over thirty large rooms, thirty small rooms with kitchens on both floors.
58
Ten stables in the backyard had been converted into servant’s quarters. Sultan Manor was
presently being used as an orphanage, being run by a Catholic Mission. Her solicitors
requested Nora’s presence in Calcutta for a few days so that she could take possession of her
property and make a decision on its future use.
This request suited Nora. She decided that she would take a spot of leave, meet her
solicitors. and also arrange to contact Sarat Bose to hand over a letter for Subhas. She
immediately wrote to her solicitors telling them that she would be in Calcutta within a week
and would contact them on arrival. She then began a letter to Bose telling him of how she had
received instructions from London making it clear that despite the coming to power of a
Labour government, nothing had changed. Churchill still ran the show behind the scenes and
the MI-6 had been ordered to clandestinely go on with the execution of Operation Akbar. In
order to substantiate her statement she enclosed two official letters, which she had secretly
photocopied whilst in London. The first was His Majesty’s letter to the Muslim League,
which virtually granted Jinnah Pakistan. The second was a letter from Admiral Mountbatten
to Surhawardy, Prime Minister of Bengal, that confirmed the close collaboration, which
existed between the British and the Muslim League, and the ruthless role played by both the
parties in Bengal causing the death of millions in the man-made famine of 1943. She sealed
this correspondence in a blue-coloured envelope.
Three days later she was in a train and on her way to Calcutta. The journey by the Toofan
Mail through the lush countryside of Bihar was a refreshing experience. The stay at Fort
William was something she had been looking forward to. She spent the morning exploring
the Fort with a tourist booklet. From this she learnt that Lord Clive began the construction of
this magnificent structure after the battle of Plassey in 1758. The Fort, modelled on Vauban's
17th century defensive concepts, took 13 years to complete at a staggering cost of over two
million pounds.
The next day, at her meeting with the solicitors, Nora signed various papers giving her
possession of Sultan Mansion. She was told that the Catholic Mission were paying a nominal
rent for the use of the building; this money was being kept in a separate account in Nora’s
name. Money from this account paid for the annual taxes and any repairs needed to the
building. Old Mr. Firoz Batliwala asked her if she intended to sell Sultan Mansion or wished
to continue with this arrangement. He went on to say: “The property is very valuable. Before
you make a decision, I would like you to meet the Sister who runs the orphanage.” He then
called in a young nun who had been waiting in an inner room, and introduced Nora to Sister
Teresa. The shy girl told Nora that she was an Albanian who had taken Indian citizenship.
Nora’s grandfather had permitted her to run and orphanage for the victims of famine on the
ground floor of the mansion. After his death, and with permission of Nora’s parents, she had
taken over the whole building. “Could she please continue to stay there, “ pleaded Sister
Teresa. Nora was deeply impressed with the sincerity and dedication of the young nun and
readily agreed. “That is what my mother would have liked,” thought Nora.
After Sister Teresa’s departure, Nora asked her lawyer if he knew Mr. Sarat Chandra
Bose. When he nodded his assent, she said, “My mother had always wanted me to meet him.”
She asked Mr. Batliwala if he would be kind enough to try to arrange an appointment for her
with Sarat at any time at his convenience. Later that evening, Batliwala telephoned her to
confirm an appointment with Sarat for ten o’clock the next day.
The next morning, when Nora entered the Bose family house, she was politely received
by Sarat. She introduced herself as Nora Harris, the daughter of Jahanara Khan. Sarat
recognised the name and recalled her association with the Bose family. After a few
pleasantries, Nora came straight to the point. She openly admitted that she was a British MI-6
agent. She claimed to be a friend of Subhas and bluntly asked if Sarat knew his whereabouts.
59
This request startled Sarat and he protested, “Young lady, what are you saying? Surely you
know that my brother died in a plane crash on 18 August.”
Miss Harris had looked steadily into his eyes without speaking for one long minute. It
was an eerie experience. She apparently accepted that Sarat’s bewilderment was genuine. She
opened her handbag and took out a blue sealed envelope marked “Subash Chander Bose”.
She handed this to Sarat and said, “If your brother contacts you, please give this to him; if he
doesn’t show up within a year, then please destroy this without reading the contents.” She did
not wait for his confirmation, but turned around and left abruptly.
A few days after this, Habibur Rehman visited Calcutta and requested a private audience
with Sarat Bose. When the two were alone together, Rehman told Sarat about his brother’s
double and the switch over at Saigon, how there had really been a plane crash but it was
Ghosh and not Netaji who had died in the accident
Sarat was astonished and overjoyed by this news. “So Bhai-munni is alive. I somehow
knew that this must be so. Tell me, where is he now?”
Rehman shook his head. “I don’t know. He didn’t want me to know. He said he would
keep in touch.” He then pulled out the torn ace of diamonds from his brief case and handed
this to Sarat and said, “Netaji warned us that we should guard against false messages being
sent by his enemies in an attempt to discover his whereabouts. He wanted this card to be
handed over to you. When his agent contacts you, he will produce the other half to
authenticate his identity.”
Sarat, after accepting the torn card, thanked Rehman for coming to see him. Before
parting, Sarat told Rehman, “I advise you not to disclose the truth about Subhas to anyone for
the present. Let us wait and see what his next move is going to be.”
After Rehman had left, Sarat sat down alone in his study to collect his thoughts and
pondered deeply about Rehman’s account of Subhas’s survival. He knew brother’s
temperament; he could never stay quiet for very long. Sarat recalled how only a few days
earlier, he had been approached by a pretty English lady who introduced herself as Miss Nora
Harris. Subhas’s survival placed Nora Harris’s visit in a new light. She obviously knew that
Bhai-munni was alive. Was she really Subhas’s friend or a clever agent determined to trace
his whereabouts? She had been quite forthright and had left an envelope in his care, asked,
with great confidence, that this be delivered to Subhas. And then she walked away without
uttering another word. Was that a clever ploy to win his trust? He looked at the torn playing
card in his hand and realised how far-sighted his younger brother was in some matters.
In the first week of November, Sarat received a condolence letter from Emilie Schenkl.
She had heard about her husband’s death on the radio and had read brief accounts of this in
the Austrian press. She wrote that although Austria had suffered less damage than Germany,
conditions were still chaotic; it would take at least another year for the country to recover
from the effects of the war and return to normal. She and Anita were well and she had no
financial problems. She enclosed the address of her niece who lived in Switzerland and
requested that until life settled down in Austria, future correspondence should be addressed to
her via the niece.
It was shortly after this that Sarat received his brother’s letter along with the matching
half of the ace of diamonds. He at once sat down and began composing a long letter to Bhaimunni. He gave him all the news about India and his hopes that with the Labour government
in power, India would soon gain its independence. He told him about Nora’s visit and how
she had left a blue-coloured envelope for him. He enclosed this with his letter. He also
enclosed Emilie’s letter and urged his brother to write to her and tell her he was alive and
well.
**
60
In India, it soon became known that Shah Nawaz, Sehgal and Dhillon, the three INA
officers who had stubbornly defended Mount Popa in 1945, were to be tried by court-martial
in November. Each of these officers represented one of the major communities in India. Each
of these officers was held in high esteem by the rank and file of the INA and had given the
British army a tough fight. The British felt that it was imperative that the reputation of these
three be shattered. The charges were not only the general conduct of the officers in “waging
war against the King”, but they were alleged to have had death sentences carried out on
soldiers of the INA. There was immediate and widespread public interest in the trial, which
was attacked by the Congress as an act of savage oppression.. Nehru “had no doubt …that the
men and women who had enrolled in this army…had done so because of their passionate
desire to serve the cause of India’s freedom;”
The Defence Committee, composed of the most illustrious members of the India Bar,
including Nehru himself, went immediately into action. Bhulabhai Desai was chosen to
conduct the defence when the trial opened in the Red Fort on 5 November.
**
In mid-November 1945 Bose received Iyer’s first letter. From this, Bose learnt that when
the British returned to Malaya, the Malayas, who prized their long trading arrangements with
the British, were happy to continue that status without becoming a colony. Prominent
princely leaders were also determined that the Malaya Communist Party [MCP], which had
increased its power during the Japanese occupation, should not be allowed to dominate the
political arena. They sunk their differences and formed the United Malay National
Organisation [UMNO]. They welcomed British security and guidance in setting up a new
constitution and organising their defence forces. The British were planning to induct more
Commonwealth troops and Gurkha battalions for counter-insurgency operations against the
communists in Malaya. Iyer wrote that the IIL office was under sporadic surveillance, but he
was not being harassed and ostensibly functioned as a welfare organisation for Indian
nationals living in Malaya.
**
One evening in November, after Bose, Ziang and their host had enjoyed a well-prepared
Indonesian supper, Bose asked his host to bring him up-to-date with his country’s history
after 1933. Alip said, “After the Japanese had occupied Indonesia, they freed Sukarno and
Hatta. Both the leaders accepted office in the Japanese military administration. Ziang
continued to remain in hiding but my father re-joined active politics. In 1942, Sukarno was
allowed to form the Putera Centre of Peoples Power [PCPP], an organisation which further
unified all factions and established him as a national leader. In October 1943, Sukarno raised
an armed volunteer defence force officered by Indonesians who were trained by the Japanese.
In September 1944, while you were escaping from Burma, the Japanese government
announced its intention to prepare Indonesia for independence. In March 1945, an all party
organisation, in which my father was a prominent member, was set up to frame a draft
constitution.
Alip went on to explain how the situation prevailing in Indonesia was very different. to
what was happening in Malaya. “The Dutch, in Europe, had still to recover from German
occupation and organise their armed forces. In August Dutch forces landed at Subang in
Aceh. On August in defiance of the Dutch, the new constitution was accepted and Sukarno
was declared the President and Hatta the Vice-President. At the same time as you reached my
house, Van Mook, the Dutch Leutenant Governor of the Indes met Mountbatten in Ceylon
and asked him to order the Japanese in Java to suppress the Republican Army. Mountbaten
agreed but the Japanese dragged their feet.
“On 6 September, the first batch of British troops landed at Jakarta by air. The British
were given the task of formally receiving the Japanese surrender in Jakarta. A small group of
61
Dutch officials also came to Jakarta to take over the administrations of Indonesia; they
requested British forces to maintain law and order on their behalf till the arrival of their
troops.and a formal government of Netherlands East Indies was once again functioning. .
Sukarno has made it clear that he wants the Dutch to depart and hand over the responsibility
of law and order to his forces.”
Alip continued “Sumatra has remained quiet, but last month there have been Republican
rallies in Java and our young men have taken over the railways and radio station. British and
Japanese troops located in Java have had several clashes with our Republican Forces and
suffered many casualties. The British general in charge of these operations soon realised that
the Republican Forces are trained and well lead. Most of the British officers and men serving
with the division deployed in Java are conscripts whose time has expired; they want to return
home. They have fought and won the war against Japan and have no intention of suffering
casualties to assist Dutch imperialists in suppressing the Indonesian Freedom Movement.
Moreover, British conscripts whose time has not yet expired and Gurkha battalions, were
already earmarked for operations against the Communists in Malaya.
“The Dutch, assisted by Australian forces, have undoubtedly consolidated their hold on
the eastern islands of Indonesia but they have only one Dutch brigade and a brigade of British
troops deployed to look after both Java and Sumatra. This is quite inadequate should a
military confrontation take place between the Dutch and Sukarno. Mountbatten has advised
the Dutch to negotiate with Sukarno and seek the assistance of Indonesian Forces to maintain
law and order”
“Even as I speak to you, the Dutch are pulling out of Aceh and all Japanese troops are
being withdrawn from Indonesia. But as the same time alarming news has been received that
5 Indian Infantry Division has landed at Surabaya in Java.” Whilst explaining this, Alip
admitted that he was an active member of the PCPP branch in Sumatra. He was careful to
avoid disclosing the strength of the Indonesian [Republican] Forces but assured his listeners
that this was sufficient and was distributed in every district, including Aceh. They could be
activated at short notice. The present situation was tense. Sukarno was still hoping that he
would be able to negotiate a peaceful constitutional hand-over of power in the near future.
The Party anticipated no immediate outbreak of violence. However, the country was prepared
to fight, if challenged.”
“I first met Sukarno at a dinner reception organised by the Japanese in early 1944,” said
Bose. “Even then he was the symbol of Indonesian nationalism. I admire him for having the
foresight to make the raising of an Indonesian Defence Force his first priority. I am specially
impressed at the way he tackled your language problem. Tell me, Alip, how was he able to
create a national language with one script and ensure its acceptance by the varied races that
inhabit your numerous islands and speak so many different dialects?”
“Java is the most thickly populated island of the Indonesian archipelago. It accounts for
almost half of the country’s population,” said Alip.
“Exactly, therefore Javanese should have logical been made the national language,”
remarked Bose, thinking of the Hindi-speaking belt in India.
“You are right, Subhas, if numbers were to be the sole criterion. But spoken Javanese is
most complicated, and is written in several scripts and this made matters even more difficult.
Sukarno took a far-sighted decision in 1944, when he held authority over a limited area. He
chose bazar Malay, a simple dialect spoken in the region, and called it Bhasha Indonensia. He
also decided in favour of the Roman script. Having made this decision, he endeavoured to
popularise the language thorough a mass literacy drive that embraced all sections of the
population. People could see the value of this and the literacy wave soon flowed to every
island community.”
62
Bose nodded his head in approval and said, “My experience with the INA has also taught
me that simple bazar Hindustani must become the national language of India, and this should
be written in the Roman script.”
Ziang smiled and commented, “India has many old and well-developed languages written
in different scripts. Bengali, Tamil and Marathi literature is qualitatively superior to Hindi,
and it will be very difficult for you to ignore all those and other languages such as Gujerati
and Urdu, and impose a less developed Hindustani on the nation. And you will be adding
insult to injury by insisting on the Roman script.”
“The main drawback of Hindi or Urdu, the two most widely spoken languages in India, is
that they each represent only one stream of the Sanskrit root language. Hindustani has the
capacity to absorb influences freely from other adjacent languages at the casual and low-brow
level. It is this capacity to absorb other influences, which makes Hindustani a truly mass
language. Its casual style enables it to co-exist with and even permeate such dissimilar
languages as Telegu, Tamil, Kanada and Malyalam. Hindustani can be understood where
neither Hindi nor Urdu can be comprehended; it is the only true pan-Indian language. I learnt
this from my experience over two years while dealing with the INA and the Indian
communities in South East Asia. But before Hindustani can take its rightful place as India’s
link language, it must be put into a script that is acceptable to all regions.”
“Even if the people were to accept your argument,” said Alip, “the majority will surely
insist that Hindustani be written in the Nagri script, which is phonetic and most widely used
in India, rather than in an alien Roman script. How will you get around that proposition?”
Bose confessed that there was a time when he felt it would be anti-national to adopt a
foreign script. “But my stay in Turkey in 1934 converted me. I began to accept that there is
nothing sacrosanct in a script. I came to realise what an advantage the Roman script gave
Turkey. Roman Hindustani would function as the official all-Indian link language, but not as
a state language in the Hindi belt which may continue to use Hindi and the Devanagri script,
or in the other linguistic groups, which may continue to develop their respective languages
and scripts. Roman Hindustani will be a first significant step for modernising the language
and enabling it to absorb the latest developments achieved in science, technology and the
other disciplines. The obvious success of Sukarno’s language policy has reinforced that
belief.”
Ziang agreed that the Roman script has become the script of the world. “Significantly, the
modernising elite in China are attempting to Romanise their ancient and beautiful script, and
are also hoping to teach English as a compulsory second language in their schools.”
**
At the end of November Bose received a bag of mail from Iyer. This included a long
letter from his brother giving him all the news of the on-going INA trials and the reactions to
this in India. Sarat’s letter also enclosed Emilie’s letter of condolence. Bose realised that his
first letter to his wife had not reached her. He kept Sarat’s and Emilie’s letters aside and
turned his attention to the blue envelope, which he opened. He read the contents with interest.
He was not surprised to learn that Nora repeated her accusation of a conspiracy to launch
Operation Akbar and partition the country. He was intrigued to read the two photocopies that
were enclosed with her letter. He read the King’s letter first. This was signed on 11 April
1942 by His Majesty, King George the VI, under a Royal Seal and was written on crested
Royal note-paper. It read:.
HIS MAJESTY IN RECOGNITION OF THE LOYAL SERVICE RENDERED BY HIS
MUSLIM INDIAN SUBJECTS DURING THE DIFFICULT PERIOD OF THE SECOND
WORLD WAR, PROMISES THAT THE EMPIRE WILL DO ITS UTMOST TO BRING
INTO BEING A HOMELAND FOR MUSLIMS IN INDIA HIS MAJESTY IN
63
RECOGNITION OF THE LOYAL SERVICE RENDERED BY COMPRISING OF THE
MOHMMEDAN MAJORITY AREAS IN INDIA, AS SOON AS PRACTICABLE AFTER
THE SUCCESSFUL CONCLUSION OF THE WAR.
The second document was a photocopy of a letter written on crested Headquarters South
Eat Asia Command notepaper from Colombo. This was from Admiral Louis Mountbatten,
Commander of South East Asia Command, to Mr H.S.Suhrawardy, Prime Minister of
Bengal, dated 10 July 1944. This read:
His Majesty’s Government, the South East Asia Command and I personally wish to put
on record our great appreciation of the co-operation and help given by your government and
your Muslim League cadres during the difficult period of the Japanese invasion.
In 1943 while our forces were hard pressed and there existed grave danger of the
Japanese advancing into India, the successful implementation of ‘Scorched Earth’ policy in
Bengal possibly kept them away from invading India. This would have never been possible
without the whole hearted support and co-operation from you in rendering unusable the river
craft in delta region. Destruction of food stocks specially rice, made the Japanese think a
second time.
After losing the battles for Kohima and Imphal, the enemy was decisively defeated. You
deserve full credit for the success the British gained in stopping the Japanese advance into
India. I am aware that this did cause a lot of hardship to your people, but war demands
sacrifices and we are proud that you stood steadfast in this difficult time.
This letter clearly indicated how Suhrawardy, the Muslim League cadres and the British
were partners in ruthlessly creating a famine that had resulted in the death of over one million
innocent citizens, the majority of whom were Muslims. Bose kept both these documents
away.. He wanted to return to India, but hesitated to do so. The current situation in India was
uncertain. He decided to wait. While events unfolded in India, he would prepare for all
eventualities.
Bose first wrote to his brother Sarat to thank him for his newsletter and assessment. He
reassured him that he had not forgotten Emile; she was the very first person she had written
to in early September to tell her of his survival. That letter had obviously gone astray. He was
writing to her again at her niece’s address. He wrote the next letter to Emile to give her the
news of his survival. He asked her to keep this information secret for the present. He did not
disclose his future plans or location and confined himself to personal matters. He concluded
by asking her to address his personal correspondence to Zaffarulla Khan C/O Sarat.
Bose then wrote a brief “thank you for your letter of 10 October”, dated this 4 December
and addressed it to Felix Williamson. This was left unsigned. He then wrote to Iyer
requesting him to post the letters for Felix Williamson and Emile Schenkl by regular mail and
to send Sarat’s letter by courier to Calcutta.
**
The INA trial lasted until 31 December 1945. Every word of it was reported throughout
India. But within the courtroom, the law was still the law. The charges of waging war were
found proven.. All three officers were sentenced to cashiering and transportation for life. The
Commander-in-Chief, Field-Marshal Sir Claude Auchinleck, remitted the sentences of
transportation, but confirmed the other penalties, “since it is in all circumstances a most
serious crime for an officer or soldier to throw off his allegiance and wage war against the
State.” The principle had to up held for the sake of the stability of all lawful governments.
Both the Congress and the Muslim League fought the January 1946 elections on their
well-established diverse policies; unity versus partition. The Central Assembly results were
64
dramatic. Of 102 elected seats the Congress won a clear majority. [Though the League swept
the board in the reserved Muslim seats.] Of the provinces claimed for Pakistan, in Assam, the
Congress won a clear majority, and formed a Government. The same happened in the North
West Frontier Province where the Congress actually won more reserved Muslim seats than
did the Muslim League. In Sind, the League formed a Government dependent upon the
European group. In the Punjab, although the Muslim League won 79 of the 80 reserved
Muslim seats it was unable to form a government. Sir Khizar Hyat Khan once again became
Premier with the support of an Unionist-Congress-Sikh coalition. In Bengal the League was
just able to form a Government under H.S. Suhrawardy with the support of the Europeans
and independent groups. Elsewhere the Congress formed Governments without any
difficulty.
The election results proved that as a political weapon the INA had been of the greatest use
to the Congress. It had given the Party all-India support. In February, there was a large scale
uprising of naval ratings in Karachi and Bombay, which spread to over 50 ships and shore
installations in Karachi, Cochin and Calcutta; over 200 persons were killed before the
mutineers surrendered. The naval mutiny, coming on top of the INA trials, focussed attention
of British and Indian leaders. on the Armed Forces.
Apart from the INA factor, the flood of Indian Emergency Commissioned Officers
[ECOs] into the services had broken down traditional walls in the Armed Forces. Although
British officers continued to control the higher levels of military command, the pre-War and
post-War ratio of British to Indian officers had changed dramatically. In combatant units this
had altered from 10 to 1, to 4 to 1. More than 8,000 ECOs were serving in every fighting unit;
they were only excluded from Gurkha units. Collectively the increase was even more
dramatic. The number of Indian officers increased from 500 before the war to 15,000; some
branches such as the medical were almost entirely Indian. The British Government knew that
servicemen were still loyal to their oath, but they were nationalists at heart, and could no
longer be relied upon to blindly support the British in the suppression of legitimate Congress
demands for independence.
65
Chapter 5
Refuge in Sumatra
In February, Bose received a long letter from Sarat giving him details of the INA trial.
Along with this was sent a published copy of the INA Court Martial; 367 closely printed
pages. Sarat gave his analysis of the elections results and how the INA trial had been of great
help to the Congress. He wrote about the Naval Mutiny and also mentioned how the young
Indian officers in the armed forces were all nationalists at heart and this factor made it clear
to the British that they could no longer retain power in India.
Knowing that Shah Nawaz was now a free man, Bose wrote a letter to him and another to
Swami; the letters were almost identical. He told them that he was alive but that this
information must be kept secret for the present. They should contact Rehman who would give
them details of his deception plan and what happened in the plane crash. He said that he
would not return to India if the British withdrew peacefully after granting the country its
independence. That had always been his mission in life and he had no other role in India.. He
went on to express his fears that certain internal forces, in collaboration with British
imperialists might attempt to partition the country before the British left India. That move
must be resisted at all costs. If there was any danger of that happening because of Congress
vacillation, he would return to rally public opinion and confront the secessionists. He had no
weapons but he planned on winning over the patriotic elements of the Indian armed forces,
and then after bringing them over to his side, fighting secessionist forces if necessary. This
outline plan should not be disclosed for the present.
He requested Shah Nawaz to prepare a list of at least ten good ex-INA officers and 5000
reliable INA volunteers. Contact with these officers and men must be done under a cover
plan; the volunteers should be told to stand by to move on Nawaz’s orders for a proposed
INA reunion, which was likely to take place sometime in mid-1947. The venue for the
celebrations and precise date should be left vague. Bose was arranging for Iyer to send him
Rs. one lakh as a contingency fund. He requested Swami to have four wireless teams ready to
move in early 1947, if required. He left it to Swami’s discretion to evolve a cover plan for the
organising of these wireless teams.
However, Bose told both of them that no moves were to take place without his orders. He
warned them that enemy agents were active and searching for him. They might get many
false reports and confusing orders. He enclosed two torn playing cards, the ace of spades for
Shah Nawaz and the ace of hearts for Swami. He told them that he would send the other half
of these cards, when required, to authenticate his final instructions. The letters to Nawaz and
Swami were left unsigned.
Lastly, Bose wrote a letter to Iyer requesting him to send Rs. one lakh to Shah Nawaz,
and to forward his three letters to Sarat, Nawaz and Swami by courier.
**
Tthe Labour Government through a statement made in Parliament in February, announced
that a special mission of Cabinet Ministers consisting of Lord Pethick-Lawerence, Secretary
of State for India, Sir Stafford Cripps, President of the Board of Trade and Lord Alexander,
First Lord of the Admiralty, would visit India. Prime Minister Attlee made it clear that it
would be for India alone to decide for herself whether to remain in the Commonwealth or
not. The declaration was warmly welcomed in India. Bose learnt of this through his radio.
66
By this time the British had repatriated to India 23,188 INA personnel. Thousands of
other civilians who had joined the INA were disarmed and left in their camps to be dealt with
by local authorities as they deemed fit; many of them were in need of financial and legal
assistance. The Congress Party formed “The INA Enquiry and Relief Committee” and named
Nehru as its President. He was asked by the Congress Working Committee to proceed to
Burma and Malaya and gather information about ex-INA personnel in South East Asia, in
order to plan for their relief wherever needed. Nehru’s impending arrival as a private citizen
was notified to Mountbatten, as Supreme Allied Commander, South East Asia, with the
comment by his staff that Nehru was being neither officially received nor allowed to meet
Indian troops.
Mountbatten instantly ordered those plans to be reversed. He told his staff that Nehru was
a leading member of the Indian National Congress, which had achieved a sweeping victory in
the elections a couple of months previously. He might indeed become India’s first
independent Prime Minister. It was of the highest importance not to antagonise him, but
rather by treating him with friendliness and respect for his political eminence, to influence
him to speak moderately during his visit and establish a good relationship with the Armed
Forces. The military and civilian officers concerned loyally carried out the Supreme
Commander’s wishes. Receptions were organised. Nehru addressed large gatherings of
military personnel as well as civilians; he was never to forget Mountbatten’s generous
gesture.
In Singapore, Nehru had a friendly interview with Mountbatten during which he said that
he was planning to visit the INA Memorial, which the British had already begun to dismantle.
Mountbatten advised him not to lay a wreath on this, and Nehru accepted the advice. But he
visited the Memorial and brought back with him some marble slabs, which had formed part
of the Memorial. He later handed these over to Shah Nawaz for safe custody.
**
Towards the end of March, Bose received letters from Iyer, Sarat and Emilie, and as
usual, a brief analysis by Chitta along with a sheaf of cuttings from Indian newspapers. He
first read Emilie’s letter, which was composed of domestic details and news about Anita’s
progress in school. Conditions in Austria were fast returning to normal. She was busy doing
secretarial work with an international relief organisation. She had no financial problems. Next
he read Sarat’s letter, which projected a further analysis of the election results in India. Bose
was pleased to learn that all INA ex-service personnel were being looked after by the
Congress Party, which was concerned about the welfare of other INA personnel who were
residing in South East Asia and in need of financial and legal aid. Sarat outlined the
formation of “The INA Relief Committee” and Nehru’s intended visit to the area to see
things for himself. He gave details of the composition of the proposed Cabinet Mission
whose arrival in India was eagerly awaited.
Iyer, in his letter, confirmed that Rs. one lakh had been sent to Shah Nawaz. He also sent
a routine assessment on events in South East Asia with details of Nehru’s visit to Singapore
where he had visited the IIL centre and met Iyer. He wrote at length of the public meetings
organised by Mountbatten for Nehru. and of the friendship which was developing between
Nehru and Mountbatten. Iyer described the disappointment of the Indian community when
Nehru cancelled a proposed wreath-laying ceremonial visit to the partially dismantled INA
memorial at the behest of Mountbatten. Bose sent routine acknowledgements to this
correspondence.
The next day Alip spent the evening and had supper with Bose and Ziang. Bose took the
opportunity to tell Alip that he was very happy to read a report in the Singapore Times that
the Indonesian issue had been raised in the UN for the first time in January. “But there was
67
very little other news of what is taking place in Java and elsewhere. I would be grateful if you
can tell us what is happening,” he asked.
Alip said, “By the middle of last year, the Dutch had consolidated their hold on the
eastern islands with the help of Australian forces. But Sukarno and Republican forces are in
control of Sumatra and Java and are being opposed by one British and one Indian Division,
and a mixed forces of Japanese and about one brigade of Dutch troops all operating under the
overall commander of the British. The Japanese clearly dislike serving under the British, and
are secretly supplying the Republicans with arms and ammunition from their surplus stocks.
Our forces have had several encounters with the enemy and inflicted heavy casualties on
them. In October 1945, General Mallaby was killed in an ambush. Sukarno has appointed
General Sudirman to take over command of Republican forces, and appointed Sjahrir as
Indonesia’s. first Prime Minister.”
“I have read that the British Foreign Secretary, Bevin, has urged that negotiations be
opened between the Dutch and the Republicans. Has anything followed from this
announcement?” asked Ziang.
“Several events took place after that. Firstly, the matter was raised in the UN for the first
time. Secondly, Australian forces began pulling out of the eastern Islands and were replaced
by Dutch forces. Thirdly, Van Mook sent a proposal to Sjahrir for a ‘domestic partnership’
between the Netherlands and Indonesia. This was rejected as it falls short of full
independence, and heavy fighting continues in Java. Last night I was informed that British
troops have begun pulling out of Bandung and other outlying towns. The Dutch, who are
unable to take over those areas are determined to make the towns unusable and have begun
burning down Bandung rather than give this to the Republicans.”
**
The Cabinet Mission arrived in New Delhi on 24 March and immediately began
discussions with Wavell, and then with other political parties and Indian leaders. Jinnah
adopted a charming and reasonable approach with the Mission. But he kept on insisting that
only Muslims who were League nominees should be accepted as members of the Central
Government. This demand was no longer just a display of arrogance but a key factor in his
political strategy. He believed that the longer he could hold out against compromise with the
Congress and fight for this one single demand, the greater his political power would become.
Once this demand was accepted, every Muslim in India would recognise that the only road to
office and power was via the Muslim League, and non-League Muslim aspirants would be
defeated.
Jinnah’s strategy came up against a stone wall in the North West Frontier Province. His
emissary, Mian Ifitkar-ud-Din, ex-President of the Punjab Provincial Congress Committee,
who had defected to the League, went to meet Badshah Khan and made a passionate pleas to
justify his defection. He concluded, “The Muslim League has become the Congress for the
Muslims. There is no option but to join it.”
Badshah Khan listened to this plea and like a true Pathan did not mince his words when
he replied, “Whom do you wish to deceive, Mian Sahib. You were running after Jawaharlal
all this time. Now you want to latch on to Jinnah. Better be frank. What is the use of beating
about the bush.” Iftikar was not prepared for such a blunt retort. He fumbled and hesitated,
and finally lapsed into total embarrassment.
In the Punjab,the Coalition Government of the Punjab had declared the Muslim National
Guards and along with it, the Rashtriya Swyam Sewak Sangh (RSS), unlawful associations.
However, because of the Cabinet Mission’s presence, Jinnah’s strategy began meeting with
some success at winning over Muslim defectors. In March, Premier Sikander Hayat
announced the resignation of his Coalition Ministry leaving the field clear for the Muslim
League to come to some arrangement with the other parties. The Governor invited the leader
68
of the Muslim League Party to form a Government. But opposition to the Muslim League
was so strong that in its efforts at Ministry-making, the Muslim League Assembly party did
not get a single Hindu or Sikh supporter. In view of the Muslim League's failure to form a
Government, Governor’s rule was proclaimed.
On the afternoon of the same day, communal rioting broke out. Both Amritsar and Multan
were gravely affected and much damage was caused to life and property. Bloodshed and
burning spread to the rural areas and other towns. In April, tension between the Congress and
the Muslim League began mounting. When Badshah Khan was passing through Lahore, a
few young men accosted him on the train and asked him tauntingly, “You are so close to
Mahatma Gandhi, Why don’t you ask him to give the Muslims certain guarantees?” Badshah
Khan listened to them attentively and replied, “I have not learnt to seek guarantees. I only
know how to struggle for my rights. You are young people and should speak with greater
confidence. You should be in the vanguard of the freedom movement. If Hindus are unkind
to Muslims after independence, I will oppose that tyranny in the same way as I am opposed to
the British today. You can do the same. But let us unite and liberate ourselves first.”
When Nehru met the Mission, he offered the opinion that there was no chance of getting
Jinnah to agree on anything and that the Mission should therefore have to impose some sort
of settlement. Dr Ambedkar and Jagjivan Ram, as representatives of the Schedule Castes,
were also of the opinion that failing an agreement, the British should make an award. Sikh
and other minority representatives, were also of the same opinion. A key factor was the
Indian Army, which under the Mission plan, as accepted by the Viceroy, the Commander-inChief, the Congress and all the others except the League, would remain one undivided
instrument of all-India defence. Under the League formula this would be split in to Hindustan
and Pakistan forces.
The Mission adopted the strategy of confronting Jinnah with the choice between a small
Pakistan with sovereignty and a big “Pakistan” in an all-India Union, for minimal but vital
central affairs. It was hoped that Jinnah would accept the latter but he refused to budge from
his demand for partition. Faced by failure to reach agreement, the Mission declared: “We
have been forced to the conclusion that neither a large nor a smaller sovereign State of
Pakistan would provide an acceptable solution for the communal problem….weighty
administration, economic and military considerations are against any such proposal.”
The Mission’s plan took the form of a document published on 16 May. An important
ingredient of the plan was a three-tier device. The top tier would be the Central Assembly and
the bottom tier would be the provincial Assemblies. In between these two, the Muslimmajority provinces and the Hindu-majority provinces would form two separate groups. The
plan clearly envisaged a united India and stated that with independence, the existing
relationship between the Princely States and the Crown would no longer be possible. The
way in which the States would co-operate with the new regime would be a matter for
negotiations and might differ among them. The Viceroy was advised that he should forthwith
request the provincial legislatures to elect their representatives to the Constituent Assembly.
The Mission attached the greatest importance to the immediate formation of an interim
Government having the support of the major political parties; all the portfolios including that
of the War Minister, would be held by Indian leaders. To begin with, both the Congress and
the Muslim League were guarded in their response to the plan.
**
Towards the end of May, Bose received a batch of newspaper cuttings from Chitta and a
long letter from Sarat giving him detailed news of the discussions taking place with the
Cabinet Mission, and how Jinnah had grown very stubborn and uncompromising. How the
Muslim League had become more belligerent and had adopted a confrontational approach to
the Congress. Sarat sent details of the 16 May Cabinet Mission plan and their 3-tier proposal,
69
which was currently being debated by all the domestic political factions. He promised to send
further details as events unfolded. Whilst reading this, at the back of Bose’s mind was Nora’s
insistence that the Imperialists and Jinnah planned to make mischief. Yet there was nothing in
Sarat’s letter or Chitta’s analysis which suggested this.
One evening, Ziang while sipping a glass of wine, asked Bose why he never drank
alcohol. Bose explained that he had no religious objection to wine. He used to drink the odd
glass of wine at social functions in Germany and with the Japanese. He avoided drinking as
he found that this clouded his judgement. Ziang, a man of many parts, told him that wine,
should be treated as an adjunct to food, like a good sauce. He had collected a cellar of choice
wines, the best from France and Holland. His greatest pleasure was to sip a little of this in
good company. Hereafter, he would organise a Western style dinner thrice a week; either a
fish or meat dish, accompanied with an appropriate wine. He would prepare the meals
himself, with Jula’s assistance. His first venture into gourmet cooking was a huge success.
Thereafter, Bose began looking forward to his meals with wine accompanied by elaborate
explanations from Ziang on how the meal had been put together, and what wines had to be
matched with which food
**
On 6 June, in a surprise move, the Council of the Muslim League passed by a big
majority a resolution accepting the Cabinet Mission’s plan, though with observations and
reservations. It was willing to join the constitution-making body. It authorised Jinnah to
negotiate with the Viceroy in regard to the proposed Interim Government. All attention now
focussed on the Viceroy who began to negotiate about membership of the interim
government. There followed several months of wrangling over mathematical details. Jinnah
wanted a 5:5:2 formula [5 members from the League, 5 from the Congress and one Sikh and
one Anglo-Indian or Indian-Christian.] Nehru suggested an 8:5:2 formula in terms of Hindus,
Muslims and others, or to a 7:4:4 formula in terms of Congress, League and others. The
Viceroy response was a new formula, 6:5:2 in terms of Congress League and Minorities, with
the Congress quota to include a Scheduled Caste Hindu. Jinnah said he was prepared to place
this formula before his Working Committee. But the Congress answer was rejection.
By now the average Indian was fed up with these fatuous mathematical calculations and
communal differences. On 6 March 1946, the New Delhi edition of the Hindustan Times,
published an article recalling that someone had asked Bose in Kabul in 1941, how in the face
of religious and communal dissension, India could be united. Bose had then replied:
So long as there is a third party in the country, that is the British, these dissensions will
not end. They will go on growing. They will disappear only when an iron dictator rules India
for…a few years at least after the end of British rule in India…India …suffers from so many
political ills that only a ruthless dictator can cure her…India needs a Kemal Pasha.
Negotiations having reached an impasse, the Cabinet Mission and the Viceroy decided
that the only recourse left was to make their own “award” for final acceptance or rejection.
Accordingly on 16 June they issued a statement nominating a Viceroy’s Executive Council of
fourteen named persons: six from the Congress [including a Scheduled Caste man], five from
the Muslim League, one Sikh, one Indian-Christian and one Parsi. The Mission emphasised
that this 6:5:3 formula was only an expedient, to get a Government in being, and not a
precedent of principle. They added that if the two major parties or either of them proved
unwilling to join the proposed team, the Viceroy would proceed to form an interim
Government which would be as representative as possible of those willing to accept the
statement of 16 May. ”
**
70
Towards the end of June, Sarat wrote to Bose giving him the reactions of political parties
to the Cabinet Mission’s plan of 16 May. He seemed pleased that the Muslim League had in a
surprise move accepted the Plan, agreed to join the Constitution making body and the
proposed interim government. However the interim government could not be formed because
of constant wrangling over the proportion of seats to be allotted to each communal/political
group. Sarat stressed that communal tensions had increased, and that the common man was
fed up with the progressive uncertainties prevailing in the implementation of law and order in
the rural areas. Sarat enclosed cuttings of articles from various newspapers recalling Subhas
Bose’s approach to communal politics and how his absence was felt by the masses. Sarat
implied that these were an indirect criticism by the media of Congress leaders who were
bowing to the bullying tactics of the Jinnah and the Muslim League. Bose recalled that
Nora’s letter had used almost the same words to describe Congress leadership while urging
him to return and prevent the partitioning of the county. He however still felt that the time
had not yet come for his return.
**
The Cabinet Mission left India on 29 June. In early July, Nehru took over the Presidency
of the Congress. On 6 July, the All-India Congress Committee passed a resolution accepting
the Mission’s Plan by a big majority. Afterwards at a Press conference, Nehru declared that
the Congress had committed itself to participation in the proposed Constituent Assembly, but
to no more. The Assembly would be a sovereign authority. Asked whether he meant that the
Cabinet Mission’s plan could be modified, Nehru replied that the Congress regarded itself as
free to change or modify the plan in the Constituent Assembly as it thought best. Jinnah at
once protested against “a complete repudiation of the basic form on which the long-term
scheme rests”. The All-India Council of the League passed a resolution on 27 July
proclaiming that the Congress intended to use its majority to upset the clear intentions of the
Cabinet Mission’s plan in the Constituent Assembly. It revoked the League’s acceptance of
the Mission’s Plan of 16 May ”. It called upon all League members to renounce any titles
received from the Government and authorised the Working Committee to draw up a plan of
“direct action”.
The Working Committee followed up by calling on Muslims throughout India to observe
16 August as “Direct Action Day”. On that day, meetings would be held all over the country
to explain the League’s resolution. These meetings and processions passed off peacefully.
However in Calcutta, the League Ministry under Suhrawardy declared 16 August a holiday.
Hindu-Muslim riots broke out in the city. Over the next three days some 20,000 people were
killed or seriously injured in Calcutta. The casualties included over 15,000 Muslims who had
hoped to cow down their opponents with knives. They were totally surprised when
confronted by several groups of Sikh taxi drivers and Hindus who travelled in taxis through
their localities firing indiscriminately with shot guns at any target they saw. The Governor,
Sir Frederick Burrows, declined to call in the army until his Government demanded it, which
they only did at noon on 17 August because of mounting Muslim casualties. A display of
military force had a sobering effect; by 19 August mass violence had ceased and the city was
under control.
**
Towards the end of September, Bose received a letter from Sarat describing the Calcutta
killings. He was however astonished to learn from both Chitta and Sarat that it was the
Muslim League’s followers who had suffered the maximum casualties in Calcutta. He feared
that there would be further reprisals in the near future. But he kept his opinions to himself.
**
Ever since the departure of the Cabinet Mission, the Viceroy had been attempting to
negotiate with all parties to finalise the composition of the Interim Government. On 24
71
August the composition of the new Government was announced. It contained six Hindus
[Nehru, Sardar Patel, Dr Prasad, Sarat Chandra Bose, CR and Jagjivan Ram], three Muslims
[Asaf Ali, Sir Shafaat Ahmad Khan and Syed Ali Zaheer], a Sikh [Sardar Baldev Singh]’ a
Parsi [C.H.Bhabha] and an Indian-Christian [John Matthai]. Two Muslim seats were left
vacant. After forming the new Government, Wavell spent the next month in a complex
pattern of negotiations involving Nehru, Jinnah and the Secretary of State.
It was apparent that Jinnah feared that if he rejected the Mission plan, it would not only
place the Congress in a favourable position with the British as the time for independence
approached, but it would also isolate him from actual power in the Interim Government. On
15 October Wavell announced that the Muslim League had decided to join the interim
Government. Consequently, Sarat Chandra Bose, Sir Shafaat Ahmad Khan and Syed Ali
Zaheer had resigned, and Liaqat Ali Khan, I. Chundrigar, Abdul Rab Nishtrar, Ghazanfar Ali
Khan and Jogendra Nath Mandal would join the Government. The last of these five League
nominees was a Scheduled Caste man. This was a deliberate riposte to the Congress retention
of a Nationalist Muslim.
Any hope that the entry of the League into Interim Government would lead to a
narrowing of differences soon proved false. While the Congress leaders were demanding that
the Constituent Assembly be called, Jinnah insisted that to do so would lead to disaster. Thus
the Congress could not make a constitution for India and the League could not force a
constitution on an unwilling Congress. Wavell said that the British could not stay indefinitely
in India until the parties were agreed; the alternative to agreement was civil war. Jinnah
replied that agreement between the two communities was impossible. “If the British were
going, they had better go at once, or else draw up a constitution and make an award. They
should give the Muslims their own bit of country, however small, where they would live if
necessary on one meal a day. “
**
Towards the end of October, Bose’s mail-bag included Chitta’s batch of cuttings and a
letter from Sarat to tell his brother that he had been nominated as one of the members of the
Interim Government. He had moved to Delhi but later been asked to resign from the Interim
Government to make room for Muslim League entrants. Bose knew that if Nora’s
information about Operation Akbar was accurate, the Muslim League had no intention of
allowing the interim government to function. Bose was expecting savage communal killings
to take place outside Calcutta. He did not disclose his fears but wrote to Sarat thanking him
for his letter and analysis. He urged him to stay on Delhi and not return to Calcutta for the
present
**
The Calcutta Killings of 1946 were intended to terrorise the Congress and non-Muslim
communities and impress on them how costly in lives it could be for anyone to oppose the
League. In fact the reverse had happened. The League’s higher command was determined to
rectify this situation. From October to November 1946 a series of communal riots took place
in east Bengal. This was a carefully organised aggressive operation in scattered villages by
Muslim majority groups against innocent peace-loving Hindus.
Reactions to this communal our-break were wide spread but far the worst were in Bihar,
where many Bengali Hindu refugees had fled, and where their tales of horror excited some of
the local population to a massacre of their peace-loving Muslim neighbours. The intervention
of Gandhi in east Bengal and Nehru in Bihar helped to relieve the tension, but the memory of
hundreds of dead left a smouldering communal aftermath. This came as no surprise to Nora
and Bose. But it alarmed the British Government, the Viceroy and all those responsible for
law and order. It dismayed the Congress. It flattered the self-esteem of some of the imperial
bureaucrats who always preached that it was only their continued presence, which prevented
72
Indians from attacking one another. It pleased those who were responsible for executing
Operation Akbar. They were achieving their aim.
As the situation in India had begun deteriorate, Nora's spirits began to sink At parties in
army messes, Nora often overheard British officers openly talk with glee of the communal
carnage going on in India. One colonel confidently predicted, "After the Partition, the natives
will soon ask us to return to India." The violence and killings saddened her. But even more
galling was the realisation that she had failed in her mission. Apart from two bland
acknowledgements, there had been no reaction from Bose to her letters. Indians seemed
resigned to the creation of Pakistan.
Sarat and Chitta continued to faithfully report these events to Bose through press cuttings
and letters each month. In November, fresh rumours of Bose’s presence in India began
circulating in various towns all over the country. Each rumour was carefully investigated by
the Intelligence Bureau and found to be false. However, many people suggested that Bose
was alive and remained in hiding only because he could not disclose his presence lest he be
arrested as a war criminal. This point of view was so strong and persistent that the Congress
Party referred this matter to the Viceroy and was given an assurance by the Government that
Bose’s name did not figure on any list of war criminals prepared at the conclusion of World
War II. In order to dispel all doubts and put an end to rumours about this issue, Vallabhbhai
Patel publicly declared on the floor of the Assembly Chamber in Delhi that if Bose was alive,
he would be free to come to India and move about as and when he pleased. “Bose’s name
was never borne on any list of war criminals, and he could make a public appearance without
any risk to his person or honour.”
Sarat was quick to pass on this information to Bose who now made up his mind that he
would leave Sumatra. Having made this decision, he began to plan on how he would do this
and when he should time his return. He sent word to Alip requesting a meeting at his earliest
convenience. Alip came within two days of getting the message. After an early supper Bose
told his companions about the message he had received from Sarat and how he was now free
to return to India. Alip and Ziang were delighted to hear this, and congratulated Bose.
Bose went on to say, “If the British plan to grant India its independence and withdraw
peacefully, I would have fulfilled my mission in life. There would be no need to make my
presence known as that may complicate domestic political forces and interrupt the
constitutional process towards freedom. . Under those circumstances, I will lie low and keep
out of everyone’s way. In fact, when the Labour Government came into power, I had sent a
letter to this effect to Gandhi in order to explain to the old man why I was going into exile.”
Ziang said, “That was a proper action for you to have taken at that time. But I do not
understand why you should now hesitate to make your presence known.”
Bose said, “I have very reliable information that there are certain internal and external
forces operating in close collaboration, which are determined to divide the sub-continent into
India and Pakistan. The excuse that will be publicly announced is that the Hindus and
Muslims have been given every chance to evolve a united constitution. They will then say
that since the rival political parties have not been able to agree on unity, and since the
Muslims insist on self determination and a separate state, the British Government feels
morally bound to accede to this legitimate request.”
Alip who had remained a silent listener said, “Two factors make it difficult for me to
accept such a partition scenario. The British Labour Party has always been very supportive of
Indian nationalists. That Party is now in power in London. Surely they would never agree to
this happening. Secondly, your nationalists, men like Nehru and others, won’t allow this to
happen.”
“I agree with you that the Labour Party and Indian nationalists ought to never accept a
partition plan. But Imperialists and internal secessionists have joined together to foster
73
widespread communal riots. The aim is to cow down the Congress leaders. If there is no one
to stand up to the bullies and challenge them, I fear that their violent tactics may succeed. The
Labour Government will despair and reach the conclusion that a peaceful reconciliation
between Muslims and Hindus in not feasible. Then the conspirators will get their way and
there will be a partition of India. I therefore plan to return to India clandestinely. And it is on
this issue that I seek your advice. ”
Ziang said, “Let us suppose that your fears are justified. How do you, Subhas, plan to stop
this happening? You are alone, and you are returning to India clandestinely. You have no
army. What do you hope to achieve?”
“I am confident that at this moment in time, not more than five per cent of misguided
Muslims and Hindus believe that the partition of the country is necessary. I mus---“
Alip interrupted him and asked, “Hindus? Surely no Hindu wants to divide his country
and create a Muslim homeland?”
“Regrettably there are some Hindus who have such an inborn hatred for Muslims, Dalits
and Christians that they would welcome the creation of a separate zones into which all these
minorities, including the Muslims could be driven so that India is cleansed of this evil once
and for all. They dream of a pure Hindu regime and are so blinded by their hatred that it does
not strike them that this is an impractical proposition. It is just as impractical as the
assumption of some fanatical Muslims that Pakistan will be able to contain within itself all
the Muslims of India. The only way to deal with such deluded people is to confront them with
force, and hope that this will bring them to their senses.”
Ziang said, “This is the second time that you have suggested the use of force, Subhas,
You are no longer Netaji at the head of the INA. How do you plan to exercise force?”
“My days as Netaji, the military leader, are finished. I will never again adopt that role nor
will I wear a military uniform. It was necessary to do this when I was an exile in Germany
and South East Asia, because there was no alternative. I have learnt the hard way that I am
not cut out to be a great military leader. I lack that aptitude. When I return to India I intend to
approach my people as Netaji, the political leader, and will seek their support by appealing to
their innate sense of patriotism and their love for a unified India. If my perceptions are
correct, 90 per cent of the people, irrespective of their caste or creed will rally to my appeal
for unity.”
Apil said, “But the British have full control of the Indian Armed Forces. They would
surely intervene and arrest you.”
“Yes that could happen, but I am basing my strategy on two factors. Firstly, there are a
large number of sincere British bureaucrats and influential politicians, including Wavell, who
do not want to break up India and wish to keep the Army as a unified force for the defence of
India. Secondly, I am confident that 90 per cent of the Muslims in the army do not want
partition. My first task would be to take over Bengal, keep that state calm and ensure that no
communal violence or anti-British demonstrations take place. If this succeeds, then I will
endeavour to control the adjoining states. This will demonstrate my ability to maintain law
and order. This will have a huge and favourable impact on the rest of the nation, the British
administration and international public opinion. At the same time I will tell the Armed Forces
that our quarrel is not with the British as they are on their way out, but only with a handful of
conspirators who want to break up India to satisfy their ego and leave India weak and
permanently divided. I will not ask them, to commit treason or disobey their officers, but to
safeguard the honour and welfare of their regiments, and maintain the integrity of the nation.
I am confident I will get a positive response.”
Alip listened intently while Bose was speaking. He said, “I am impressed with your selfconfidence. I am particularly interested in knowing how you intend to undermine the
attractive appeal of Muslim fundamentalists for a separate homeland. We are faced with the
74
same problem in Aceh province, where hotheads are demanding a separate state. I have been
able to subdue the movement but I can see that it is a dangerous trend, which could grow with
time.”
Ziang intervened, “Aceh is a homogenous district with a 99 per cent Muslim population. I
an no one to judge whether the separation of Aceh is desirable or not, but in your case, Alip,
it is certainly a practical option. In the case of India, my information is that there are no areas
in which various religious groups are not closely intermingled. It would be therefore be
impractical to have a division of the country into two parts based on religion without carrying
out some form of ethnic cleansing.”
Bose reinforced this argument by adding, “ Some predominantly Muslim states, such as
the North West Frontier, are vehemently opposed to a division on religious grounds.
Moreover, Muslims in India have contributed to every facet of India life; to its music, food,
dress styles, language, literature and etiquette. There is hardly any place in India where you
will not find traces of Muslim influence; a garden, a holy man’s tomb, a fort, a mosque, a
memorial, a palace. It would be sheer foolishness for them to abandon this vast heritage for
an impractical dream of Pakistan.”
Alip said, “Well I certainly hope that your predictions are correct and that you are able to
succeed in you fight against the conspirators. I am sure you realise that you may have a civil
war on your hands.”
“Yes, Alip, and that is something which I want to avoid if I can. That is why I am
planning to return clandestinely, so that I first establish myself in Bengal with a peaceful
take-over. If there is to be a civil war, then it will not be fought by the INA. I hope to win the
allegiance of experienced Indian military officers of the Indian army who will operate under
the political direction of an Interim Government. Either way, I am planning to leave you in
the first week of February. This will give me time to make certain preparations in India
before I return. But I will need your help. I intend to adopt the garb of a Catholic priest and
move secretly to Singapore. For this I need the assistance of your family barber, a
photographer to take some passport photos and the services of Abdurahman to advise me on
stitching a costume for my role as a priest and other small matters of detail.” Alip said that he
would arrange for this the next day.
Before the discussion broke up, Bose said, “I have been selfish, Alip, and I have burdened
you with my problems. Please tell me what is happening in Java?”
“The good news is that Dutch and Indonesian representatives have begun talks in
Amsterdam. Last month there were violent anti-war demonstrations by Dutch citizens in
Amsterdam. I have no doubt that this will greatly influence events in our favour.” On that
optimistic note the friends parted company.
The next day, Abdurahman came with the barber. Bose had his hair cut short and his face
shaved except for a small trimmed goatee and moustache. He asked Abdurahman to bring a
photographer to take his photograph for a passport. He also wanted a tailor to stitch him a
soutane. Abdurahman was puzzled by this request. Bose explained that this is the loose white
cotton cassock, which is buttoned in front and worn by Roman Catholic clerics over their
working clothes. If he contacted one of the Catholic priests in Java, he could procure a
sample for the tailor to copy. He also wanted a pair of sturdy black sandals, and two pairs of
black socks, and a breviary, the Catholic prayer book containing the Divine Office for each
day. His last request was that Abdurahman should take the suitcase he had earlier given him,
and arrange to fit this with a false bottom, capable of holding papers of the thickness of a
folded newspaper.
Abdurahaman asked Bose whether he wanted any clothes stitched for daily use. “The two
grey short-sleeved shirts and tan trousers you have provided for me are enough and I intend
75
to make this my normal dress for all occasions. Anyway, I will have to travel with light
baggage when I reach India “
The next day, when Ziang saw Bose he commented that he looked like a Spanish grandee.
Bose was delighted to hear this. “That is exactly the impression I want to create,” he said.
However, he removed his spectacles when the photographer took his passport. Within a week
he had his passport photos and all the other items he wanted. He sat down and wrote several
letters. The first was to Chitta, in which he sent the photos with a request to prepare a forged
Indian passport in the name of Vincent Paul with an address in Dacca. He should also prepare
a fake letter under the Bishop of Dacca’s signature; this should be dated late December 1946.
This must be addressed to Father Vincent Paul, stamped, suitably postmarked and contain the
following text:
I hope this hurried letter reaches you before your departure from Calcutta. When you met
the Bishop of Singapore, ask him if he has any further information about Father O’Brien who
used to be the parish priest at St. John’s chapel in Seremban. His relations in Ireland are very
worried as they have not heard from him since the War ended.
I close wishing you a safe voyage to Ceylon and a fruitful discussion at the Seminar
which is being held in the Vatican Seminary, Kandy.
He requested Chitta to sent the passport and letter to Iyer as soon as possible. He
informed Chitta that he was planning to return clandestinely to India via Ceylon, some time
after May 1947. He would require a room to be booked for him in a small hotel in
Trincomalee. He would send him firm dates and further instruction in due course.
He next wrote to Iyer, telling him that he should book a sea passage on any convenient
freighter travelling from Singapore to Trincomalee after 7 February 1947 in the name of
Father Vincent Paul, S.J. As soon as he had a firm booking, he should send him and Chitta
the date and time of departure from Singapore and the expected time of arrival of the ship in
Trincomalee. He was planning to come to Singapore secretly. He would arrive there one day
before the scheduled time of departure of the ship. A room should be reserved for him in any
small hotel. He warned Iyer that he would soon receive a letter from Chitta containing a
passport in the name of Vincent Paul and a letter from the Bishop of Dacca. Bose was not
aware of the visa arrangements between India and Malaya after the war. If a visa was
necessary for entry, then Iyer must forge this on the passport when he receives this from
Chita, so that there was no hitch at the time of his departure.
**
On 20 November 1946, ignoring Jinnah’s objections, Wavell issued invitations for a
meeting of the Constituent Assembly on 9 December. Jinnah described this as a grave and
serious blunder, and accused the Viceroy of appeasing the Congress in blindness to the
realities of the situation. He called on Muslim Leaguers not to participate in the Constituent
Assembly and emphasised that the League still rejected the Cabinet Mission plan.
Wavell laid his problem before the Secretary of State, pressing the Home Government for
a decision. If they surrendered to the Congress point of view the result would be something
approaching civil war, threatening the break-up of the Indian Army, and chaos throughout
India. Faced with this grim and worsening picture, Wavell believed that a breakdown at the
Centre would be followed by widespread disorders for which the Raj would be blamed
because it would lack the power to control events. Under those circumstances he favoured a
phased withdrawal like a military retreat. Wavell’s assumed date for final withdrawal was
March 1948. The British government authorised the Viceroy to prepare secret plans for
withdrawal, varying with the different political contingencies. Meanwhile, the Secretary of
State felt that one more effort should be made to bring the major parties together. He felt that
76
this could best be done by inviting two representatives from each party to come to London to
discuss with His Majesty’s Government how best the Constituent Assembly could be made
effective. Wavell accepted this recommendation and issued invitations to both parties.
**
In end-November, Bose received a mail bag from Iyer in which there were letters from
Sarat and Chitta covering all that was happening in Delhi. Iyer wrote to confirm that a
passage had been booked for him on a British India Steam Navigation Company’s coastal
freighter, S.S. Providence. This would leave Singapore on the evening of 7 February, reach
Rangoon on 8 February, halt there for one day and depart on 10 February for Calcutta where
it will arrive on 11 February. It would halt there for one day and depart on 13 February to
reach Madras on 15 February. It would halt there for one day and depart for Trincomalee on
17 February and reach there on 18 February, where it would halt for a day. He further
confirmed that he had sent this schedule to Chitta, and had booked a room for Father Paul in
Hotel Metropole, Singapore, on 6 February.
Bose thanked Iyer and told him that he would require Rs 50,000 in cash when he reached
Singapore. One of his trusted men should meet Vincent Paul at the entrance to the Hotel at
6.30 a.m. on 6 February and hand over his documents and the money after the customary
exchange of identification. If it was safe to do so, Iyer should meet him at the Hotel later in
the day
Bose wrote to Shah Nawaz and Swami, sending them copies of S.S. Providence’s
schedule, and requesting Nawaz to contact Chitta to find out in which Hotel he would be
staying in Trincomalee. Nawaz should send three reliable ex-INA men, preferably one officer
and two NCOs., along with one of Swami’s wireless teams .to Trincomalee; all the men will
be unarmed. They should infiltrate secretly and establish a base in the jungles north west of
Trincomalee by 17 February 1947. One of them should contact him at his Hotel on 18
February using standard recognition and identification procedures.
In addition to this, Nawaz would organise five groups composed of INA men; these
would be infiltrated, 1500 men into Bengal, 1000 into Assam, 1000 into Bihar, 500 into
Orissa and 1000 into eastern UP. These five groups will break up into twos and threes and
move into every important village and urban centre in their allotted Provinces. This will be
done under advice and guidance of Chitta, whose underground organisations will establish
reception points at Patna, Lucknow, Bubhneshwar, Siliguri and Calcutta to despatch the
infiltrators to their required destinations. All these men will be unarmed and will reach their
respective destinations by end May the latest.
The role of the INA teams will be to simultaneously announce, at 7 a.m. on D Day 1947
that Netaji is alive. They will repeatedly explain that Netaji has no quarrel with the British or
any community; that he has not come to make war; that .Netaji’s aim is to preserve the unity
of India against a few misguided individuals who want to break up the country for selfish
reasons. INA teams must reassure the public and ensure that they should remain calm.
Citizens should be constantly reminded that their duty is to protect the property and lives of
British citizens, who are our guests now that they have decided to leave the country. Hindus
must safeguard the lives and property of Muslims, and vice versa. Chitta should prepare a
simple single sheet leaflet covering these points, and have these printed in all national
languages and scripts for distribution through Forward Block channels in every province on
D Day after 8 a.m. D Day will be notified by code word “Zinda”, which will be followed by a
date and time.
Bose instructed Swami to have three wireless teams deployed in Madras, Delhi and
Calcutta. These will keep in touch with the base station at Trincomalee on pre-arranged
schedules. The letters to Nawaz and Swami were unsigned but contained the torn halves of
77
the ace of spades and ace of hearts. A copy of these instructions was also addressed to Chitta.
These three letters were sent to Iyer for onward despatch
**
Jinnah and Nehru went to London but no agreement was reached at meetings that
stretched over four days from 2 December. Wavell stayed on after the failure of the talks,
while the others returned to India. On 9 December, the Constituent Assembly met in Delhi
without the Muslim League members. This meeting did not provoke any serious
demonstrations in the country. At the first session, Nehru moved the Objectives Resolution
which began:
This Constituent Assembly declares its firm and solemn resolve to proclaim India as an
independent sovereign republic and to draw up for her future governance a constitution.
**
In mid-December, Nora received a message asking her to come to headquarters in
London. This came as a welcome diversion from the gloomy Delhi scenario. There was the
added attraction of a spot of leave and chance to spend Christmas with friends in London, and
the New Year with Professor Townsend at Cambridge.
By this time, Atlee felt that Wavell had reached to end of his resources. His Simla
conference had failed. His formation of an Interim Government had not succeeded in
bringing the Congress and Muslim League together except as enemies in one house. He had
been reduced to submitting a plan for physical withdrawal and the turning over of
governmental power to provinces as they were successively abandoned. The London talks
had come to nothing. The Cabinet was also critical of Wavell’s personality in his Viceregal
post. Attlee doubted whether Wavell and Indian politicians “could really understand each
other”.
Attlee was convinced that there was need for a new policy and that a new policy called
for a new man. As he was later to write in his memoirs, “I thought very hard…and looked
around. And suddenly I had what I now think was an inspiration, I thought of Mountbatten.”
He discussed this with the Cabinet and all agreed that Mountbatten had the personality and
qualifications required. He was young, forty-six, with the drive and energy and ambition to
succeed. He was qualified negatively by never having been in politics nor committed himself
to any pubic position on Indian affairs; yet, positively, he had become a popular public figure
as Supreme Allied Commander, South East Asia, a post which had greatly enlarged his
contacts with India. His personal rapport with Nehru during a brief meeting in Singapore was
an added advantage.
Attlee first consulted the King and then talked secretly with Mountbatten on 18 December
1946, even whilst Wavell was in London. Mountbatten made it clear that up to his last
meeting with Wavell in Delhi in June he had entirely agreed with the Viceroy’s policy. The
Prime Minister accepted that it was not Wavell’s policy in the past that was in question, but
the hard fact that despite unremitting efforts it had broken down. The problem was now more
one of personality; the need for closer personal contacts with the Indian leaders was
paramount. Mountbatten neither accepted nor refused. He wanted, he said, to consult the
King, and to know what was the policy that he would be required to implement.
When Mountbatten met the King to discuss his likely appointment as Viceroy, he found
his Emperor favourably inclined to his appointment. He said, “Dicky, you know how I gave
my personal assurance to Mr. Jinnah, in 1942 that the Crown would never allow the Muslim
minority to be forced to accept any plan for India’s independence without their full and free
concurrence.” Mountbatten recalled his conversation with the King; he also guessed that it
was this Royal undertaking, which had restrained Wavell from “coercing” the Muslim
78
League to accept a fair and workable solution for a unified India in 1944 when all the cards
were against Jinnah. He assured his Sovereign that his personal undertaking to Jinnah would
be honoured.
At a subsequent meeting between the Prime Minister and Mountbatten, the latter raised
the question of laying down a time-limit for the transfer of power if his mission were not to
be hopelessly compromised with Indian opinion. A time-limit would shock the squabbling
Indian parties to their senses. Moreover, only thus could the element of ‘divide and rule” be
eliminated in framing of agreement among the parties and communities. But a time-limit had
always been repudiated by British authority, on two main grounds. Firstly, that it would
instantly cause a deterioration in the morale and effectiveness of government officials which
would grow worse and worse until government might collapse. Secondly, that it gave a bonus
to intransigent elements in India who could blackmail both the government and the majority,
as the time-limit ran out, in asking a steep price for their acquiescence in a new regime.
Mountbatten was convinced that there must be a firm date by which the British Raj would be
terminated; unless this was publicly announced, he could not accept the Viceroyalty.
79
Chapter 6
Sumatra to Ceylon
Nora reached London in the last week of December, whilst much discussion and
correspondence was taking place between Mountbatten and the Prime Minister on questions
of detail. On her first day in London, Sir Howard called Nora over to his office. The old man
was pleased as a punch. You have been a great hit with Jinnah, he confided to Nora. She
could see the pleasure he got out of the knowledge that his personal judgement had been
proved right. “But Jinnah is dying,” said Howard, “and if we have to succeed there is no
option but to accelerate our time-table for the India project.
The atmosphere at the MI-6 headquarters came as a surprise to Nora. She expected that
now that the war was over, there would be a relaxed atmosphere in London as well. But the
hustle-bustle and feverish pace of activity and the visible presence of a few Germans
wandering about freely in Intelligence corridors came as a shock to her. Howard said,
“Mercer and Kim Philby, our Russian desk director, will explain the situation in greater
detail, but in a nut-shell, we are at war! The enemy this time is the Soviet Union and
expansionist international communism.” Sir Howard could see the startled look on Nora's
face. He told her of the insurrection in Greece, occupation of Poland, Czechoslovakia and
attempts of the Soviet Union to annex Balkans. “We did not fight Hitler in order to gift
Europe to Stalin, did we?” he asked dramatically.. Nora understood that war or no war,
intelligence activities must go on. Howard directed her to Philby and Mercer for further
briefing.
Mercer, her immediate boss, introduced her to Kim Philby, a shy and charming man with
a slight stammer, who dealt with the Balkans and Eastern Europe. Philby, a compulsive flirt,
was instantly attracted by this dark eyed beauty. In order to win her attention, he evoked his
Cambridge association and friendship with Professor Townsend. But Nora brushed aside his
advances and Kim Philby gave her up as a bad bargain. Through him Nora learnt the
seriousness of the situation in Europe and the intensity of the cold war. Philby also told her
that in their new 'war' the Allies had recruited General Gelhen, the Nazi spy-master and his
entire outfit. “This explained the presence of the Germans in MI-6,” Nora thought.
After Kim’s background briefing, Mercer went on to tell her that Atlee, till then a firm
supporter of Indian unity, has now come to accept Churchill's view point that independent
India under the Fabian Socialist Nehru, was not likely to toe the Anglo-American line. The
West needed bases on the Southern fringe of Soviet Union. Peshawar in the North West of
India was vital from strategic point of view as a listening post on Soviet Central Asia. Nora
realised that the creation of Pakistan had now assumed an immediate relevance to Cold War
politics. Her goal to prevent this happening began to look even more difficult.
Mercer also told her that Wavell was too attached to the ideal of preserving the unity of
the Indian Army and the country. “He is too straight forward a soldier, and the PM is thinking
of replacing him with a 'politician sailor’ like Mountbatten. After the removal of Wavell, the
last obstacle in the path of Operation Akbar will be removed.”
After spending a quiet Christmas in London, Nora was able to get away and spend a few
days leave in the sylvan surroundings of Cambridge. She brought in the New Year 1947 in
the delightful company of the old Professor and his wife. Nora had many questions and
sought the answers from Professor Townsend. She said, “ ‘Islam in danger' has become the
virtual war-cry of Jinnah and the Muslim League.” She went on to ask, “How is it that the
80
large Indian Muslims community buys the argument put forward by Jinnah about their way of
life being in danger?”
The Professor was scathing in his reply. “It is a mere camouflage to hide the interests of
the feudal elements and hoodwink the simple, poor and ill-literate masses.” He went on to
explain that Islam had come to India’s western and eastern shores, long before the invasions
from Central Asia. Muslims and Islam flourished in the coastal parts of South India for
centuries. Not only Islam, but even Christianity came to South India with Saint Thomas the
Apostle, much before it reached Rome. The followers of Zoroashtra in tiny numbers have
been living in India unmolested for over a thousand years and so have the Jews. India does
not have a history of religious intolerance. The so-called danger to Islam is big lie. In fact, it
is the creation of Pakistan that will pose a problem to Muslims in India as the pull of religion
will forever tug at their heart strings while they remain in India. Nora could see the wisdom
of Townsend's arguments and became even more determined to pursue her goal. But silence
from Bose was deafening and she was now determined to again get in touch with him with a
final plea for action before it was too late.
On her return to Delhi in January, Nora wrote a third letter to Bose. After outlining the
contours of Cold War in Europe and the determination of the Anglo-Americans to have a
client state in Asia, she informed Bose about the impending appointment of Admiral
Mountbatten as Viceroy in place of Wavell and also mentioned British intelligence's
assessment of Jinnah's failing health.. “This is a sure sign that the issue is coming to a head
and you may not have much time beyond the first half of 1947.” She ended her letter with a
warning to Bose that time was running out and he must act or it will be too late. Nora
addressed the letter to Subash Bose and had this secretly delivered to Sarat for onward
transmission.
The next Saturday, while she danced with Major Robert Ford at the Delhi Gymkhana
Club, her mind was pre-occupied with the imagined journey of her letter to Bose. She
wondered where he could be hiding; she thought of Russia, Thailand or even on an
uninhabited island in Andamans. She gave up her futile guessing game and instead began
concentrating on her partner and the fox-trot. It was a delightful evening and she looked
forward to coming months of 1947, which were likely to be decisive months in the lives of
many on the sub-continent. Nora felt a tinge of pride that she was playing her own tiny role in
the making of history.
**
In the first week of January 1947, Bose received letters from Chitta and Sarat dutifully
reporting all that was happening. Reports of Wavell’s transparent sincerity and desire to
preserve the unity of India continued to impress him. Chitta, in his letter, added that he would
hereafter be sending important mail to his base in Trincomalee. Iyer wrote to say that this was
the last mail-bag he was sending. He confirmed that he had received Paul’s passport. An
entry visa was necessary for Indians entering Malaya. He was arranging for this to be
stamped on his passport to indicate that Father Paul entered Singapore on 4 February. If
questioned, which was unlikely, Paul should state that he departed from Calcutta on MV
Prome, a regular weekly service from Calcutta to Singapore via Rangoon. Paul should say
that he spent 4 February in discussions with officials at the Bishop’s office and departed for
Seremban on that evening. He returned from Seremban on 6 February and checked in at
Hotel Metropole. He confirmed that his man would meet Netaji at the entrance to Hotel
Metropole. to hand over his passport, money and other papers. Iyer confirmed that the ILL
office was no longer under British surveillance; he would come to meet Netaji later in the day
on 6 February.
Bose was now fully prepared for his move to India. Abdurahaman had confirmed that he
would arrange for his secret move by a fishing boat on the night of 5 February to enable him
81
to reach the fishing wharf at Singapore in the early hours of 6 February. A reliable guide
would accompany him and take him to Hotel Metropole at 6.30 a.m..
**
On 29 January 1947, at a Muslim League meeting in Karachi, a resolution was passed
denouncing the operations of the Constituent Assembly. It proclaimed that the Congress by
laying down various qualifications had completely nullified their so-called acceptance of the
British Government’s interpretation of the Cabinet Mission’s plan of 16 May 1946. It called
on the British Government to declare that the plan had failed and to dissolve the Constituent
Assembly.
On 5 February the Congress and minority members of the Interim Government wrote to
the Viceroy demanding the resignation of the League members. They observed that the
League had not only boycotted the Constituent Assembly but had now totally rejected the
Cabinet Mission plan and opted for a programme of direct action. How could the League be
committed to a programme of active opposition to the Government of which it formed a part?
Wavell sympathised with the view put to him by Liaqat Ali Khan that it was presumptuous of
the Congress, who had never genuinely accepted the Cabinet Mission plan, and the Sikhs,
who had flatly rejected it, to now demand the resignation of their Muslim League colleagues.
On 13 February, Nehru wrote to the Viceroy demanding immediate action on Muslim League
membership of the Government. This was followed by a public declaration by Sardar Patel
that if the Muslim League members were allowed to remain in the Interim Government the
Congress members would resign. Wavell found himself uncertain about what to do.
**
On 4 February, Alip organised a farewell dinner for Bose and arranged for a special
Indonesian meal; a rysttafil [rice table]. However, instead of the normal 20 different dishes,
the menu was restricted to only a few select items. Ziang opened two bottles of chilled Dutch
beer to celebrate the occasion.
During dinner, Alip talked about political events evolving in Indonesia. “It is surprising
how events in my country seem to be following the same course as events in India. In
October last year a military truce was signed between Sukarno and Van Mook and British
forces began pulling out.. Realising that the Republicans are too well-entrenched in Java and
Sumatra, Van Mook has accepted that partition of the Indies is inevitable. He has created a
new Dutch-sponsored State of Eastern Indonesia. He has offered to form a United States of
Indonesia. The two parts would be autonomous and work together with Netherland’s crown
as a symbolic head.”
Bose listened intently to all that his friend said and asked many questions. Alip turned to
Ziang and said, “Don’t you agree that our guest of honour has a sparkle in his eyes and is
looking twenty years younger. The thought of the new adventure facing Subhas on his arrival
in India seems to have rejuvenated him.”
“That is the advantage of being a bachelor,” responded Ziang. “Subhas, unlike both of us,
is not hostage to his wife and children.”
Bose looked wryly at his friends and said, “I’m sorry to disappoint both of you and
confess that I am a much married man.” Seeing the look of astonishment on their faces, he
went on, “I was married to an Austrian lady when I was in Germany, and am the father of a
girl who is a little over four years old. I have kept in touch with my wife throughout the past
four years. She is aware that I am alive. However she has no knowledge of my whereabouts
and future plans. ”
Ziang exclaimed, “But I was always under the impression that you had said that you
would never marry until your country was free of the British.”
“Ah! That was a statement concocted by my admiring followers. I didn’t bother to correct
that romantic impression. It did me a lot of good politically and saved me and the family from
82
being pestered by hundreds of prospective mothers-in-law who wanted to arrange for me to
marry their daughters.”
“For how long do you intend to keep your marriage a secret?” asked Alip.
“Only Sarat-da knows about this. And now the two of you know. I dar—“
Ziang interrupted him and asked, “But what will the public say? Won’t this create an
adverse public reaction to your leadership? Will you lose political influence and support?”
“Some day in the near future, I will have to face the public, and tell the truth when I bring
my wife and child to India. I’m not sure how the public will react; much will depend on the
circumstances prevailing at that time. I will deal with that issue when it arises. Now I must
give my whole attention to the immediate problems.”
During dinner, Alip saw Bose sipping his beer with obvious relish. He said, “So, Ziang
has made you break your ancient Hindu tradition and take to the bottle.”
“I’m not so sure if I have broken with any tradition. There was wisdom in the old Indian
scriptures. Our Gods drank and the Demons did not, which is why the latter were named
assuras or non-drinkers of sura, an ancient Indian liquor. Today, some Indians are busy
attempting to turn the old truths upside down by proclaiming that those who drink are
demons and the teetotallers are saints. Anyway, I’ve never had any hang ups about drinking,
either on religious or traditional grounds. I’m deeply grateful to Ziang for guiding me on the
civilizational aspect of wine-drinking.
After dinner Ziang proposed a toast and concluded with the ringing words, “Netaji, like
Lenin, is going back to his homeland without and army, but hopes to create ‘a revolution’ in
favour of unity. We wish him every success in his noble venture.” Bose replied thanking his
friends for their good wishes. He thanked Alip for sustaining him both morally and materially
over the past year and more. He specially thanked Ziang for his unstinting friendship and
spiritual support during his darkest periods of uncertainty. Alip jokingly said to Ziang,
“Subhas may not have an army, but he has a national flag and an anthem, and that is twothirds of the battle.”
Bose responded, “Unfortunately, India does not as yet have an accepted national flag.
Veer Savarkar and a group of socialists designed India’s first national flag in the early 20th
Century. This was a tri-coloured flag: green to represent boldness and enthusiasm, saffron for
victory, and red for strength. Embroidered on this were eight lotuses to represent the eight
provinces, and numerous flowers to represent the princely states. On the central saffron strip
the words vande mataram [salutation to mother India] were embroidered in the Dewanagari
script.”
“Was this the flag you adopted when you were in Germany and later in South East Asia?”
asked Ziang.
“No. In the early thirties, the Congress Party, which then functioned as an umbrella group
for the different political parties, which were fighting for independence, designed a new
tricolour: saffron, white and green to represent the Hindus [and Sikhs], minorities and
Muslims respectively. This was unofficially accepted as India’s national flag. The Congress
Party had a charka [spinning wheel] printed in blue on the white strip. While in Germany and
later in South East Asia, I adopted this tricolour, and had a ‘springing tiger’ motif printed on
the central stripe. Obviously that cannot become India’s eventual national flag. Perhaps the
decision is best left to the Constituent Assembly.”
Alip said, “Well, Subhas, you at least have your national anthem and that is one third of
the battle”
“No, Alip. I regret that I don’t even have that. I adopted Jana Gana Manna as Free India’s
anthem whilst in Germany. This song was composed by Ravindranath Tagore and the words
are in Bengali. Alas, I’m not a musical person. I chose this, not because I was pleased by the
melody but because it was the only patriotic tune I knew. I had first heard this being sung at
83
the Calcutta Congress Session in December 1911. Since it is in Bengali, the Indian Freedom
Forces who it was supposed to enthuse could not understand it. So, when I came to
Singapore, I kept the music and had the words translated into Hindustani. In the process of
translation the song lost its emotional force. Moreover, I have since been told that this was
first sung to welcome King George V and this, to my mind, should make it unacceptable as
an anthem. I have since come to the conclusion that the best choice for a future anthem would
be Sare jahan se achha, based on a poem by Iqbal. My army bandsmen in Singapore were
able to set this to stirring music. However, this would also be a decision for the Constituent
Assembly to make.”
“I suppose your recommendation would be acceptable to all,” said Ziang.
Bose shook his head and said, “How I wish that was so. If Hindu fanatics could have their
way they would want Vande Mataram as the national anthem.”
“You obviously don’t agree with that. Why?”
“It is reportedly a fine piece of music; it has a very haunting theme. It is ideal for a solo
performance by tearful young ladies, but it is not stirring stuff, and an anthem must have that
as one essential ingredient. Then again, the song is based on a verse written by Bankim
Chatterjee in a novel, which was critical of Muslim rule in Bengal. The verse is pointedly
anti-Muslim and could never be acceptable in a unified India.”
While dispersing that night, Alip shook Bose’s hand and said that he regretted he would
not be able to bid him farewell the next day as he had to go to Jarkata for urgent work. Bose
again thanked him for all he had done for him. When they were alone, Ziang said, “I have no
doubt that you will succeed in your plan to take over India. Though your main battles will be
fought on the domestic front, you must not underestimate the need to win international
opinion to your cause. Merely relying on goodwill from the Labour Party is not enough. You
have to explain your point of view to the Americans.”
“Yes, unfortunately we in India have been so involved with the British that we have
ignored the American angle entirely. I regret that today I don’t have a single influential
American who I can call my acquaintance, if not my friend.”
“Don’ let that worry you. I have a very good American business friend, Ted Bradford. He
and I were buddies in college, and later worked together in the same firm. He is a billionaire,
a supporter of the Democratic Party and a close personal friend of Harry Truman and most of
those in the Administration. I will write to Ted and tell him something about you and your
activities. I will give you one of my calling cards with a note to him written on it. Your
representative should take this with him when he introduces himself to Ted. He will find that
many doors will be opened for you.”
Bose thanked Ziang, who said, “India and China, over the centuries, have grown
accustomed to dealing with invaders and absorbing them culturally. We were past masters at
prevailing over our enemies, your Moghuls and our Mongols, by conquering the conquerors
through assimilation. But beware of the Americans. Their unrestricted ruthless approach to
pursuit of economic success and their display of an uninhibited cultural style can be a
formidable combination. Don’t underestimate their casual ways and their blatant display of
wealth. They are more dangerous because they will not come as conquerors but as friends.
Without even intending it, they will beguile your youth by their jazz, junk-food, jeans and
jargon.
Bose laughed and said, “Perhaps India needs a shake up on all those four cultural fronts.”
Before parting company for the night, Ziang said, “You must pick you first envoy to
America with care. For heaven’s sake don’t send them one of your stuffy compatriots who is
weighed down by his importance, ideological fancies and food fads. Try and choose a
successful liberal entrepreneur. He should get on well with both the Democrats and the
Republicans.”
84
Bose followed his usual quiet routine on 5 February. After an early supper followed by a
long conversation, Bose said that he would leave the house at midnight and did not want
Ziang to be disturbed. The two friends bid each other farewell. At midnight Abdurahman
came in the car and loaded Bose’s suitcase in the boot while he boarded the vehicle dressed
in his soutane. After a three-hour drive, the vehicle reached a small jetty where it halted. It
was a very dark night.
The passengers remained seated in the car while the driver opened the boot, removed the
suitcase and walked with it towards the small jetty. Abdurahaman explained that the distance
between the nearest Javanese territory and Singapore was under two kilometres. However
they were avoiding that place and had chosen a less frequented fishing village. It would take
about two hours for his boat to sail from here to Singapore to deliver the morning catch.
Shortly later the driver returned with a guide. No greeting or words were exchanged as
Abdurahman bid Bose farewell, and the guide led Bose to the sailing boat. He was taken
aboard and given a seat on a coil of rope.
The journey was uneventful. Bose dozed until 5 a.m. when he was given a hot cup of tea.
As the boat slowly made it way forward, Bose could see the outline of Singapore’s sea front.
They touched down at the fishing jetty at 6 a.m. Men who were waiting to unload the catch
were told to wait until Bose and his companion disembarked. No word was spoken while they
walked away from the jetty. Bose was dressed in his soutane and carried a breviary. The
guide, who was carrying his suitcase, told him that Hotel Metropole was about 800 metres
away. It would be wisest to walk to their destination. They reached the Hotel at a little before
6.30 a.m. An Indian intercepted them at the entrance and addressed Bose, “You must be
finding the weather in Singapore warm for this time of the year.” Bose replied, “Yes, it is
certainly warmer than Seremban.” The Indian handed over a large envelope to Bose and
walked away. Bose and his guide entered the Hotel, and approached the reception desk. A
sleepy individual checked his books and confirmed that a room was booked for Father
Vincent Paul. While Bose was entering his name in the register, the guide took his leave.
A bellboy lifted the suitcase and led Bose to his room on the first floor. Whilst tipping
him Bose told him that he wanted a pot of coffee, two hot toasts and two fried eggs brought
to the room within an hour. He then locked the room, and began examining the contents of
the envelope. He set aside the passport, letter from Bishop of Dacca and the ship’s ticket. He
emptied his suitcase, placed the cash in the concealed compartment and re-packed his
suitcase. He next read the letter from Chitta telling him that all arrangements were in hand. A
room had been booked for him in Trincomalee at Seaview Hotel on 18 January for three
days. This was within walking distance of the quay where his ship would dock. He next read
Iyer’s brief letter to tell him that he would come to his room at 3 p.m.
Bose undressed, had a quick bath and changed into a dhoti and vest. At 8 a.m. room
service brought him his breakfast. After this he lay in bed and fell asleep till 1 p.m. He rang
room service and asked for a simple vegetarian lunch to be to be delivered to his room. After
lunch he rested and waited for Iyer who knocked on his door at exactly 3 p.m. The two
friends were meeting after a lapse of over a year. Bose found Iyer looking very aged and
tired. Iyer saw a rejuvenated Netaji eager for another adventure.
Bose’s first concern was for Iyer’s health and the well-being of his family members. Iyer
confirmed that all was well. Bose enquired about his financial state. Iyer said that the bank
with which he had served as manager before the start of the War, had re-opened and he was
again employed as manager. The IIL’s accounts were in order. He had sold the treasure
which had been left in his custody. Cash balance with the IIL was a little under one lakh,
There was no income except from interest on this capital. However, there was no staff
employed, nor was any required; nor was any rent being paid for the single room office
which was a gift from an old patron. The second box of treasure was in the custody of Murti,
85
the Chairman of the Tokyo branch of the IIL. Iyer had advised him to sell this, credit the
proceeds into his IIL’s Tokyo account and send him a draft of the amount recovered. He was
anticipating this to be around two lakhs. After this was done, he was planning to advise Murti
to close down the Tokyo branch of the IIL. Bose approved of these decisions.
Bose and Iyer discussed his future plans in India. He spoke in general terms and did not
disclose Nora’s assessments. Iyer advised Netaji to travel the next day in a taxi when he went
to the quay to board his ship. He should reach the immigration office at the entrance to the
quay by 3 p.m. There would be a cursory check of his passport and ticket. The person dealing
with this is one of our men. He does not know who you are but he has been told to assist
Father Paul, and there will be no trouble. He hesitated and then said, “I was reluctant for you
to make this journey alone. SS Providence is a freighter and only has one cabin, which you
will be occupying. The Captain, an Englishman, is permitted to allow a few deck passengers.
I have arranged for one of our most trusted IIL stalwarts, Abdul Ghani, to travel as a deck
passenger.”
Bose was disturbed to learn this. “What happens to him when I reach Trincomalee?”
Iyer said, “Don’t be alarmed Netaji. He does not know your identity and has been told not
to contact you unless you are very unwell or need his assistance. He is belongs to Madras,
and is travelling on a valid passport. He will disembark at Madras and you will travel the last
leg of your journey alone.” There were tears in Iyer’s eyes when he wished Netaji goodbye.
The next day, Father Vincent Paul boarded his ship without any difficulty. He was
introduced to the Captain and had his first meal in the dining room with the ship’s officers.
The Captain told him that he could have his meals in his cabin if he so desired. Bose had the
whole of the small aft deck to himself. This suited Bose as he was able to walk to his heart’s
content, carry out his daily routine of meditation and introspection without any interruptions,
and spend the rest of the day reading the books that Iyer had brought for him. He did not
disembark at either Rangoon or Calcutta, though the Captain had urged him to go ashore to
stretch his legs. At Calcutta a parcel, from Chitta, was delivered to him. This was addressed
to Father Vincent Paul and contained books.
S.S. Providence reached Madras on schedule in the afternoon of 15 February. Bose saw
one deck passenger disembark. He presumed that this was Abdul Ghani. The journey to
Trincomalee had been uneventful except that Bose had felt a great urge to land on the Indian
soil while at Calcutta and then again at Madras. It was a case of being so near and yet so far.
But the ultimate purpose of his journey and need to keep his presence a secret, enabled him to
control his emotions.
On 18 February, Bose was standing on the deck with the ship’s Captain as SS Providence
neared Trincomalee. During the war, the port had become a virtual American city. Nowhere
was this more visible than in the outskirts of the harbour. As the ship moved towards the
docks, it passed by two large aircraft carriers and several battle cruisers, Dotted all over the
outer harbour Bose saw rows of look-alike 'Liberty' ships, all the product of America’s genius
at mass production. The Captain told him that this was a small detachment of the American
Pacific fleet. He realised what Japan had faced. ‘How could Tojo have underestimated this
nation and its capacity to produce copious quantities of war material,’ he wondered. The
American naval and maritime might displayed at Trincomalee harbour, half way across the
globe from mainland America, left a deep impression on Bose and reinforced his thinking
that if India was to survive British intrigues, he must enlist American support.
When SS Providence docked at Trincomalee, Bose disembarked without any difficulty.
He hired a porter to carry his suitcase to Seaview Hotel. After completing his reception
formalities, Bose was taken to his room. Trincomalee was a divided town. The areas close to
coast was called the Tamil quarter and the inland areas were designated as the Sinhala
quarter. Seaview Hotel was located in the Tamil quarter. Bose noticed the peace and
86
tranquillity of the place as compared with the destruction and scars of war visible at
Singapore. With nothing to do in the evening, Bose wondered off in the direction of the old
fort and the harbour and stood at the fringe of a group of tourist who were being taken around
by a guide. Not a conventionally religious person by inclination, he nevertheless listened with
interest to the guide recounting the history of the ancient fort and the Shiva temple that was
claimed to have been built by Ravana himself.
The next morning after breakfast, sitting by the window of his hotel, Bose thought about
his visit, the previous evening, to the temple and fort. “Is the legend of Rama a myth, as
claimed by the 'modern' Indian historians?” he wondered. “A myth that has survived at least
3000 years and is spread from India to Indonesia and Ceylon must contain at least some
element of truth. Am I a modern Rama going back from Lanka? But the ancient tale talked of
victory over a demon and then a march back, while for me the battles lie ahead. I am
reversing the Ramayan,” he chuckled to himself. He realised the pull that emotions have over
human affairs, a failing more common among the Indians. Outwardly he displayed a quiet
sense of peace. But his tranquil exterior hid the turmoil in his mind, as he pondered over the
challenges and difficulties of the road ahead.
Far too many people in India, including Nora, the enigmatic great grand daughter of
Tipoo Sultan, seemed to think that he could single handily achieve the impossible. Even as
the head of the INA and during the war, Bose had felt the burden of the expectations of his
followers. In some ways that was also the source of his strength. Turning philosophical, he
felt that the root of this 'hero worship' tendency amongst Indians, lay in the Bhagavat Gita
where the God promised that “whenever and wherever 'evil' engulfs the mankind, I will take
birth to destroy the evil and re-establish the 'Dharma', epoch after epoch.” Has this tendency
not led to the Indians forever looking for a Messiah? This belief, besides promoting hero
worship, has also made Indians neglect the aspect of team-work. Bose remembered a remark
by Hoffman in Germany, “Indians are great as individuals, but just do not seem to be able to
combine in a team.” Bose, who at that time was having much difficulty in sorting out the
affairs of the India League, tended to then agree with the German's observation.
. Bose realised how handicapped he was without his trusted INA colleagues. He found
that sitting alone in Seaview Hotel was taxing. His restless mind abhorred inaction.
Moreover, he was unhappy with the heavy military presence in Trincomalee; there were far
too many Military Police continually on the prowl for his comfort. There was always the
danger of being discovered. His musings were interrupted by a knock on his door. He opened
this to find a young man standing outside who said, “You must be finding the weather in
Trincomalee warm for this time of the year.” Bose replied, “Yes, it is certainly warmer than
Singapore.” He allowed the visitor to enter, and closed the door. Tejinder Singh, ex-captain
of the INA introduced himself and said, “Netaji, it is a proud—“ Bose interrupted him and
said, “You must only address me as Father Paul and never as Netaji.”
Bose asked his visitor to sit down, and Tejinder Singh conveyed greetings from Shah
Nawaz. On seeing this clean-shaven officer Bose asked, “What have you done to your beard
and turban? “ The Captain explained that he was advised to shave in order to be less
prominent. Bose took Teji to the window and pointed to two shops and several burly Sikhs
standing outside the entrances. ”Nawaz must know very little about these parts and the
Sikhs,” he quipped. “Possibly there may be no Sikhs on the moon,” Netaji joked, “but
everywhere else in world there will always be a Khalsa.”
Bose was glad to see Teji and remembered him as a man of many talents. He had proved
his bravery in Burma and was known as a 'handy-man' for anything mechanical or electrical,
a sort of mobile workshop. Bose realised that while Shah Nawaz may have been wrong about
the presence of Sikhs in Ceylon but her surely knew his INA men well.
87
Tejinder Singh handed over a packet of mail sent by Chitta. Bose was eagerly looking
forward to the news from India. Along with the usual newspaper cuttings, Sarat's assessment
of various events and a letter from his wife, there was a blue envelope addressed to him. This
was the third letter from Nora Harris and was dated 4 January 1947. The contents alarmed
him. The news of the imminent replacement of Wavell by a 'politician' Admiral, was
alarming. As opposed to blunt but honest Wavell, Mountbatten was far more dangerous.
From the role played by him in causing the Bengal famine of 1943, Bose knew that the
Admiral was a ruthless man with a deceptive charm. Bose reflected wryly that Congress
leaders, and specially Jawaharlal were likely to succumb to Mountbatten's guile. If Atlee
were to fall in line and agree, if not support, a division of India, the odds would become even
more formidable. Bose realised the urgency of action and could well appreciate the desperate
tone of Nora's letter. He immediately wrote a simple one liner to her, “ Thank you for your
letter. Will see you in Delhi. Keep in touch.” He addressed this to Felix Williamson at the
London and posted it in the letter-box outside the Hotel.
On 20 February, Teji took Bose to a small restaurant where he met the other two
members of his 'Praetorian Guard', Zuber Khan and Krishna, both top class infantry soldiers.
Bose enquired after their welfare and journey. From now on they and Captain Tejinder were
to be his constant companions. Teji told him that two wireless operators had also arrived and
were staying in town waiting for his instructions. Tejinder and his companions shared Bose’s
apprehensions about establishing themselves near a major naval base with continual danger
of an accidental discovery. Tejinder told him that Swami had made arrangements for him to
shift to a safe area close to Kankesanturai, a fishing harbour north of Jaffna city. Bose
immediately decided to move his base to the more secure area of Jaffna.
On 21 February, moving in separate groups, the HQ Hind, as Bose christened his outfit,
left for Jaffna. Bose with Teji travelled in a taxi to Anuradhpura while the while the wireless
operators with his two bodyguards went there by bus. The wireless set was concealed in a
box camouflaged with books and magazines. From the holy city of Anuradhpura, they
boarded a train to Jaffna. Teji and party, with the wireless operators went to Kankesanturai,
while Bose stayed in Jaffna town at the house of Anton Balasinghe who accepted Bose as
Father Vincent Paul, a friend of Swami. Bose was impressed with the thorough planning of
Swami and made a mental note to thank him for this. After the evening meal, the
conversation invariably turned to the turmoil in India and prospects for independence of
Ceylon.
During the course of the discussion, Anton mentioned that the Papal Seminary at Kandy
was facing great difficulties. This was news to Bose and he wanted to know more. Anton
explained that the Buddhist church in Ceylon is possibly the oldest order of Monks, having
been established in 300 BC. Over a period of time the idea that Ceylon is Dhammadipa
(island of the true belief), has taken deep roots. In essence it is the belief that the island of
Ceylon was destined by Buddha to be the repository of the true doctrine, where the sangha
and shasana would be firmly established and shine in glory. In the post-Ashokan period when
Buddhism was on decline in India, the idea gained further currency and Sinhala Buddhists in
Ceylon proclaimed that Buddha had foreseen all this and had chosen Ceylon and prepared it
to be Dhammadipa. From this basic idea, the journey to the concept of Sinhalas as a chosen
'race' with a mission was the logical outcome. It is this orthodoxy in an otherwise multicultural society that is causing all the problems. “Peace in this situation is going to elude the
Ceylonese for a long time to come,” Bose remarked.
Anton told Bose that the Seminary in Kandy is planning to shift to India, to a place called
Poona. He enquired from Bose as to how the situation in India was in regard to freedom of
faith, now that the British seemed likely to grant the country its independence. Bose
commented that in India the majority Hindus had a heterogeneous faith with no central
88
church and that acceptance of divergence on the issue of faith was regarded as both normal
and natural.
Bose realised how strong the language factor was in Ceylon. Tamil served as a common
bond. He noticed that in Jaffna, the Ceylonese tended to identify themselves as Tamils rather
than on any religious ground. Bose thought to himself that the problems plaguing Ceylon
were very similar to the one that faced India. But there was much more on his mind than the
problems of either the Catholic Church in Kandy or the communal problem in Ceylon. India
must lead by example, he felt. ‘What happens in India now, will influence events even in
Ceylon,’ he realised. This made him even more determined to succeed in his mission to
preserve the unity of India.
**
Meanwhile, in London, Atlee’s Ministers and Mountbatten continued their detailed
discussions on the future of India. It was only in mid-February that Mountbatten and the
Cabinet agreed on a final India-statement, which was announced on 20 February. This
contained two vital points:
His Majesty’s Government wish to make it clear that it is their definite intention to take
the necessary steps to effect the transference of power into responsible Indian hands by a date
not later than June 1948.
If it should appear that such a constitution [as proposed by the Cabinet Mission] will not
have been worked out by a fully representative Assembly before the time mentioned ...His
Majesty’s Government will have to consider to whom, the powers of the Central Government
in British India should be handed over, on the due date, whether as a whole to some form of
Central Government for British India or in some areas to the existing Provincial Government,
or in such other way as may seem most reasonable and in the best interests of the Indian
people.
This statement was debated in Parliament with the Opposition denouncing the new policy
“as an unjustifiable gamble”, and attacking it on several other grounds. However all were
agreed that the only alternative to the projected withdrawal plan would be to reinforce the
British presence in India, and that Britain did not have the power to do this. The Government
carried the day by a large majority. The second part of the statement made it clear that if the
Muslim League did not want a united India, it only had to play out time by making a fully
representative Constituent Assembly impossible, in order to oblige the British Government to
hand over power to two or more successors. It is odd that this vital point was not brought out
in the parliamentary debates on the statement.
Not only was Mountbatten party to the adoption and expression of the policy he was to
apply, he also insisted upon other conditions before he finally accepted the Viceroyalty. He
must be free to choose his own staff to go out with him, and that there must be no
departmental scrutiny of any honours he recommended on the termination of his Viceroyalty.
Both these requests were granted. Finally he demanded a condition without precedent; he
must have full powers to carry out the policy with which he was entrusted, without constant
reference to or interference by His Majesty’s Government in London.
“But you are asking to be above the Secretary of State!” exclaimed Cripps. “Exactly,”
said Mountbatten. “But,” said the Prime Minister, “the Secretary of State will only send you
instructions on behalf of the whole Cabinet. Surely you are asking for plenipotentiary power
above His Majesty’s Government.” “I am afraid I must insist.” Replied Mountbatten. “How
could I possibly negotiate with the Cabinet breathing down my neck?” He stood firm on his
demand, and finally Attlee and the Cabinet agreed also to this condition, which was of
indispensable value to the Viceroy in all his negotiations with the Indian leaders
89
**
The Island Times of 24 February had splashed the news of Atlee's momentous declaration
that the British will leave India by June 1948. The replacement of Lord Wavell as Viceroy of
India by Lord Louise Mountbatten was prominently displayed on the front page and the story
was date lined London, 21 February. Bose realised how well informed Nora was; she had
mentioned this impending event nearly two months ago. The announcement of date of British
withdrawal by June 1948 meant that Bose had well over a year to plan his moves. With the
preliminary work already done by Shah Nawaz, Chitta and Swami, he felt confident of
success. Tejinder reported that the wireless station was now operational in the jungles at
Kankesanturai on the outskirts of Jaffna.
Whilst in Burma, Bose had come to realise that one visit to the front line was worth
several thousand reports read in an office. Leadership by remote control was neither possible
nor desirable. He immediately sent a wireless message to Shah Nawaz announcing his
proposed visit to India to assess the situation personally. The response from Shah Nawaz was
guarded. He advised that Netaji’s impending move was premature. Bose could not share the
information about Operation Akbar nor could he disclose all that Nora had told him. He
confirmed his plan and reassured Nawaz that he intended to travel to obscure and small
places in disguise and take Teji with him.
Bose told Tejinder Singh that their party would split into two parts. The wireless base
would continue to remain at Kankesanturai, and would be reinforced by Zuber Khan and
Krishna. This base in Ceylon would serve as a fall back position. Bose and Teji would stay
together; their first call would be on the grand old revolutionary cum philosopher, Sri
Aurobindo in Pondicherry. Swami has already got in touch with his old friend and confidant,
Dilip Kumar Roy who was living at the Aurobindo ashram in Pondicherry. All arrangements
for Bose’s reception and stay had been made with characteristic Swami efficiency.
On 27 February Bose and Tejinder pondered over their travel plans, Teji put forward
several alternatives. Bose decided that he and Tejinder would travel by the steamer service.
He was by now quite confident that his disguise was working well. Moreover, he wanted to
avoid entering India via Rameshwaram, lest his journey from Lanka to India looked too much
like the re-tracing of the steps of Lord Ram! At this stage and in light of the battles ahead,
this was one thing that Bose wanted to avoid at all costs
Bose asked Teji to put this plan down in writing and send copies of this through their
courier to Chitta for distribution to Sarat, Shah Nawaz, with a request for Chitta to get in
touch with Nana Patil, Bose knew that Nana had a secret wireless station operating in Satara..
This could function as HQ Hind. Chitta should warn him about the setting up of HQ Hind.
The delay in receiving Nora's letters and the time it took for his replies to reach her by the
circuitous route via London troubled him. The value of her intelligence was already apparent.
With her at the MI-6, Bose had a virtual ringside view of the British decisions on India, an
advantage that could not be lost due to the delay. Bose wrote a separate letter to Sarat
requesting him to contact Nora and see if she could establish a direct wireless contact with
HQ Hind. at Satara. He advised Sarat to consult Swami and give Nora and Nana the
necessary frequencies and operating schedules. Nora’s station would be code-named 'Tiger'.
Having finalised their move plans, Bose thought deeply about one major dilemma facing
him. Should he contact Mahatma Gandhi, and if so, when? It was not his political differences
with the Mahatma that made him hesitate. He knew Bapu far too well and was sure that he
was a staunch opponent of any scheme for the division of India. Bose’s main worry was that
the Mahatma might well insist on the adoption of peaceful means and oppose Bose's
readiness to accept and fight a civil war. But getting Mahatma on his side was vital, possibly
even more important that getting the Indian Army on his side. It was essential that the tallest
90
Indian alive must be kept informed about his plans well in advance; any failure to do so may
well jeopardise any hope of Gandhi’s subsequent co-operation.
There were practical difficulties in communicating with Gandhi. Bose knew that Gandhi
was under a virtual round the clock surveillance by the British Intelligence. But he was sure
that Sarat would find a way out of this. . Bose sat down and composed a letter to Gandhi:
Dear Bapu,
First of all, by the grace of God and well wishes of countless Indians and your blessings, I
am alive.
In my last letter to you written from Singapore, I had clearly mentioned that since the
British were granting independence to India the mission of my life was achieved. I had also
explained that I realised how my presence in India would only complicate India's relations
with the victorious allies. I had no intention to return to India and face the humiliation of
becoming a British prisoner in Delhi. I therefore planned to go into exile and pursue my
spiritual quest.
But the situation has now changed. There seems to be an imminent danger of the break up
of our motherland. I have information from impeccable sources that while British authorities
keep verbally supporting Indian unity, a determined group of Imperialists and internal
secessionists are determined to break up India.
I intend to, if necessary, fight, to preserve the unity of our country. If we fail now the
future generations of Indians, both Hindus and Muslims, will be forever mired in un-ending
conflicts. I seek your blessings.
Initially I do not intend to disclose myself and would come out only when everything is
ready.
Jai United Hind,
Yours respectfully,
Subhas
Bose enclosed this letter with a note to Sarat telling him that it was very important to
deliver this letter secretly to the Mahatma. A courier with mail for Chitta, Sarat and Shah
Nawaz left Ceylon on the night of 27 February.
Bose decided to continue adopting the identity of Father Vincent Paul during his journey
to India. A soutane was stitched for Tejinder who was given the role of Brother George, his
assistant. Teji, being a product of St. Xavier's College, Bombay, was familiar with Jesuit
priests and their life-style. He needed no tutoring for his new role. The twosome embarked on
their journey to India on the last day of February.
91
Chapter 7
Return to India
The steamer carrying Bose and Tejinder left Kankesanturai at mid-day on 1 March
1947.and it was around dusk that the ship approached the Indian coastline. As the ship
dropped anchor about a mile away from the shore, small boats came to ferry disembarking
passengers. Bose was overcome with emotion. It was after nearly three years that he was
setting foot on Indian soil. Just as they were about to step ashore, he appeared to lose his
balance and stumble. He knelt on the shore. Tejinder Singh closely behind him immediately
came forward to offer Netaji a helping hand. Bose mumbled his thanks and waved him away.
Teji realised that Netaji had not a missed step and fallen. He had deliberately knelt down to
splash some salt water on his face and hide the tears that welled in his eyes. Later, while in a
train on their way to Pondichery, Bose attempted to explain what had happened on the
shoreline. He told Tejinder about the ancient Sanskrit prayer that his grandmother would say
every morning before she set foot on the ground. “ ‘Oh Vasundhara (Earth), the giver of life
to all, forgive me for I am about to set my foot on you.’ The soil of India is the most sacred to
me and I sought the blessings of the mother of all of us, mother earth, for the difficult mission
ahead of me.”
When the duo reached Aurobindo’s Ashram in Pondicherry, Bose introduced himself as
Father Vincent Paul from Dacca, and said that he wished to see Dilip Roy. The receptionist
disappeared into the sprawling single storied house and soon returned with Dilip Roy. It was
a moment of great emotion for Dilip Roy to see his friend after nearly eight years and that too
some one who was given up for dead. Both the men controlled their emotions and merely
shook hands. Bose introduced Brother George to Roy who asked the receptionist to take the
Brother to his allotted room. Roy took Bose with him and once inside Roy’s room, all
restraint was given up; the two men embraced each other and neither made an attempt to hide
their tears of joy.
Bose updated Roy on all that had happened since he left Saigon. The only bit of
information that he did not share with him was about Nora Harris. He however told him that
he had an impeccable source in British Intelligence and was well informed about their moves.
While the two old friends shared their news, Aurobindo sent a message that he was anxious
to meet Father Vincent. Sarat had informed Roy that Bose wished to remain incognito for the
time being. Care was taken to ensure that no third person was present during their meetings.
When Bose met Aurobindo, his first instinct was to touch the feet of the great master, but
Aurobindo would have none of it. He caught him halfway and embraced him. “You are the
hope and light of mother India. You bow to no one.
“Our actual enemy is not any force exterior to ourselves, but our own internal
weaknesses, our cowardice, our selfishness, our hypocrisy, our purblind sentimentalism."
And he added, "I say this of the Congress, that its aims are mistaken. Non-violence cannot be
at the expense of other values and at the cost of the unity of our country. In any case our
reluctance to confront the bullies by the use of limited force now may well end up in greater
misery and death for decades to come. Subhas, you are a modern Arjuna, and like him on the
battlefields of Kurukshetra, you are faced with a civil war. Would India have been better if
Arjuna had declined to fight and given in to the Kauravas? “
Bose agreed with Aurobindo and explained his problem. “Here am I, with one ex-INA
officer, in tenuous communication with my unarmed ex- INA men numbering not more than
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five thousand in all. Ranged against me is the might of the British Empire and some 80
million religiously misguided Muslims led by an obstinate Jinnah who is hell bent on
Pakistan. In addition to this there is a ninety-year legacy of 'divide and rule' that has poisoned
Indian minds.”
Roy agreed that the difficulties facing Bose were indeed formidable, “and they have
begun to look more so as during the last few years as Muslim sentiment has been aroused, not
so much by fanaticism, but by the arrogance of Congress leaders. Their cussedness in not
giving in even on small issues and an all-pervading fear complex that grips the Muslims of
India, is responsible for the present situation. This fear has two components, fear of majority
rule that can lead to the ousting of Islam from India, like in Spain where it was banished after
400 years with no trace. Muslims tend to equate survival of Islam with Muslim political rule.
At another level, Muslim intellectuals are worried about the peaceful 'absorption' of the
community by Hindus."
Bose expressed his view that a federal set up was the only answer for India and it will
also be in tune with the civilisational ethos of India. But all that had to perforce wait and the
immediate problem was to establish peace and retain national unity, even with force if
needed.
Aurobindo agreed that first things indeed came first but wondered if the promise of
regional autonomy and freedom for provinces could really wait. He felt that a clear
commitment on that score will take the wind out of Jinnah's sails. Emotional issues like the
'flag of Islam' also need to be tackled right at the beginning. He appreciated that the three
friends were in for a long session, and suggested that they eat a light dinner so that they could
then carry on an uninterrupted discussion. The others agreed and a thali dinner was served.
After dinner, Auurobindo set the discussion ball rolling by saying that one of the
dominant philosophical world-views in India is that the objects and thoughts or ideas in the
universe can be divided into three Gunas or attributes; Sat (moral and righteous), Raj
(material) and Tam (literally meaning darkness but pointing to the undesirable attributes of
aggression , violence and other animal instincts).These are not water tight categories, many,
including man are said to have these three attributes in varying degrees . Thus reality of
world is never black or white but complex. This is at the base of celebrated Indian tolerance.
Bose said that tolerance had a wider connotation. Since divinity is all pervading and
universal, Indian philosophers have always accepted that there can be several paths to the
realisation of God or the ultimate truth. We have 330 million Gods. Thus diversity in
religious belief is accepted by Hindus as normal and natural, and not merely tolerated. From
this basic acceptance of diversity springs the 'tolerance' that Indians seem to have in such
abundance.
Roy said that Indians accept that the main function of the state is to uphold Dharma,
which in this context is been defined not as religion but one's duty in life. This is in direct
contrast with the Western view that sees the state as a necessity to control and regulate the
competition between men. Contentment is the ultimate goal that leads to happiness is the
Indian view. While in the materialist concept of West, constant progress is the goal. There is
no room for self satisfaction and constant striving for bigger, better, and deadlier is rational. It
is possibly this factor of rationality that saw the West emerge dominant in the world from
16th century onwards. In philosophical terms the Western goal is conquest of nature. Human
existence is thus a constant struggle either with the nature or with other human beings. In
contrast to this, the Eastern ideal is co-existence with nature. Once the conflict model is
adopted then violence either against nature or another of the species is inevitable.
Aurobindo intervened to say that today the 'old ' world civilisations like that of India and
China face a dilemma. While the society has given up the old concept of Dharma or the goal
of contentment, the leadership appears to be having a hangover of the past. If Indians desire
93
the fruits of 'progress', then the next logical step is to accept the Western view of rationality
and also Western structures of state. A structure in which conflict is inevitable and has to be
controlled with force has to be adopted once Western notions of progress are accepted. This
basic issue has ramifications for both internal as well as for external relations. It is our
inability to see this clearly that is at the root of current intellectual confusion that makes
Indian leaders dither on the issue of being ready to face a civil war to maintain its unity.
Bose said that an Indian state founded on universal principles and having a system that
grants every citizen fundamental rights without discrimination, automatically enjoys a
legitimacy that is not available to racist, theocratic or ideology based dictatorships. The core
values of the state have to be such as to appeal to not only the majority but also to the tiniest
minority group. Universal Humanism has to be the basis of these core values. The supreme
reason for which India exists is to preserve and further the core values: primacy of moral
sense of life both individual as well as collective; defence of objects of reverence, both
mundane as well as abstract beliefs, which shape our perceptions; the promotion ,creation and
preservation of an environment for the growth of an individual to attain excellence without
boundaries.
Roy agreed with Bose and said, “Core values may be summarised as the fostering of coexistence, between man and man, between man and nature within the nation, region and the
world. Co-existence and acceptance of diversity is not a strategy but an enduring principle.”
“Exactly,” said Aurobindo.and added that merely having universal core values or an
equitable constitutional law will not suffice. The legitimacy must also be based on the 'reality'
of how we behave. “An India based on universally accepted principles with a strong sense of
legitimacy must ensure that that it creates a judicial system that asserts its authority when
laws are broken. Such a state has the full right to use force against minorities intent on
separation, even though the separatists may have majority support in a given geographical
area.”
It was nearly 3 A. M. in the morning when the three friends parted company and finally
went to bed. This initial discussion with Sri Aurobindo and Roy had cleared Bose’s mind of
lingering doubts that he had about his mission. ‘The theoretical moral aspects were now clear.
But the more difficult part of putting this into practice lay ahead,’ thought Bose. A soothing
breeze from Bay of Bengal reduced the oppressive heat as he drifted off to sleep.
Bose was at peace in the Ashram. He longed for the life of meditation and a tinge of envy
touched his mind when he saw the peace and serenity on Sri Aurobindo's face. Reading his
mind, the seer said, “The life of a recluse was not for you, not yet! You have a job to do and
India needs you at this hour of peril.”
During the days, which followed, Sri Aurobindo listened closely while Bose explained in
detail his plan for the peaceful “take over” of eastern India. He agreed that shock tactics, his
plan to protect the British and foster peace and communal harmony would disarm the
authorities. They would find no excuse to arrest him for subversive activities. He advised
Bose to get in touch with Maulana Mawdudi, a young Islamic scholar at Deoband. “Mawdudi
is opposed to the concept of Pakistan because he believes that this would go against the
universalist principles of Islam. He may well be of great help to you to sway Muslim opinion
in your favour”
There was one last matter on which Bose sought Aurobindo’s advice “The issue of
depressed classes, their uplift and their political role is extremely important. I know that
Mahatma has been doing some great work on this but knowing the British, I am sure they will
use their usual divide and rule and make things difficult for India.”
Aurobindo sighed and began in a low voice, 'Subhas, it is easy to blame the British for all
our ills, but untouchability is the greatest curse of Hinduism. I agree that unless the depressed
classes get a position of honour in free India, we can never be strong or even remain
94
independent long. Unfortunately, all the efforts at eradicating this evil from Hindu society
have been the work of 'modernists' or reformers. The religious hierarchy has remained aloof
from it. Mere laws or social reforms will not change the status of the Harijans, you will have
to bring in a religious revolution. Until that happens you must get the tallest Harijan leader,
Dr. Bhmirao Ambedkar on your side. Meanwhile, I will get in touch with the Shakaracharya
of Kamkoti, Jayendra Sarswati, and ask him to work on this. The problem is that in an 'unorganised' faith like Hinduism there is no way one can issue a Papal Bull to end retrograde
practices.”
**
Sarat received his brother’s letters while he was in Calcutta. His immediate reaction was
to deliver the letter to Gandhi himself. But he wisely gave up that idea. His thoughts shifted
to industrialist Seth Ghanashyam Das Birla. This doyen of Calcutta was a close confidant of
Gandhi. Sarat made his way to the imposing Birla House near the Esplanade and met Sethji
with a request to deliver a letter to Mahatma. He insisted that it was extremely necessary that
only the Mahatma should see it and no one else. GD did not ask any questions. “Your task
will be done. I will send it through an angadiya, and rest assured it will reach Gandhiji. and
no one else.”
Angadiya is a term used for a caste in Gujerat who are traditional couriers. For thousands
of years this community has been used by Indian businessmen as a secure means of
transporting money, gold and other valuables. Angadiyas have been known to defend their
'mail' even at the cost of their lives. Absolute trust was their hallmark and Birla was confident
that the letter given to him by Sarat would reach Gandhi. He entrusted the letter to
Mansukhbhai and briefed him on where to deliver it.
Mansukhbhai boarded the Bombay Mail at Howrah. The next evening he got down at the
dusty town of Wardha in Central Province, the seat of Gandhiji's ashram. This spartan ashram
kept an open house for visitors and no one including the special branch detectives keeping an
eye on the ashram paid much attention to Mansukhbhai. Every morning Gandhi began his
day by personally milking his goats at 3 A.M. Even the ever-vigilant Special Branch 'shadow'
did not bother him at that time. Mansukhbhai realised that this was the best time to catch the
Mahatma alone. So the next morning, as the Mahatma was moving towards the goat shed,
Mansukhbhai quietly approached the great man. “I have a letter for you from Sethji,” he
whispered in Gujerati. The Mahatma peered at him with a questioning stare. Mansukh was
tongue tied in the presence of the great man and managed to blurt out that he was an angadiya
sent by Seth Ghanashyam Das. Gandhi understood that this must be an important mission and
wondered what Mansukh was carrying. He waited patiently as the angadiya removed a small
envelop from the folds of his kurta and handed this to the Mahatma. Gathering courage, he
told Gandhiji that he had strict instructions that it was to be delivered to him personally.
“You have done your job, and please thank Sethji,” said the Mahatma. Mansukhbhai was
overwhelmed at this meeting with the great man and bent to touch his feet. Gandhi gave him
his famous childlike smile and asked him his name. Mansukhbhai answered and Gandhi said,
“Mansukhbhai, it is I who should be touching your feet. You have been true to your Dharma
as an angadiya. How I wish that other Indians were also as true to their duty.” Mansukhbhai
remembered every word that was said to him. On his return to Calcutta, he told and re-told
the story to his awe struck family so many times that even his grand children knew it by
heart.
Back in his ashram, Gandhi tucked the envelop in his dhoti and continued with the task of
milking the goats. The job done, he returned to his room and began to read the letter in the
dim light of a kerosene lamp. As was his habit, he first glanced down to read the name of the
sender. “Subhas” he was puzzled. When he read the first line he could not believe his eyes.
Subhas was alive. He eagerly went through the entire letter. His first reaction was that of
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immense relief. ‘God is with India,’ thought the Mahatma. ‘With Subhas alive there is still
hope to preserve India.’ He could sense the doubt in Bose's mind about his reaction to war
and violence. ‘Even Subhas has not understood me,’ he thought to himself. After reading the
letter a second time he burnt it. So Churchill is up to his tricks thought the Mahatma. But
what about Atlee, is he so powerless? Many thoughts crowded his mind and for the first time
in thirty years he told Abha and Sushila, his girl companions for the morning walk, that today
he wished to stay in the ashram and they should go alone for their walk. 'I will see you at the
prayer meeting,' he said cheerfully.
On return from her walk, Abha noticed that instead of his usual one glass of goat milk,
that day he had drunk two. “'Bapu, has finished our share.” she exclaimed. . “Even a
Mahatma has a right to feel happy and over-eat sometimes,” quipped Gandhi with a twinkle
in his eye. Gandhi was surprised to see that the girls had come back so soon from their walk.
On enquiry he found that they had cut short their routine as a few ruffians on a street corner
passed obscene remarks. Gandhji was furious. “Why did you not slap those rascals?” he
demanded. “But Bapu, we were afraid of them and anyway, that would have been a display
of violence!” said Abha, his grand-daughter. “I will any day prefer violence to cowardice.
Non violence out of fear is worse than violence,” replied the Mahatma.
That day, on 5 March, at his daily prayer meeting, Gandhi talked about his doctrine of
non-violence. “Non violence of the strong is what I have advocated all my life. A true
Satyagra' abjures violence not because he is incapable of it or he is afraid of it. That I class as
impotence or cowardice. I would rather prefer violence to cowardice. Non-violence is my
personal creed because I am not afraid of violence or death and despite my age, quite capable
of it physically. If, under the cloak of non-violence, Indians today bow to bullies and
aggression that attitude is in total negation of my philosophy, they are not my followers and I
am ashamed of them.”
A large number of journalists who were present were astonished to hear this statement..
Norman Shirer, wrote for Chicago Tribune that Gandhi was inconsistent and seemed to be
advocating violence. The Times of India, Hindu and other newspapers splashed the utterances
of Gandhi in their headlines. MAHATMA PREFERS VIOLENCE TO COWARDICE wrote
the Times of India while the Hindu in its editorial saw this as a call to the Congress to be
ready to fight a civil war should the need arise.
When Bose saw the newspapers of 6 March he realised that his letter had reached the
Mahatma and was happy that his views had apparently gained Gandhi’s acceptance. This was
the best news that he had received for a long long time.
**
On 9 March, Bose told Auribondo and Dilip Roy the details of his plan to make a sudden
dramatic appearance in Calcutta. His agents and Chitta’s men in Bengal and Eastern India
would announce his presence simultaneously in every village and town at that time on that
day. Leaflets would also be distributed throughout India in every national language to explain
that the people must keep the peace, protect the lives of British citizens and minorities, and
ensure communal harmony. His aim was to effect a non-violent psychological ‘take over’ of
Eastern India. This would disarm the authorities, display his ability to maintain law and order
and give the British no opportunity to accuse him of indulging in subversive activities. His
next step would be to win legitimacy in the interim government and gain the loyalty of the
unified armed forces.
Bose regretted that he had no clandestine organisation in Madras province, which could
carry out what Chitta and his agents were planning to do in Eastern India. Dilip Roy
suggested that Bose got in touch with the Prime Minister of Madras province, Chakravarty
Rajgopalachari. Bose knew CR well and had a high regard for his administrative abilities and
clear thinking. But CR was a Government official and Bose was uncertain of his influence at
96
grass-root levels. Aurobindo suggested the name of K. Kamraj the grass-root strongman of
Madras; unfortunately he only spoke Tamil and one has to deal with him through an
interpreter.
Dilip agreed with Aurobindo’s choice. Bose asked Roy to function as his emissary and
contact Kamraj and win his support for Bose’s plan. Roy agreed but was instructed to do
nothing for the present. Once Bose made up his mind on the likely date and time of his
appearance, he would pass on this information by wireless to the base in Madras, which
would contact Dilip. Roy should only then get in touch with Rajaji to enlist his tacit support.
and brief. Kamraj who would have enough time to activate his network. Having tied up this
last loose end, Bose felt happy that his Pondecherry visit has been fruitful.
The next day Bose bid goodbye to Sri Aurobindo and Dilip Roy. Before leaving he told
them that his next destination was Bombay province where there was a very strong
underground network. Nana Patil had been informed of the date and time of their arrival.
Whilst there he also hoped to meet other prominent leaders to win their support.
As the taxi in which Bose and Teji were travelling left Pondicherry and approached the
border of British India, they had to stop and enter their particulars at a check post. Bose told
Teji not to use their assumed names but instead enter the false names of Father John
Fernandes and Brother Joseph. Once back in the taxi, Bose told Teji how on 1944, through
the simple device of installing an INA agent at a check post at Dimapur, he had managed to
get the entire order of battle of the British Army in Assam. “Indians, or for that matter most
human beings, are not security minded. You keep a register at a most innocuous place and
ask people to fill up the columns :’From and To’ and their unit and address, and you will be
surprised how no body will think twice before complying with the request. Intelligence
information that other wise would have been impossible to get, will fall into your lap.' Teji
confessed that while entering Pondicherry, he had unwittingly put down all that information
at the check post. . There was little they could do to rectify that security lapse.
Teji had a confirmed booking of one First Class berth for Netaji and an attendant’s berth
for himself on the Bombay Mail. It was rare for Indians to travel first class and Teji was
hoping that Netaji would not have to share a compartment with others. At Madras railway
station Teji explained to the station staff that Father Vincent was a heart patient and requested
that he be given a two-berth compartment to himself. An apologetic Ticket Examiner
explained that all the seats were booked. He however told Teji that Father Vincent’s
reservation in a four-berth compartment was assured; he would have to share the
compartment with an Indian army officer and his family. Bose was relieved when he was told
that his travel companion was not an Englishman.. Teji was accommodated in an attendant's
coach adjacent to the first class compartment. Satisfied with the arrangements, the duo went
to the waiting train.
The platform alongside their bogie was crowded with soldiers of the Assam Regiment.
Bose stayed back while Teji got his luggage loaded. He returned to where Bose was standing,
a discreet distance away from the crowd, and told him that his travel companion was
Lieutenant Colonel Ayub Khan and his family. The soldiers had gathered there, with the
regimental pipe band playing, in honour of the Colonel who was moving on a permanent
transfer. Bose was impressed to see the high degree of rapport prevailing between the
Assamese soldiers and this handsome Pathan officer. As the final whistle was blown and the
signal turned green, Bose and the burly Pathan finally got in to the compartment and joined
his wife and young son, Gauhar. Bose could see the Colonel quickly wiping his eyes. Many
of the soldiers on the platform also had tears in their eyes as they bid farewell to their CO
Saihib. "Tagda Raho" (Remain strong), the regimental battle cry rent the air as the Bombay
Mail chugged out of Madras.
97
“Thank God there is no Angrez (Englishman) in the compartment,”' said the burly
Colonel as he pumped Father Vincent's hand. When preliminary introductions were over, the
passengers settled down. Colonel Ayub Khan was still on a trip of nostalgia. He told Father
Vincent what wonderful troops his Assamese boys were. “Their loyalty and devotion were
unmatched in the world,” he said with a pride.
“It must be really heartbreaking for you to leave your regiment,” Bose commented. Ayub
Khan sighed and told Bose that he had no choice. He was not leaving his regiment; but was
merely moving from regimental command to a staff appointment, a normal process in an
officer’s career. He was being assigned to a formation that was located in Rawalpindi, an area
that might someday go to Pakistan.
“So you think Pakistan will be a reality?” asked Bose.
“Regrettably yes,” replied Ayub. “Though I am a Muslim from the Frontier, I doubt if my
posting to Rawalpindi is directly connected with the creation of Pakistan. But there are
rumours that the movement of Muslim officers from battalions that are predominantly
composed of non-Muslim troops to units, which are predominantly Muslim is likely to take
place very shortly. When that happens, I suppose Hindu officers will also have to move in the
reverse direction. But you are from Dacca, Father, and you will automatically become a
Pakistani,” Ayub said laughing aloud. “There is already a queue of carpetbaggers and
careerists preparing to jump on the Pakistani bandwagon. How I wish that there was a strong
leader to stop this madness and keep India united.”
“Why do you consider the creation of Pakistan a mad event?” asked Bose Ayub went on
to explain, “If Pakistan was created, the biggest sufferers will be Muslims. Divided families,
divided loyalties and uprooting from our birth place is going to be our fate.” He told Bose
that a close relation of his was a film star in Bombay “ Do you think he is ever going to
emigrate? Instead of the wider canvas of a big nation we will be opting for a small pond and
be a frog in a well?” Ayub said in a tone of resignation.
The news that the process of posting select Muslim officers out of regiments composed of
Hindus to ones predominantly composed of Muslims was already being discussed came as a
surprise to Bose. It seemed the events were moving faster than he thought. He felt happy to
know that here was a senior Muslim military officer with a nationalistic outlook. Bose made a
mental note of his name and decided that at the earliest opportunity after he came over
ground, he must renew contact with Ayub Khan. As the night wore on he bid good night to
the Khan family. “I get down at Poona station, which we will come at unearthly hour. So here
is good bye and god speed. Inshallah, we will meet soon. Colonel, you have a bright future
ahead of you, may the Lord help you.”
Ayub Khan wished Vincent goodnight and drifted off to sleep. He however wondered
why this Catholic priest seemed so certain that they were going to meet. “Must be the way
priests make their farewells,” thought Ayub while he dozed off to sleep. Next morning when
he woke up, he noticed the empty berth and realised that Father Vincent must have got down
at Poona. As the train neared Bombay, the family began gathering their luggage together and
Ayub again kept wondering what the Priest meant when he said that they would meet very
soon.
**
At Poona station, Bose was touched to find Achut Patwardhan at the platform to receive
him. Achut greeted Father Vincent formally and was introduced to Brother George. He led
them to the exit where two Tongas ( one-horse carriages) were waiting. As they were walking
out, Bose bumped into two young priests, Fathers Schock and Oesch, who had also arrived by
the same train. They introduced themselves as Jesuits teaching at St. Vincent’s School
located in the cantonment area. They asked Bose if he was also planning to stay at the
School’s Jesuit House. There was an awkward silence till Patwardhan said "Father Vincent
98
and Brother George are only halting for one night an their way to Bombay. Their stay has
already been arranged at my home in the city."
Bose realised the pitfalls of a disguise as a priest and decided to change his identity to a
less conspicuous one. The party of three left Poona station in two tongas. After going some
distance towards the centre of the city, the tongas changed direction and took a road leading
to the outskirts. Passing by the agricultural college and its lush fields, they went towards
Pashan village. After nearly an hour's ride, they arrived at an old wada (a traditional
mansion). This was a typical building with stone walls surrounding several rooms, fringed by
a verandah. Patwardhan explained that the wada belonged to the ruler of Aundh and was a
safe place.
Once inside the mansion, Achut Patwardhan embraced Bose and warmly greeted him. “I
could not believe my ears when I heard the news from Nana that you are alive. It is indeed
our good fortune that we have you to lead us during these difficult times.” Reflecting on the
heady days of 1942, he said, “Though the Quit India resolution was passed on August 8 and
was described by Gandhiji as the last fight for India's freedom, details of the programme were
not specified. Congress workers had to take independent decisions after the arrest of their
leaders. K V Upadhye, a typist for the British police, came to know that the government was
going to arrest all national leaders, so he rushed to the venue of the meeting. Myself,
Diwakar, Karmarkar, Hekerikar and Nana Patil escaped arrest by going underground. Others
were not so lucky,'' he reminisced.
He told Bose that Usha Mehta, Yusuf Meherally and many others have been running an
underground network, and successfully evading the police. Bose was glad that he had a
ready-made communication chain to implement his plan. Patwardhan suggested that they
move to Satara, a small town south of Poona. It is a stronghold of Nana Patil who operates a
clandestine wireless station, which is now in touch with your wireless net. After his
experience at the railway station, Bose decided to alter his identity and assume the role of
Amanullah Khan, a lawyer from Bombay. He asked Tejinder to revert to his Sikh identity.
Bose requested Achut Patwardhan to arrange for suitable clothes, visiting cards and letter
heads.
The next day Bose shaved off his beard but kept the moustache. To add variety to his
disguise, Patwardhan procured a special denture attachment that made Bose's lower front
teeth protrude a little. The effect was stunning. Teji was happy to revert to his turban and
beard, and frankly confided to Netaji that without this he felt almost naked. Bose was amused
and realised how much the external symbols of identity meant to Teji. “Many of the earlier
Sikh gurus, like Guru Hargovind, were clean shaven. Were you any less Sikh without the
turban and beard?” he asked Tejinder. Teji had no real answer but mumbled something to the
effect that wearing a turban was a habit and a re-assurance of his identity.
The next day, Patwardhan took Amanullah Khan and Teji to visit Shaniwar-wada, the
ancient seat of Maratha power and showed them the ruins of Shivaji's palace, the Lal Mahal.
Bose was a great admirer of the Maratha warrior. and had used Shivaji as his inspiration
when he escaped from house arrest in 1941. He knew how the rise of the Marathas had lit the
fires of Indian nationalism in the early 17th century. Shivaji was the first Indian to have an all
India vision after nearly a thousand years of internecine squabbles and wars. The slogan of
Swaraj or self rule was first raised by Shivaji. He called it Hindavi Swarajya [self rule] for the
entire country. Fired by this heady slogan, Maratha power expanded right up to the banks of
the Sutlej in the west and the Ganga to the east. Shivaji in a sense can well be called the
father of Indian nationalism.
Achut Patwardhan, a student of history and also an admirer of Shivaji, emphasised that
far from being a Hindu fanatic Shivaji, whilst opposing tyrannical Muslim rulers always
respected Islam and the sentiments of his Muslim subjects. Numerous Muslims served in
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important positions in his army, including his Chief of Artillery. In essence, he and the
Marathas under him practised those secular ideals, which we want to build for 20th century
India.
Achut told Bose how even Kafi Khan, the Mughal court historian who had rejoiced "that
the Kafir has gone to hell", when Shivaji died, admitted that Shivaji treated the Quran Sharif
with respect and never desecrated mosques
Bose was eagerly looked forward to his meeting with intellectuals in Bombay. But Achut
Patwardhan insisted he visit Satara first and meet Nana. He should go to Bombay only after
receiving a green signal from the network that it was safe for him to visit the city. Bose
agreed and told Patwardhan that he left the planning of his programme entirely in his hands.
**
Nora had received Felix Williamson’s letter towards the end of February. Netaji’s cryptic
message of seeing her in Delhi pleased her. . Having spent two years in Delhi, she was rather
getting to like the place.. The glorious Indian winter, with clear skies and mild temperatures,
was in sharp contrast to the murky and gloomy English winter. Besides all this was also the
matter of her heart and Robert. While still not committed, Nora had begun to feel that the
cerebral American was her prince charming.
Nora had a passion for physical fitness and it was her routine to jog early in the morning
from her Queens barracks apartment to India Gate, and do some stretching exercises on the
lawns flanking the World War I memorial. It was a routine that she seldom missed. Over the
past two years she had developed a nodding acquaintance with other 'regulars' on their
morning constitutionals. On 7 March, as she neared the end of her home run on a slow
jogging trot, she heard foot-steps closing in on to her. Her training and instinct took over and
she slowed down to let the person pass. Instead of going past her the individual, a young Sikh
with a white patka, wished her “good morning” and before she could reply, thrust a little
envelop in her hands. Even before she could see his face, the person increased his speed and
vanished in the morning mist. Nora noticed that there was not another soul in sight and her
contact had carefully chosen a correct moment. Nora pocketed the envelop and continued on
her morning routine.
Back in the seclusion of her room, Nora opened the letter, which was from Sarat. He said
that Subhas would appreciate it if she could open wireless communication with him to save
time; he gave her frequencies and schedules of the INA wireless net and her code name
'Tiger'. Nora saw the practical advantages of the proposal and planned to get a wireless set for
herself.
In a lucky break, a letter arrived soon after this from London, promoting her to be the
Bureau Chief of MI-6, Special Operations. This entitled her to a bungalow. Nora was
delighted when she moved into a spacious colonial style house in Delhi Cantonment on Mall
Road. With its three bedrooms, huge open garden surrounded by tall tamarind and neem
trees, she felt as if she was living in a miniature forest. Her departure from Queens Barrack
had sent most of the bachelor fraternity into temporary mourning. Some of her colleagues
were worried because she was living alone. But with three servants and their families living
on the premises Nora never felt isolated. With her well-known expertise in wireless
communications, nobody raised an eyebrow when Nora approached the Signal Directorate for
a licence to operate as a Ham and with a request for a wireless set from the army’s surplus. In
peace-time Delhi, Nora knew that there was no radio monitoring. She set up her wireless
station in the backyard with an aerial hanging from the tall tries in her compound. Her status
as a Ham soon got well established
**
While Patwardhan made preparations for their move to Satara, he and Bose continued to
discuss the history of Maharashtra. Bose could see that the city of Poona was surrounded by
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hills. He was able to understand how Shivaji had used geography to his advantage. In 1664
when a huge Mughal army had occupied Poona, Shivaji had to flee to the mountain fort of
Sinhagad due west of the city. But one night in a daring raid, with just 40 chosen followers,
he entered the city in disguise and attacked the headquarters of the strong Mughal army.
Having killed nearly twenty Generals and wounded the chieftain Shahiste Khan. Shivaji
escaped to Sinhagad. According to a pre-arranged plan, Shivaji’s followers lit torches on the
Katraj hills to the south of Poona. The Mughal army that was hastily assembled after this
shock attack went galloping in that direction while Shivaji moved on an opposite route to
reach Sinhagad safely.
Bose showed no surprise when Patwardhan mentioned that instead of going directly to
Satara, they would be taking a detour to the Princely State of Aundh. When their movement
plans were ready, Achut used his contacts in the police to spread disinformation that he was
travelling to Bombay. The police were given a date, time and description of the bus in which
he was to travel; the description was that of a bus, which actually left for Bombay on that
date and at that time when, in fact, Achut and Bose left Poona in the opposite direction.
Bose had heard of Aundh, a postage-stamp-sized Princely State that had ushered in farreaching democratic reforms. He was eager to meet the ruler Appasaheb Pant who was a
reputed freedom fighter. Bose hoped to use Pant to contact important rulers of princely states
and get them on his side. As the vehicle in which they were travelling came to a halt in front
of the Rajwada [palace], Bose was impressed to see the clean and aesthetically designed
garden surrounding the palace.. Achut asked Bose and Teji to remain seated and went in to
meet Appa Pant. Shortly later, an impressive looking young man with typical sharp features
of the Maharashtrian Brahmin, came out with Achut. Bose was introduced as Amanullah
Khan, a lawyer from Bombay who has been helping freedom fighters in legal battles.
Achut greeted Amanullah warmly “I am Appa Pant, welcome to Aundh,” he said in a
pronounced British upper-crust accent. Bose was surprised on two counts. Pant had no idea of
Bose’s true identity, yet as a Maharaja he had come out to welcome a small-time lawyer.
Secondly, the Maharaja was dressed in a simple white trouser and shirt like any commoner.
Appa Pant could see the reaction and said that he was no longer a ruler but was merely a
trustee of his state.
Once inside the palace and in the privacy of Pant's drawing room, Achut disclosed
Amanullah’s true identity.. Appa Pant immediately stood up and saluted Bose. He was
overjoyed to meet his childhood hero. “Very few of us believed that you had died in that aircrash two years ago. My own sixth sense always told me that fate and God cannot be so cruel
as to deprive India of the brightest jewel at such a crucial time.” he gushed, causing Bose
acute embarrassment. “Sir, I am at your service for cause of India.” declared Pant. Bose
explained that his mission was to keep India united, through peaceful means if possible but
with force if necessary. He sought the Aundh ruler's help in contacting like-minded princes.
Pant mentioned that except for some black sheep, most of the Princely states were well on
their way to accepting the inevitable. Sardar Vallabhai Patel is doing a great job as the Home
Minister. He mentioned that the Nawab of Bhawalpur in Punjab and Khan of Kalat, both
were opposed to concept of Pakistan. Nizam of Hyderabad had grandiose ideas of becoming
independent and might cause some trouble. Bose explained that Achut and his network will
contact him about the D-Day and details of the plan to preserve a free and united India. .Till
then, his presence should be kept secret.
Having concluded his main business, Bose asked Pant about the activities of the Political
Officer in his state and whether there was any danger of his presence being reported. Pant
laughed and told him that his Political Officer is a good man who is worried because he
knows that the Raj is on its way out and he does not know what will become of him. For the
last six months his sole concern has been to collect knick-knacks with a re-sale value and
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worry about the life he would have to lead on his return to the cold of Scotland. “Presently,
Britain’s economy is so poor that it has no time or resources to confront an Indian uprising.
We have to hold fast and not give in to their bullying and they will leave us without a fuss.” It
was with regret that Appa Pant accepted Bose's request to depart.
From Aundh, Bose and his group travelled by bus, which left the main road and turned
off on a dusty village track. The road, though not a tarmac one, was quite good and the bus
was not crowded. Bose sat back and enjoyed the unfolding scenery. The area was thickly
forested. The rugged beauty of the Sanhyadri Mountains also known as Western Ghats
captivated him. Bose noticed that one could see the outline of fort walls on almost every
formidable mountain feature. Patwardhan told him that there were close to 400 mountain
forts in Maharashtra’s part of Bombay province. He explained how Nana Patil, making use of
this difficult terrain, had been running a virtual parallel government here. As the bus
appproached Wai, it turned off the track and went on towards the River Krishna. A little later
it came to a halt near Gadhi, a fort-like village. “We have reached our destination,”
announced Patwardhan and added, “I have arranged a surprise for you.”.
As Bose moved into the house, he could see the familiar figure of Colonel Jagganathrao
Bhonsle, his old comrade from the INA, hurrying towards him. Bhonsle halted, smartly
saluted Bose and said, “Jai Hind, Netaji.” Bose moved forward, shook hands with Bhonsle
with great affection and said that it was good to see him. The two friends spent several hours
exchanging their news.
Next morning, refreshed by a sound sleep, Bose and his entourage set out in the cool
mountain air for fort Khelna. After a tough climb of over an hour, they reached the summit;
the location of the headquarters of Nana’s parallel government, where Bhonsle had set up HQ
Hind. Bhosle introduced Bose to a strapping young man, Nana Patil, “the Sarkar of this area.”
Nana blushed at this description and quickly replied in Hindustani that his Sarkar was at the
total disposal of Netaji.
Bose spent over an hour explaining his proposed plan and the role he wanted Nana to play
on D-day. Later Nana told Teji that he had received a schedule from Swami but his wireless
operators were having some problems maintaining contact with the INA network on the
frequencies sent to them. Teji examined Nana’s antiquated radio set and felt confident that
after some work on re-aligning and raising the height of the antenna, the station would be
able to contact the others without any difficulty. After lunch, Bose requested Teji to stay at
the headquarters, sort out Nana’s wireless communications and to report to him when he
received a message from Tiger. The rest of the party returned to Gadhi.
In the evening after the meals, Netaji told Bhonsle and Achut that it was time to have a
meeting of the high command to give an outline of his thinking to all the major leaders and
chalk out their final plans. He felt that Swami, Shah Nawaz, Chitta Basu, Habibur Rehman,
Dhillon and Sehgal must attend this crucial meet along with Achut, Pant and Nana. . Bose
realised that it would take some time to organise this. He tentatively scheduled the meeting
for 14 April Bhonsle agreed that this should be possible since it gave them sufficient time to
assemble. Achut suggested that this be held at Gadhi. Bose agreed and requested Bhonsle to
send the necessary instructions on the network.
Bose turned to Achut and said, “India is like a stick of dynamite with fuses burning at
both the ends, if I am to succeed in my mission, I will have to put out both fuses and this
means that I have to tackle both Hindu and Muslim communalism.” Bose asked Patwardhan
if it would be possible for him to arrange a meeting with Yusuf Meherallly and Veer
Sawarkar, the Hindu Mahasabha leader, .for whom he had great regard. He felt that it was
important that he get Sawarkar on his side in order to tackle Hindu communalism. He was
willing to go to Ratnagiri to meet him. But Patwardhan warned that Sawarkar was under
constant watch of the British and it would not be easy to keep their meeting secret. However,
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Achut knew that Sawarkar had plans to visit the shrine of Saint Ramdas near Satara on the
occasion of Ram Navmi (the birth anniversary of Lord Ram). It should be possible for
Sawarkar to mingle in the crowd, and slip away from his watchers for a short while. He could
then be taken to a safe house where he could meet Bose. Appa Pant would arrange this...
After he meets Sawarkar, Achut would arrange for Yusuf to come to Satara All this could be
done at some time before the meeting at Khelna
Bose told Patwardhan that he needed peace and solitude for some days in order to think
about the tasks ahead. By consensus, it was decided that the Ghadi near Wai, and close to the
wireless station on fort Khelna was the ideal location and also a safe place for Bose to meet
Mereali and hold his meeting of the high command.. Nana Patil was thrilled with this added
responsibility and he assured Bose that his loyal Mavlas (hill people who were the original
followers of Shivaji) would guard him day and night. Bose spent his day in quiet meditation,
introspection and reading.
On 20 March, Teji came to Gadhi and reported that the wireless network was functioning
well. He handed over a message that he had received from Tiger. Bose knew that this was
from Nora Harris. The message stated: “Mountbatten will soon arrive Delhi. Under one
pretext or another Muslim officers being moved to key staff positions in Punjab, Sind and
North West Frontier Province. Agent provocateurs being deployed in Bengal and Punjab.
Their task to provoke communal riots. Anticipated that rumours inflamed passions will force
mass migration of both the communities.” Bose's mind went back to his chance encounter
with Lieutenant Colonel Ayub Khan. He realised once again how accurate Nora's reports
were.
**
It was about this time that Ramaswami Balasubramanium (Bala for short), Assistant
Superintendent of Police (ASP) Special Branch, Madras, while going through the routine
reports from Pondicherry found that a Catholic Priest named Father Vincent Paul had arrived
at the Aurobindo Ashram and was given VIP treatment in March. What specially attracted
attention was that Sri Aurobindo cancelled all his other engagements and spent over three
days talking to the visitor. No other person was present during these talks except Dilip Roy.
This was unusual. His sharp police instincts made him suspicious. He rang up his source at
the Ashram. The informer told him that the Vincent Paul was a tall, impressive looking priest
who had been accompanied by a younger man with ' fair Punjabi looks’. But despite his best
efforts he could get no further information other than the fact that the priest was from Dacca.
Aurobindo’s Ashram kept an open house and political leaders from India often travelled
there to meet Sri Aurobindo. But it was always done quite openly. “Why this apparent
secrecy now,” wondered Bala. To allay his doubts, he sent a telegram to his Dacca
counterpart. The reply made Bala sit up. The Dacca Special Branch confirmed that there
indeed was a father Vincent Paul, who had died in 1944 and was buried in the Narayanganj
cemetery on the outskirts of Dacca. Bala asked himself. “Why should some one with a fake
identity be entertained like a VIP at the Aurbindo Ashram?” He immediately went to his
boss, an Englishman John Crawford, hoping that this 'scoop' would earn him a promotion.
“Bala is as excited as a child. Independence or no independence, Indians still crave for the
approval of a white man,” thought Crawford. But he was intrigued and followed up the
report. A further search at the border check post register revealed that Father Vincent Paul
and Brother George had come from Ceylon. Not taking any chances, the description of Father
Paul and his assistant was flashed to all the provinces on 20 March 1947.
**
In London, Mountbatten had succeeded in obtaining all that he wanted from the
government. Before setting out for India, Mountbatten met Churchill who repeated what the
King had told him. He was happy that Mountbatten was going as Viceroy and said that his
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task was not an easy one but it had been made less difficult by the powers given to him.
Churchill admitted he was not in favour of a unified India. “Jinnah and his Muslims want
Pakistan; give it to them. That shouldn’t be difficult Dicky. Nehru, Gandhi and other men of
straw who have no stomach for a fight will oppose you. Your greatest obstacle to Partition
would be the American Government, which has romantic notions about Indian democracy
and freedom. The American Government may bring pressure on you, through the British
Government, for a unified India.”
Churchill followed this prediction by an impressive political analysis of the growing
friction between the Soviet Union and the Western powers. He concluded: “Don’t worry
Dicky. I will shortly be going to the USA to tell George Marshall and Harry Truman that in
order to counter a future Soviet threats to the Persian and Saudi oil fields, it is imperative that
we create a pliable Muslim Pakistan on the north western fringe of South Asia.” 3
As promised, Winston Churchill went to America and met Marshall and Truman. After
this, on 5 March, in an address at Westminster College, Fulton, he said, “From Stettin in the
Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain had descended across the continent.”
Thereafter the term “iron curtain” gained wide currency to denote the Soviet Union’s efforts
to seal off itself and its eastern European dependencies from free and open contact with the
West and other non-Communist areas. Churchill’s speech signalled the commencement of the
Cold War.
**
Mountbatten arrived in New Delhi on 22 March 1947 while Wavell was still Viceroy.
This had been a break with tradition: for the outgoing Governor-General had customarily
departed before his successor arrived and took up office immediately. It was impossible for
two Viceroys to exist at the same time. Accordingly, Lord and Lady Mountbatten, on being
received in the Viceroy’s House, bowed and curtseyed. Lord Wavell took Mountbatten into
his study for a heart-to-heart talk on the situation that he was bequeathing. Wavell explained
his breakdown plan, which had been prepared on instruction from London; he called this
“Operation Madhouse”. This involved the evacuation from India of 50,000 British families,
including women and children in a three-month period. He went on to tell Mountbatten that.
Nehru was demanding that further INA trials be stopped and existing sentences quashed; the
Commander-in-Chief was refusing and threatening to resign.
3
The Times of India, Pune edition, dated 18 November 2000, in an editorial entitled History Mystery
states “There is one yawning gap in knowledge that had been crying out to be filled in the
documented history of the Partition of India. Indeed, on the basis of new documentation of British
intelligence and the Chiefs of Staff Committee released a few years ago, a retired ambassador who
was aide-de-camp to Lord Mountbatten in 1947, has inferred that the Indian Partition Plan was
triggered by Cold War considerations. The British wanted a pliant Muslim State in the north west of
India to countervail preconceived potential Soviet pressure on the Persian Gulf and on the subcontinent.”
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Chapter 8
Admiral Lord Mountbatten Takes Over as Viceroy
On 24 March, after Wavell departed, his successor was sworn in as Governor-General
and Crown Representative. There can be no doubt that Mountbatten's appointment was
widely welcomed. In his personal relations, his wife immensely assisted Mountbatten. In
choosing his staff, Mountbatten appears to have been guided mainly by his experience of
supreme command. He was conscious that his every decision would be scrutinised and
debated in England. He therefore carefully selected as his advisers men of stature who had
close relations with Britain’s right wing, leftists, labour and royalty. One of his key advisers
was General Lord Ismay, a former Indian Army officer who was trusted by the soldiers, both
Indian and British, and was a close friend and wartime collaborator of Churchill. With such a
personal entourage, he was content to accept the other staff that had surrounded his
predecessor. This was a tactful and prudent move.
However, there were two glaring omissions in his team of advisers. Firstly, it contained
no Indian. Secondly it contained not a single ICS officer. Mountbatten never felt any need to
rectify the latter omission, but soon felt the absence of an Indian. After much careful thought
he was advised to consider inducting V.P. Menon as his Constitutional Adviser. Menon was
known to have connections with the Congress leader Sardar Patel and was a remarkable man
in many ways. He had run away from his home to spare his family the strain of his further
education. He had worked in the gold-mines of Mysore and as a teacher. Eventually he
reached Simla and got a clerical job in the government service. It was by sheer merit that he
won his way to the top in an administrative system controlled by the brahminical ICS.
Mountbatten began his contacts with Menon cautiously by inviting him to tea. He took a
liking to him and over a period of time brought him into the daily staff discussions.
Mountbatten adopted a personal approach to his political task and concentrated his efforts
on a handful of people who could deliver the political results he wanted. He treated Gandhi
apart from all the others. He did not negotiate with him but used him as a sounding board to
assess his reactions to ideas and events. In the case of the Congress, he knew that only Sardar
Patel and Nehru, neither one nor the other but both together, could deliver the goods; Nehru,
with his personal appeal to the masses, and Patel with his control of the party machine.
Mountbatten was impressed by Patel’s charm and sense of humour. He judged him to be a
straightforward politician; he accepted him as the strong-man and realist of the Party. He had
already met Nehru briefly in Singapore, and that encounter had been pleasing for both.
Mountbatten had judged him to be a sincere person. This second meeting in Delhi was a
pleasant renewal of their acquaintance.
Nehru asked him: “Have you by some miracle got plenipotentiary powers?”
“Why do you ask?” said Mountbatten.
Nehru replied, ”You behave quite differently from any former Viceroy. You speak with
an air of authority as though you were certain that what you said would never be reversed in
London.”
Mountbatten knew that Jinnah was the man who held the key to the whole situation. The
first time the two men met, Jinnah was in a most frigid, haughty and disdainful frame of
mind. The ice was not broken till several subsequent meetings. Even then, it was evident that
the sympathetic diplomacy of which Mountbatten was so brilliantly capable, did not work
with this crucial figure. The two men exasperated one another and found no basis for mutual
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understanding. When they debated together, the argument went back and forth, and the
Viceroy often believed that he had scored a point, only to find that Jinnah had set up a
resistance and the debate had reached a deadlock. Jinnah’s sole aim was to gain and hold
power, for himself, for the League and for his Muslim followers who called him Quaid-iAzam. Mountbatten was not pursuing power; his aim was to get rid of power. For him the
exercise was one of diplomacy, of balance, of compromise. Jinnah did not subscribe to
compromises. Time and time again, the Viceroy contended, with unassailable logic, that the
arguments which Jinnah produced for partitioning India were equally valid for partitioning
Bengal and the Punjab, and that if he was to get Pakistan he could not therefore expect to get
it on the basis of the undivided provinces. Jinnah was implacable. He wanted Pakistan and
had no concern for the millions of frightened bewildered Muslims who would be stranded in
what was left of India.
**
As the working committee of Muslim League gathered in Bombay at Jinnah House on
Malabar hill, there was an air of jubilation. Though the Muslim League was not in power in
Punjab, a sympathetic Governor was governing the Province and Muslims dominated the
police force. It was anticipated that Punjab would eventually become a League's Province.
Jinnah, noted with great satisfaction how the army stood by idly as his national guard
continued their 'direct action'. With these pressure tactics, Jinnah was confident that Congress
would succumb to his demand of a fifty per cent share of power at the centre. “At any cost we
will not agree to simple majority rule,” he thundered to the prolonged applause of his
associates. The working committee took the decision to intensify the agitation for Pakistan
and spread this to rural areas of Bengal and UP. Jinnah grew over excited and asserted, “Even
the army cannot control the vast hinterland. Inshallah, we will be successful.” Fatima was
constantly by Jinnah’s side, urging him to calm down and take some rest.
On 30 March, during the concluding session, Jinnah suddenly collapsed and was rushed
to the Breach Candy hospital. Dr. Patel, his personal physician, declared that it was only the
patient’s timely arrival that had saved him. By a unanimous decision the working committee
decided to keep this occurrence secret. Jinnah regained consciousness soon and refused the
doctor’s orders to stay in the hospital. He murmured, “I have much to do and very little time
doctor.” Jinnah's stubbornness ultimately overrode medical advice and he was discharged the
very next day.
The special branch of Bombay reported the news of Jinnah's collapse to MI headquarters
in Delhi. The intelligence report also added that Liaqat Ali and some other members were in
a mood to compromise with Congress over the Pakistan demand. Nora read this despatch
from Bombay and promptly passed this information to London and to Bose on the INA net.
The receipt of the report on Jinnah’s health caused alarm. in London. Sir Howard
summoned Mr. Mercer for a detailed discussion. “The creation of Pakistan is essential for
maintaining a British presence on the Asian continent. Unfolding events in the Dutch East
Indies show that the Americans may well want a united India as their natural ally against the
Russian threat.” Howard knew that the PM, a reluctant supporter of the concept of partition,
was unlikely to adopt a strong line. Mercer suggested that they consult Churchill on the issue.
Sir Howard agreed.
The next day, as he waited in the spacious drawing room of Marlborough Estate, he
looked out of the window into the garden and saw the grand old man of British politics busy
building a compound wall. Shortly later, after downing his tools and washing his hands, Sir
Winston entered the drawing room and told Howard that he had been busy demonstrating that
he was not only good at conducting a destructive war but also at rebuilding a broken wall.
“So what does Mr. Atlee's man Friday have in store for me today?” he asked. Howard knew
that there was not much love lost between the former and current PM. Rumours had reached
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him that Churchill had described Atlee as a modest man with much to be modest about.
Howard did not let this distract him. He was of the firm view that politicians may come and
go but it was the job of MI to look after permanent national interests.
Churchill considered the news of Jinnah's illness and pondered over the effect it would
have on Operation Akbar. Howard also mentioned that Nehru had been showing some degree
of independence of late and may not be amenable to British advice. Both men agreed that it
was time to move quickly before the situation got out of hand. Howard frankly admitted that
he had his limitations in acting independently of the PM. This was a subtle hint for a more
active role by Churchill and through him, by the King. Churchill nodded thoughtfully, and
mentioned that Dicky Mountbatten was coming home in mid-May in connection with
Princess Elizabeth's impending engagement. He promised Howard that when Mountbatten
was in London we will try to persuade a reluctant Atlee to advance the date of Operation
Akbar. “We will announce the date of British withdrawal for 15 August 1947.”
Howard was flabbergasted. As a one time operative in field he knew the difficulties his
subordinates would face because of this drastic change of date. Moreover, the choice of date
intrigued him. As if reading his thoughts Churchill mentioned that 15 August was the day the
Japanese surrendered and it will be appropriate if the Indians celebrate while the Japanese
mourn. "Earlier, India’s stance on the trial of General Tojo for war crimes had shown Nehru’s
inclination to build an Asian coalition. What better foil than this to show Indian insensitivity
to Japanese sentiment?" mused Howard and he marvelled at the political instincts of
Churchill. The two men agreed that prior to the arrival of Mountbatten, Howard should sound
Atlee about the change of date.
On his return to London, Howard sought an appointment with the PM. After breaking the
news of Jinnah's deteriorating health, he said that he had discussed this with Churchill who
had suggested that the date of withdrawal from India be advanced to 15 August this year.
Atlee, normally unflappable, flew into a rage. “Do you understand what it means to advance
the date from June 1948 to August 1947?” protested the PM. “Millions will die in the
violence which will result from this hurried operation. The reputation built by us over two
hundred years will go up in smoke. I do hope you realise that I run the government and not
Sir Winston!” was his parting shot.
Howard was used to ministerial tantrums. After he left 10 Downing Street, he shrugged
his shoulders. "Labour riff raff will never understand the imperatives of British policy," he
thought as he slowly walked along the London streets wet with spring showers. It is no
wonder that Churchill referred to Atlee as “a sheep in sheep’s clothing.” Howard decided that
while the PM dithered and made up his mind, he would alert the Indian directorate and begin
preparing for action. As he reached his office he called Mercer and asked him to send a topsecret cable to Nora in Delhi.
**
People began collecting at Satara from early in the morning to visit the Sajjangarh
Temple on the occasion of Ram Navmi. While mixing with the thousands who were milling
in the area, Achut’s agents had no difficulty jostling the policeman who was tailing Sawarkar
and whisking the latter away to a safe house where Bose was already waiting. The meeting
between two great Indian revolutionaries was momentous. Knowing that Bose was always
opposed to his declared ideology of Hindutva. Sawarkar took the initiative by saying, “I am a
Hindu Jinnah.” Bose was amused when he heard this.
Swarkar went on to explain that Jinnah's tactics of violence had to be met with violence.
Bose nodded his agreement and gave Sawarkar a brief summary of his plan and how he
hoped to win over Eastern India and the Congress, in the first instance without the use of
force. Once inducted into the Interim Cabinet, he would have an opportunity to officially
employ the Armed Forces to maintain law and order and enforce the unity of the country
107
even if this meant fighting a civil war against secessionists. Sawarkar agreed that the unity of
India was paramount and over-rode all other ideologies including non-violence and Hindutva.
Sawarkar recalled that the personal bodyguards of the Rani of Jhansi, during the 1857 war
of independence, were Muslims. “With their fifty generations buried in Indian soil, not only
are Indian Muslims part of India but they are as much a part of Bharat-mata as any one else.”
Sawarkar pledged full support to Bose in his mission to keep India united. He regretted that
he was too old to take up arms. For his part he would rather devote himself totally to social
reform amongst the Hindus. “Casteism and untouchability will in times to come, be a greater
menace to Indian unity than the religious divide,” asserted Sawarkar.
“Religion has no place in the public affairs and it is a personal choice of an individual,”
said Bose. “I envisage iron-clad constitutional guarantees to religious minorities in order to
remove insecurity form their minds.”
“But mere removal of insecurity is not enough, you must have emotional integration as
well and a national flag plays a very important role in this.”
“I agree. You had designed the first flag along with Madam Cama in 1905 or 1906. I have
modified this slightly. I hope you approve of it,” said Bose. He produced a tri-coloured flag
with a saffron strip on the top, a while strip in the middle embossed with the Hindu symbol
Om, Islamic crescent and star, a dharma chakra of Ashoka, a cross to represent Christianity
and a Vajra to represent the Sikhs. Sawarkar approved of the flag and suggested that a Sun
symbol be added to represent both the Zoroastians as well as nature worshippers.
Bose made it clear that though he had depicted religious symbols on the flag, in his
conception of India, there was no place for any religion-based political party like the Muslim
League or the Hindu Mahasabha. Sawarkar agreed and promised that he would soon dissolve
the Hindu Mahasabha and re-name it the Hindu Sudharak Samaj [Hindu reform movement].
The new body will be purely a social organisation and its members will not be permitted to
take part in politics.
Sawarkar recalled with nostalgia his one time 'Guru' Gopal Agarkar. In the early years of
the 20th century, a great debate had taken place between two good friends , Agarkar and
Tilak. Agarkar maintained that social reform was the highest priority for India, while Tilak
felt that political independence was more important. Agarkar emphasised that once education
and literacy spread, women got equal rights and social evils like untouchability were
removed, political freedom will come automatically. The two had parted company due to
these differences. While Tilak went on to became a political leader, Agarkar continued his
work of social reforms and education “As the Principal of Fergusson College, Agarkar had
expelled me from college for taking part in political activities. Now that freedom seems
imminent, I realise the wisdom of Agarkar's approach.”
Sawarkar enquired as to how long Bose intended to stay in Vanwas (as a hermit), Bose
replied that he was still building up his organisation and would come into the open at an
appropriate time. Sawarkar said that he was confident that under Bose's leadership there was
no danger to national unity. Sawarkar left Bose with a promise that the moment he took over
leadership in the Interim Cabinet, he would dissolve the Mahasabha. The two great men
parted satisfied at the outcome of their meeting.
A few days after this, Yusuf Meherali, the socialist comrade of Patwardhan arrived from
Bombay. Bose was looking forward to meeting him so that he could get first hand in-puts
about Muslim politics and the psychological under-currents, which influenced that
community. When the two men met, Bose could see that Yusuf was over-awed in his
presence. He put the young man at ease by telling him how his accidental death was reported
by the Japanese, and recounting major events of his journey to Indonesia and Ceylon.
After they were both relaxed and were sipping their cups of tea, Bose explained his plan
in outline. He emphasised that his approach was going to be non-violent to begin with. He
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hoped that he would take over Eastern India, enter the interim government and win legitimate
control of the Armed Forces. However there was always danger of a civil war breaking out,
but he was ready for that eventuality. His problem would be to prevent an out-break of
communal violence between Hindus and Muslims, which is why he had spent a whole day
with Swarkar, and was now trying to find out all he could about the Muslim community.
Bose took a quiet sip of his tea and continued, “On my return to India I am disappointed
to find that the communal divide between Muslims and Hindus seems to have widened. My
rational Muslim friends agree that differences could be settled through negotiations on the
quantum of state intervention acceptable on religious issues. Nevertheless, there appears to be
an underlying fear in the average Muslim mind that constitutional safeguards are no
guarantee that once the British leave, the Hindu-majority would not try to efface the historical
marks of the Islamic impact on the subcontinent. Jinnah keeps playing on this fear and the
Muslim League grows in strength.”
Yusuf agreed that Jinnah has attracted a large following. He went on to say, “But we
should not accept that this indicates an ideological trend. The Muslim League has grown
because Jinnah had hi-jacked Islam to his cause of secession and is using terror tactics. He
plays on the fears of the Muslim masses and offers them unreal dreams. But most of all he
threatens Congress leaders with impunity. He is confident that he has the tacit support of
British administrators, he blackmails his opponents with the prospect of a civil war if they do
not give him what he wants. He knows that there is no Congress leader prepared to stand up
to the League’s bully-boys. Your presence may inject some courage into the Congress. If that
happens it will certainly make the Muslim League re-think their strategy.
Bose made no comment on this. He said, “But apart from the issue of fear, would it not be
correct to say that Muslim intellectuals find it difficult to be comfortable with Hindu India's
vision of Bharatvarsha? Even agnostic Hindus like myself, who have a liberal approach to
religious beliefs and accept that there could be different paths to god, find themselves
dramatically at odds with the Muslim intellectuals. Does the individual and collective Muslim
belief in the absolute sovereignty of a universal God therefore become an obstacle to the
Muslim community accepting that they could live in peace with Hindus?”
Meherali laughed and said, “There are three Muslim religious organisations functioning
in India-- Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind, Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam and Jamat-i-Islami. All of them are
opposed to the creation of a separate homeland for the Muslims. After 1943 the Muslim
League’s propaganda has attempted to draw heavily on Islamic values at the expense of
Hindu values. Wild promises are being made of restoring the glory of Islam in a future
Muslim State. However religious leaders of all the three institutions continue to be openly
hostile to the idea of a Muslim national state.”
Bose was happy to hear this and asked, “If this is so, why don’t these religious leaders
launch a counter offensive against Jinnah? Why don’t they openly proclaim that an
acceptance of the core Indian value of unity in diversity in no way violates Islamic
principles?”
“But they do,” said Meherali. “Important clerics of the Jamiat Ulema, like Ataullah Shah
Bukhari, Habibur Rahman Ludhianawi and Mazhar Ali Azhar have gone a step further and
poke continual fun at Jinnah’s ignorance of Islamic principles. They seldom refer to Jinnah
by his correct name. This is always distorted. For example, Mazhar Ali Azhar uses the
insulting sobriquet Kafir-i-Azam (the great unbeliever) for Quaid-i-Azam.
Meherali said, “ The Jamat-i-Islami is also opposed to the idea of Pakistan which it
describes as Na Pakistan (not pure). Maulana Maududi is of the view that the form of
government in the new Muslim state, if it ever came into existence, could only be secular.
The Jamiat-i-Ulema-i-Hind, sees nothing Islamic in the idea of Pakistan. Its president,
Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani, who was also Mohtamim or principal of Darul Ulum
109
Deoband is opposed to the idea of the two-nation theory, pleading that all Indians, Muslims
or Hindus were one nation. He argued that faith was universal and could not be contained
within national boundaries but that nationality was a matter of geography, and Muslims were
obliged to be loyal to the nation of their birth along with their non-Muslim fellow citizens. He
has even issued a fatwa forbidding Muslims from joining the Muslim League.”
Bose was pleased and surprised to hear this, and murmured, “Why does the Congress not
take advantage of such pronouncements while stating their case against the Muslim League?”
“They do,” responded Meherali, “but in a listless manner. Nevertheless, Maulana Abul
Kalam Azad, with a promise of constitutional safeguards for minorities, was able to persuade
the Ummha that their interests would be better safeguarded under a united India, and that they
should repose full confidence in Indian nationalism.”
This conversation with Meherali was a great morale booster for Bose and he resolved that
he would get in touch with Maulana Azad and Madani at the earliest. While leaving,
Meherali hesitated and said, “We have been discussing the current Muslim scene. It may help
you to know a little about the historical background to current events. A very erudite friend of
mine, Mohd Zakaria from Bombay happens to be visiting some relatives in Wai. He is a
scholar of history and comparative religion and you will find him a goldmine of information
He is unaware of your presence. With your approval I could contact him and invite him to
Gadhi. He is a reliable socialist. Bose agreed.
The next morning, Meherali introduced Zakaria to Bose. When they were seated,
Meherali commenced the discussion by recalling the belief of Muslims that Islam is the final
code of religion as revealed by Mohammed who is the last Prophet. Hence no new religion or
fresh prophet is expected. But tradition does not overrule the coming of mahdis [restorers]
and mujaddids [regenerators]. According to tradition, the mahdi will come when Islam will
be at its last gasp in the world; he will restore the religion to its true glory. A mujaddid is sent
by God in times of spiritual decay and religious crisis.
Zakaria joined the discussion, and continued, “In the early centuries of Islam, when
Muslims faced great difficulties, the faithful in their distress looked for their promised mahdi
who would dispel oppression and fill their world with equity and justice. This desire for a
promised mahdi has been successfully exploited by several impostors in Asia, Africa and
Europe. In India, at different times, many impostors or self-deluded enthusiasts have claimed
to be the promised mahdi. These movements were invariably suppressed and the claimants
put to death. However, mujaddids have often been accepted and many have been officially
listed in each century”
Bose recalled his visit to the Punjab as a young man. “At Sirhind on the banks of the
Sutlej River, I was shown the birth place of Sheikh Ahmad who was born in 1563; and was
told that he was also referred to as Mujaddid Sarhindi.”
“Yes, Sheikh Ahmad was the first mujaddid born in India and is known as Mujaddid
Alaf-I-Sani [Regenerator of the second millennium] Historically, it is accepted that the
Emperor Akbar accelerated the natural process of the Indianization of the Muslim community
of Hindustan, politically, culturally and spiritually. He was the first great modernizer. But
because Akbar attempted to chalk out a programme for the betterment of the community at
the secular level, he was never accepted by Sunnis as a true regenerator of Islam. On the
other hand Sheikh Ahmad is not only accepted as a mujaddid but is also considered the
founder of the Religio-Political Reform Movement of orthodox Islam in India.”
“I remember being told,” reflected Bose, “ that Sheikh Ahmad’s mission in India, at a
critical period in its history, ended the work of Akbar and won over his successors to his own
view of orthodox Islam.”
“That is true. Sheikh Ahmad preached dynamic hatred against non-Sunnis in general and
against non-Muslims in particular. From that point of view, Sheikh Ahmad is the father of
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communal hatred, religious bitterness and fanaticism in India.” said Zakaria.. “Because of his
anti-Shia activities he antagonised the Emperor’s Persian-dominated court, which warned
Jehangir against the rising tide of the orthodox movement that could threaten his throne. On
the excuse that he had neglected court etiquette Sheikh Ahmad was imprisoned by the
Emperor.”
“There were many moves to have him killed,” interjected Meherali, “but the Emperor
saved his life and after a year he was released. There is evidence that thereafter he functioned
as the special adviser of the Emperor. The occasional outbursts of bigotry on the part of
Jehangir and his anti-Hindu sentiments and policy may ultimately be traced to the influence
of the Mujadid on the fickle-minded Emperor.”
Zakaria went on, “The work of rejuvenating Islam in India was continued by Sheik
Ahmad’s sons and disciples after his death. His third son was special adviser to Emperor
Aurangzeb. The puritan in Aurangzeb was not a sudden outburst based on whims, but was the
logical outcome of far-sighted reactionary influences. But fanaticism is never long-lasting.
Islam, like other great religions, is a product of the social malaise in which it was born. It is a
moral and social system. Its moral theories are timeless and universal. But its social codes
and laws which were conceived and meant or the 7th Century Arab could not be valid in 19th
Century India.”
“In fact, towards the beginning of the 19th century, because of the growing domination of
the Marathas and Sikhs,” said Zakaria, “the Muslim elite and ulema had began to feel
insecure. After the defeat of the Mughal army at Buxar in 1764, two noted clerics, Shah
Abdul Aziz and Haji Shariatullah issued a fatwa in 1803 declaring that India was no longer
Darul Islam but Darul Harb (enemy country).”
Zakaria made special mention of Sayyad Ahmed Barelvi who went to Mecca in 1822 and
became a 'Wahhabi'. In 1830 he returned to India and captured Peshawar. He declared a
Jehad against the Sikh ruler Maharaja Ranjit Singh. Through a network of mosques and
propaganda, Barelvi was able to get recruits from all over the country. But his strict Islam
was not to the liking of the Pathans. The Barakzai tribe revolted against him. Moreover,
militarily he was no match for the Sikhs. and he and his disciple Shah Mahhamed Ismail were
killed in battle of Balakote in 1831.
At that time, Muslims in some respects were culturally indistinguishable from their Hindu
neighbours. For example, the Moplahs in Travancore observed matrilineal rules of descent
and Muslims of South Canara and Coimbatore followed the Moplahs. Hindu laws of joint
family were common amongst the Khojas, Kutchhis, Halai Memons & Sunni Bohras of
Gujerat. Muslim peasants of Punjab and 'Taluqdars' of United Province followed Hindu laws
of succession. The Shariat was prevalent only among the elite in Delhi and North India.”
“But the Barelvi movement marked the beginning of a deliberate move on the part of
Muslims to culturally separate themselves from the Hindus.” Said Meherali. “The British
played upon this and the Lucknow pact of 1916 granting separate electorate put a seal on this
artificial divide. Apart from the cultural divide the British agents played a major role in
stirring up riots. In 1930 Chittagong riots, British agents were caught red handed while
provoking riots.”
Bose was very happy conversing with the two men and asked them numerous questions.
He probed deeply into all the answers they gave him. By talking to them, Bose was able to
fill many gaps in his knowledge about Indian Muslims. While parting company, Bose
thanked Zakaraia, and then took Meherali aside. He invited him to attend the meeting at
Gadhi on 14 April and told him to tie up the details with Achut.
Bose continued to spend his time in meditation and introspection. Apart from a number of
books and magazines, he read three daily newspapers, and regularly listened to radio
broadcasts from Delhi and London. His only form of exercise was to take a long walk every
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morning. Teji was always near at hand should he require anything. His only visitors were
Patwardhan and Bhonsle who reported to him daily. His travels and discussions since the
beginning of March and driven home a realisation of ground realities in India. The vitiated
communal atmosphere had put Bose in a sombre mood. He realised that his was not going to
be an easy task.
It was while he was engaged in thinking about these problems that Patwardhan came to
see him with news from Upadhya, one of his contacts in the Bombay police, who had sent
him a message that rumours had began circulating in Bihar that Bose is alive and hiding in
India. False rumours about Bose being alive were not uncommon in India, so Delhi had not
taken these rumours very seriously But his informer had also mentioned that the police were
on a look out for one Father Vincent Paul, who they suspected is hiding somewhere in
Bombay Province. The mystery had deepened after the police came to know that Father
Vincent had long meetings with Aurobindo in Pondicherry. Patwardhan said that he was
relieved that Bose had changed his disguise well in time. But these reports made it necessary
that they take extra precaution from now onwards.
A few days later, Bhonsle reported to Bose that arrangements for the meeting of the high
command were proceeding satisfactorily. He confirmed that all the participants would be
arriving in Bombay in a staggered manner. Here they would make contact with Patwardhan’s
network, which would take care of their further movement. As summer had begun, many
senior British officers and Indian tourists would soon be moving to the cool climate of
Mahabaleshwar, their favourite hill-station near Satara. There would therefore be much
movement between Bombay and Satara. The staggered arrival of those attending Bose’s
meeting would not attract undue attention. New arrivals would be kept away from Gadhi and
housed in secure villages in the surrounding area
**
Nora received Mercer’s cable on 10 April. The decoded version arrived at her desk the
next day informing her that the latest report on Jinnah’s health indicated that it was doubtful
if he could last more than six months. The British knew that without Jinnah’s single-minded
pursuit of the idea of Pakistan, their plan to divide India might well fail. The Cabinet
therefore wanted to accelerate the process of partition. Instead of June 1948, the British
Government would prefer to hand over power to a divided India by August 1947. She was
told that Lord Mountbatten was unaware of this development. A firm decision on a change of
date would only be taken after gaining his consent. He would probably be consulted about
this in May when he was expected to visit England in connection with Princess Elizabeth’s
impending engagement. While she passed instructions to agents in Karachi, Lahore, Dacca,
Calcutta and Peshawar, Nora realised that this was vital information for Bose who was
working on a leisurely June 1948 schedule. She made her transmission to HQ Hind at night.
On 12 April, Teji received the cryptic message from the mysterious ‘Tiger' stating that
plans are afoot to advance the date of British withdrawal from India to August 1947 instead
of June 1948. The message added that a public announcement of this change is likely in May.
Teji was stunned to read this. His earlier scepticism about 'Tiger' turned to awe. He wondered
who this could be? He however knew better than to ask and kept this question to himself. He
rushed with the message to Bose who told him not to share this information with anyone. He
realised how much he was dependent on Nora.
Bose sat down and wrote a brief reply to Tiger: “Thank you for timely warning. What are
British planning to do with Gurkha battalions when they withdraw from India?” He handed
this to Teji and asked him to have it sent by wireless to Tiger. Bose sensed Teji's burning
curiosity to know the receipient’s identity. He merely told him that this was a valuable
source, more than two years old, in the highest echelons of the British intelligence.
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When Nora received Bose’s request she appreciated Bose’s need for a detailed military
assessment. She spent the next three days visiting various offices in South Block. It did not
take her long to learn that on 1 April 1946 there were 66 British artillery and infantry
battalions in India. This included such famous regiments as the Black Watch and the Duke of
Wellington's Regiment. There was only one armoured regiment, the 25th Dragoons. In all,
British soldiers did not number more than 70,000. However the process of repatriating British
troops to their homes had begun after the War. Under that scheme British units had already
begun to withdraw from India from April 1946 at the rate of about four infantry and artillery
units every month. By the end of April this year there would be not more than about 18
infantry battalions left in India, and of these at least two were earmarked for operations in
Malaya. The remaining 16 were likely to be located near the four major port cities of Karachi,
Bombay, Madras and Calcutta.
Nora knew that the Indian army was also being run down. Its strength by April this year
was likely to be about 800,000. Apart from this, there were 45 Gurkha battalions in service;
these were grouped into ten regiments, each composed of about three to five battalions. IndoNepal-British negotiations about the future of these units were taking place. Nora had learnt
that It was likely that after India is granted independence, Britain would retain the services of
only four regiments; these would be termed as British Gurkhas. These would be withdrawn
from India and deployed in Hong Kong and Malaya. The remaining six regiments would be
termed as Indian Gorkhas and would be officered by Indians. This process had already
commenced.
Whilst moving around South Block, Nora sensed a change in the atmosphere in Delhi.
The news that the British departure was imminent, though not yet official, had percolated
down to the lower echelons of intelligence community. There was much discreet paper
burning and the chimneys adjacent to the South Block were working overtime.
While preparing her report to Bose Nora came to realise that her fondness for Major Ford
had grown into a deeper relationship and the two spent many an evenings together. Much as
they both may have wanted to, it was difficult to keep their 'official' lives separate from their
personal ones. Robert told her that he had seen a Presidential directive to work towards
getting India firmly in the American camp in the forthcoming struggle with Communism. He
told her that the first ambassador for India has already been chosen and Mr. Henry Grady. He
is to sail for India from San Francisco on 4 May and would be in India as ambassador
designate by the beginning of April. Nora felt a strong urge to share her secret about
Operation Akbar with Richard but discretion won and she kept quiet on this. But her spirits
rose when she realised that the if Americans wanted a strong India on their side against the
Soviet Union, they may well weigh in on the side of a united India. She decided to add this
information to her letter and suggest that Bose make contact with the Americans.
A popular social topic of discussion in the British circles in Delhi at that time was the
Royal Romance. The Princess and heir apparent to the throne was said to be on the verge of
getting engaged to a handsome Prince named Philip, a relative of Mountbatten. The London
papers that she received regularly were full of the Royal family affairs. War-weary Britons
were glad for this diversion. But there was a hitch, confided the Viceroy’s ADC to Nora, the
Prince in question was smitten by the more charming younger sister rather than the heir
apparent. According to young Captain Nesbit, his boss was much worried on this count. He
confided to Nora that Mountbatten, who had barely settled in Delhi, was likely to make a
short trip to London to sort out the tangle. Nora was aghast, here was a man playing with the
destiny of 400 million people and all he could think of was of Royal matchmaking! The
ADC, as if sensing Nora's questioning stare, remarked with a twinkle in his eye that his boss
thought that Edwina would take care of India in his absence!
113
Nora realised that her report to Bose would be a lengthy one, and this could not be
transmitted by wireless. She sat down and began writing a detailed letter to Bose. At the
conclusion of her factual military report she added her personal comments Army
Headquarters felt that should the Indian army decide to go the way of the navy and mutiny,
the British did not stand a ghost of chance of even an orderly withdrawal from India. Nora
believed that General Auchinleck was stoutly opposed to any division of the Indian army and
was doing his level best to avert the tragedy of partition. However Mountbatten and Churchill
loyalists within the establishment were effectively overruling him.
After completing her military report Nora wrote at length about how the Labour Party had
eventually been won over by Churchill’s argument that a pliable Pakistan was essential to
safeguard Britain’s oil interests in Iran in the coming years, specially in the light of the
emerging Cold War. She concluded with a report of Grady’s appointment and how America
was keen to have a united India to safeguard the north western region and specially
Afghanistan from the influence of the Soviet Union in the emerging Cold War. She ended by
mentioning the danger of a growing “romantic” relationship developing between Nehru and
Edwina. Even before finalising her letter she sent an interim wireless message to Bose
**
14 April turned out to be a cool cloudless day. Delegates for Bose’s meeting began
arriving at the safe house in Gadhi from 8 a.m. onwards and were ushered into a large hall,
which served as the conference room. Bose remained confined in one of the inner rooms till
Bhonsle reported to him at 9 a.m. that all were assembled. This was an historic occasion.
Some of the twelve men gathered in the hall were learning for the first time of Bose’s
survival the room was filled with an air of expectancy and excitement. When Netaji entered
the buzz of conversation came to an abrupt stop. Everyone stood up. Bose wore sandals and
was dressed in a grey shirt and tan trousers with a leather belt. He requested all to be seated
and he sat down facing them.
Bose began by saying, “Comrades, I welcome you to this first meeting at HQ Hind. It was
on this date some years ago that I planted the INA flag on Indian soil. It was also on this date
that the INA struck a blow against the British in India by devastating Bombay docks when SS
Fort Stikine was blown up whilst unloading lethal cargo of gunpowder, ammunition and gold
bullion. Today, you see me dressed in a shirt and pant. My days as Netaji, the military leader,
are finished. I will never again adopt that role nor will I wear a military uniform. It was
necessary to do that when I was in exile in Germany and South East Asia, because there was
no alternative.”
Bose went on to review the current situation. He told them that it is now evident that the
British are leaving India. Evicting the British had always been his life’s ambition. He had
therefore not wanted to return to India because he had no desire to complicate the process of
transference of British power. But he had received reliable information that the British are
deliberately fostering communal riots in the country. They are determined to partition the
country before they leave. Their excuse for doing this would be that they had given Indian
politicians sufficient time to sink their differences. They will say that despite the best efforts
by the Viceroy to preserve the unity of India, rival parties have not been able to come to an
agreed solution. The British Government has said that it is determined to depart by June 1948
the latest. It will soon announce that since its best efforts to preserve the unity of India have
failed, Britain has no alternative but to partition the country. “I am determined to stop this
happening, no matter what the cost.”
His audience listened to him in. pin-drop silence. Shah Nawaz and others of the INA who
had experienced Netaji’s oratory in Singapore were struck by the change in his style. The
shattering military defeat that his beloved INA had suffered in Burma and the total collapse
of his political aspirations in 1945 seemed to have tempered his character for the better. His
114
arrogant and strident pose had been replaced by a calm, sober, deliberate approach. However
his inner fire, overwhelming self-confidence and charisma were undiminished. He appeared
to be even younger than he was in 1945. They were fascinated listening to him.
Bose went on: “Till now the people of India, our leaders and you are under the impression
that the transfer of power is to take place by June 1948. Let me assure you that very shortly
the Viceroy is suddenly going to announce that the transfer will take place by August 1947.”
Netaji’s bland statement was met by a collective gasp of disbelief followed by a murmur of
subdued conversation among the audience. Bose paused at then held up his hand for their
attention. “You should be hearing an official announcement about this within a few weeks.
For the present, kindly accept what I am saying as a fact. We must plan for that eventuality
and there is very little time left if we are to save India from being partitioned.”
Bose paused and then went on. “My aim is to keep India united at all costs. I will now tell
you how I intend to do this. You and I, are a small group of thirteen men. We do not have any
armed men at our disposal. So whatever plan we make must be non-violent.” Some members
of the audience smiled on hearing this. “I know that it is unusual for me to speak of nonviolence, but I assure you that although I don’t wear a uniform, I have not changed my
colours. My initial plan is to use non-violence as a strategic tool, and not as an ideological
weapon. I intend to approach my people as a Netaji, the political leader, and will seek their
support by appealing to their innate sense of patriotism and their love for a unified India. If
my perceptions are correct, 90 per cent of the people, irrespective of their caste or creed will
rally to my appeal for unity.
“I am basing my strategy on two factors. Firstly, there are still a number of sincere British
politicians, bureaucrats and military officers who do not want to break up India and wish to
keep the Army as a unified force for the defence of India. Secondly, I am confident that a
large number of Muslims in the army do not want partition. Our first task would be to impose
our psychological influence over Bengal, Assam, Bihar and Orrisa and keep those states calm
and ensure that no communal violence or anti-British demonstrations take place there. When
this succeeds, we will have demonstrated our ability to maintain law and order in Eastern
India, and that will have a huge and favourable impact on the rest of the nation, the British
administration and international public opinion.
“In order to facilitate the maintenance of peace in the eastern provinces, Shah Nawaz has
organised five groups composed of INA men; 1500 men for Bengal, 1000 for Assam, 1000
for Bihar, 500 for Orissa and 1000 for eastern UP. These five groups have been broken up
into twos and threes and the men are presently slowly infiltrating into every important village
and urban centre in their allotted Provinces. This is being done under advice and guidance of
Chitta, whose underground organisations have established reception points at Patna,
Lucknow, Bubhneshwar, Siliguri and Calcutta have already begun to despatch INA
infiltrators to their required destinations. These men are unarmed and will reach their
respective destinations by the middle of May.
“The role of the INA teams will be to simultaneously announce, at 8 a.m. on D Day 1947
that Neatji is alive. They will repeatedly explain that Netaji has no quarrel with the British or
any community; that he has not come to make war; that Netaji’s aim is to preserve the unity
of India against a few misguided individuals who want to break up the country for selfish
reasons. INA teams will keep in touch with local leaders and must reassure the public and
ensure that they remain calm. Citizens should be constantly reminded that their duty is to
protect the property and lives of British citizens, who are our guests now that they have
decided to leave the country. Hindus must safeguard the lives and property of Muslims, and
vice versa. Chitta has prepared a simple single sheet leaflet covering these points; he will give
each of you a copy after this meeting. I want this printed in all national languages and scripts
for distribution through your respective channels in every province on D Day after 8 a.m.
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“Chitta and my brother Sarat will be my emissaries in Bengal Habinbur Rehman will go
to Shillong and be my emissary in Assam. Sehgal will be at Lucknow and watch UP. Bhonsle
will be at Bhopal in Central Province and Dhillon at Lahore in the Punjab. Shah Nawaz and
Swami will continue to remain at Delhi. Teji will stay with me. I would be grateful if Achut
functions as my emissary in Bombay Province, and also keeps a watch over Hyderabad State.
I have asked Dilip Roy to keep in touch with Madras Province. I request Nawaz to appoint
two INA officers as my emissaries in Jaipur for Rajputana State and in Peshawar for the
North Western Frontier Province. The role of an emissary is to function as my eyes and ears;
keep in touch with the senior most politician in power and with the provincial Governor in
those states after D Day. Emissaries must not interfere with the administration. You have a
passive role to pass messages to them on my behalf and to gain whatever information you can
and pass this on to me.
“Swami has deployed four wireless stations at Delhi, Calcutta, Madras and in Ceylon,
where I have established a fall-back base just in case things go against us. But I doubt that
there will be a confrontation with the British establishment and am therefore planning to
move this to Lahore. I am confident that the British will find it difficult to arrest any of us
because we are preaching peace, unity and communal harmony. My reason for secrecy at this
stage is to ensure that the simultaneous announcement of my survival all over India, and my
sudden appearance in Calcutta on D Day will create a psychological shock; an impact, which
will help us to fulfil phase one of our plan without violence. It is only fitting that Calcutta, the
city from where the British began their conquest of India should be the city from where the
end of the Empire must begin. I had originally hoped to make my D Day 10 May. That is the
date on which the War of Independence of 1857 began. It would have been an appropriate
day to declare Indian unity so that we could have reminded Indians of 1857 when Hindus and
Muslims had fought shoulder to shoulder in a war for freedom. However, it is not be possible
to fix that date as D Day. This will probably have to be some time towards the end of May. D
Day will be notified by courier or wireless using the code word “Zinda”, which will be
followed by a date and time.
“I again emphasise that Phase one has to be a non-violent movement. We must repeatedly
tell the people that our quarrel is not with the British as they are on their way out, but only
with a handful of conspirators who want to break up India to satisfy their ego and leave India
weak and permanently divided.” Bose sipped a glass of water, and then continued, “Once
phase one of our plan succeeds, we will be faced by two related problems. I need to assume
political power. Our first and foremost effort must therefor be to get the whole machinery of
the government of India on our side. This can only happen if the Congress Party accepts me
and gives me a legitimate role in the Interim Cabinet. The key to that acceptance is the
attitude of Mahatma Gandhi. I have already written to Gandhi to tell him that I am alive. I
will shortly again be writing to him to explain our plans and persuade him .to give me his
support. It is only after I have achieved an official status in the Interim Cabinet that I will
tackle my second task.
“You know that political power by itself is meaningless if it lacks an instrument to
implement national policy. That instrument can only be the Indian Army, which today is
itself being threatened by the process of segregation. If we are to succeed, I have to get the
Armed Forces on our side. I am apprehensive about the attitude of the officers and soldiers
towards me, the ex-founder of the INA. Would they accept me as a legitimate leader of the
nation? I obviously cannot use an INA officer as my emissary to approach senior military
officers on my behalf. Such an approach may be resented by the regular army. I am therefore
planning to do this through civilian politicians who are respected by the armed forces. My
emissary to the military is not going to ask the Armed Forces, to commit treason or disobey
their officers, but will explain my aim, and appeal to them to safeguard the honour and
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welfare of their regiments, and maintain the integrity of the nation. I am confident that I will
get a positive response.”
Bose sipped his glass of water and asked, “If there are any questions you would like to
ask me at this stage, please do not hesitate to do so.”
Meherali said, “Netaji, I like your plan and am sure that phase one will succeed. But we
must anticipate that Jinnah and the Muslim League will not take your non-violent tactics
lying down. We must expect that they will resort to violence. Your attempts to counter this
could result in a full-fledged civil war.”
“You are right Yusuf. In fact I mentioned this likelihood when I wrote to Gandhi. He did
not reply to my letter but at a prayer meeting, which he held shortly after receiving my letter,
he openly defended the moral right to use violent means to counter violent bullies. Some of
you may recall how his views were widely reported in the national and international press. I
foresee that our struggle to keep the country united is likely to result in a hard and bloody
war. No country has become great without a civil war fought for principles. The English, the
French, the Russians and the Americans, have all had to fight their civil wars to remain
united. How can India shy away from it? Do we want to accept division due to a fear of
facing a civil war? That would not be a display of non violence but cowardice, as the
Mahatma himself has said recently.”
As there were no more questions, Bose went on to clarify that after gaining political
power and winning the allegiance of the Armed Forces, regular officers would be responsible
for the security of the country. He paused, and then said, “If we have to keep India united, we
will not have to fight against the British, but will have to fight on two fronts, against Muslim
as well Hindu communalism. The key to this problem is to win the support Hindu right wing
elements and also win over a large enough Muslim support to counter hard-core
fundamentalists and secessionists. Organisations like the RSS talk of Indian unity and thus
attract the support of many Indians. . But in fact their underlying concept is for a 'Hindu
Rashtra', which was an exact mirror image of the Muslim League’s concept. This is
detrimental to national unity. Fortunately, I have secured the support of Veer Sawarkar. I feel
confident of being able to dissipate the influence of the RSS. If they don’t listen to reason
then neither they nor the Muslim National Guard, will have any place in free India.
“My meetings and detailed discussions with Sawarkar and Meherali on the communal
issue have given me some hope but I am a realist and I agree with Meherali that in the last
crunch we should be prepared to face a civil war.”
Shah Nawaz spoke with concern, “History tells us that all civil wars become vicious
bloody affairs. We must not expect that our civil war is somehow going to be a gentlemanly
conflict.”
“I agree Nawaz. It is not only the thought of the spilling of blood that causes me concern.
but also another related matter. Fighting a civil war is a relatively straight forward issues
compared to the far more complex problem of communal violence. During the anticipated
civil war, our pro-unity forces would represent a joint effort by loyal secular-minded Indians
composed of every community and religion. However, the forces opposing us will be
composed entirely of Muslims. In such a situation there is always a danger of misguided
people imagining that this is a conflict between Hindus and Muslims. This misconception, if
not foreseen, and not tackled intelligently and ruthlessly, could prolong the conflict,
undermine the discipline of the Armed Forces and have a serious adverse effect on the morale
of loyal nationalist Muslims. This would make our subsequent efforts of building a truly
secular India more difficult. I would request all leaders to pay a special regard to this at all
times.
“I should like to again emphasise that the current tussle with secessionists is really over
power sharing. We must dispel the fear that some Muslims have that they will not be given
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their fair share of power when the British leave India. I wish to declare that Muslims will
have, as individuals, equal social, political and cultural rights in the India of my dreams. If I
have my way, the provinces will be permitted to frame their own constitution and run their
affairs within the parameters of the federation. But no provincial constitution will be allowed
to violate the principle of liberty, equality and justice or the human rights which will be
enshrined in the Constitution.”
Bose ended by asking if there were any more questions. Since there were none the
meeting was concluded. The audience broke up into small groups who moved across to a
table where Nana’s men had laid out mugs of tea and a plate of samoosas. Bose quietly told
Teji that, he wanted Nawaz, Swami, Chitta. Nana and Achut to stay behind for a further
discussion after the other had departed; it would be ideal if Nana would ask them to join him
for lunch. He then circulated through the hall making an effort to meet and greet every one of
his friends individually.
After tea, when the meeting broke up and individuals dispersed to their respective places
of residence, Bose sat down for a quiet talk with the five men who had stayed behind. He
took this opportunity to thank Swami, Nawaz and Chitta for the excellent arrangements they
had made for his entry into Ceylon and his movement to Bombay Province. He also thanked
Achut and Nana for the careful arrangements made for the meeting, He told Swami that the
wireless station in Ceylon should be closed down and moved as soon as possible to Lahore
where it would come under Dhillon’s command. Bose requested Nawaz to contact Captain
Laxshmi and ask her to organise a women wing; its role would be to do social service and
first aid in the struggle ahead. He asked Nawaz how his finances were; he said that he was
arranging for Iyer to send him another one lakh; further financial support would be provided
by Chitta when necessary.
Before sitting down for lunch, Chitta handed over two letters, which he had brought with
him from Calcutta. One was from Austria and the other from Sarat. Bose requested Chitta to
delay his departure from Gadhi for a couple of days so that he could send replies to Sarat and
others through him. Bose read his letters after lunch in the privacy of his room. Sarat had
nothing new to tell him. His analysis of events in Delhi indicated that Sarat still had faith in
Mountbatten’s determination to keep India united when the British departed in June 1948.
Bose, in a brief reply, thanked him for his news and told him that Chitta would brief him on
what happened at Gadhi and his future plans.
Emilie’s letter was confined to domestic trivia and numerous anecdotes about their
daughter. Bose wrote a long letter in reply giving her his news in guarded terms. He next
wrote a letter to Iyer asking him to send another one lakh to Shah Nawaz. He then wrote a
long letter to Gandhi:
I have just received a reliable report that the British are advancing their date of departure
from India to August 1947 rather than the June 1948 and they intend to partition the country
before leaving. This is the time for decision and all those who are interested in preserving
Indian unity must act NOW. I will come out of my exile in Calcutta towards end May and
call upon our countrymen to fight secession. I will issue this appeal to the Congress as well. I
seek your blessings. With your support I am sure I will get them on my side. I propose to
reject outright the two-nation theory of Jinnah and his demand for Pakistan as, irrational,
impracticable and anti-Muslim. Never in the history of India have we had a kingdom based
on religion. This was true of the Delhi Sultanate, Mughals, Rajput and Marathas! Acceptance
of a demand for Pakistan, as a state for Muslims.is an affront to the five thousand year history
of our nation. I intend to oppose partition peacefully if possible and with force if necessary.
This could mean a civil war and bloodshed, but at least it will achieve the objective of
keeping India united and will lay the foundations for future peace and prosperity.
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Succumbing to Jinnah, will result in large scale cross border migration and an unavoidable
blood bath. In addition to this, the creation of Pakistan will burden future generations of
Indians with a constant running sore in shape of a divided subcontinent. I have no lust for
power and no lure of office yet I feel that at this crucial juncture I must take over the
leadership of the nation. If I get your blessings, the support of the Congress is a forgone
conclusion. The D Day for my coming over-ground is likely to be last week of May, when
Mountbatten will be away from Delhi. I leave it to your discretion to inform the PM , Sardar
Patel and Mulana Azad about my plans. With warmest regards
He had sealed and addressed his four letters when Teji entered the room with a message
from Tiger. This read: “Henry Grady US ambassador designate arriving Delhi 4 May. Advise
contact Americans for support to unity. Detailed letter regarding military analysis and other
matters being sent Sarat.” Bose handed Teji the letter addressed to Switzerland and asked him
to post this locally. He then asked him to request Chita and Achut to meet him. Chita was
with him a few minutes later. Bose gave him the two letters for Sarat and Iyer. He asked him
to send Iyer’s letter by courier, and to meet Sarat, hand over his letter and brief him in detail
of all that had transpired at the command meeting. He told him that he was expecting an
urgent letter addressed for him.to be delivered to Sarat He would be grateful if this was
collected and sent to him as soon as possible. He then bid Chita a safe return journey to
Calcutta.
After Chita’s departure, Achut entered the room. Bose gave him the letter addressed to
Gandhi and asked him to arrange to have this delivered into his hands. Achut took this and
was then shown the signal received from Tiger. Bose asked Achut if he was friendly with Dr
Homi Bhaba who was setting up the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research in Bombay.
When Achut replied in the affirmative, Bose said, “I understand that he is true nationalist. I
would be grateful if you contact Bhabha. Do not disclose my name but request to arrange an
appointment for you and a friend to meet J.R.D. Tata at his earliest convenience. I will
accompany you, to explain my mission and plan to Mr Tata. I will ask him to be my
unofficial emissary to America.” Patwardhan agreed that this dynamic Parsi industrialist
would be the ideal choice for such a mission to America.
Bose told Achut that while he was in Bombay he would like, if possible, to meet the
widow of Babu Sattar, the martyr of the Bombay Explosion. Achut said that he would try to
trace her whereabouts and assured Bose that he would begin making arrangements for the
appointments and their move to Bombay. But he should be patient as this would take him
some time to arrange all this.
119
Chapter 9
Bose Moves To Bengal
On 18 April Achut’s Bombay contact informed him that Homi Bhaba was abroad. Achut
decided to make a personal trop to Bombay and try to approach JDR through an alternative
contact. Bose wanted to accompany him but was advised to stay in Gadhi until a firm date for
his appointment with JDR could be arranged.
In Delhi, the Viceroy was still working on the Cabinet Mission Plan for a unified India
with the deadline of June 1948 in mind. He kept meeting Jinnah throughout April and the
talks kept following the same pattern: repeated demands by Jinnah for Pakistan, using
arguments, which by this time could be regarded as classical. Jinnah was absolutely adamant
that it was useless to resurrect the Cabinet Mission plan. He admitted that his arguments for
the partition of India applied equally to the mini-partition of Punjab and Bengal. He begged
Mountbatten not to give him “a moth-eaten Pakistan”. He appealed to Mountbatten not to
weaken his Pakistan by destroying the unity of the Punjab or Bengal, each of which had a
common national character.
In a despatch to London, Mountbatten wrote, "Until I had met Jinnah I would not have
thought it possible that a man with such a complete lack of administrative knowledge or
sense of resp0nsibility could achieve or hold down such a powerful position."
Mountbatten consulted other leaders on whether they thought there was any hope of
getting a unified India by consent of all parties. The general consensus was that this may have
been possible earlier, but most of those consulted doubted whether Jinnah himself could now
reverse the feelings, which he had instilled in the Muslims. CR “admitted with great
expressions of regret that the ideal of a unified India could not be imposed by force.” The
President of the Congress, Acharya Kripalani, when asked by Mountbatten whether he had
made up his mind as to the advice he wished to offer for the transfer of power, replied, “The
point has now been reached at which …. Rather than have a battle we shall let them have
their Pakistan, provided you will allow the Punjab and Bengal to be partitioned in a fair
manner.” With Jinnah insisting on a sovereign Pakistan even if the two disputed provinces
had to be partitioned, and with the Congress High Command conceding Pakistan, on
condition that the two provinces were partitioned, the contest was virtually over though the
arguments sent on.4
These talks were given wide publicity. Press reports suggested that the public were
clearly fed up with the Congress policy of refusing to “coerce” the Muslim League to accept
a unified India, and yet bowing to Jinnah’s threats and allowing themselves to be coerced into
accepting an impractical partition. There were several leading articles by responsible editors
bemoaning the absence of a political leader who could stand up and rally the forces of unity.
More than one article stressed that India needed an Abraham Lincoln at this hour. Many
bemoaned the absence of Subash Chander Bose. These articles struck a responsive chord in
millions of readers, and gave rise to a fresh spate of rumours. Reports of Boss’s presence in
India once again began circulating all over the country. These reports were investigated by
the Intelligence Bureau and were found to be baseless.
**
Till mid-April, Mountbatten gave every indication that he was struggling to evolve some
form of unified India on the lines of the Cabinet Mission plan. But he soon began to admit to
his staff that the partition of India was unavoidable. He began working out a draft plan for the
120
transfer of power. He was determined to have it ready for submission to the Government by
early May. By this time, General Auchinleck had decided to drop all further proceedings
against INA culprits. Nehru wrote him a grateful letter. However, the trials of some fifteen
men accused of serious offences other than “waging war against the King Emperor” were
then still taking place. This had resulted in some prison sentences, and an agitation for a total
amnesty was launched. Nehru, supported by all political parties, was determined to debate the
issue in the Central Assembly.
Mountbatten discussed the problem with Nehru privately. He told him that the INA were
not politically conscious heroes fighting for their country but cowards and traitors who had
betrayed their loyal comrades. “The men who will serve you well in your national army of
the future are those who are loyal to their oath; otherwise the Army may turn against you
politicians if you become un-popular.” Nehru insisted that for political reasons the trials must
stop.
“Then the Commander-in-Chief will resign.”
“That doesn’t worry me.”
“And I will resign too.”
“But why?”
“Because I was the Supreme Commander under whom the loyal Indians fought; I led
them against the INA.”
“That would be terrible. We cannot start again with a new Viceroy.”
“Well you must choose.”
“You are pressing me very hard….You must give me time.”
The following day, Mountbatten called Nehru, Liaqat Ali Khan, Sardar Baldev Singh and
Auchinleck to a special meeting. It proved long and tense. Eventually the Viceroy persuaded
the Indian leaders to stand up to the Legislative Assembly the next day and refuse the demand
for immediate release of INA culprits, while stating that the Justices of the Federal Court
would review their cases and recommend whether there should be any alteration in the
sentences. The next day Auchinleck and the Chief Justice met and agreed on a formula for
review. At the same time, in the Assembly, Nehru made a balanced speech and the resolution
was withdrawn. That in effect was the end of the INA as a political issue.
**
Gandhi, after receiving Bose’s letter on 25 April, had become unusually quiet. The
Ashram inmates at Wardha wondered what was the reason for this. His close associates knew
that this was usually a sign that Gandhi was in deep thought. The Mahatma was indeed in a
dilemma. Never in the last five years had he missed the presence of Baa (his wife, Katurba)
as much as he did now. He was lonely and could not share his innermost thoughts with
anybody. His worry was on two counts. It was after great deliberation and thought that he had
chosen Jawahar to head the nation. He recalled how Baa had then objected to his choice and
had said, “He is everything that you are not.” She had insisted that Jawahar, with his
emphasis on industrialisation, was no typical Gandhi follower. Gandhi had explained to Baa
that modern India needed Jawahar and his vision and this was his way to make sure that India
became a strong industrial power. “He will do what I want to be done without my having to
give up all that I stand for.” He now realised that with Bose's arrival on the scene, the
position of Jawaharlal, his heir apparent, had become politically uncertain
Gandhi was apprehensive about Bose's authoritarian tendency and his views on
democracy and freedom. Though, to some extent, his worry on that score was softened by the
belief that thanks to nearly 12 years of experience in limited democracy, the people had learnt
to value their vote. They were the best check on any dictatorial moves by Bose. Moreover,
Bose’s letters had indicated that his military defeats and suffering in exile had seemingly
resulted in a genuine change of heart for the better. After much thinking Gandhi came to the
121
conclusion that Bose was the man of the moment to save Indian unity. The deciding factor
that influenced Gandhi’s decision was the alarming reports he had received from most
reliable quarters about an unhealthy relationship that was developing between Nehru and
Edwina.5
But he was still in dilemma as to how to break the news to Jawahar. He knew that he must
lose no time and should at once inform Azad and Patel. He began to write,
Dear Sardar and Maulana,
Greetings. I bring you great news, Subhas Bose is alive and in India. He has resolved to
fight Jinnah and his two nation theory, if necessary with force. Much that I abhor violence, I
am disturbed that my followers are running away from it out of fear of a civil war. I would
prefer violence to cowardice and while I will stick to my personal creed and beliefs I intend
to fully back Bose in his efforts.
Bose can only achieve his objective with the full help from you and the Congress. I am
sure the working committee will take the right decision.
Bose informs me from reliable sources that the British are advancing the date of their
withdrawal from India by nearly one year and intend quitting in August this year itself. There
is very little time left. I intend going to rural Bengal to stop the communal madness there and
be at hand to help Bose, who will begin his march to Delhi from Calcutta.
In order not to disturb the running of the government, already under great strain, I have
still not got in touch with the PM, but will do so eventually. For the time being I request you
to keep this absolutely confidential. This letter is being hand delivered by my trusted aide and
please destroy it after reading.
Yours,
Bapu.
Gandhi requested Vinobha Bhave to go to Delhi to deliver his letter.
**
The future of the Armed Forces of India was intimately connected with the partition of
the country and with the relationship between the successor state or states and the
Commonwealth. Mountbatten arranged a high level meeting to discus this issue. At that time
the proportion of Muslims in the Army was 29 per cent, as against a ratio of 27 percent of
Muslims in the population of British India. However, the number of serving Muslim officers
was very low; most of the senior officers were non-Muslims since for one reason or another
many of the Muslim senior officers had faded out. Moreover, whereas there were many
Hindu units, there was not a single all-Muslim unit. At the start of the discussion, both Sardar
Baldev Singh and Liaqat Ali Khan agreed that any decision about the Armed Forces must
follow and not precede the political decision. Both Auchinleck and Ismay felt that the
partitioning of India would have serious consequences on the Army. Muslim soldiers would
not take orders from Hindu officers and vice versa. Any indication that the Army would be
split would have appalling effects, though these would be lessened if it were made clear that
the structure would remain as it was until June 1948. Jinnah wanted the Armed Forces to be
reorganised on a communal basis prior to partition. Auchinleck said that this would be a very
complicated and difficult process. He was not prepared to undertake planning for it, which
would in any case need a large new staff.
Mountbatten reminded all that he was responsible for law and order until such time as he
could hand over power to one or more responsible authorities. After 1 June 1948 there would
be no British troops in India. The retention of the services of British officers after June 1948
was not possible except as pure mercenaries.
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“Much as I would like to see the separation completed, I must emphasise my own doubts
as to the possibility of achieving this in the time available, without weakening the Armed
Forces. This I cannot possibly accept while I am responsible for law and order.”.
When Jinnah insisted on dividing the Army on communal lines, Ismay pointed out that
the loyalty of the Indian soldier is to the Regiment. The Regiment meant everything to him.
He said to Jinnah, “Why not divide for the present on numerical lines- say two-thirds to India
and one-third to Pakistan- and sort it out later, after perhaps a year? Your new states will need
reliable institutions, especially the Army, and the Army will stand steady.” All that Jinnah
said was: “Lord Ismay, we are very grateful to you for coming out to India to try to help us,
but you know nothing about Hindus and you know nothing about Muslims.”
**
On 25 April, Achut returned to Gadhi and told Bose that he had met Fali Nariman, the
son of the great nationalist leader, Vir Nariman, and through him was able to arrange an
appointment for both of them to meet JDR on 4 May. He was not able to get an earlier date as
JRD had a very busy schedule in April and was about to go to Jameshedpur. He would only
return on 2 May. Achut confirmed that he had been able to trace the whereabouts of the
widow of Babu Sattar. She lived with relatives in a small village some miles out of Bombay.
He strongly advised against Bose going to visit her. Their presence would attract everyone’s
attention and could never be concealed.
Achut told Bose that his CID friends had told him that two or three ex-INA soldiers had
been apprehended in Bihar and Assam, and a copy of the leaflet, entitled "Bose Lives" had
fallen into their hands. Apparently top IB officers were puzzled because the contents
indicated nothing subversive and urged non-violent action. The INA men under questioning
had disclosed that they were on their way to attend an INA reunion; one said this may be held
some time towards the end of May; others spoke of end of June. One said that this would take
place in Assam and others said Bihar. Apart from this, Achut warned Bose that the Bombay
police were already alerted because of the spate of rumours of Netaji’s presence in India. It
was imperative that he remain in Gadhi for the present. He suggested that they should prepare
to move to Bombay on 2 May. Bose agreed to this proposal.
**
By this time, Mountbatten in Delhi, had prepared a draft plan for the partition of India to
be completed by 1 June 1948, with the Armed Forces remaining intact till then, with onethird deployed in Pakistan and the remainder in India. The draft was shown only to Jinnah
and Nehru. Nehru gave his consent to the plan but Jinnah protested strongly against the
partition of the disputed provinces, Punjab and Bengal, and demanded the immediate
dissolution of the Constituent Assembly.
On 2 May, Ismay flew to London with the plan. Ismay reported that the Viceroy had
found communal feeling in India to be far more bitter than he had expected. He requested an
early decision. Ismay was not told about the Cabinet’s concern for Jinnah’s health and the
prospect of bringing forward the date of transfer of power to 1947. However, Ismay held
three meetings with the Ministers concerned during which several points of detail were raised
on the proposed Boundary Commission, the referendum in the North West Frontier Province,
and the options exercisable by the Princely States. These were telegraphed to Delhi. Over the
next week a flurry of messages were exchanged between Mountbatten and Ismay.
Whilst this was taking place, the Viceroy, when briefed about the conflicting and
confused intelligence reports regarding Bose, treated them as typical examples of the
romantic desire of most Indians for a reincarnation of their dead heroes. He was convinced
that Bose had died in a plane crash. He was more concerned about law and order He felt that
communal tensions would be reduced if the leaders of the two main communities were to
make a joint appeal for peace.
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Mountbatten first asked Jinnah if he would sign a joint statement with the Congress
renouncing the use of force for political ends. Jinnah tried to evade a firm answer by recalling
at length his speeches deploring violence. When he had finished, Mountbatten said: “Of
course, if you would find it embarrassing to renounce the use of force, please consider the
mater closed.” There was an awkward pause before Jinnah replied, “I should be proud to give
a lead in this mater and am grateful to you for giving me this opportunity.” He was given a
copy of the draft statement to study. The next day he agreed to sign if “Gandhi would also
sign.” The Viceroy put the draft to Gandhi who put his signature to it there and then. The
document was taken to Jinnah who was told that Kripalani, as President of Congress, would
sign after him. Jinnah thereupon refused to sign the document saying he would not put his
name on the same piece of paper as an unknown nobody like Kripalani. Eventually
Mountbaten issued the statement over two signatures only; those of Jinnah and Gandhi.
Gandhi realised that no joint statement, no army and no police could keep peace if the
cancer of hate spreads to small self-regulated village communities, He reasoned that. news
that the British were soon leaving would only fan the fires of violence and killing. Ever since
he had heard of rioting in Bengal villages, Gandhi was uneasy. After signing the statement,
Gandhi wound up his affairs in Wardha. He boarded a train to Calcutta and then went on to
Noakhali in Bengal. Before his departure he wrote a letter to Jawahar and gave it to Vinoba
Bhave with express instructions that it was to be delivered personally to the PM.
After signing the joint statement, Jinnah’s health once again began deteriorating. He was
suffering from a persistent low fever when he reached Bombay, where he was examined by
Dr Jal Patel and admitted into Breach Candy hospital. Nora sent a routine dispatch to
London, giving a report on Jinnah’s failing health. This news disturbed Sir Howard. He sent
an urgent request through Nora to Michael Smith, the head of Special Branch, Bombay
Police, to find out what exactly was wrong with Jinnah and to procure his medical records by
whatever means possible. On receiving this urgent message, Michael’s first instinct was to
ring up the doctor and ask for the medical records on the plea of ‘national interest’. Before
doing this he thought it wise to consult Inspector Zende, his trusted Indian officer. In the
short one year that Smith was in Bombay he had developed healthy respect for this Bombay
sleuth. Zende disagreed with the direct approach and told Smith that Dr. Patel was a man of
honour who valued the confidentiality of his patients’ records. Zende proposed that two of his
men should quietly break into the Doctor’s clinic and photograph the necessary documents.
Smith agreed to this proposal.
**
Whilst Ismay was travelling to London, Bose and Achut left by bus for Bombay.. Before
his departure, Bose had Teji send a wireless message to all stations: “ZINDA 28 May 08 am.”
Achut knew that the Bombay police were on the look out for a Sikh and another man
suspected to be Bose. Teji was therefore sent ahead with the luggage by train. In the bus,
Achut sat some distance away from Bose who dressed in shirt and trouser and wore dark
glasses. Sitting by himself in the bus, Bose thought about all that had transpired during the
past fortnight. He felt satisfied with what had been achieved. He was confident that Achut
and his stalwarts were quite capable of keeping the key province of Bombay peaceful and
firmly within the union.. Yusuf Meherali and Zakaria had assured him that there was very
little support for Jinnah except for a few pockets in the city of Bombay. Bose was assured
that support for the creation of Pakistan by most educated Muslims was essentially due to
their expectations of better career prospects in the new state. “We need not worry about the
carpetbaggers!” they had said.
Patwardhan's source in the police had warned him that since Bombay was the most
important port for embarkation for withdrawing British army units, their intelligence
resources were hyper active there. It is this that made it a dangerous place for Bose to visit. It
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was for this reason that he had given up the idea of calling on the widow of Babu Sattar. Bose
was very keen to meet JRD Tata and sound him on becoming his special emissary to the US.
He was happy that Patwardhan, with the help of advocate Fali Nariman, had been able to
arrange a meeting with Tata. Patwardhan had kept Bose's identity a secret and had told
Nariman that an important lawyer, Amanullah Khan of Bengal, was keen to meet Mr JRD
Tata. Fali had not asked any questions. He knew that Patwardhan would not have burdened
him with this kind of request unless he had a strong reason.
On 2 May, Bose and Achut arrived at their destination and were greeted by Teji at the
Sardar Gruha Lodge near Crawford Market. Two days later, he and Patwardhan walked to the
Bombay House, headquarters of Tata Industries. Bose was ushered into a largge office on the
sixth floor. Behind an enormous mahogany desk sat an impressive looking young man. As
Bose entered the office, JRD, or simply Jeh to his friends,. got up to welcome the visitors and
motioned them to a sofa near the window. As the two men settled down, JRD turned to Achut
and said that it was at Fali's request that he was meeting the lawyer. He then turned to Bose
and asked what he wanted. As he spoke, JRD deliberately glanced at his watch, giving a hint
that he expected the meeting to be short.
Bose took a direct approach and began to speak in measured tones. “ I am Subhas Bose,
former head of the INA. I have come to you for help in very delicate mission.” The words
had a magical effect on JRD and he involuntarily stood up, with emotions ranging from
surprise and disbelief fleeting across his face. “Yes, I am alive and intend to plunge openly in
the fight to preserve Indian unity,” Bose continued. He then explained to JRD his plans in
nutshell and mentioned that he wanted JRD to go to the US to gather support for the cause of
India. Before any substantive discussions could begin, JRD excused himself, left his office
and told his secretary to cancel his next appointments and also instructed her that no one was
to disturb him. He then returned and sitting down told Bose that he could take his time to tell
him what he wanted.
Bose elaborated on his take over plans and how he hoped to complete the first phase
peacefully. He expressed his fears that Jinnah would react and there would be a civil war. It
was for this that he wanted America’s political support. He spelled out his reactions to the
emerging Cold War, his desire for friendship with America and his abiding belief in human
rights and freedom. He hoped that JRD would explain Bose and his intentions to the Truman
Administration. He mentioned that Henry Grady was soon to come to India as the first US
ambassador to free India. Bose told JRD that there was no hurry for him to go to America. It
was preferable that he remain in India until after 28 May and watch how events unfolded in
India. “If, as I anticipate, the Congress and the Viceroy accept me as a member of the Cabinet
in Delhi, then you could go to Washington and speak with some authority on my behalf,” he
said.
JRD, with all his wealth and administrative responsibilities, was at heart an adventurer.
He was captivated by Bose and looked forward to this foray into the world of international
politics. He agreed to undertake the task. Bose handed over Ziang Chu-cheng’s visiting card
at the back of which was written the name Ted Bradford. He said, “If events follow the
course I predict, and you go to Washington on my mission, take this card with you. and meet
Bradford. I am assured that he will have many doors to the top executives of the
Administration opened for you.”
When the two men ended their talk, Bose thanked his host and expressed his admiration
for the job the Tatas were doing. He specially mentioned the founding of Tata Institute of
Fundamental Research (TIFR) a year ago. He said that it was his desire that India should
have another 100 Tata-like industries established; it was the only sure remedy for India’s
poverty. JRD asked Bose how he was planning to travel to Bengal. This gave Achut
Patwardhan, who had been a silent spectator an opportunity to intervene. He told JRD that
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Bose and his companion were planning to travel to Dacca by rail but he was very unhappy
with this arrangement. British intelligence was on the look out for both the men and was
keeping a special watch on all the trains bound for Bengal.
JRD at once offered to help. “Since the time is at a premium, I suggest that you should fly
to Dacca. Luckily my aviator friend Biju Patnaik, the owner of Kalinga Airlines is expected
in Bombay tomorrow. I am meeting him and will find out when he is flying back. He is
himself a keen aviator. I’m sure that Bijuda will be only too happy to fly you from anywhere
to anywhere!“
Bose was deeply appreciative of this spontaneous offer of help, and said, “While
disclosing my identity, please tell Biju that I am not a fugitive from British justice, I have not
broken any laws and am not contemplating any subversive activities. The only reason for my
insisting on secrecy at this stage is so that my sudden and unexpected appearance in Calcutta
on 28 May sends a psychological shock wave throughout the country. This may help me to
take over eastern India without any opposition. When I meet Biju, I can tell him any other
details he may want to know.”
JDR nodded his assent, gave Achut a note pad and asked him to jot down his telephone
number and residential address. He said, “My secretary will contact you in a day or two and
give you all the details about your journey to Dacca.” As Bose and Achut got up to take their
leave, JRD escorted them to the exit. The two men shook JRD’s hand as they left his office
JRD was true to his word. Two days later, a man from Kalinga Airlines contacted Achut
at Sardar Gruha Lodge and told him that he had come to confirm that two passengers would
be travelling with Mr Patnaik to Dacca on 12 May. As this was a commercial flight carrying
cargo to Bengal, it would be advisable that both passengers travel as crew-members.
However there was no restriction on the amount of luggage they carried... He handed over
two blue overalls stamped with the word KALINGA on the back. He then asked for the
names of the passengers as this was necessary to complete the flight. He noted down the
names “Tejinder Singh and Amanullah Khan”. Before leaving he requested that the
passengers be dressed in Kalinga overalls at 6 a.m. on 12 May. A van would come to pick
them up with their luggage.
**
Meanwhile, in America the Truman Administration was busy analysing the profound
changes that were taking place after the end of the. Second World War. It was now evident
that the 'Grand Alliance' had become a fading memory. A new conflict between the Soviet
Union and Western Democracies led by the United States had begun to loom on the horizon.
In 1945-46, it appeared more as a dispute over territory and influence, but by 1947 it had
assumed distinct ideological connotations of 'Free World versus International Communism'.
Truman told Professor George Kennan to form a team at the Harvard, Massachusetts to
sketch out the broad outlines of American strategy to deal with expansionist Communism.
Kennan assembled a team consisting of Thomas C. Schelling, Henry Kissinger and Paul
Nitze. The position paper, titled "The strategy to deal with Soviet expansionist conduct" was
ready by last week of April. President Truman was pleased with the clear thinking expressed
in the paper and adopted it as the basis of America’s approach to Soviet aggression. To gather
public support in a war-weary America, the language was deliberately kept defensive and
'containment of Soviet Union ' was stated as the US goal.
Henry Grady, America’s ambassador designate to India, was briefed about this
containment policy before he boarded his ship for Bombay on 4 May. He was also briefed
about what was happening in Indo-China and Indonesia where French and Dutch imperial
interests were trying to trying to retain their colonial foothold by following a policy of divide
and rule. There were indications that Britain may attempt to do the same in South Asia.
America should steer clear of such devious British designs. Grady was told, “America has
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always supported Indian independence. Our aim is to be friends with India and have a strong
independent India on our side in the struggle to contain the Soviet Union.”
**
Vinoba Bhave reached Delhi on the night of 5 May. He felt it was too late to go to PM's
residence to deliver Gandhi’s personal letter addressed to Nehru. He therefore headed straight
for the Bapu Dham [the sweepers quarters] where Bapu normally stayed when in Delhi. The
next day early in the morning he went to the PM's residence where he met Indira, Nehru's
daughter, who was looking after the household. She told him that the PM had left on a tour of
the North West Frontier. Indira Gandhi asked Vinoba to hand over the letter to her and said
that she would ensure that it reached the PM. Bhave apologised and told her that he could not
do this as the Mahatma had given him express instructions that the letter was to be personally
handed over to Nehru; he would prefer to wait for the PM’s return. It was only on 10 May
that Indira told him to come and meet Nehru.
When he reached the PM's house, Indira was not present and Nehru's personal secretary
said that the PM was very busy. He requested Vinoba to come the next day. Luckily, Indira
returned while this conversation was taking place. She brushed aside the secretary's
objections and walked into the PM's private drawing room. An embarrassed Nehru,
disengaged himself from a close embrace with Edwina and angrily told Indira that he had
clearly left instructions that he was not to be disturbed. Undaunted, Indira ignored the
presence of Edwina and said " Mol (father in Kashmiri), Bapu has sent you a letter and
Vinoba has been waiting for five days to see you." Nehru sheepishly accompanied her to the
reception room where Bhave was waiting patiently. As the two walked towards the
connecting door, Indira noticed lipstick marks on her father's cheek. "For God's sake, wipe
off that lipstick Mol." She muttered under her breath. The PM heard her, nonchalantly pulled
out a hanky and began wiping his face. No sooner did he see Vinoba, when he was all smiles.
"How is Bapu?” he enquired. Vinoba said that Bapu was fine and silently handed over the
letter to Nehru.
It was not usual for Gandhi to send letters through emissaries and Nehru realised that
there must be a strong reason for this. He left Edwina, Vinoba and Indira in his drawing
room, hurried to his study and began reading the letter. After glancing at the first few
sentences he stopped and began wondering how even the astute Mahatma could have fallen
for the rumour that Bose was alive. Surely, that man had died and had been cremated in 1945.
But as he read on, he realised that the rumours, which he had been hearing from his
intelligence chief, were after all true.
After the initial shock was over, Nehru calmly pulled out a note pad and began writing to
Gandhi.
Dear Bapu,
It is indeed great news that Bose is alive and ready to lead the country with your blessing.
If he can keep India united, by whatever means, I am his first disciple.
I have no illusions of greatness. The office of PM is only a means to serve my country. I
am conscious that I am small man made great by the cause that I serve. It is the greatness of
the cause that has rubbed off on to us.
I am immediately getting in touch with Sardar Patel and look forward to meeting Subhas
at the earliest opportunity.
Yours
Jawahar.
After handing over his reply to Vinoba and bidding him farewell, Nehru told his personal
secretary to immediately contact Sardar Patel and request him to come over for urgent
127
discussions. . Later, Nehru came to Edwina who at once noticed the change his mood. Nehru
apologised for having to discontinue their meeting. He explained that something urgent had
come up that required his full attention. Edwina understood and bid him goodbye with a peck
on his cheek in full view of Indira.
Meanwhile Sardar Patel, on receiving an urgent call from Nehru’s secretary, at once left
his office. As his car approached the PM’s residence, Sardar Patel, a man who believed in
being frank to the point of bluntness, felt a tinge of remorse at the thought that he was
keeping the news about Bose from the PM. He found an unusually sombre Nehru. After the
attendants had left, Nehru drew himself close to the Sardar and in a slow and deliberate voice
told him that an entirely new situation had arisen, “ Subhas Bose is alive and in India. This
changes the whole political situation. The Mahatma has written to me saying that though
presently underground, he will soon be joining public life.” It took all the skills that
Vallabhbhai had acquired as a successful lawyer to feign surprise. But he need not have
worried. The PM was too pre-occupied with his thoughts and scarcely noted his reaction to
the news.
Nehru continued, “Bapu feels that Subash is our best bet to thwart the British plan to
partition India. And I agree with him.” Patel was relieved that Nehru had taken a pragmatic
view and seemed reconciled to the inevitable take over of the government by Bose. Relieved
that the onerous task of breaking the news of Bose’s survival and also announcing his support
to Bose was no longer necessary, Sardar mentioned that there was as yet no hard evidence
about Bose actually being in India. He drew attention to the rumours circulating since 1945
and mentioned that British intelligence has carried out independent investigations and does
not believe that Bose is alive.
Nehru smiled and said, “No, Vallabhbhai, if Bapu is convinced that Bose is alive and
well, then it has to be true. In any case we will not have to wait much longer. I have decided
to get in touch with Subhas. Since there is no reliable contact, I am sending a letter to Bapu
for delivery to Subhas Bose. Strictly, any offer of a place for Subhas in the Government
would need the approval of the Cabinet. But for now, we should treat this as essentially an
internal matter of the Congress Party. I intend talking to Azad. But I recommend that we keep
this between the three of us for the present. If Bose is ready to fight for Indian unity, we will
surely win. He is one leader whose support cuts across the communal divide.”
In a pensive mood, Nehru spoke more to himself than to Sardar. ”Often, when I see
millions of people hailing me as a Great leader, I realise how small we all are. But since the
cause that we fight for is great, some of the greatness rubs off on to us….when I hear from
Subhas, I will propose his name as our leader to the CWC.” . Patel left the PM’s house a
much relieved man. Deep in thought, he missed seeing the ‘Namaste’ by Indira. As Sardar
departed, Indira hurried to her father’s study. “Mol, what have you and the Sardar been
discussing for so long?” she asked. Jawaharlal told her about the news of Bose’s survival. He
said that he had decided to step down in favour of Subhas and fight for a united India under
his leadership.
**
On the night of 9 May, Inspector Zende’s men used skeleton keys to quietly enter Dr
Patel’s clinic. They were able to open a locked cabinet containing medical records and trace
the one they wanted. They photograph this, replaced the documents and re-locked the cabinet.
Lying on Dr Patel’s desk was a large envelope marked with Jinnah’s name. This contained
several X-ray photos. They were not able to photograph these. They were tempted to steal
these but had been warned by Zende that nothing should be removed, and the clinic must be
left without any trace of a break-in. They reluctantly left the envelope lying on the desk, relocked the entrance door and withdrew. As they were leaving the building a Gurkha guard
arrived on the scene. One of the intruders dealt the watchman a sharp blow with the side of
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his hand, hitting the tendon below the neck. The sentry fell unconscious. Inspector Zende,
who was waiting in the car park in a Morris car, witnessed this encounter. Although the
mission had been successfully completed, he was unhappy to depart without leaving a false
trail. He took custody of the camera and ordered the men to re-enter the building and break
into the flat adjoining the clinic. He told them that this was unoccupied and the tenants had
gone for a holiday to a hill station. One of the men was ordered to bring a curtain cord and
secure the sentry. The other was ordered to remove some jewellery from this flat, and to
make sure that the operation looked like a normal theft.
On 10 May as Dr. Jal Patel drove from his Colaba residence to his clinic near French
Bridge in Central Bombay, his mind was pre-occupied with the previous week’s events. He
had examined Jinnah and found that his condition was deteriorating. He had been honest with
his patient and warned him that his life expectancy was being endangered because of his
hectic political activities; he must take things easy or else face the consequences of an early
death. Jinnah told his doctor that he had to return to Delhi on 12 May for urgent political
consultations. At Jinnah’s request Dr Patel had given him medicines that would enable him
go on with his work. Dr Patel admired the courage of the man who put his political dreams
before the grim news of his health
When Dr Patel reached his clinic he found a group of policemen at the gate. He was
informed that there was an attempted burglary in the building. Two intruders had come in the
dead of the night. They had been challenged by the Gurkha night watchman. They had overpowered him and left him tied up. A sub-inspector told Dr. Patel that some jewellery had
been stolen from a second floor flat, which was presently unoccupied as the owners were out
of station.
Dr. Jal Patel was a fastidious man. His office was organised like a well-run library with
every scrap of document well tagged and always in its proper place. Legend has it that the
doctor would be upset even if a paper-weight was not in its appointed place. When the doctor
entered his office his critical eyes at once noticed that things were not in their usual place.
Irritated by this he summoned the darwan and his secretary. Both told him that no one had
entered his office after he had left it last night. The Doctor was not satisfied. He pointed out
that the envelope containing X-ray photos, which he had left on his table were not in their
place. He told his secretary, “I am sure that some one was here last night, Zarine, check every
thing,”. Later, he heaved a sigh of relief when he was informed that all the case papers
including those of barrister Jinnah were safe.
The next day, the Times of India, reported a case of burglary in Ashiyana Building under
the heading. ‘A Doctor’s Office in Central Bombay Burgled.’, the report went on to say that
Dr. Patel’s clinic on French Bridge in Central Bombay was apparently broken into by some
burglars the previous night. . The report added that Dr. Patel is a personal physician of many
famous personalities including barrister MA Jinnah. No major valuables were found missing
from the clinic, though the burglars made away with some jewellery from an adjoining flat.
The police are investigating the matter.
Miss Fatima Jinnah brought this news item to her brother’s attention. Jinnah was alarmed
and immediately rang up Dr. Patel, who assured him that all was in order and that Jinnah’s
case papers were safe. Reassured, Jinnah went back to work, plotting out the likely shape of
new government of Pakistan! Despite the Cabinet Mission plan and uncertainties of the last
few days, Jinnah was supremely confident that the British would deliver him his beloved
Pakistan. As he gazed at the calm waters of the Arabian Sea from the window of Jinnah
House on Malabar hill, his eyes went misty at the memories of Rutie and Dina. He wondered
if he would ever be able to meet his daughter again or see his grandson Nusli grow to
manhood. But he quickly brushed aside this brief emotional indulgence. There was no time to
lose and he MUST make his mark on the history of the subcontinent. He would teach Gandhi
129
and Congress a lesson for jettisoning him, he muttered angrily. So, Gokhale’s disciple who
was once the symbol of Hindu Muslim unity, went on methodically planning for the creation
of his land of the pure. The next day he left by air for Delhi.
**
Kalinga Airline Dakota carrying Bose and Teji took off from Santa Cruz Airport at 7 a.m.
on 12 May. It was only after the air craft was air borne and set on its course that Biju Patnaik
handed over the controls to his co-pilot and came to the rear to introduce himself to Bose.
Both men took to each other at their very first meeting. Biju asked Bose many questions
about his reported ‘death’ and his experiences in Germany and South East Asia. Bose was
fascinated to hear about Biju’s exploits across the Himalays and his trips to Stalingrad and
Leningrad during World War 2. Biju told Bose how he had flown several thrilling missions to
China during the Second World War. “Of course you must be knowing that” he added with a
twinkle in his eye! Bose knew that he was referring to his days in INA when the two men
were on opposite sides of the fence.
Biju was particularly interested to learn that Bose had taken shelter in Indonesia for over
one year. He said, “I’ve special affection for that country and have flown urgent supplies to
Sukarno several times. I was there early this year. I landed at Jakarta on your birthday, 23
January, on an overcast day. Arriving at the presidential palace, I was informed that the first
lady had. delivered a baby girl. Later in the evening, at a dinner hosted in my honour.
President Sukarno asked me if I could suggest a name for the new-born. Looking skywards, I
didn’t have to think twice. I told the President, ‘when I landed here this morning, the heavens
were ready to pour, so how about calling the little one Mega [cloud]?’” 6
The two men hardly noticed the passage of time and the discomfort of their tedious
journey as they exchanged anecdotes about their lives of high adventure. When the plane
landed at Barrackpore for a fuel stop, Russi Modi, head of the Tata Iron and Steel Company,
met Biju and boarded the aircraft with pack lunches for his crew. He introduced himself to
Amanullah Khan and Tejinder Singh. He was apparently unaware of the former’s real
identity. He said that Mr Tata had requested him to accompany the lawyer to Dacca and
arrange for his stay at the Tata Guest House whilst in Dacca.
It was dusk by the time the Dakota circled over Dacca airport; the landing, with Biju at
the controls, was silken smooth. At the airport Haji Gulam Rasool, the main dealer in Tata
steel was waiting to greet the passengers. He had been contacted by JRD and told to look
after Amanullah Khan. Bose remained in background while all attention was focussed on
Russi Modi. Bose was merely introduced as his companion. Haji Rasool told Bose that on
instructions from JRD, he had made all arrangements for their stay and that his car was at the
disposal of Modi sahib.
Biju had wanted to part company at the airport but agreed to stay when Russi insisted that
he spend at least a night with him. While this conversation was taking place and their luggage
was being sorted out, an unobtrusive man came up to Bose and whispered that he was
Chitta’s contact. He advised that Netaji should move with him to a safe house. Bose told him
that he would stay one night with Russi. He should come to collect Bose and Teji the next
day at 10 a.m.. Teji and Rasool, lead the way in a station wagon, while the others followed in
a Bentley. The two vehicles moved through the Dacca streets to the outskirts of Narayangunj,
and halted in front of a huge colonial-style mansion.
After a hot bath and a change of clothes, the party met in a well-appointed drawing room
for a pre-dinner drink. Russi told them that Rasool had prepared a special meal of grilled
hilsa [fish] and curried duck. He planned to serve special French wines with the meal.. He
turned to Bose and said, “Don’t worry Amanullah, I have the very best fruit juices for you.”
Bose smiled and told him that he had no objection to enjoying good French wine.
130
Later in the evening, Biju was able to take Bose aside and tell him that he was returning
to Calcutta the next day. He asked Bose how he was planning to reach Calcutta on 28 May.
Bose told him that he had not yet made up his mind; he would probably travel by bus from
Khulna after meeting Gandhi. .Biju told him that it would be difficult for him to time his
journey by bus; moreover an arrival by bus would hardly be dramatic.. He offered to pickup
Bose from Khulna and fly him to Calcutta precisely at 8 a.m. Bose gladly accepted the offer
and was told to be ready at Khulna airfield at 7.30 a.m. Bose requested Biju to meet Sarat or
Chitta in Calcutta and tell them what he was planning. . Patnaik volunteered to also get in
touch with Jayprakash Narayan and organise support to Bose in Bihar. Bose nodded in
agreement and told him that Saratda was already on that job.
During dinner, Bose enjoyed sipping his wine. It was a delightful meal and Russi was an
attentive host and a brilliant raconteur with a fund of stories. The next morning, after
breakfast, Bose and Tejinder thanked Russi and Rasool for their hospitality before departing
with their escort .to a safe house some miles outside Dacca.
**
Smith despatched the photo-copies of Jinnah’s papers to Delhi from there these reached
Sir Howard On 13 May. He showed the medical record to a team of Harley Street specialists.
.In the absence of X-ray photos, they could not come to a firm decision but their tentative
diagnosis alarmed him. He drove down to meet Winston Churchill and give him a report on
how he had purloined Jinnah’s medical records. He concluded by saying, ”Our doctors
predict that Jinnah either has TB or lung cancer and will be lucky if he survives for more than
a year.” The old lion settled comfortably in his chair and closed his eyes, furiously puffing on
his Cuban cigar. After a while he opened his eyes, focussed directly on Howard and slowly
began to speak, “I agree with you that without Jinnah, Operation Akbar is finished. Atlee is
still hesitating to take bold decisions, and we have to move fast.”
Howard reminded him that Dicky Mountbatten was due in London shortly. Churchill’s
face brightened up at this and he told Howard to fix a meeting with the PM and the three of
them as soon as Dicky arrived. “You must think I’m an old imperialist fool! No, I understand
that we cannot hold on to our empire any longer, but Britain will be finished without its Asian
markets and resources from its colonies. The future battles will be over economic influence
and in this our ‘relentless creditors’ the Americans, will edge us out. England will become a
sad, miserable, second rate nation. Pakistan is our best chance to keep an outpost that will
ensure our presence in south Asia and keep Indian ambitions in check. I couldn’t care less
about Jinnah and his mad Muslim followers, I am concerned with Britain’s long term
interests. Unfortunately, in the Labour Party there are too many woolly headed idealists and
dreamers who do not understand real politick!” Balance of power is the name of the game, he
told Howard. It was always so in Europe as it is now in the Indian subcontinent.
Howard nodded his assent. Before taking leave of Churchill he mentioned that Congress
leadership appeared to be frightened at the prospect of a civil war and seemed ready to
concede to the creation of Pakistan. “All that we really need to do is to advance the time table
for withdrawal and bring Operation Akbar to a successful conclusion.” Back in his office in
London Sir Howard was a satisfied man. He dictated a long telegram to the Delhi office
outlining London’s reactions to Jinnah’s medical reports and details of how Operation Akbar
was to be implemented in case the withdrawal date was advanced to August 1947 The
telegram from London did not come as surprise to Nora. It spelled in graphic details the plan
of action to begin riots in Punjab, United Provinces and Bengal. Of special interest to her was
the mention of including the RSS (Rashtriya Swanmsewak Sangha) as a British asset in
furthering the course of Operation Akbar.
Meanwhile, in the light of the exchange of telegrams between the Viceroy and Ismay, the
Prime Minister was able to arrive at a final draft and put it to the Cabinet by 12 May. The
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Viceroy studied the last message he received from London. and prepared a final draft. This
was shown to Nehru who was staying as his guest in Simla. Nehru was now fully conscious
that it was only a matter of time before Subhas, who was determined to keep India united at
all costs, replaced him as Prime Minister. He kept these thoughts to himself. All he said was
that he doubted if the Congress would accept this revised plan. Mountbatten was surprised
when Nehru said this. Nehru noticed this reaction and told the Viceroy that the whole
approach had been completely changed; the new proposals involved a complete retraction by
the British Government of its previous pledges, the virtual scrapping of the Constituent
Assembly and abandonment of the Cabinet Mission plan. The acquiescence of the Congress
in the splitting of Muslim majority provinces did not imply casting away an all-India basis of
settlement, but was designed to make the Cabinet Mission plan viable without coercion, and
was not at all inconsistent with an Indian Union of both the separated parts. He later put his
objections to the final draft in writing.
Mountbatten was stunned and dismayed by Nehru’s objections. He was also baffled. He
was at a loss to understand what was at the bottom of Nehru’s violent rejection of his plan,
which he had earlier accepted. The rest of the day was spent trying to find out what his
objections were. Mountbatten pointed out that the plan was not changed in the essentials from
the lines he had agreed to in Delhi. Nehru insisted that the new plan was conniving at the
possibility of the complete balkanisation of India, and that there was insufficient connection
between the present plan and the Cabinet Mission plan, which he claimed was by no means
dead. Mountbatten came to the conclusion that the mere fact that the plan had been re-drafted
in London had not only raised Nehru’s own suspicions but would also, in Nehru’s opinion,
make the plan far less acceptable to other Congress leaders.Professor Tinker has argued that
in rejecting a plan whose close likeness he had previously accepted Nehru was exhibiting a
characteristic “amnesia” or as he might have put it “double think”.7
Mountbatten did not waste time in wringing his hands. He telegraphed Nehru’s letter to
London, and had conference with V.P.Menon. and his advisers. The outline of Mountbatten’s
final draft remained unaltered, but a scheme was devised to grant undivided India full
Dominion Status as soon as possible. He felt that this would be acceptable to Jinnah and the
Congress. The former would agree if he was told that after things settled down, Mountbatten
would persuade the political leaders of the Congress Party to accept the grant of Dominion
Status to the two separate states of Pakistan and India by 1 June 1948. The next morning
Nehru was persuaded that the Dominion Status Plan was acceptable but he was worried about
how to get it through the Congress. Menon immediately contacted Sardar Patel on the
telephone and told him of the Dominion Status Plan, Nehru’s acceptance and his worries
about how to get it through the Congress, to which Patel instantly replied: “Leave that to me.
That is my business.” Sardar Patel was confident that once India attained Dominion Status
with a strong central government under Subhas Chandra Bose, there would be no question of
a further sub-division of the country into two separate dominions.
Meanwhile, in London, the Prime Minister, The Secretary of State and Ismay were
bewildered by the messages from Delhi. They had prepared themselves to receive the
Viceroy’s approved draft and lay it before the Cabinet on 13 May. British Prime Ministers are
unaccustomed to having their final drafts altered radically. They decided that either a Cabinet
Minister should go out to India, or the Viceroy should come home to explain this volte-face. .
Mountbatten did not hesitate between these alternatives. Apart from discussing these issues
with the Cabinet, he wanted to attend the Princess’s wedding. He decided that he would fly to
London on 14 May. This suited the Cabinet, which also wanted to discuss the question of
bringing forward the transfer of power date to August 1947.
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4
In their book, The Proudest Day: India’s Long Road to Independence, by Anthony Read and Daniel
Fisher, W.W.Norton & Co, New York, the authors found the framers of Indian independence not up to
the job. Paul Mann in a review of that book in the New York Times Book Review Section, 26 April
1998 said, “On one level the book is pure political narrative…on another level it is the starkest of
morality tales, telling in excruciating detail the inside story of one of the greatest debacles of the
century, and as such it should be read by everyone who needs to know the cost of moral cowardice
to human civilization. ..[the book] exposes India'’ independence struggle as a victory of hollow men
over good ones, a victory that stuck the whole world with an intractable mess that in the past half
century has inflicted more deaths and suffering on civilian population than the Middle East and
Northern Ireland combined."
5
Paul Mann in his review [of the book referred to in Note 94] says, ”For sheer moral squalor, it would
appear that nobody outdid the Mountbattens. It was bad enough that the vain and utterly unqualified
Lord Mountbatten was sent out to manage the final stages of independence. But when the wife,
Edwina, started sleeping with Nehru, apparently with her husband’s blessing, it was scarcely
surprising that Jinnah saw the British in bed with the Congress Party’s Hindus and decided that the
Muslim League was being cheated.” New York Times Book Review Section, 26 April 1998.
6
In July 2001, Megawati Sukarnoputri took over as President of Indonesia
7
Experiments with Freedom by Hugh Tinker, Oxford University Press, 1967, p 112,
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Chapter 10
The Gathering Storm
While Nehru and Mountbatten were debating the partition of India, Bose was busy going
through the pile of letters and messages that awaited him at a safe house outside Dacca. He
had a quiet sense of satisfaction that he was once again in touch with all his associates. He
felt assured that he had things under control and that events were going according to plan.
Among his letters there was the familiar blue envelope with a message from Nora giving
details of Ismay’s visit to London and details of the state of Jinnah’s health. She was
anticipating Mountbatten’s move to London and felt sure that on his return he would make an
immediate announcement that the British were planning to withdraw by 15 August 1947.
Bose had two major objectives to achieve in Dacca. The first was to enlist support of
Fazal Ul Haq and the second was to meet the Mahatma, who at that time was calming the
fires of communal tensions in rural Bengal. His meeting with Haq, which had been prearranged by Sarat, took place on 15 May and went off well. A young man, Mujibur Rehman,
who accompanied Haq, impressed Bose, who calmed their fears on regional autonomy, and
gave his support for the Bengali language and land reforms. Haq knew that Bose could be
relied upon to keep his word. It was only now that Subhas shared with the two men the true
reason for the great tragedy of famine that was engineered by the British in 1943. He showed
them a copy of the letter from Mountbatten to Suhrawady, which Nora had secretly sent him
last year. The contents shocked both his visitors. Bose felt confident that the disclosure of the
Muslim League’s callous betrayal of the people in their desire to pander to the British, and
the resentment that already existed against the threat of an imposition of an Urdu language
policy would help him to win over East Bengal.
After they had finished their discussion, Haq gave him an interesting piece of news. The
senior-most Indian Army officer in Dacca was one Colonel Ayub Khan, who was dead set
against the partition of the country. Haq offered to arrange a meeting between the two men.
Bose agreed. Two days later, Fazal Haq was true to his word and the strapping Pathan arrived
at the safe house. Colonel Ayub, when introduced to Bose, saluted smartly. He proffered his
hand and said that he was very pleased to meet the legendary Indian hero. Bose smiled and
told him that they had already met. He reminded a perplexed Ayub of the train journey from
Madras and his meeting with Father Paul. Ayub smiled wryly as he recalled their animated
conversation on train. “I realised even at that time that you were a man of quality. I hope you
didn’t think I spoke out of turn?” he enquired, somewhat sheepishly.
He was stunned when Bose told him about his plans to come over-ground soon and fight
for a united India. But what Bose told him next made him nearly fall off his chair “I want you
to be with the Indian army, should we have to fight a civil war to preserve our unity.” Ayub
went pale for a moment. The Muslim league leader Khan Quyoom Khan in Rawalpindi had
already approached him for his support. In-fact, Quyoom Khan had then confidently
predicted that Ayub would soon be posted to Dacca to facilitate the establishment of East
Pakistan. A week later, when Ayub Khan actually received his posting orders to Dacca, he
realised that the Muslim League must enjoy a big clout in the British Defence Department at
Delhi. Ayub thought of his family residing in Rawalpindi, specially little Gauhar. What was
to happen to them? His heart was torn between the conflicting emotions of loyalty to his
regiment, love of his family and attachment to his religion. Ayub was speechless.
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Bose sensed the conflicting emotions raging within the soldier He knew that many others
would have to make a similar choice. He told Ayub that he should take his time in making a
decision. All that Bose requested was that the Colonel should keep their meeting a secret.
Ayub was relieved to get a breather and gave Bose his solemn word that their meeting would
be kept secret.
**
After the end of World War II the America's armed forces were spread in three
continents. Domestic opinion was all for 'bringing the boys home!' The compulsions were
clear, the war time boom had to be sustained at all costs in order to prevent the US and the
world from repeating the crash which followed World War I. So, as the soldiers were
withdrawn, American businessmen moved to the remotest corners of the world. America
began to acquire an economic empire without colonies. The duo of John Foster Dulles and
Allen Dulles, one in diplomacy and the other in the field of intelligence, rose to prominence.
But American power did not rest on economic strength alone, it was predicated on
maintaining a monopoly on the 'ultimate weapon', the Atomic Bomb.
Even before the actual use of the atom bomb at Hiroshima, Stalin had come to know
about its existence. Alexander Feklisov, the KGB agent stationed in New York from 1941 to
1946, operated a highly effective network of agents who penetrated leading engineering,
electronics and ordinance companies and obtained a large amount of highly classified
technological and military related information. After the devastation brought about by the
Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombing, Stalin ordered his intelligence chief, Beria, to acquire the
technology from the Americans at any cost. As the KGB began a massive intelligence
operation to ferret out the Atomic secrets, the Russians built several atomic “cities” where its
scientists went ahead at breakneck speed to catch up with the Americans.
The intelligence network controlled by Feklisov's successor, Anatoly Yatskov, included
Claus Fuchs, British citizen and other important individuals at Los Alamos. When these
spying activities were discovered, Claus Fuch's involvement in the atomic espionage scandal
was exposed. The US legislature passed the May-Johnson bill, which denyed foreigners,
including Britiain, access to data of Project Manhattan. This was a blow to Anglo-American
relations. Churchill was furious. He got in touch with Allen Dulles, boss of the newly created
Central Intelligence Agency [CIA] to protest about Britain’s exclusion from atomic research,
in which they had played a major role during the Second World War. Dulles bluntly told him
that the British intelligence network was not reliable as it was badly penetrated by
Communists and the Americans could not risk the security of the free world.
Churchill summoned Sir Howard Bloom. Both men agreed that henceforth the MI would
keep a wary eye on all their agents. A major exercise to spot Communist sympathisers in MI,
began in 1947. The investigators soon zeroed on to a group of young radicals from
Cambridge University. During one of the routine checks of the membership of 'liberal'
groups, the name of Nora Harris, cropped up. Sir Howard refused to believe that his blue
eyed patriotic officer in India could be a spy. It was however decided that a discreet watch
would be kept on her activities in India. Luckily for Nora, Kim Philby, her friend from
Cambridge, was a part of this security review committee. He warned her that she was a
suspect and was being watched. This was a major blow to Nora just as the situation in India
was reaching a decisive stage. She sent a radio message to inform Bose that she was closing
down he radio station. She decided that henceforth she would be very cautious about her
contacts with Bose.
**
On 14 May, as the Viceroy’s Dakota readied to take off from the Safdarjung airfield,
Mountbatten settled back in his seat and closed his eyes. A concerned ADC said, “You seem
worried Sir!” With a wave of his hand, the Viceroy signalled an end to all conversation. He
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then turned back to have a look at the other passengers and was pleased that Sepoy Najib
Khan, his handsome Pathan orderly was on the flight. He smiled at him and then settled down
for the take off.
Mountbatten was indeed a troubled man. However his worries did not have much to do
with the Indian situation. As he went over the events of last few days, he admitted that he had
been taken aback by the turn about of the PM. Sardar Patel had explained that the main
reason why Nehru had rejected the Cabinet Mission plan was that he was afraid that this
would mean a weak centre! “Any one familiar with the Indian history would shudder at this
thought,” Patel had added. But Mountbatten was relieved that the two major political parties
had finally accepted his Dominion Status plan, with the prospect of a strong centre. This
would now give him time to execute Operation Akbar, leading to the eventual creation of the
two separate dominions of Pakistan and India. "That should satisfy Jinnah," he thought to
himself. He was deliberately undertaking this trip alone, sure in his mind that Edwina could
mange Nehru in his absence.
His present concern was over a domestic issue, which had arisen in London. When news
had first reached the Viceroy, in early 1947, of a Royal romance growing between his Greek
cousin and Britain’s heir apparent during an African safari, he was very pleased. But his
happiness turned to anxiety when reports filtered in that the romance was a one-sided affair.
The Prince was actually keen on the younger and more attractive sister of the heir apparent.
Mountbatten decided that it was time to use his considerable charm and influence to steer the
affair in the right direction. The Cabinet’s request for consultations on Indian affairs was a
convenient excuse for this trip. As he retired towards the rear of the aircraft to relax,
Mountbatten felt confident of success.
**
Five days after their arrival in Dacca, Bose and Teji set out for Khulna to meet the
Mahatma. Bose realised that this was going to be a decisive moment for him. With Gandhi on
his side his task would be easier. “The Mahatma is worth ten divisions!” he had confided to
Patnaik. His agents had reported that they were finding it difficult to keep track of Gandhi.
The Mahatma, on his mission of peace, was walking from village to village, spreading the
message of communal harmony. The remote villages he toured were barely connected by
dusty tracks. With the beginning of pre-monsoon showers, all tracks had been turned into a
sea of mud, which not even a Jeep could negotiate. The special branch officers who had been
given the task of shadowing Gandhi had sor feet and were at the end of their tether.
On Saturday 23 May, Bose’s agents reported that Gandhi was most likely to reach
Narayanpur on Monday. He would probably halt there as that was the Mahatma’s day of
maun (vow of silence). The Special Branch officers knew that the Mahatma rested on
Mondays. They always looked forward to having a rest on that day. Bose's agents advised
that this was the best day for him to meet Gandhi in the guise of a journalist. Bose agreed and
positioned himself in Narayanpur a day ahead of Gandhi.
On Mondays, Gandhi normally avoided meeting outsiders. He occasionally met visitors
by special request if they had urgent matters to discuss. All ‘conversation’ was one sided,
with the visitor speaking and Gandhi responding by either nodding or shaking his head to
indicate “assent” and “dissent’. The Mahatma kept a slate, a piece of chalk and a small rag by
his side and would sometime ask a question or give an answer in writing. But this was never
a simple process as the Mahatma had notoriously bad hand-writing.
It was with the greatest difficulty that the agents were able to arrange a meeting between
Subhas and Gandhi. This defining moment in the history of the Indian subcontinent took
place in a thatched hut in the obscure village of Narayanpur. There were several people in the
hut when Bose entered and formally greeted Bapuji, Gandhi at once recognised him. He
picked up his slate, wrote on it and handed it to Abha who read what he had written. Except
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for Bose and Teji, she ushered everyone else out of the hut. She told her people who were
waiting outside the hut to ensure that no one interrupted the Mahatma. Only Abha and Teji
remained present at this historic meeting. They vividly remember the events, which followed.
Bose spoke quietly and deliberately. He covered all the points that he had made to the
members of his high command at Gadhi on 14 April. He spoke slowly in short sentences
paused every now and awaited a nod from Gandhi before continuing. At times, Gandhi raided
his hand to stop Bose and scrawled a query on his slate. Bose sometimes found it difficult to
de-cipher what had been written and would then request Abha to interpret what had been
written. Bose made a plea that Indians must fight to preserve the unity of their country.
Gandhi was reluctant to accept the inevitability of a civil war and urged Bose to try and
resolve the matter without bloodshed. But significantly, Bapu wrote, “While I remain wedded
to my creed of non-violence at all cost, I leave it to my followers and fellow Indians to fight
injustice and divisiveness with whatever means they find right.”
Bose explained that partition would mean mass exodus and killings, with or without a
civil war. The choice according to Bose was between partition and bloodshed followed by
endless bickering, or the preservation of unity through bloodshed followed by peaceful
nation-building. In either case, bloodshed was unavoidable. This was India’s moment of
decision. “He who takes a decision is often wrong. But he who fails to take a decision is
always wrong.” Gandhi accepted this and enquired about the British role in the event of
conflict. Bose replied that the British were so exhausted by the Second World War that they
were in no position to intervene militarily. Gandhi wrote the word ‘America” followed by a
large question mark. Bose realised that Gandhi was enquiring about the likely attitude of the
United States towards the happenings in the sub continent. Bose replied that he was aware
that in the post-war world it was America that called the shots; he was planning to send JRD
Tata as his special envoy to America, but only after he had been nominated to some formal
appointment in the Cabinet.
The Mahatma then handed over Nehru’s letter. Bose was relieved to read that Jawaharlal
had accepted his leadership. His path would be much smoother now that he was likely to get
the official backing of the Congress. Bose realised that it was Gandhi’s influence that had
done the trick. Despite their past differences, the Mahatma had supported Bose. Tears of
gratitude welled in Bose’s eyes.
Then an extraordinary thing happened, Gandhi broke his vow of silence and said, “I have
always believed wrong means must never be employed to achieve good ends. Before
undertaking any action, I would therefore always seek a moral imperative which influenced
my actions.”
Bose agreed and said, “Bapuji, since my return to India, I have sensed that there is moral
and political uncertainty in the country. ‘The best lack all convictions, while the worst are full
of passionate intensity.’ The people want a change. They feel the need for men of action.”
“Yes Subhas. But political logic and firm action are not enough.”
Bose was unsatisfied with this response. He spoke abruptly, “Then are you suggesting
that we take no action? Must we sit back and rely on fate?” He shook his head in disbelief,
and continued angrily, “Like Chesterton I do not believe in a fate that falls on men however
they act; but I do believe in a fate that falls on men unless they act."
Gandhi gazed intently at Bose but said nothing. He recognised the Bose of old. This was
the combative rebel whom Gandhi had dealt with in 1938. He appreciated Bose’s vitality and
enthusiasm; his cold and angry eyes, determination written all over his face, his voice
charged with defiance, his attitude challenging and aggresive. Here was a man who was sure
of himself and full of self-confidence. Undoubtedly, this was the only leader who could deal
with Jinnah and Mountbatten on equal terms.
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Bose regretted his angry outburst. “I’m sorry Bapuji. I know that according to your code
there is no room for anger in this world.”
“Don’t misunderstand me Subhas. I accept just anger, yes, but never self-righteous rage.
You have every reason to be angry, but there’s no reason in the world why you should let it
consume you. India needs you Subhas. You must learn to bank your fire.”
Bose stared at Gandhi who gave him a toothy grin. Bose asked himself, ”What does the
old man want? He asks me bank my fire and not put it out.”
As if he understood Bose’s thoughts, Gandhi said, “You are you, and your fire is warming
when it is kept under control. You are fighting for India’s survival as a united country. The
fight is going to be a long and a hard one. You must not allow anger to distract you and fan
the flames in you heart.” He continued speaking gently, “The path that you are going to take
is strewn with many obstacles and false by-ways. It is imperative that you search for and
define for yourself a moral imperative, which will governs your future actions, or else you
may lose your way.”
Bose was mollified but still puzzled. “You have decried fate, political logic and firm
action; then in what direction do we turn?”
Gandhi did not answer him directly but continued, ”I suspect that presently, your main
attention is centred on countering the Muslim League and their separatist-supporters. In fact
your most dangerous opponents will be Hindus and will arise from within the Congress. I
know of at least two influential Congress stalwarts, proven nationalists, who will oppose your
confrontational tactics. CR and Kriplani will disagree with you on strong moral grounds.
They will publicly insist that no individual can be rightfully compelled to do or be forcibly
prevented bear from doing something merely because it will be better for him in the long run.
They will repeatedly say that no man should be compelled to conform on the excuse that in
the opinion of others, it will make him happier, or because to do so will be a wise or even a
right act. Yes, they will accept that that these are good reasons for you to remonstrate or
entreat with Jinnah and his followers; but not for you to compel them.”
“So what do you advise? How do I counter their arguments? How should I win their
approval?” asked Bose.
“I advise that you re-read John Stuart Mill’s famous essay On Liberty. In this, he muses
on the morality of action. Mill argues that the only purpose for which power can be rightfully
exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to
others. Keep that moral imperative before you whenever you confront Jinnah and your
Congress critics in Delhi.”
Bose realised that the Mahatma, in his own quiet inimitable way had admonished him and
at the same time had not only supported him but also given him a moral imperative for the
future. As he prepared to leave, in an uncharacteristic gesture, he touched Bapu’s feet and
sought his blessings for the task ahead. The Mahatma wished Bose good luck. Bose was
deeply touched and hurried away quickly fearing that his emotions may overwhelm him.
Vibha later recalled that even during the grave illness of Kasturba, Bapu had stuck to his
weekly routine of silence. A practice of thirty years had been broken at Narayanpur.
**
There was rejoicing when news reached Greece that the First Battalion of the 19th Gurkha
Regiment was returning to India and moving to Fort William, Rifleman Khim Bahadur, like
all the other soldiers, was thrilled. Fort William, located in the middle of the bustling
metropolis of Calcutta, is an oasis of greenery, peace and tranquillity. Khim knew that
Calcutta was well connected to his village on the Himalayan mountain slopes of Nepal. Since
1940, when he was recruited, Khim Bahadur had hardly had any leave. The prospect of
bringing his family to Calcutta and spending time with his new-born son, was something to
which he looked forward.
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1/19 Gurkha Rifles was no ordinary battalion of the Indian Army. Its men had crossed
swords with the toughest of German soldiers, the Herman Goering Parachute division and
come up on top. When soldiers of every other nationality, ranging from General Clarke’s
Fifth US Army, Australian and British Divisions, had been held in check by the German
defenders on Monte Cassino in Italy, the Gurkhas of this battalion had succeeded. in
attacking and capturing Hangman’s Hill, which lead to the eventual clearing of Cassino
Monastery. This event was hailed by all as one of the greatest feats of the Italian Campaign,
which earned the Battalion two Victoria Crosses.
As plans for the withdrawal of the British from India were being finalised, there was a
question-mark over the future of Gurkha soldiers. As citizens of Nepal, these hardy mountain
soldiers had been part of the Indian army. But while the rest of the army was being slowly
Indianised, Gurkha battalions remained exclusively officered by the British. Under a tripartite agreement between India, Nepal and Britain, it was decided that four regiments would
go the British and the rest would remain part of the army of independent India. The British
had the first choice of naming the regiments they wanted to keep. It was also agreed that
every individual man of each Gurkha battalion, irrespective of whether earmarked for Britain
of India, would vote whether he accepted service with Britain or wished to stay with Indian
army.
The loyalty of the Gurkha soldiers towards their British officers was legendary. So even
though the agreement had earmarked 1/19 Gurkha Rifles for the Indian Army, Lieutenant
Colonel Douglas Cooper, the Commanding Officer [CO] was confident that most of his men
would opt for Britain. In April1947, a ‘poll’ was held under watchful eyes of the CO, Major
Bhumi Chand, the first Indian Officer posted to the unit, and Subedar Major Jyotindra
Malla..7 The results disappointed the CO; all the men opted for India.
The atmosphere in the battalion began to deteriorate rapidly there after. There were
several reasons for this. First, instead of the hoped for peace and a relaxed routine, the
Battalion was embroiled in keeping peace between warring Hindus and Muslims in Calcutta
and the adjoining districts. Second, new British officers, who had joined during the war, were
part time soldiers of the Raj; they were a breed apart from the old ‘regimental types’. These
hurriedly recruited men wanted to return to England as soon as possible. They had no the
motivation to learn Gurkhali or understand their men. Third, once it became known that the
Battalion was earmarked to stay with India, the officers felt that in-coming Indian officers
had no moral claim on the mess funds or property which had been accumulated over the years
by British officers. By mutual agreement, they decided to live “on the house”; they stopped
paying their individual monthly mess and wine bills, and cleared those debts by paying for
this from accumulated mess funds, running these down to zero. Every time an officer was
repatriated to Britain, he took away one of the priceless silver pieces from the mess, as a sort
of personal trophy. The first two Indian officers who had arrived in the unit were silent
spectators of these events and could sense the tension prevailing between the officers and
men.
Khim Bahadur was a typical fun-loving cheerful Gurkha with a keen sense of humour. It
took a lot to antagonise him, but when that happened, it could make him a formidable foe.
Khim Bahadur was often shamed by his Company Commander, Major Fred Knowles,who
made him wait in a Jeep outside the Sonagachi red light area of Calcutta. He tolerated this,
but for the past fortnight he had been particularly angered and dismayed by the utter
contempt and inhumanity displayed by his Company Commander in the execution of his
operational tasks. Khim Bahadur had watched in horror when this man, one morning,
mercilessly shot dead a group of refugees crossing the river from a riot torn village in the
eastern part of Bengal. It was finally at Farrakka, that Khim Bahadur lost his cool. Unable to
stomach the ‘target practice’ that Major Knowles was carrying out on refugees crossing over
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from Naokhali, he calmly took down the driver’s rifle that was kept under the wind shield
and shot the Major at point blank range. Khim Bahadur then threw the dead body into the
Ganges and returned to Fort William.
Once back with his unit, he parked his vehicle in the unit garage. He then headed straight
to the Subedar Major and confessed his crime. Jyotindra Malla remained silent for a while as
the enormity of what the soldier had done sunk in. The veteran Subedar had a quick and
decisive mind, qualities that had helped him survive countless battles in the desert of North
Africa and in the Italian countryside, which had earned him the Indian Order of Merit [IOM]
and Indian Distinguished Service Medal [IDSM]. There was no doubt in his mind that Khim
Bahadur had committed a terrible crime in eyes of the law. But he also believed that Khim
Bahadur had been faithful to a soldier’s code and had upheld the honour of the paltan [unit].
Malla missed the presence of the earlier breed of upright Englishmen with whom he could
have discussed this issue man-to-man, confident that they would have understood the distress
of a Gurkha. He rued the grim reality of 1947; there were no real ‘Sahibs‘ left now. He made
up his mind that the lesser evil would be to save Khim Bahadur. The SM instructed Khim to
thoroughly clean his rifle and deposit the weapon in the armoury. He also briefed Khim
Bahadur on what he should say if questioned about his Company Commander’s whereabouts.
When Major Knowles did not surface the next day, there was a commotion in the unit.
Khim Bahadur was closely questioned. As briefed by the Subedar Major, he told the Adjutant
that Major Knowles had asked to be driven him to his nocturnal haunts in Sonagachi. He had
asked Khim to leave him there and return to the unit lines. A search party was sent to
Sonagachi and returned with a blank. The CO was furious and summoned the Subedar Major
and Khim Bahadur. “Tum jhoot bolta hai [you are telling lies],” shouted the enraged Colonel.
As the level of tension in the battalion began to mount, the Brigade Commander was forced
to intervene. He suggested quick surgery before the situation went out of hand. The Subedar
Major was discharged from service under the Brigadier’s administrative powers. Khim
Bahadur was charged with ‘conduct prejudicial to good order and military discipline’ for
having visited an out of bound area Sonagachi. He was tried summarily under Army Act
section 63, was found guilty, and was dismissed from service.
The day after the Subedar Major was packed off and Khmi Bahadur dismissed from
service, Brigadier John Stewart held a special durbar (an open court) in the battalion and
rebuked the men. He ended with a clear assertion that till such time as the British remained in
India, they will maintain discipline in the army. As he sped in his jeep towards Barrackpore,
the Headquarters of his brigade, he told his staff officer, “Something always seems to happen
to Indians in May. The great mutiny began in May and now 90 years after, it is my
misfortune to witness this near mutiny.”
“It is the heat Sir!” chipped in his staff officer. But the Brigadier was not in a mood to
debate the issue; he was not even listening. “These are storm signals,” he thought. “The faster
we get out of India the better.” Back at his headquarters he wrote a lengthy report to the
divisional headquarters. The report began, “We can no longer be sure of the loyalty of the
Indian army. The recent incident in the 1/19 Gurkha Rifles is a sign of things to come…” The
report was dated 26 May. It travelled quickly through intervening headquarters and reached
GHQ New Delhi. When General Auchinleck read the report he decided that he would show
this to the Viceroy as soon as he returned from London after trying to solve the love tangle
between an eligible Prince and two aspiring Princesses.
**
On 26 Nay in London the British Government issued a statement in Parliament that in
continuation of its earlier resolutions, and after due consultation with the Viceroy, Lord Louis
Mountain, it is has been resolved that His Majesty’s Government will grant full Dominion
Status to India on 1 June 1947 immediately after the return of the Viceroy to Delhi. It is also
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resolved that the British will withdraw from India by August 1947, a year in advance of its
earlier decision. This announcement was not debated in Parliament and was well received in
India.
**
27 May was a dull cloudy day in Bengal. There were light showers throughout the
morning and heavy pre monsoon rains struck Khulna that afternoon. Teji began to doubt if
Biju would be able to land in such conditions. But an eager and confident Bose awaited Biju
Patnaik and his Dakota at Khulna airfield on the morning of 28 May. The weather was
threatening but there was no rain. . Teji’s mind was relieved when he heard the steady drone
of the Dakota that would carry them to Calcutta. When Biju landed, no time was wasted. The
passengers and their luggage were quickly taken on board. The plane took off without more
than a few minutes delay. It was now that the fickle Bengal weather showed itself in all its
glory. Bright sunshine greeted Bose as the Dakota flew towards Calcutta. It was a smooth
flight in clear weather, a flight that would soon unleash a political storm in India, a kind of
andhi [cyclone] that the subcontinent has not seen in hundreds of years.
When fully airborne, Biju left the pilot’s cabin and came to greet Bose. He pointed to
several gunny bags placed at the rear of the plane and said, “These were given to me by
Chitta. They are filled with thousands of leaflets printed on saffron, green and white paper
and written in Bengali and English to cover the points you want the public to know. I am told
that these are to be distributed all over India at 8 a.m. I intend to circle over Calcutta and drop
these over the city. You can well imagine the sensation this will cause.”
The flight to Calcutta lasted barely 40 minuets but it felt like eternity. Bose, who was
dressed in a grey shirt and khaki trousers, was in a sombre mode. Anxiety over the coming
events was writ large on Teji’s face. . As the aircraft approached Calcutta Biju began to circle
over the city. At a signal from Biju, the cabin crew began dropping tri-coloured leaflets,
which fluttered down presenting a dazzling mixture of saffron, white and green When the
Dakota began to descend for its landing at Dumdum, the sprawling metropolis of Calcutta
came into focus. Bose witnessed a most amazing sight. The road from Dumdum was jam
packed with people. Netaji’s earlier sombre mood gave way to quiet excitement..
Sarat and Chitta have done a good job preparing the public for Bose’s appearance A
month earlier, Sarat had obtained government’s approval to hold a rally on 28 May at the
Brigade Parade Ground to felicitate Congress leaders. Since seven in the morning, more than
30 loudspeaker-fitted jeeps had been driving around the city announcing Bose’s arrival and
proclaiming that he would address a rally on the Brigade Parade Ground at 9 a.m. People
could not believe their ears! Then by word of mouth the news “Netaji phiri eshechen” [Netaji
has returned] spread like wild fire to every nook and cranny of the city. People came on the
streets and in a typical Bengali way began bursting crackers. Corner sweet shops ran short of
sandesh, the traditional Bengali offering at celebrations. When the aircraft began circling
overhead and thousands of coloured leaflets began fluttering downwards, the excitement
reached fever-pitch every one wanted to lay his hands on a leaflet
Inspector Uttam Choudhury was at the duty desk at the Lal Bazar chowkey, the
Headquarters of Calcutta police. Uttam Choudhury was an Anglophile. He believed that the
greatest thing that had happened to India in last thousand years was the blessing of British
rule. His relative, Nirad Chaudhury, one of the greatest supporters of the Raj, influenced
much of his thinking. Uttam was dismayed by all this talk about impending independence. He
had always hoped against hope that the British would somehow remain in India. His loyalty
was well rewarded and he was one of the few Indians promoted to the rank of Police
Inspector. As he looked at the polished crown on his epaulets, he gave a smile of satisfaction,
“yes he was as well turned out as his boss, Commissioner John Jenkins.”
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Over the past few weeks Uttam had been getting persistent reports about Subhas Bose
being alive and in Bengal. Here, he was faced with conflicting emotions. After British rule,
his next greatest love was Netaji. When he had first learnt of Netaji’s death, he had mourned
the loss of his leader as if he had lost a near relative. Now, duty demanded that he should
report these rumours of Bose’s survival. He had spoken to his boss, who had dismissed his
report as mere speculation. But this morning when he heard the news, being blared out from
loud-speakers fitted in jeeps which were being driven through the streets, he felt vindicated
and thrilled. Not the one to miss an opportunity to impress his boss, he left the duty desk in
temporary charge of Sargent Ahmed and hurried to meet the Commissioner and discuss this
news with him.
Jenkins and his wife had just settled down for their customary morning cup of Darjeeling
tea on the veranda of their sprawling bungalow. As Tommy looked at the manicured lawns
and relaxed comfortably in his cane chair, his mind was disturbed. Orders had been issued for
most British officers to be transferred back to England. This had set him thinking. He had
only two options, either to continue serving and take a salary cut as well as a demotion or to
live on a meagre pension. Jenkins had long been toying with the idea of taking the first
option, staying back in India and offering his services to the new nation. But so far his
advances to the local Congress leader, Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy, had been rebuffed. Roy had
bluntly told Jenkins that independent India had enough policemen to step into his shoes. He
was somewhat more successful when he approached Prafulla Ghosh, another heavy weight
Congressman of Bengal. His thoughts were interrupted when he saw his Inspector
swaggering towards him In Tommy’s scheme of things, characters like Uttam Choudhury,
with their obscene display of loyalty to the Raj, were a major pain in neck. He was dismayed
to see the man walking towards him. “My whole day is going to be ruined,”’ he muttered to
his wife. Without giving a chance for Choudury to speak, he rebuked him for coming to his
house, after he had passed strict orders against it.
But his anger was soon dissipated when the Inspector told him that Subhas Bose, the exleader of INA. was about to land in Calcutta. This news was like a bombshell. Jenkins wasted
no time in getting ready. As the two men reached Lal Bazar, they could see the circling
Dakota in the sky and thousands of coloured leaflets fluttering downwards. But Jenkins might
as well as have stayed at home; to his frustration he found that the telephone lines to Delhi
and Darjeeling were cut. Local lines were still functioning and Uttam made a suggestion to
approach the army wireless station in Fort William. That was quickly done, and the news
flashed to Delhi and to the state Governor who was at Darjeeling. Meanwhile, Jenkins took
energetic action to alert the entire police force in Calcutta. His orders were not to provoke
violence as long as the people remained peaceful. He also alerted the Brigade in Barrackpore.
Jenkins was unaware that MI radio communications had remained open. Nora received
first messages of Bose’s likely appearance at 7.40 a,m, This came as no surprise to her as she
had know that this was to happen. Moreover.by 8 a.m., leaflets were being distributed all over
Delhi and elsewhere in India. She sent a specimen leaflet and the reports from Calcutta to Sir
John Colvillle, the acting Viceroy. When telephone communications to Calcutta were
restored, Sir John tried to contact the governor of Bengal. He was told that the Governor was
in Darjeeling and could not be contacted .as the lines were down.
It was exactly 8 a.m. when the Dakota landed at Dumdum air port. Volunteers of
Congress and Forward Block had managed to restrain the crowd from getting on to the
tarmac. The local police, wisely, took their help and indeed were grateful for it. But the
moment the door opened and Bose stepped out on the ladder, thousands who were till then
restrained, ran towards the aircraft to have glimpse of their hero. From there in an open jeep,
Bose began his historic journey to the Maidan in the centre of the city.
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As the jeep slowly moved forward over the 22 km stretch, the crowd that was waiting
along the route began to join the huge procession. By the time he entered the city limits, some
sort of order was restored as the loudspeakers repeatedly made announcements that Bose will
address the people at Brigade grounds. As the motorcade reached the Maidan, Bose climbed
on a makeshift platform and a full throated roar rent the air. Netaji Bose Zindabad [long live
the great leader Bose]. Bharat mata ki Jai [victory to mother India] and “Netaji phiri
eshechen” [Netaji has returned]. As Bose began to speak, an incredible hush fell over the vast
crowd. They did not wish to miss a single word.
My Brothers and Sisters, Hindus and Muslims, Christians and Parsees, Sikhs and Jains,
but Indians first and Indians last! Here I stand before you to seek your help and support. The
battle for independence is not over. The British are leaving but before they leave, some
misguided people want to break our country. Three years ago I had given a call, Tum mujhe
khoon do, main tumhe Azadi doonga [you give me blood and I will get you freedom]. This
time I am not asking for your blood. I am asking for discipline, to preserve the unity of our
mother land. Some of you will have read the leaflet I have distributed all over India. In this I
have explained that I have no quarrel with the British or any community; I have not come to
make war; my aim is to preserve the unity of India against a few misguided individuals who
want to break up the country for selfish reasons.
If you want to show your solidarity with me then you must ensure that Calcutta remains
calm and sets an example to the rest of the country. I reminded you that your first duty is to
protect the property and lives of British citizens, who are our guests now that they have
decided to leave the country. Hindus must safeguard the lives and property of Muslims, and
vice versa.
If you accept my leadership, then your first task is to keep Bengal province peaceful and
calm and ensure that no communal violence or anti-British demonstrations takes place. If this
succeeds, then I will endeavour to control the adjoining provinces. You must all help me to
maintain law and order, and show the British and the world that we can be a disciplined
people. I take this opportunity to tell the Armed Forces that our quarrel is not with the British
as they are on their way out. I oppose a handful of conspirators who want to break up India to
satisfy their ego and leave India weak and permanently divided. I will not ask any soldier to
commit treason or disobey their officers, but to safeguard the honour and welfare of their
regiments, and maintain the integrity of the nation. I am confident I will get a positive
response.
Bose spoke in simple Hindustani without any notes. His personality was overpowering.
He sensed that he had captivated the crowd. Every now and then he repeated an important
phrase in Bengali. This attracted loud cheers of appreciation from his listeners. . Past
experience had taught him that the blatant use of charisma made his delivery most effective
but was also dangerous as he, too, was liable to be carried away by the mood of his
responding audience. His enthusiasm and self-confidence was undiminished but he was
careful to continue talking in a sombre voice.
It was exactly 90 years ago on this day the revolutionaries had unfurled the flag of Indian
independence in Delhi! The 1857 attempt failed and we have had to endure 90 years of
slavery. Today we are on the threshold of freedom and our motherland is threatened again.
There are misguided people who want to divide Mother India! Can you divide Ganga? The
Himalaya? The Taj Mahal? Can you divide the Soul of India?
It is the Indian soul that lives in all of us, whether the body is that of a Muslim or Sikh is
immaterial. Every person born in this land of our forefathers is born and Indian. It is only
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later that he becomes a Hindu or a Muslim. He is part of this soil, a soil in which 50
generations of Muslims have been buried. They all are today a part of us.
What is this Pakistan that we hear of? A land of the pure that Jinnah wants in Punjab and
Sind. I ask my Muslim brothers, is the rest of India where your forefathers are buriedIMPURE? When Jinnah and League people talk of Pakistan they insult their ancestors. They
are insulting Akbar, Siraj ud-Daulla, Tipu Sultan and millions of other Muslims.
In its five thousand years of history India has never divided itself on the basis of religion.
Jinnah’s demand for Pakistan is an insult to the legacy of Islam, an insult to the Sufi saints.
My Indian brothers and sisters, join me to fight this evil. Join me to fight this mad demand to
chop off the limbs of Mother India and call it the land of the Pure.
Another bogey that is often raised is that since the Hindus are in larger numbers,
independent India will be a Hindu Raj. I will tell such cynics to please go and read our
history again. Was Moghul rule a Muslim Raj?- Never! Never! Never! The Moghul army was
half Rajput, officials were Hindus and majority of people remained Hindu. Yes there were
misguided rulers like Aurangzeb but they soon wasted away. Mr. Jinnah is a modern
Aurangzeb. But remember, it was bigotry of Aurangzeb that destroyed the great Moghul
empire.
I do not deny there will be internal conflict even when we earn our freedom. That is but
natural. There is conflict within all free countries. In India there will be social conflict
between Hindus and Muslims, economic conflict between landlords and the landless, labour
tensions between employers and workers. This is a part of the process of growing up as a
mature nation. But such conflict does that mean that we have to create a separate nation of
landlords and another separate one for the landless. Such separatist concepts are ridiculous.
India has always had a clear concept of Raj-Dharma [ duty of the ruler]. . This duty did
not recognise differences between citizens. Justice for all was the foundation on which RajDharma existed and governed.
My fellow Indians, in free India there will be complete equality of rights for all. Freedom
of religion, speech, expression and freedom for the pursuit of happiness. Provinces will have
complete autonomy to frame their own constitutions and have the type of government they
want. Let the people decide the kind of institutions they want to govern them, to suit their
genius and traditions. The only restriction is that there must be no compulsion; all this has to
be carried out through a process of mutual accommodation, co-operation and compromise
within the bounds of democracy, freedom and justice. Naturally the Muslim majority
provinces would want to incorporate Islamic principles in their institution of governance.
This diversity and variety will only make India more colourful and not some grey drab
uniform dictatorship.
Here today I give you the flag of independent India. [At this stage, Netaji to the
accompaniment of the thunderous applause, unfurled a tri-coloured flag.] Look at this flag- it
has the Om for Hindus, Crescent and Star of Islam, the Cross of Jesus, Dhamma Chakra of
Buddha and Mahavira ,the Sun for Zorastrians, the Star of David for the Jews and the Khadga
of the Khalsa. This flag tells you the story of India and its unity in diversity. Let us carry this
flag of unity to Delhi-let us carry it to the banks of the Sindhu, Attock , Brahmaputra and
Kaveri!
Let us today resolve, ‘Ek dil –Ek Jan , Nahin batenge Hindustan’ [One body one soul, we
shall not let India be divided]. No other poem captures the essence of India better than the
poem of the great Iqbal. Saare jahan se achha Hindustan hamara, hum bulbule hai uski , woh
gulsitan hamara [India is our land and is dearer to us than the whole world, we sing its
praises.]. I hope that this will some day be the anthem of independent India.
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The meeting ended with a full-throated cry of Jai Hind…a sound so loud that the
chandeliers in the officer’s mess in Fort William began rattling. After Bose get down from
the podium and left the Maidan, the close to half a million strong crowd began to quietly
disperse. However a sizeable number stayed behind. Someone began shouting, Chalo Fort
William (March to Fort William). Soon the crowd took up the chant and surged towards the
fort. The soldiers manning the the ramparts facing the Maidan had shut the East Gate.. The
CO had orders that while the troops should keep calm, they would under no circumstances
permit any Indian to enter the fort. When the crowd collected outside East Gate, insisted that
they should be permitted to enter and drape the Indian flag on the ramparts The CO was in a
dilemma and told his men that if any one tried to force an entry, they should open fire.
Charlie Company of the battalion was confronting this unarmed crowd. Subedar Chand
vividly remembered that 24 years earlier, as part of the contingent at Jalianwala Bagh, he had
to go through a similar ordeal. He was then a recruit and he had followed the orders of
Brigadier Dyer and opened fire without any hesitation. But ever since then he had never
forgotten the scene of innocent unarmed women and children dying and jumping into the well
to save themselves. He picked up his courage and told the CO, “Sahib, we are soldiers, we
will fight an armed enemy but not butcher unarmed civilians!" He laid down his sten gun.
The hundred odd Gurkha soldiers followed his example and grounded their rifles. CO went
ashen and was speechless for a moment. "Yeh bagawat hai" (this is mutiny) he shouted. He
told the men that they would pay a price for this defiance. The men nodded silently and stood
rigidly at attention.
When news of this confrontation reached Bose he was very upset. He despatched Chitta
to calm the crowd. He warned Chitta, “There must on no account be any violence. Don’t give
the British any excuse to arrest me for breaking the law.” While Chitta and his men were
getting the crowd under control, the CO frantically contacted the Brigade Commander on the
wireless. The Brigadier told him, "Colonel, keep cool. The crowd has not stormed the Fort,
nor are they likely to do so. In any case the Indian flag is going to be hoisted on the fort very
shortly, do not make an issue of this." However the brigadier asked the CO to put the men of
Charlie Company under open arrest. He suggested that two members from the crowd should
be invited to come and drape the flag on East Gate. Chitta ensured that the crowd kept well
away and sent two men forward with the flag. As the Indian flag went up on the ramparts, the
crowd roared its approval. This having been done the people dispersed peacefully. Later
Chitta sent a man to meet the CO and request that the flag be taken away.
The Brigadier sent a 'flash' signal direct to Army Headquarters. The message began, “We
can no loner trust the Indian Army--.” It was dusk when the message reached the table of the
acting Viceroy, Sir John, who wryly noted that the day that began with a leaflet and had
ended with a mutiny. That the last event happened in a Gurkha battalion was an ominous
sign.
**
J.B. Kriplani, the newly elected President of Indian National Congress, was a puzzled
man. He had received an urgent message from Sardar Patel requesting for a meeting of the
Congress Working Committee (CWC) at 2 p.m. on 28 May. When asked about the agenda,
the usually forthright and meticulous Sardar had been vague. Kriplani feared that a new
conflict might be brewing between Patel and Nehru. Kriplani's first reaction was to get in
touch with Gandhi. But his efforts were in vain as Gandhi was touring remote villages in
Bengal on a one-man Peace Mission. Thus, as Kriplani reached New Delhi from Lucknow,
his mind was full of apprehension. Azad received him at the station at midday When the two
men were being driven to Birla House, venue of the CWC meeting., Azad said to him, "Bose
is alive." On hearing this astounding news, Kriplani was taken aback, “You mean Subhas
Bose?” he enquired. Maulana. Azad nodded his head
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In order to mollify Kriplani's wounded pride at having been denied this vital news till the
last minute, Azad went on to explain the situation and mentioned that Bose had requested
specifically that the news be kept secret till the 28 May. He informed Kriplani that Bose was
at that very moment in Calcutta beginning a crusade to keep India united. Seeing the anxious
look on his friend’s face, he added, “Jawahar knows about it and wishes to resign in favour of
Bose.” Kriplani heaved a sigh of relief. He now understood the reason why Patel was so
secretive about the agenda. “Will the CWC agree to elect Bose as the leader? ” wondered
Kriplani. Azad, assessing his unspoken thoughts, said that Nehru himself intended to propose
Bose's name. Azad went on to confirm that this had Gandhiji’s approval. Relieved that a
difficult dilemma was resolved, the Congress. President settled back and recalled the last time
he had met Bose. It was at the historic Tripura Congress session, many; many years ago,
when Bose had defied Gandhi and got elected as Congress President. The fact that these two
political adversaries had now united in the larger interest of the nation was indeed gratifying.
He said so to Azad, who nodded in agreement.
The CWC meeting began at 2 o'clock. The eleven members had begun arriving much
earlier and there was excitement in the air. Most of them had heard the radio news at midday
and were aware of the arrival of Bose in Calcutta and also of the upsurge of support to him in
Bombay, Madras, Lucknow, Patna, Lahore and Karachi. The midday news on All India
Radio had been sketchy but sufficient for everyone to be excited. The PM was the last to
arrive along with Sardar Patel. As Nehru entered the conference room, a hush descended on
the assembled leaders. Most avoided his gaze but Nehru was his usual cheerful self and
greeted everyone individually. Kriplaini brought the meeting to order and informed the
members that it was a special meeting called at the request of Sardar Patel and requested him
to address the meeting.
The Sardar, a man of few words, began in a slow and deliberate manner, "All of you must
have by now heard the news that Subhas Bose has arrived in Calcutta. This is an
extraordinary event. Bose has vowed to fight to keep India united and I feel that the working
committee must support him in this. What should bet he future course of action for the
Congress? I would rather that the PM speak."
Nehru, who was sitting next to the Congress President, rose slowly and gazing at the
assembled leaders, began speaking in a clear voice, "Today is a day of rejoicing, an
illustrious son of India and our comrade in arms during our freedom struggle is back amongst
us. At this difficult moment in the history of our nation, we are indeed fortunate that he is
alive to fight the coming battle for unity. Gandhiji has already conveyed his blessings to him.
I wish to offer my resignation as the leader of the Central legislature party and wish to
propose the name of Subhas Bose for that position. Immediately after this meeting I will go
to the acting Viceroy and give him my resignation as Prime Minister. I have already
conveyed my full co-operation to Subhas Bose and am prepared serve him and the nation in
whatever capacity he thinks fit."
There was a hushed silence in the room while the significance of Nehru's announcement
sank in. The members then broke into spontaneous applause. Chakravorty Rajgopalachari
(CR), the veteran leader from Madras, said that history would remember Nehru as a leader
who always put the nation above himself. Patel, forever the pragmatist, then proposed that he
and the PM draft a resolution for the CWC to be sent to the legislature party. The CWC then
resolved that it accepted the offer by Nehru to resign his position as PM and leader of
legislature. The CWC expressed its deep gratitude for his service to the nation and cause of
Indian freedom. The CWC nominated Subhas Bose as its nominee for the post of leader of
Congress legislature party and prime minister. The resolution also unequivocally rejected the
plan for partition of India and vowed to stand behind Bose, through thick and thin
146
It was close to 4 p.m. when Nehru entered South Block. As he approached the office of
the acting Viceroy, an ADC came forward and escorted him to Sir John. Colville. Nehru told
Sir John that the CWC had just concluded its meeting. He had resigned as PM and the CWC
had ratified Subhas Chander Bose as PM. He handed over a formal letter of resignation and
said that the Congress legislative party was meeting that evening. He intended to propose the
name of Subhas Bose for the post of leader .of the legislature. Sir John was shocked to hear
this. He was in no mood for pleasantries. The morning had begun disastrously with Nora
bringing him news that Bose was addressing a public meeting in Calcutta. He had not yet
been able to get in touch with Sir Frederick Burrows, the Governor of Bengal. The news that
Nehru was resigning was the last straw. He informed Nehru that he was trying to get in touch
with Mountbatten. Undoubtedly when Lord Mountbatten learnt of what was happening in
India, he would fly back. I expect that he would be in Delhi by 31 May. He said, “Mister
Prime Minister, don't you think you should wait for the return of the Viceroy before taking
any hasty decision?” He went on to give his frank opinion that Lord Mountbatten was hardly
likely to be pleased by the selection of “that war criminal” Bose as the Prime Minister of
India. On hearing this, Nehru flared up, “Why only name Bose? Even Gandhi and I are war
criminals.” He went on to warn. Sir John, “The British have a choice between Bose and
chaos.” Nehru's words were to haunt the acting Viceroy as more news about happenings in
Calcutta began to trickle in.
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Chapter 11
London Promises Dominion Status
28 May was a beautiful summer’s day in London. As Mountbatten settled down to his
early morning cup of tea on the lawns of his Kensington Villa, he was pleased with himself.
He had managed to solve the love triangle in the Royal family. The debonair Prince had seen
the wisdom of marrying the heir apparent. The King was pleased and had thanked Dickey
profusely. He had held a series of meetings with the PM, Sir Howard and Churchill. He had
been shown the medical reports on Jinnah and had agreed to bring forward the date of the
Britain’s withdrawal to August 1947. The Cabinet had agreed to his plan to grant India full
dominion status; the announcement would be made a week after his return to Delhi. He was
confident that he would create two separate dominions within two months of his return, and
before the time came for the British to withdraw in August 1947. He sipped his tea, opened
his copy of the London Times and settled down to enjoy a quiet pre-breakfast read.
His tranquillity was shattered when his ADC handed him Nora’s message about the
extraordinary happenings in Calcutta. Atlee had already received this information through Sir
Howard a little earlier. The latter, without wasting any time, had informed Churchill and then
driven down to Kensington Villa to consult Mountbatten. He realised that the return of Bose
posed a threat to the success of Operation Akbar. He knew that quick decisions were needed
to salvage the situation. After a brief discussion, the two men agreed that it was time for a
council of war; they decided to get in touch with Churchill. Sir Howard picked up the phone
and spoke to Churchill who agreed that they should met at his house at 11 a.m. Sir Howard
took his leave and said he would return after breakfast to pick up Mountbatten.
Later when Sir Howard drove to Kensington Villa he found the Viceroy looking pale with
anxiety. Sitting in the car, Mountbatten showed Sir Howard a sheaf of messages he had just
received from Delhi. This informed him of Bose’s speech, the text of the leaflet being
circulated throughout India, a report of the refusal of a Gurkha company to obey their CO’s
orders and the display of the flag at Fort William, Nehru’s resignation and the Congress move
to install Bose as Prime Minister. Mountbatten's face was grim. "Nehru resigning...I cannot
even begin to understand these bloody Indians!" he muttered to himself as Sir Howard quietly
went through the messages. With Nehru in place as PM, the British had every chance to
execute Operation Akbar within two months of attaining Dominion Status. The news that
Nehru was stepping down and being replaced by Bose had upset his calculations. However,
given the past record of Bose-Gandhi differences, he felt that there was opportunity for the
government to attempt classic divide and rule tactics.
When the three men met, Churchill was handed the messages from Delhi. He waved these
aside and asked Mountbatten to tell him the facts. The old fox merely puffed furiously at his
Cuban cigar, with his eyes half open as he listened to the account of the day’s happenings in
India, culminating in Nehru's resignation, Churchill asked Mountbatten if the military option
could be used. The Viceroy slowly shook his head and said that the British forces in India
were barely six thousand strong and there was no question of using any force or relying on
the continued loyalty of the Indian Army in this situation. Yes, one possibility was to give
maximum help to Muslim troops loyal to Jinnah and hope that the threat of bloodshed would
frighten the Congress leaders. Churchill nodded and told Sir Howard to get in touch with
Jinnah, reassure him of support for Operation Akbar, and ask him for his requirements of
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support. At this point the two visitors begged Churchill’s leave and went for a meeting with
the PM at White Hall.
Mountbatten and Howard were ushered into a conference room where Atlee and key
members of his cabinet were sitting. The PM waited for them to settle down and then began,
“We are meeting to discuss the changed situation arising from the sudden appearance of Bose
and the likelihood of his taking over as India’s Prime Minister. There is no doubt that this has
been a carefully planned coup. This morning, shortly after I was officially informed of Bose’s
appearance in Calcutta, letters were delivered in London to several of my Labour colleagues
and me. This was signed by Bose and was a personal appeal by him not to break up the unity
of India, and to help him in his task of keeping his country united. He assures us that he
means Britain no ill will. His fight is only against those who demand the irrational goal of
Pakistan. He has Gandhi’s blessings and Congress support and is confident that he will be
able to retain the support of over 80 per cent of the Muslim population and maintain law and
order in those areas which he takes over peacefully.
“I must at the very outset tell you Dicky, that my colleagues and I are in agreement with
the sentiments expressed by Bose. It was only last week that the Government passed a
resolution to confirm that, within a fortnight of your return to Delhi, the Government would
announce the granting of full dominion status to India, and you would begin the process of a
peaceful hand over in Delhi. We see no reason to alter that decision. We know that your
unspoken intention is to create two separate dominions of Pakistan and India before the total
withdrawal of British officials from India by August 1947. We would like to know the
Viceroy’s views in the light of these changed circumstances.”
Lord Mountbatten’s response was quite categorical. “I agree that it will be impossible to
delay an announcement of India’s Dominion status. Once this happens, it will not be possible
to prevent Bose assuming the appointment of Prime Minister if there is overwhelming
support of the Congress and other parties. However, I cannot see Mr Jinnah and his
supporters accepting Bose’s leadership without a fight. I fear that there may well be a fullfledged civil war. My assessment is that those who support a unified India will be able to
secure eastern, southern and central India, and the secessionists will be dominant in northern
and western India.”
Bevan asked, “Do you plan to carry on as Governor General after India becomes a
dominion?”
“I expect to stay on till 15 August after which the Indians will no doubt select a successor.
Before I lay down my office, I will make it very clear to the Indian Cabinet that no British
officers currently serving with the Indian Army can take part in a civil war against a breakaway faction. In the event of a civil war, British units and civil personnel, except for those
individuals who resign and voluntarily desire to stay behind, will be moved to the port cities
of Calcutta, Madras, Bombay and Karachi, for eventual evacuation by sea transport. Lord
Wavell had worked out an elaborate scheme for this eventuality. This should not be difficult
to carry this out peacefully as I am convinced that Bose is sincere about his professed
intention to safeguard British lives and property. His problem is to prevent this civil war from
deteriorating into a disorganised Hindu-Muslim communal riot.”
Attlee agreed with the Viceroy and called the meeting to a close. Sir Howard refrained
from disclosing that steps were already being taken to move Mr Jinnah and other senior
Muslim League leaders to Karachi. After the Cabinet meeting, a Rolls-Royce drove
Mountbatten to his Kensington residence. The gloom of London reeling under a power
shortage did little to dispel his dark mood. The next day was going to be tiring one with a
long flight to India. Mountbatten realised that he must turn in early and bade his ADC
goodnight.
**
149
While Bose was addressing a mammoth crowd in Calcutta, Mohammed Ali Jinnah sat
alone in his dining room besides a large window facing the spacious lawns of his Mount
Pleasant Road bungalow in Bombay. As he gazed at the wide expanse of the Arabian Sea, the
water surface shimmering under a golden sun, his mind wandered back to Rutty, his beloved
wife. He remembered their days together in Darjeeling, the unbounded love that he had given
to his beautiful bride. Yet, in less than four years their marriage was on the rocks. A move to
London was the last thing he ever wanted to do and yet that is what he did when his marriage
broke up. That move meant giving up everything, including his Bombay house, which he had
so lovingly built for both of them. He felt he had to get away from the house because he felt it
was cursed; every brick and tile reminded him of Rutty. There was a brief flicker of hope
when he had rushed to Paris, hearing of the suicide attempt by his wife. But nothing had
come of his attempt at a reconciliation.
Jinnah sighed as he recalled a later day in 1928 and the horrific scene in the Taj Hotel
when his beloved Rutty had finally ended her life by cutting her veins. Jinnah's eyes became
moist, what had he done to deserve such luck, he thought to himself. Even Dina, his daughter
soon deserted him and married Neville Wadia, much against his wishes. As he sipped his
morning tea Jinnah brushed aside these dark thoughts and reminded himself that he would be
meeting his grandson Nusli, later in the day. There was no need pessimism. Events were
moving in the right direction. Congress leadership was sufficiently frightened by his threat of
civil war and the British had assured him that birth of Pakistan was only a matter of days.
It was barely 8:30 in the morning when his faithful servant Rahim came rushing excitedly
in to the dining room to say that Irshad Ali, the local National Guard leader was on the line
and wanted to speak to the Quaid. Jinnah frowned at this interruption. But he said nothing to
Rahim and walked across the room to the telephone! What he heard from Irshad stunned him.
The National Guard leader told him that since 8 a.m. loudspeaker-fitted jeeps have been
going round the city announcing that Subhas Bose was alive and had reached Calcutta.
Leaflets were also being distributed giving Bose’s aims; he was arranging for one to be sent
to him immediately. Irshad told him that a huge procession was planned to converge on Flora
Fountain in the evening to affirm support to Bose. Irsahd told him that Yusuf Meherali and
Mohd Zakaria were going round Crawford Market area urging Muslims to join in the
procession. Jinnah, as cool as ever, thanked him and told him that all the Muslim League
workers should get ready for a do or die struggle. “Why worry about Bose, not even Krishna
can stop the creation of Pakistan,” he concluded. But as he slowly walked away from the
telephone, he was deeply perturbed.
Jinnah knew that Bose was a formidable opponent and no man of straw. The INA had a
large representation of Muslims and it would be difficult to brand him a Hindu communalist.
The rest of the morning was frustrating for Jinnah. The news on the radio was sketchy and all
his attempts to get through to Delhi were futile as the telephone lines were disrupted. Jinnah
was suspicious about the British. "Was this some double game that Atlee was playing or was
it the duo of Louis and Edwina who were at the bottom of it all." In the afternoon, when Dina
came with little Nusli to meet him she could sense his coldness. “A coldness of heart that had
cost dear to our family,” she thought. But she had to admit that her father seemed
extraordinarily happy in the presence of his grandson. Later when her father kissed her and
her son goodbye, she sensed that this was possibly their last meeting.
In the evening, Irshad gave him news about the mammoth meeting being held at Flora
Fountain. Jinnah had to rebuke him for his enthusiasm. Irshad ruefully admitted that the
procession, which had wound its way through the main roads had a large Muslim
participation. “I did not expect much from Bombay Muslims anyway.” Jinnah remarked in an
acid tone that ended the conversation.
150
The Quaid was not surprised when. an army jeep screeched to a halt in the porch of
Jinnah House towards nightfall. Jinnah's face was expressionless when a young British Major
from the Lancashire regiment approached him and saluted. The Major told him that he had
received instructions to escort him to the army barracks in Colaba, “for the sake of your
safety.” When Jinnah asked why all this fuss was taking place, the major simply said that
those were his orders. Reluctantly, Jinnah told Rahim to pack an overnight bag. He then
accompanied the Major and was driven by a British soldier to British army barracks near
Princes Dock in Colaba in South Bombay. Jinnah's wounded pride was assuaged when he
saw the Major General Brooke, General Officer Commanding Bombay Area waiting at the
gate of the Officers Mess to receive him..
General Brooke apologised for the inconvenience caused and handed over a file of deciphered wireless messages addressed to Jinnah. "Did you get me here just for this?” the
Quaid enquired with unconcealed sarcasm. “No Mr. Jinnah. We moved you here for your
own safety,” he explained. He went on to tell him about the mutiny in a Gurkha battalion at
Calcutta. It was only now that Jinnah realised and understood why the only military men he
had encountered were all British. When the General left the room, another Englishman
entered. He introduced himself as Michael Smith, Head of the Special Branch, Bombay
Police. He handed Jinnah a personal message from London. Jinnah read the messages from
Sir Howard and was pleased to find that this reiterated Britain’s commitment to his cause.
Howard also conveyed greetings and support from Winston Churchill. Jinnah felt greatly reassured and began to contemplate his next move.
At this point, the Area Commander returned and informed him that a plane was waiting
for him to be taken to Karachi the next day. This came as a surprise to Jinnah. “But why
Karachi?” he asked. The General clarified that Delhi was not considered too safe. He told
Jinnah that most of the important leaders of Muslim League were also being moved there.
The General assured him that his house would be informed the next day and the rest of his
luggage would be taken care of by the British army.
**
Sir Frederick Burrows, the Governor of Bengal Province, who was at Darjeeling on 28
May was probably one of the last official in India to learn about Bose. He had first got a
garbled Army wireless message at 9 a.m. of which his staff could make no sense. Later, a
telegram was received from the Home Department, which cryptically announced that S. Bose
had landed in Calcutta. This was no great news as the Governor knew that Sarat Bose was
continually travelling between Calcutta and Delhi, where he was again expected to be
inducted in the Central Cabinet. He wondered why he had been sent this message. It was only
around noon that the Governor got the true picture when AIR and the BBC broke the news
that Subhas Chandra Bose had landed in Calcutta. The Governor, much to his regret,
cancelled his afternoon golf and hurried to the nearest airfield at Bagdogra. He reached
Calcutta by nightfall.
**
On 29 May, Jinnah left for the Santa Cruz airfield in an army staff car, with tinted glass
windows to ensure secrecy. As the car sped towards the airfield, Jinnah could see excited
crowds on the street corners celebrating the return of Bose. The tri-colour flag with the
central white strip showing the symbols of all religions, fluttered everywhere. Jinnah realised
the extent of prior thought that must have gone into planning for Bose’s return. For the first
time he began to have doubts about success of his plans to divide the country. As the Dakota
took off form Santa Cruz, Jinnah realised that he was possibly seeing Bombay for the last
time. The distant view of Marine drive and the trees on Malabar Hill, flooded his mind. with
memories. “But the past is dead, I must look forward to the future and my destiny,” thought
the Quaid, as he dozed off to sleep.
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**
On 30 May, Churchill launched a blistering attack on the Atlee government in the House
of Commons. Initiating a discussion under the call attention notice, he did not mince his
words:
Now Sir, this government is not just dismantling the Empire but sending millions of
Muslims, loyal to the Crown, into perpetual bondage of Hindoos. I shudder to think of the
fate of the untouchables in this dispensation. I would urge His Majesty's government to take
the strongest measures possible against this war criminal Bose! I hear that the Congress has
supported him! Then let us hand over power to Mr.Jinnah. I urge you, do not compromise
with the Congress, a party tha stabbed us in the back in our dark days of 1942.
"*
Mountbatten's mood had not improved when his Dakota took off in the early hours on the
morning. As he thought over the situation that would confront him in India, Mountbatten
realised that his stay in Delhi may well be extremely short. He was determined to do his
utmost in the little time left for him. When the Dakota taxied on the runway at Palam airport,
the monsoon, that magical Indian rainy season, was still a month away. The early morning air
was fresh and soothing but the clear skies promised a hot day. As the Viceroy alighted, there
was the usual crowd of military men and civilian waiting to receive him. The Secretary of
Protocol conveyed a message on behalf of the Prime Minister who apologised that he could
not come to welcome the Viceroy as urgent work had taken him to Calcutta. Mountbatten, in
acid tones, told the hapless man, “Of course, the PM must have gone to meet Bose.” As the
motorcade swept into the forecourt of the Viceroy's Palace, the honour guard came to
attention. Mountbatten loved the pomp and show of this 30-minuet ritual that took place
every time the Viceroy returned to Delhi. But today was different; when the guard
commander reported to him, the Viceroy thanked him and requested that the guard be
dismissed.
Edwina was by his side as they briskly walked towards his office. She whispered to him
that it was indeed good to have him back. Before they parted company Edwina raised his
hopes a little by telling him that Nehru was very upset and appeared to have handed in his
resignation under pressure by Patel and Azad. She said, “ Nehru told me that many Indians
doubt if the Congress can stand firmly against the Muslim League.”
A packed schedule faced the Viceroy. Awaiting him in his office was his deputy who
gave him a resume of all that happened in his absence. He had been away from Delhi for less
than a month, yet as he began to listen to Sir John, he realised that things had changed
drastically in the short time that he had been away.
The acting Viceroy reported that the situation in Jammu and Kashmir was not too
favourable. In Mountbatten’s absence, Nehru had been active in Kashmir. His pressure on the
Maharaja had finally led to the release of Sheikh Abdullah. The Sheikh had received a hero's
welcome in the valley. In the meanwhile events were moving swiftly elsewhere in the State.
In parts of Poonch, a largely Muslim majority area, a mass rally supported the demand for
Pakistan. Communal riots began in the area and a flood of Hindu refugees headed towards
Jammu. The Maharaja sent his forces to quell the disturbances. Jinnah condemned this
response as an atrocity and he had incited Muslims in other areas to take 'Direct Action.'.
In last week of May, Sheikh Abdullah came to Delhi. He was given full honours befitting
a head of the government. Ideally the National Conference leader wanted J & K to remain
independent with the recognition and approval of both India and Pakistan. Nehru had turned
on his charm to get Sheikh Abdullah to agree to an arrangement whereby the State would
retain its autonomy, just short of independence but would be under Indian influence. While
Sheikh Abdullah was in Delhi, his trusted colleague G.M.. Sadiq was in Karachi negotiating
152
with Jinnah. While the Indians looked at Kashmiri aspirations favourably, Jinnah refuses to
accept an autonomous Kashmir. He insists on a total merger.
The acting Viceroy went on to report that Karachi, Rawlpindi, Kahuta and Lahore, had
witnessed major riots to counter Bose's supporters who took out processions on 29 May. The
very next day Muslim League had galvanised its followers and with a little help from local
British administration, had called a successful hartal (strike) in favour of a demand for
Pakistan. As expected, the National Guard attacked any one not joining the strike and many
citizens lost their lives in stabbing incidents. The police took a strictly neutral position.
Encouraged by this, the next day, mobs of Leaguers went on a rampage in Kahuta, killing
Hindus and Sikhs.
The news of this had spread like wild fire and retaliation took place in Jullandhar. Here
the Sikh and Hindu mobs led by Akali and RSS volunteers targeted Muslims. Frightened
citizens left their homes and took shelter in open grounds in the cantonment area of the city.
Jinnah and Liaqat Ali had added fuel to fire with inflammatory speeches in Karachi and
Rawalpindi. However Muslim League leader Abdul Kayoom Khan’s attempts to stir up
trouble in the North West Frontier Province [NWFP] was only marginally successful because
of the efforts of Khan brothers and the Khudai Khidmatgars. There is a great outpouring of
support to Bose in the NWFP. This is apparently worrying Jinnah because support of Pathans
is crucial for Pakistan.
The next to brief the Viceroy was the Commander-in- Chief, Field Marshal Auchinleck.
The old soldier began by saying that there was no major security concern as far the Armed
Forces were concerned and there was no incident other than the one at Calcutta. “The
significance of the Calcutta incident goes much beyond the local impact,” he said. “As we
have barely six British infantry regiments available in case of an emergency evacuation from
India, we had placed heavy reliance on the Gurkhas who numbered close to 50 battalions. 16
of these battalions have moved to Malaya. The balance are earmarked for the Indian Army.
Till recently these were officered entirely by the British who are in the process of handing
over these units to selected Indian officers. After this incident at Calcutta, an implementation
of the Wavell Plan would need active support of the Muslim units of the Indian Army; those
units are being carved out from mixed battalions of Punjab, Baluch and Frontier Force
regiments. Therefore, even these units would not be available for the Wavell Plan in the
immediate future.. The saving grace is that I am convinced that Bose means to ensure the
security of British lives and property.” The Viceroy thanked Auchinleck who saluted and left
the office.
Mountbatten. pondered over the grim realities facing him and remembered the clear
words of Atlee, “Expect no military help from England.” Mountbatten looked up to the long
row of portraits of his predecessors, both Viceroys and Governor Generals. He realised that
he was not facing a unique crisis. Warren Hastings in 1781 had found himself in a similar
situation. He had to face the challenge from Marathas while the home country was engaged in
America The younger Pitt had then told the Governor General not to expect anything from
England. But Mountbatten did not have much time for historical reminiscences before the
Home Minister walked in to fill him up on the happenings on home front. Mountbatten
realised that Nehru had deliberately absented himself from Delhi and left the job of initially
confronting the Viceroy to the Sardar.
As Sardar Patel walked into the office, Mountbatten noticed that the impassive face had a
hint of a smile, only a hint, for no one had seen the Iron Man of India smile in public.
Without much ado, Patel began by saying that he was a 'caretaker Home Minister'. That was
the last straw as far as Mountbatten was concerned. The Viceroy exploded in rage, stood up
and said, "His Majesty's Government and I as its Viceroy, absolutely reject the nomination of
Bose as the leader of Congress and in effect the future Prime Minister. Congress has some
153
nerve to nominate a war criminal and expect me to accept him. Have you, the CWC and
Nehru gone out of your mind? Do you Mister Patel even realise that this means civil war?"
All through this monologue, Patel sat unmoved without batting an eyelid.
As the Viceroy cooled down, Patel fixed him with a steady gaze and explained that
Bose’s selection was a collective decision by the largest political party with a majority in the
Central legislature. The Viceroy was free to make his own decision and invite anyone else,
even Jinnah, to take over the job. In that case, he added, the Congress will launch a second
Quit India movement. Patel then gathered his papers and stood up. "Your Excellency has
only two choices, accept Bose and hand over power to him or face a revolt." With these
words, he slowly walked out of the office.
Mountbatten’s worst nightmare seemed to be coming true. Instead of an orderly
withdrawal and the creation of Pakistan to safeguard British interests in Asia, here was a
scenario that was entirely unexpected and unacceptable. Mountbatten sat back in his chair
and recalled the conversation with Churchill and Sir Howard in London. He realised that.
Jinnah was the only option to save the essence of Operation Akbar. The Viceroy called his
ADC and asked him to get Mr. Jinnah on the phone.
**
While Mountbaten was being briefed in Delhi, Nehru landed at Calcutta airport, He was
received by senior officers of Sir Frederick’s staff. Sarat Bose was also present in the
background. The PM brushed aside any suggestions about meeting the Governor. He told the
officials that he would not reside with the Governor. He asked Sarat to take him to meet
Subhas Bose. On the way to his residence, Sarat explained that Surhawardy, though presently
out of official power was still a strong force in Bengal... He was apparently shell-shocked
over the happenings of the last few days and had yet to disclose his reactions.
Bose made it a point to receive Nehru at the gate and greeted him with great warmth.
Nehru was embarrassed by Bose's constant reference to him as PM. “But I have resigned,” he
protested. Subhas grew serious and told Nehru that he was overwhelmed by his sense of
sacrifice and the confidence being bestowed on him by the Party. The two soon got down to
the business of how to tackle Jinnah and Mountbatten.
At this stage Bose told Nehru that Attlee and the Government in London were probably
sympathetic to the concept of a unified India. However, it was not merely Jinnah that
opposed unity; behind him is the genius of Churchill and the entire weight of the British
Intelligence. He told Nehru about Operation Akbar and it’s sinister design. Nehru was taken
aback and murmured how he, the Prime Minister was kept in dark and successfully fooled by
the British. Bose smiled and said, “:Not only are you being kept in the dark, even Attlee is
probable unaware that MI-6 and certain bureaucrats are busy undermining his attempt to
preserve the unity of India.” 8
Nehru urged Bose to return to Delhi with him and stake claim to the Prime Ministership
as the representative of Congress party. But Bose felt that it was imperative that he continue
to demonstrate his ability to maintain peace in eastern India. He needed time to mobilise the
masses and consolidate his political hold over eastern India. He would need a month to tour
Bengal, Assam, Bihar and Orissa. He would then travel by rail to Delhi. Nehru agreed with
this plan and the two men spent the next day discussing the threat of a civil war and the
measures needed to deal with this contingency. Bose advised Nehru to continue a PM and
remain in Delhi till Bose arrived, probably sometime in the last week of June.
Bose went on to tell Nehru that under no circumstances was 15 August acceptable as a
date of hand over of power. He suspected that the British had deliberately chosen that day for
handing over power because it was a sad day for the Japanese; that being the day on which
they surrendered in 1945. He suggested to Nehru that he tell the Viceroy that August 15 was
154
not acceptable as it was not an auspicious day. Nehru agreed to take up this matter with
Mountbatten and change the date to 16 August.
The day after Nehru reached home, his private secretary Mathai told him that the
Viceroy's office had called several times. Nehru told Mathai to confirm that he would
certainly like to meet Mountbatten the next day. But unfolding events prevented this from
happening Sir Howard had mentioned to Mountbatten that he had already instructed the head
of MI in India, Nora Harris, to meet Jinnah. The Viceroy sent for Nora and was personally
briefed by her. She told him that she had failed to calm the fears of a paranoid Jinnah. .
Mountbatten marvelled at the foresight of Churchill. This contingency had already been
discussed and Mountabatten had the blueprint of a plan that would ally Jinnah’s fears and
make Pakistan a reality. But here he was faced by a dilemma; on one hand he wanted to try to
get Nehru on his side to checkmate Bose, and on the other hand the shoring up of Jinnah was
vital. His encounter with Patel had left him with little hope of winning over Nehru unless he
could get Gandhi’s support.
The Viceroy had hoped to play on the ambition of Nehru and the fears of some
Congressmen about Bose and his anti-democratic temperament. The key to that strategy was
the attitude of Gandhi. Churchill had been very sceptical of this approach right from the
beginning. In a note to the MI he said categorically that there was close co-ordination
between Bose and Gandhi and went as far as to say that the Quit India call in 1942 was given
on the advice of Bose. Mountbatten noted in his own talk with the British PM that the Labour
leaders assessed that there seemed to be an unshakeable unity of purpose between Bose and
other leaders of the Congress party. His efforts after returning to Delhi had confirmed those
impressions. When Mountbatten’s secretary finally traced the Mahatma in Naokhali, he was
told that Gandhi had taken a vow silence for one month. The silence of Gandhi was an
obvious tactic to say “no” without saying so. . Mountbatten had been forced to conclude that
his best option was to encourage Jinnah to break away from India and for the British to
assume an apparent neutral position in the ensuing civil war, while materially helping Jinnah
win the battle for Pakistan.
Mountbatten's telephonic conversation with Jinnah convinced him that there was an
urgent need for his personal intervention. Jinnah was edgy and distraught, the upsurge of
mass support to Bose had un-nerved him. Moreover, Indian newspapers were full of reports
of the impending announcement of Dominion Status, and Nehru’s resignation in favour of
Bose, which had added to Jinnah’s fears “His meeting with Nehru could wait,” he thought.
Mountbatten decided to fly to Karachi the very next day. The ostensible reason for this visit
was to enable him make a personal assessment of the difficult law and order situation
prevailing in Karachi.
Mountbatten found a sullen Jinnah and a confused group of Muslim League leaders in
Karachi. When the two men were alone, Mountbatten told him that on 14 June there would be
a simultaneous announcement made in London and Delhi about India’s Dominion Status and
British withdrawal by 15 August. Jinnah very nearly openly accused him and the British of
betrayal. Moountbatten calmly went on to explain how he had intended, during July, to
announce the creation of the Dominion of Pakistan. There would have been no difficulty in
doing this if Nehru had remained the PM. Mountbatten needed all his tact and patience to
point out that the re-appearance of Bose was a total surprise and was not the creation of the
British; they still stood by Jinnah and Pakistan.
This pacified Jinnah and the two leaders reviewed the situation. Mountbatten pointed out
that most of the army units with Muslim troops were now stationed in Punjab, Sind and
NWFP in anticipation of a partition. Britain intended to reinforce Muslim units with tanks,
aircraft and artillery guns within the next fortnight. This news pleased Jinnah.
155
When the issue of affairs of Kashmir came up, Jinnah became emotional. “Pakistan
without Kashmir is like a body without its head. We will lose control over the rivers that are
our life line,” he exclaimed. Mountbatten assured Jinnah of the continued services of the
British-officered Gilgit Scouts, Chitral Scouts, Khyber Rifles and the Wana and Tochi
Scouts. However, Mountbatten confessed that the Nehru-Sheikh Abdullah nexus was indeed
a grave development. Towards the end of the talk came the crucial question. What will be the
British stand if Congress under Bose refused partition and the creation of Pakistan? It was
then that Mountbatten played his trump card. He told Jinnah that in case that happened, then,
"His Majesty's Government will understand and be sympathetic if the Muslim citizens of the
Dominion revolted and declared their independence."
Mountbatten reminded Jinnah that with the declaration of India’s Dominion Status, he
would cease to be the Viceroy, and would be the Governor General. If Bose took over as PM,
he would most probably choose an Indian to replace him as Governor General. Anyway, in
the event of a “Muslim revolt”, it would be impossible for Jinnah to formally request the
services of British officials. “Bearing that in mind,” he said, “I have asked Brigadier Carlisle
Jamieson McDonald to make himself available to meet you today. The Brigadier is a very
distinguished soldier who earned a Military Cross [MC] and a Distinguished Service Order
[DSO] whilst commanding armoured forces in North Africa. He later transferred to the
Special Operations Executive [SOE] and fought with French partisans in Europe where he
earned a bar to this MC. I recommend that Jammy serve as my personal liaison officer with
you. He is waiting in the ante-room, and I can call him in if you desire to meet him.”
Jinnah, who was always impressed by military decorations for valour, nodded his
consent, and Brigadier McDonald was ushered into the room. The Brigadier wore a light
cotton suit but looked very trim and fit. After being introduced to Jinnah, Mountbatten
continued, “Jammy has a small team of three men. They will be financed by the MI. His task
will be to maintain contact with you and advise the MI on any military material and political
problems, which may arise. I know that you will have your own team of military experts who
will plan you operations in the event of a civil war, but you may care to consult Jammy on
such maters whenever you desire.” After Jammy took his leave, Mountbatten and Jinnah
spent the rest of the day, discussing various political and military issues, which could arise
from a unilateral declaration of independence. Mountbatten returned to Delhi the next day.
**
Henry Grady, the American Ambassador designate embarked on SS Missouri for India
from San Francisco in the last week of May 1947. He had been given a clear aim by President
Truman, to get India on board on the side of the Free World in the coming battle against
world Communism. Old India hands who had briefed him in Washington DC had warned
him not to expect much co-operation from the British in Delhi, who regarded India as their
own backyard and were suspicious of any inroads by the Americans. The local British
Counsel General who had come to see him off briefed him on the Cabinet mission plan and
warned Grady that by the time he landed in India, the US may well have to ask for another
Ambassador for the new country of Pakistan. That would be a immense tragedy, thought
Henry and made a mental note to keep the State department informed of British
machinations.
At Honolulu, Grady got a cable informing him that the British Government intended to
grant full dominion status to India on the return of Mountbatten to Delhi. When the ship,
Missouri halted at Singapore on 30 May, he learnt from The Singapore Times about the
reappearance of Bose and his reception in Calcutta, Mountbatten’s hurried plans to return to
Delhi and Jinnah’s move to Karachi. He also got a cable that advised him to meet Jinnah at
the first possible opportunity.
156
As SS Missouri docked in Bombay in first week of June, Grady was able to read all the
national newspapers. He realised that he faced a totally new situation, a likely civil war in
India. The Ambassador designate was in a dilemma. Self appointed British “advisers” who
met him in Bombay kept on urging that America should welcome a small but reliable
Pakistan, and promote the division of India. Grady felt that by this step, the Americans (and
British) were storing trouble for the future. When Grady reached Delhi, he was briefed by
Major Ford of the OSS about the secret US contacts with Subhas Bose during the war. Grady
felt confident of being able to work with Bose and India. He mentioned to Ford that the
history of their own civil war was a painful reminder of how the very idea of supporting a
break up of a union was repugnant to any American
**
Nora was in a quandary. Events had acquired a momentum that needed her to do her
utmost while under surveillance. On return from Karachi, she learnt about the shipment of
guns and ammunition from South East Asia. She promptly passed this information to Sarat.
Later, she also came to know that Sherman and Stuart tanks from West Asia were to reach
Karachi on board the freighter Ingram by early August. She wrote a second letter to Sarat
giving him this information. She had not realised that the MI had purchased the loyalty of
some of her personal staff. Her second hand-written message, sent through Gopalchand, her
mali [gardener], landed on the desk of one of her subordinates in Delhi who photographed the
letter and ordered Gopalchand to deliver the letter to Sarat. The MI official was in a dilemma
about his discovery. After all, Nora was his immediate superior in Delhi and the most
decorated officer then serving in MI. He by-passed Nora and promptly passed the information
directly to London and awaited instructions.
**
Mountbatten's meeting with Nehru finally took place in the second week of June. It was
an awkward moment for both the men who had become close friends. But to the credit of
Nehru and the Viceroy, their discussion was kept entirely on a business footing. Mountbatten,
from his earlier meeting with Patel had realised that it would be futile to persuade Nehru to
withdraw his resignation. Nehru informed him that Bose would arrive in Delhi in the last
week of June.. The Viceroy would be meeting Bose as the leader of the Congress legislature
party. He would stake his claim to be the Prime Minister. Mountbatten nodded and said that
the formal announcement of India’s Dominion Status would be made simultaneously in Delhi
and London on 14 June. He said, “I request you to continue as PM until Bose arrives and
takes over from you. Of course the Indian government, under Congress leadership has the
right to appoint a new Indian Governor General after 15 August, I leave that decision to you.”
Nehru took this opportunity to request Mountbatten to change the date of the grant of
Dominion Status to 16 August. The Viceroy was taken aback and asked, “Why do you want
this postponed by one day?”
Nehru said, “I have no special preferences, but some of my cabinet colleagues have
consulted an astrologer who warns that 15 August is an inauspicious day. I’m sure that one
extra day of Imperial rule will not upset you. Mountbatten laughed and said, “I see no
difficulty in doing this. I will inform London of the change.” He added that if Nehru had time
he and Edwina would like to have him over to dinner tonight. Mountbatten added that
Edwina had specially requested that Indira should accompany him. Nehru thanked the
Viceroy, readily accepted his invitation and promised to bring his daughter along with him.
After Nehru’s departure, the Viceroy informed Karachi and London of the change of date
from 16 to 16 August in order to accommodate superstitious Hindu astrologers.
Promptly at the appointed hour the PM's car drove into the Viceroy Palace. . During
dinner, the Viceroy steered the conversation on to the future of India under Bose. .
Mountbatten spoke of the difficulty he might have in working with Bose. In addition, he
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raised the question: would the Indian army take orders from him? Nehru patiently explained
to the Viceroy that the loyalty of the Indian soldiers to the British during the war had more to
do with the Kshtriya Dharma and sanctity of the oath than any deep love for the British. He
pointed out how even Gurkha soldiers, when given a chance to choose between India and
Britain, had largely chosen India.9 Nehru went on to claim that as Patel had informed him that
serving Indian solders and officers admired Bose as a worthy leader.
Mountbatten, realising that he was getting nowhere with this line of argument, switched
the conversation to the dangers of a civil war. Nehru had spent the whole day discussing this
aspect with Bose was not prepared to disclose his ideas. Fortunately, a well-timed prearranged phone call for Nehru ended the post-dinner talk. Father and daughter returned to
Teen Murti house. Later that night, Patel got a detailed report on the meeting from Indira and
heaved a sigh of relief that Nehru had stood his ground well.
On 14 June, a statement was issued simultaneously by His Majesty’s Government in
London and the Viceroy in New Delhi outlining the British approach to the Indian
independence.
On 20 February 1947 the, His Majesty's Government had announced their intention to
transfer power to in British India to Indian hands by June 1948. His Majesty's Government
had hoped that it would be possible for the major parties to co-operate in the working out of
the Cabinet Mission Plan of 16 May 1946 and evolve for India a constitution acceptable to all
concerned. This hope has not been fulfilled as majority of representatives from Punjab, Sind,
Baluchistan and Bengal had refused to participate in the constituent assembly.
As from the sixteenth day of August nineteen forty seven, His Majesty's Government in
the United Kingdom has no responsibility as respects the governments of any of the
territories which immediately before that day were included in British India.
The suzerainty of His Majesty over the Indian states lapses and with it all treaties and
agreements in force on that day. A Governor General will be appointed who will conduct the
affairs of the dominion in accordance with the Government of India Act of 1935.
In a broadcast to the nation on the same day, the Viceroy explained the significance of
this Government of India Act. Some of the important points stressed by him were as follows:
“Since yesterday, although I remain nominal head of the government in Delhi, I and the
Governors of the provinces will exercise minimum interference in the conduct of state affairs
except if urgent security considerations warrants our intervention. It is however imperative
that the Government should ensure that appropriate agreements for the transfer of power of
the princely states to the central Government are executed as soon as possible. And before 16
August after which date I will cease to wear two hats and will only be Governor General.
“I wish to inform you that Mr. Nehru has resigned as Prime Minister. The Congress, as
the majority party at the centre, desires that Subhas Chandra Bose should take over as Prime
Minister. I have no official objection to this change. I am awaiting the arrival of Mr Bose, so
that I can ascertain his views, discuss the change over and the formation of a new cabinet
with him. Till that happens, I have requested Mr Nehru to continue functioning as PM, and he
has kindly agreed to continue in office. Meanwhile, I have requested the Government to
begin the process of appointing suitable Indians as governors to the various provinces. They
must also find suitable Indian service officers and bureaucrats to replace British officers in
the armed forces and the bureaucracy. This should be completed before 16 August as all
British personnel will be withdrawn by that date, except those who voluntarily wish to serve
in India and are invited to do so by the Indian Government.
“I am aware that Mr Jinnah and the Muslim League do not accept that the party holding a
simple majority should govern India. They desire that Muslim majority states should be given
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a separate dominion status. I urge the Congress and other allied parties to bear this in mind
and grant the Muslims a degree of autonomy, which will assuage their fears and encourage
them to remain peaceful partners in a united Indian Dominion. On 16 August, after attaining
full dominion status, the Government may well wish to select its own governor general, in
which case I will return to London. When the constituent assembly finalises its deliberations
and a new constitution us approved by the people, this will come into forces and the
Government of India Act, 1935 will cease to be operative.”
**
On 16 June, Bose was pleased to read a newspaper report that Egypt and Syria had
recognised the Republic of Indonesia, and that Indonesia had sent a representative to the
United Nation. He wrote a letter of congratulations to his friend Alip Agung and in it gave all
his news and enquired about the health of Ziang Chu-cheng.
**
One of the busiest men in India after 16 June was Sardar Patel, nicknamed the 'Iron Man'
of India. Apart from having to deal with the tense law and order situation prevailing in the
country, Britain’s June announcement had opened a virtual Pandora's box for about 400
princely states and small principalities. There were princely states like Hyderabad, Jodhpur,
and Jammu and Kashmir [J&K] that were large and more viable than many existing
independent countries. The Viceroy had administered the princely states indirectly through
the institution of Political Agents. The British declaration that their suzerainty would lapse on
16 August, raised the hopes of many a Maharaja and Nabob that they could become
independent rulers. This would have been a sure recipe for the balkanisation of India. As
Home Minister, it fell to the Sardar to prevent this looming disaster and navigate the murky
waters of state politics to cajole and bully unruly princes into accepting a merger with the
Indian Dominion. The Sardar's magic, supported by excellent planning by his able secretary
V.P.Menon, worked in most cases. States like Udaipur in Rajputana were the first to
renounce their separate existence. But some large states like Jodhpur in West, J&K in the
North and Hyderabad in the Centre were ruled by men who had visions of personal grandeur
and hopes of becoming independent sovereigns.
While the people of Delhi eagerly awaited the arrival of Netaji, the situation in Punjab
and Sind kept deteriorating with each passing day. This was in contrast to Eastern and
Southern India, which had remained remarkably peaceful under Bose and his INA agents.
The latter in conjunction with Congress workers and Chitta’s men had skilfully persuaded
every school in Bengal, Assam, Bihar and Orissa to adopt the slogan Ek Dil- Ek Jan, Nahin
batenge Hindustan. The children enjoyed shouting this to one another and this had a subtle
effect on the elders.
7
Whereas certain Indian Army units had been Indianized and were being oficered by Indian Kings’s
Commisioned Officer, the highest rank that a Gurkha could hope to rise to, was the rank of a Viceroy
Commissioned Officer [VCO] a rank peculiar to the Indian army. The highest VCO appointment in a
battalion is Subedar Major, which is broadly the equivalent of a Regimental Sergeant Major in the
British Army.
8
Readers should not underestimate the autonomous power exercised by some institutions in
democratic Britain. The New York Review of Books: May 18, 1989’, in an article entitled MOSCOW &
HAROLD WILSON’. Noel Annan asserts that the Labour Prime Minister Harold Wilson was suspected
to be a Soviet agent by the ‘obsessive cowboys in the British intelligence’
9
At the Indo-Nepal-British negotiations held in Khatmandu in the spring of 1947 to decide the future
allocation of Gurkhas, it was agreed that the British would have four regiments each consisting of two
battalions. India retained the remaining six regiments but also absorbed the surplus Gorkha troops
thrown up from non-optees of the British regiments, nearly all of whom [over 90 per cent] when given
the option, refused to transfer to the British Army- greatly to the surprise and chagrin of the Brits.
159
Journal of the United Service Institute, Vol. CXXXI, No 545,July-September 2001, Allotment of
Gorkha Regiments to the British Army in 1947 By Maj. Gen. D.K.Palit, Vr C [Retd].
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Chapter 12
Bose Takes Over as Prime Minister
Within a fortnight of Bose announcing his presence in Calcutta and declaring his resolve
to fight Islamic separatists, the Muslim League struck in Multan. One evening after the
Friday prayers, Maulavis preached gory imaginary tales of riots in Ranchi and Calcutta.
Muslim mobs went berserk and began attacking Hindu and Sikhs on the streets. Before the
night was over, more than 2000 men women and children were dead. Simultaneously riots
also broke out in Kahuta, Rawalpindi, and Sukkar. Thousands of frightened people huddled
on railway platforms and began to leave towns in Punjab. However, Baluchistan remained
indifferent to the Muslim League and the NWFP was hostile to the concept of partition, and
the call for jihad by fundamentalists
The news spread swiftly into the Punjab town of Jullundhar and from there elsewhere.
Sikh and Hindu mobs began attacking innocent Muslims and burning mosques. Women were
the hapless victims in most places. Mobs would separate them from men-folk and then
commit repeated rapes. In most cases the victims ended their lives by jumping into wells or
hanging themselves. A trickle of Muslims moving westwards and Hindus and Sikhs fleeing
eastwards began taking place. Gandhi had just arrived in Delhi from an exhausting trip to
rural Bengal. The news of happenings in Punjab caused him great distress. "My countrymen
have gone mad!" he told Mountbatten. Gandhi regarded this display of violence as a personal
defeat. He decided to undertake a 40-day fast as penance. Efforts by Azad and Nehru to
dissuade him from taking this step failed. In the inflamed atmosphere of Delhi, his voice of
sanity was lost in the loud cries for revenge. The Hindu Mahasabha and RSS organised
processions to oppose Gandhi and his appeal for peace. " Marna hai to marne do" [If he wants
to starve to death, let him die] was the full throated cry of the mob.
Alarmed by this turn of events, Nehru appealed to the Viceroy to take stern counter
measures to control the riots. His repeated attempts to persuade the Viceroy to take action fell
on deaf ears. In most of Punjab and Sind, Jinnah and his Muslim league began behaving as
virtually independent provinces. Directives from Central government were openly flouted.
But even more alarmingly, local police began targeting non-Muslim leaders. Hapless people
began leaving their homes; the trickle became an exodus and the first refugee camp sprung up
in Delhi and other towns in eastern Punjab.
At the instance of Gandhi, a peace mission composed of CR and Maulana Abul Kalam
Azad, was sent to Jinnah. to persuade him to give up the demand for Pakistan. Bose, who was
still occupied in the east, was told about the proposed mission. He was sceptical of the whole
idea but made no comment as he needed to retain Gandhi's moral support.
When the two-man mission met Jinnah, he heard CR’s opening remarks patiently and
then launched into a tirade against Hindus. "You say that dividing the country on the basis of
religion will eventually lead to sectarian fights between Shia and Sunnis, Muslims may well
be prone to fratricide but they are in good company. In fact Christians beat them at this game
hands down. This century is nothing but a story of wars, between Christian powers. Add up
the loss of life and property in World Wars One and Two. Hindus have fought between
themselves all the time as long as they could before Muslims appeared on the scene, which
presence again was facilitated by one Hindu Raja helping Muslims against another.
“The threat is from the Hindu fundamentalist parties like the RSS and Hindu Mahasabha.
Their dictum is that anyone living in India is a Hindu. The 'untouchables' have been their
161
favourite historical victims who will soon have to pay the price of the wrong decisions of
their leader, Dr. Ambedkar, who has been tricked into signing away their separate identity,
and relying on promises made by Hindu leaders."
Maulana Azad, who had been a silent spectator all this time spoke up. "I feel sad because
if Pakistan comes into being, it will be the greatest disaster for the Muslims of India. Instead
of one kaum [nation] we will be divided into two parts. Mr. Jinnah, what if in response to
your call for a Pakistan based on Islam, the rest of India decides to become a Hindu rashtra
[nation]? Will you have place for all the displaced Muslims of the subcontinent? Do you
think that the scattered Muslim communities of western and southern India would happily
leave their villages, land and the graveyards where their ancestors are buried, and willingly
move to your land of the pure? No, Mr. Jinnah, that would never happen. But yes, they may
be forced to run away in fear and your Pakistan will drown under a flood of refugees!"
Jinnah was taken aback by this blunt talk from Azad but recovered his composure by
saying that dealing with the Muslims of Hindustan was 'their' problem. In any case he did not
believe that India would turn into a Hindu nation. Neither Gandhi nor Nehru will allow that
to happen, he asserted. He went on to say that “once Pakistan is created then religion will
cease to be important, not in any personal manner, because that is an individual right, but in a
political sense.”
As the discussion was getting nowhere an awkward pause ensued. Rajaji seized the
opportunity. He began by stating that he accepted that Muslims had good reason to be
apprehensive about life in an independent India that will have a large Hindu majority. But he
pointed out that the Muslims were no small minority like the Parsees or the Jews or even
Sikhs and Christians. If these other religious groups did not feel threatened then what do the
Muslims fear? Rajaji went on to say that if the separate electorates are abolished, Muslims
will hold sway in more than 40% seats of the Central Parliament. The realities of economics
and a free electoral system will ensure that Muslims will derive full benefits of their
countrywide spread while retaining their sway in the provinces where they were in the
majority.
CR then went on to warn Jinnah that Pakistan, if formed, will reduce the large Muslim
population in the remaining parts of India to a permanent state of social insecurity. Moreover,
a Pakistan that is born out of a negative impulse of hostility, will also suffer from a
permanent threat from a much larger and stronger India. Finally Rajaji appealed to Jinnah to
look to the future where the world was becoming closely knit with plural and multi-religious
societies being the dominant norm. A united India could become a force to reckon with on
the world scene, while outsiders would constantly exploit a divided India. The old divide and
rule will continue to the detriment of all, he warned. But neither the emotional eloquence of
Azad nor the cold logic of Rajaji could make Jinnah budge from his position.
**
Bose made a triumphant rail journey to Delhi in the last week of June. En route at Patna,
Benares, Allahabad and Cawnpore, huge crowds gathered at the railway station to have a
glimpse of their hero. At times the train could barely move. Invariably, Bose had to request to
crowd to disperse, a request accepted only after he made brief speech. The gist of what he
said was that the British were leaving and all Indians must remain disciplined and ensure
their safety. Our battle is no longer against the British but against those who demand the
partition of India. He said that Hindus and Muslims have stayed together in India for over
1000 years and there was no reason why they should not stay together for another thousand
years. They must look after one another and maintain peace. He warned the public to be
careful and not believe in rumours, which were being deliberately spread by those who
wanted to create turmoil. He promised that in free India there would be absolute freedom of
162
religion, speech and pursuit of happiness. Bose ended his speeches with Jai Hind to which the
audience gave a full throated response, 'Ek Dil Ek Jaan, Nahin Tootega Hindustan'.
The Tofaan Mail that normally took about 30 hours to reach Delhi was 10 hours behind
schedule when it reached Delhi in the early hours of the morning. After a brief welcome
speech at the station, Bose drove straight to Birla house to meet Gandhi. There in full view of
the people the Mahatma blessed Bose. Fortified by this public support from Gandhi, Bose
sent a message to the Governor General that he would like to meet him to stake his claim to
form a new government. He spent the rest of the day with Shah Nawaz who told him that he
had sent ex-captain Abdul Aziz as Bose representative to Peshawar, along with a wireless set.
He had also sent representatives to Rajasthan and Gujerat as advised by Bose.
Prior to the arrival of Bose, Mountbatten had given careful thought to his future strategy.
The last days of the Second World War had seen the British scraping the bottom of their
manpower barrel. Any commitment of troops in defence of the colonies was out of the
question. Churchill had made it very clear that he wanted no compromise on the creation of
Pakistan. Mountbatten’s first option of trying to create a division in Congress having failed,
he was bent on taking the course of promoting the threat of a civil war in order to force the
Congress to avoid violence and accept the creation of Pakistan. Most of the seasoned British
administrators and military officers of the Raj believed that nationalists were incapable of
fighting an organised civil war and winning against the secessionists.
Mountbatten’s greatest problem was not the Congress and its opposition to Pakistan but
the attitude of the Americans. Squeezed by payments of instalments of the "Lend & Lease”
programme of the war, the British economy was in a tight spot and badly needed American
help. The only hope of the British winning American support in South Asia lay in the strategy
of linking this region with America’s war against world communism that was just beginning.
General Chiang Kai-Shek’s reputation at the close of the Second World War was very high
but he was faced with many economic problems, escalating inflation and rampant corruption
within his administration and the army, which undermined his popularity and authority. The
Americans tried their best to maintain the balance between Communists and the Nationalists.
It had not worked and at this time it was evident that the PLA were sweeping through China.
The British were aware that the US was generally ignorant about South Asia. It was
hoped that the Americans would rely on the advice of their ally for the conduct of their Indiapolicies. The British had already begun selling the idea of Pakistan as a reliable and valuable
military ally in America’s coming confrontation with the Soviet Union. The British were able
to convince John Foster Dulles, and several other Republican Senators, that Pakistanis were
the world's best fighters.
But Mountbatten had met with unexpected resistance in the shape of Henry Grady, the
new American ambassador designate. Grady had just arrived in India but was apparently no
stranger to the country. He had politely squashed several British attempts to influence his
acceptance of Pakistan. In one of his very first despatches he sent to the US President he
mentioned that the British were clearly working for the division of India in the hope that they
would thus retain influence in this part of the world after they leave India. He pointed out that
events in China were coming to a head and most Americans believed that it would soon fall
to the Communists. A check to China in Asia was a necessity. American commercial interests
were also keen to replace the British monopoly of trade and investment in India. He argued
that America’s best interest was to ensure the unity and stability of India and its democratic
institutions in order to fight the menace of Communism and the rise of China.
The Viceroy was acutely conscious of all these issues when Bose was ushered into his
office. The first confrontation between Bose and Mountbatten turned out to be a damp squib.
Mountbatten was cold but correct to his former Second World War foe. He explained how the
British were keen to ensure Indian unity but had no answer in the face of Jinnah’s obduracy.
163
He advised Bose that it would be preferable to accept the partition of India and avoid
unnecessary bloodshed. Mountbatten told Bose not to expect British help in case there was an
open fight with Jinnah.
Bose kept silent and waited for the Governor General to finish his harangue. He then
quietly opened his brief case and pulled out an enlarged photograph of a document, which he
handed over to Mountbatten. Seeing the familiar Royal Seal, Mountbatten quickly glanced at
the photograph. He was shocked to see that this was the Top Secret letter signed by His
Majesty promising Pakistan. Mountbatten’s face went ashen. “How did this get into the hands
of Indians?” was the first thought that entered his mind. He was soon to suffer further shocks.
Bose went on to inform him that he also had information that a British ship, Ingram was on
its way to Karachi with arms and ammunition, destined for Jinnah's separatists. "Leave India
to the Indians, we can do without your help," said Bose sarcastically.
Bose went on to bluntly tell the Governor General that he was also aware of Operation
Akbar and declare that, "India has saved Britain twice in the 20th century. It was the Indian
soldiers who saved you in the First World War in battles of 1916 and again in the recent war
in the Middle East and Burma. 10 Yes, I was on the Axis side. But my aim was freedom for
India. If you had been sagacious in 1942, I would have been on your side. I am sorry that
Britain is paying back India’s contribution by dividing my motherland. We will not accept
partition and 40 crore Indians are behind me in this resolve". Mountbatten did not respond to
this accusation. He told Bose that he would be sworn in as PM. This was now a mere
formality. Tentatively the date of the swearing in of Bose as PM was fixed for the second
week of July.
On the day after Bose met the Viceroy, CR and Azad returned from Karachi empty
handed. The two men briefed Nehru, Gandhi and Bose on what had transpired with Jinnah.
Gandhi was saddened at this development and Nehru was non-committal, but Bose asserted
that he was even more determined than ever to fight for unity. A civil war was now
inevitable.
**
Sir Howard was happy to learn about the failure of the Karachi talks. Sir Michael
discussed this with Churchill and both the men became convinced that birth of Pakistan was
only a matter of days now. They were conscious that Jinnah needed to be given maximum
military and political support as soon as possible. They used their combined efforts to
persuade a sceptical Atlee that the partition of India was inevitable and that it was in Britain’s
interest to cultivate a friendly Pakistan. “Moreover,” they argued, “the Muslim League should
be given timely support in order to avoid unnecessary bloodshed.” Sir Howard outlined an
ingenious scheme by which military support to Pakistan could be delivered to Karachi
without putting an extra burden on Britain. Sir Howard proposed that the British turnover the
war surpluses lying in various West Asian depots to the Pakistanis. He clinched his
arguments by saying, “Carting that equipment to UK will cost a fortune, instead here is a
ready market nearby. Britain could give the military equipment as a long term loan, not a gift,
and tie Pakistan for all times to come in a prolonged economic relationship.” Atlee gave his
reluctant assent to this proposal. This good news was sent to Jinnah through Brigadier
McDonald
Despite the assurance of military aid, as the date of British withdrawal approached there
was growing anxiety in Karachi. Jinnah feared that once British forces were out, and India
was firmly under Bose’s command, he would launch an all out offensive to finish off the
Muslim League. He urged the British to recognise his state and also canvas for its candidacy
in the United Nations before 16 August. However, Atlee put his foot down firmly on this
issue. Giving open recognition would remove the fig leaf of respectability from the British
assertion that it was actually in favour of a united India, and was therefore totally
164
unacceptable to the Labour Party. When informed of this decision, Jinnah suspected that
behind Atlee’s refusal to accept the Dominion of Pakistan lay typical British caution: “What
if Bose succeeds?”
It was Churchill who found a way out. Through Brigadier McDonald he suggested that
Jinnah should wait till the British quit India, and only then make a unilateral declaration of
independence (UDI). Since he would have declared his independence from the independent
Dominion of India, and not from a British colony, legally he could not be treated as a rebel as
far as the British were concerned. While it would be difficult to recognise his break-away
regime immediately, once the situation was stabilised, Britain would persuade the rest of the
world to recognise the 'reality' of Pakistan. Brigadier McDonald advised Jinnah that in the
interim period, while he consolidated himself in the west, he should use the Nizam as a
diversion to tie down the Indian Army in Hyderabad.. It was hoped that the Razakars would
give a tough fight to the Indians and buy time for Pakistan.
Jinnah was pleased at receiving a shipload of Sherman tanks and a squadron of brand new
Spitfire aircraft, which were flown in from an RAF base located in Iran. He was nevertheless
worried about the lack of overt political support from Britain. All his life he had craved for
‘legitimacy’ both at the personal and societal level. He was conscious that there was virtually
no nation in world that had not fought a civil war. The British had the war between King and
the Parliament, the French, the Russians, the Americans, had all had to fight wars of
secession. The Chinese were at that very moment engaged in a civil war. It was becoming
increasingly clear with each passing day that Bose was bent on preserving Indian unity at all
cost and was preparing for a civil war
Jinnah knew that he could not avoid a conflict with Bose. However he was not in
agreement with Churchill’s suggestion on the timing of his revolt. He was afraid that if
Pakistan came into existence after 16 August, then Bose would simply call it secession and
evoke world-wide support. The weight of world public opinion may than well swing in
favour of India. The solution to this dilemma came from, Mountbatten, through Jammy. The
Viceroy reasoned that if Jinnah was to declare independence from British India, just before
the British handed over power to the Indians, he could hardly be accused of secession.
Actions taken by India against Pakistan would then not even be classified as a civil war and
would constitute ‘aggression’.
**
With Mountbatten delaying his swearing in, Bose was forced to sit in Delhi and watch
helplessly as the country slid into anarchy. Bose recalled his days in Germany in the early
years of the WW II when he felt similarly helpless. He was convinced that the delay was a
part of the British design to un-nerve him and coerce the Congress into accepting the demand
for Pakistan. Bose anticipated that the British would try to create difficulties for him by citing
his alliance with the Japanese. He utilised his time meeting civil servants and military officers
to gauge their mood. Bose found that the officers whom he consulted were aghast at the idea
of partition and were waiting for a leader who could stand up for unity. Thanks to some
diligent work done by H. Kunzru on his behalf, Bose was reassured to find that the pillars of
British strength seemed eager to accept firm political leadership under Bose.
Bose, Nehru and Sardar Patel also discussed the appointments of Indian governors to
replace the British ones; all agreed that this should be done well before 16 August. As the day
of the British departure neared, Shah Nawaz’s agents reported hectic activity in Karachi, in
the offices of the Muslim League and a newly constituted Pakistan Army Headquarters.
**
In London Sir Michael faced a most difficult decision. The letter that he had received
from Delhi had clearly established that Nora was passing information to Bose and was guilty
of 'high treason'. With Indian independence merely a few months away, the MI-6 chief had a
165
tough choice. Open arrest or any kind of trial was totally out of question. “You cannot court
martial a George Cross winner for treason,” Sir Michael told his deputy. Ideally he thought
that Nora should be recalled to London and shunted to an innocuous post. But an angry letter
from the Governor General to the Secretary of State for India, demanding an explanation as
to how His Majesty's Top Secret proclamation had landed in the hands of Bose, more or less
closed his options. The heat was turned on the MI at a time when Burgess and Maclean had
defected to the Soviet Union. With Britain’s access to the American nuclear programme
blocked a very angry Atlee told Sir Michael to pull up his socks. It was an ancient British
tradition that orders to liquidate an undesirable citizen had to come directly from the
Sovereign. It was with a heavy heart that he took the fateful memo; to 'Xp' Nora; to the PM
for the approval of the King.
**
The swearing in of Bose as Prime Minster was scheduled for 15 July. He spent the next
few days talking to Nehru about the modalities of taking over the job and discussing the
formation of his cabinet with senior Congress colleagues. The departure of British officers
had commenced and the responsibility of commanding the army would soon fall on the senior
most Indian officer, Brigadier C.M. Cariappa, an Infantry officer from the Rajput Regiment.
Known to his friends as "Kipper", Cariappa was a run of mill officer with not a very
distinguished record. He had the reputation of being a strict disciplinarian and was known for
his rigid adherence to rules and regulations, with a tendency to go into petty administrative
details. During the war, many Indian officers like Kulwant Singh, Thimayya, Thorat and Sen,
had been given important and responsible staff and command appointments which had been
denied to him. Bose emphasised the need to promote Cariappa and a number of senior
military officers to one if not two ranks above their present status, so that they could occupy
the various appointments when they begin replacing British officers. Nehru agreed to take up
this issue immediately with the Commander-in-Chief
**
Vinita Chaddah was a cub reporter at Delhi office of the Times of India. She grew very
excited one day when a source in South Block contacted her and promised to give her
startling and exclusive information about Subash Bose. Vinita met the source at Gaylord’s in
Connaught Place. Here she was given a secret British memo about Bose’s personal life.
Overjoyed with this scoop, Vinita hurried to the office on Barakhamba Road and told the
chief reporter what she had learnt. Cautious Iyyangar was not impressed. He said, “This may
be a British attempt to defame India's future PM. Unless you can confirm this from an
independent source, forget it; we will not carry the story.” Crestfallen, Vinita went back to
her cabin and finished her day’s work. That evening, when she went home she met her fiancé
who worked for a Hindi daily. She told him how the chief reporter had spiked her scoop.
Raghubir Yadav was sympathetic and promised her that while the Times may not carry it, his
paper would. And so it did. Soon the news spread and became a hot topic for the Delhi
chattarati at cocktail parties.
One day after review of the internal situation was over, Sardar Patel broached the subject
with Bose. Profusely apologising for his interference in personal matter, Patel told Bose that
rumours were doing the rounds in Delhi about his ‘liaison’ with a notorious lady. Bose,
looking up from the papers that he was studying, fixed his gaze on the Sardar, and softly said,
“I well understand your anxiety.” Then standing up he declared, “I’m already a married man
and even have a daughter Anita.”
Sardar Patel was completely taken aback. Bose quietly explained to him how he was in
love with an Austrian girl and had married her in 1943. All these years he had kept this a
secret, even whilst in Germany. To begin with he was afraid of the reaction of German
racists. Later he feared that she may come to harm from the Allies in the chaos of wartime
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Germany. His brother Sarat knew about his marriage. “I have secretly kept in touch with her.
I have just received welcome news that both my wife and daughter have arrived safely in
Tehran. In fact in less than a week’s time they are expected to land in Bombay.” Bose told
Patel that he was planning to make a public announcement about this at a public rally in a day
or two. Bose shared his apprehension about the possible political repercussions. Sardar Patel
nodded his head slowly and in a rare bout of humour told Bose that the news was likely to
break many a fair maiden’s heart! Then on a more serious note he observed that Indians were
quite accommodative of ‘foreign’ bahus, as long as they wore a saree.
The meeting of Bose with his wife and daughter in August was an emotional affair. On
the PM’s strict instructions, no newsmen were permitted on the tarmac when the IAC Dakota
touched down at Palam. But after much persuasion, Bose relented and permitted
photographers when they reached the Teen Murti house. The next day’s newspapers carried
front-page photographs of India’s first family. The public was specially delighted with
pictures of the young toddler, Anita. In the evening Sardar had the satisfaction to report to
Bose that most people had taken the news well. The next day at an informal meeting, many
noted the fresh rose Bose sported in the second button of his shirt. There were meaningful
glances exchanged and Nehru explicitly complimented Bose on his radiant appearance and
remarked that it surely had something to do with Mrs Bose! Subhas smiled shyly and quickly
moved over to more serious matters.
**
The day before Bose was to be sworn in as PM, Jinnah gave a clarion call for Muslims all
over India to rise and take 'Direct Action.' At the same time the Nizam of Hyderabad,
proclaimed that his state had no desire to join India; he declared Hyderabad’s independence.
Whereas eastern and southern India by and large remained peaceful, elsewhere riots broke
out. Sir Howard sent a secret message to Brigadier McDonald that it would be ideal if their
action plan for Kashmir could be put into operation as soon as possible after 16 August. Little
did he realise that Jinnah had his own agenda and time frame.
Jinnah, having consolidated his rule over Punjab and Sind, was determined to deal with
the issue of Kashmir! The ‘k’ in the word Pakistan stood for Kashmir and without it Pakistan
was not complete. But more than the logic of demanding it on the plea that it was a Muslim
majority state, he knew that this was a geo-strategic prize. All the rivers of Punjab had their
origin in Kashmir and control over them was essential for the future security of Pakistan. The
hilly state would also serve as an ideal point to pose a permanent threat to North India. But
the most pressing of all was the need to deny direct land contact between the Congress and
Pathan supporters of Badshah Khan in the NWFP who had made no secret of his support for
a united India.
At the initial conferences he held with General Akbar Khan and Jammy, the General
propose an outright invasion of J&K. But Jinnah counseled circumspection. It was imperative
that a charade of an indigenous revolt by the people of J&K be maintained. It was therefore
decided that there would be no direct participation by the army. Instead the restive tribals of
the Frontier would be armed and led by army personnel on ‘leave’. Once in the state they
would pose as freedom fighters.
Operation Gulmarg, the plan of invasion of Kashmir, was prepared in great secrecy. The
restive tribes of Frontier were lured into this invasion by promise of loot and rape in Kashmir.
Simultaneously vicious communal propaganda was carried out in the tribal areas about
Muslims being slaughtered in Kashmir and Bihar. Every Pathan tribe was required to raise a
lashkar [group] of 1000 tribesmen. These were then concentrated at Bannu, Wana and Kohat.
The regular army located there issued them arms and ammunition. It was necessary to
maintain the fiction that it was a popular force and thus to disown responsibility. However,
each lashkar was commanded by a major and had one captain and ten junior commissioned
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officers ‘attached’ to it.. In reality they were the real commanders of the force. General Akbar
Khan was made the overall commander of the operation.
The invasion of was to be a multi-pronged attack. The main attack was to be carried out
by six lashkars along the Muzaffarabad-Srinagar road via Domel and Baramulla. Their task
was to seize Srinagar and the airport located nearby. A subsidiary advance by two Lashkars
was to take place from Haji Pir pass to Gulmarg to secure the flanks. Along with this advance
an attack on Punch-Kotli form Bhimbar side was to ultimately advance on to Jammu.
**
Bose was sworn in as PM in the midst of communal rioting and political intrigue. The
ceremony was held in the grim backdrop of a report that there was unrest among Muslim
troops in Punjab and Sind. Almost the first thing that the Viceroy told Bose was that the
British would observe strict neutrality in the growing conflict between Jinnah and Bose.
One of Bose’s first acts as PM was to summon his senior Indian military staff with a
request that he be briefed on the security situation. Cariappa had just been promoted to the
rank of major general. Bose, while congratulating him on his recent promotion, assured him
that he would rise even higher when Field Marshal Auchinleck departed and he took over as
Army Chief. Cariappa thanked the Prime Minister and confirmed that several other brigadiers
had also been promoted along with him. He said that he was not too sure if these rapid
promotions were a good thing for the army. He advised that the services of Auchinleck
should be retained as Commander in Chief for a period of two years or till the situation in
India stabilised
Bose was stunned by Cariappa’s total lack of understanding of the political implications
of retaining a British officer in such a key role. Bose recalled how his INA officers, some of
them with less than five years service, and with poor training and administrative facilities,
had cheerfully shouldered heavy command responsibilities in war. Here was the senior most
officer of the Indian Army, who had more than twenty years service and with the whole
backing of a political and military structure, expressing doubt on his capacity to assume the
appointment of Chief. Bose refrained from commenting on Cariappa’s request and asked him
to report on the sate of readiness of the army to face a civil war.
Kipper began by painting a gloomy picture of the defence forces. Except for the medical
corps and service corps, British officers had manned the bulk of the army. Indian officers
were replacing British officers. However there would be an acute shortage of officers in the
infantry, artillery and technical arms like Engineers as well as the armoured corps. The bulk
of Indian army's ten divisions were dispersed all over the country on riot control duties; three
of these were located in the western provinces, the remainder was located elsewhere in India.
Over the past three months, units composed predominantly of Muslim troops had been moved
into the divisions located in the western provinces. The General ended on an optimistic note
by mentioning that apart from this India had an entire armoured division in high state of
readiness.
Bose thanked Cariappa for his summary and told him that there was no question of
retaining the services of Auchinleck after 16 August. He should ensure that every single
British officer and civil servant was relieved of his appointment by 15 August, no matter
what the consequences to efficiency. He should not to be pessimistic about the shortage of
suitable Indian replacements. “I have no doubt that you and our young officers will rise to the
occasion when faced with a challenge,” he concluded.
After Cariappa left the office, Rear Admiral Kataria, the newly promoted senior most
Naval officer explained that the Indian Navy had 12 small ships and barely sufficient
resources to defend the ports. The next to brief Bose was Air Vice-marshal Mukerjee who
stated that the air force had 12 squadrons of fighters and four transport squadrons of Dakotas.
Both these officers were given the same concluding advice that he had given Kipper.
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The Prime Minister then spent a short time in the Army Operations Room hour with
Kipper and Major General Kalwant Singh, the newly promoted and appointed Chief of the
General Staff, who gave him an overall picture of the likely course of events should the
Muslim League attempt to fight a civil war. Kalwant assessed that the strength of any force
organised by the rebels was not sufficient for them to go on the offensive. Their role would
therefore be defensive. They would probably attempt to consolidate in Baluchistan, Sind and
Punjab, along the river Sutlej and Ravi. The military units located in both those sates were
predominantly Muslims. The senior Muslim officers serving in those states were of
indifferent quality. Luckily, 12 Infantry Division located in Peshwar, was commanded by
Major General M.Attiqur Rehman, a very compertent officer with liberal views. Serving
under him were three good officers, Brigadiers Mahamed Musa, Mobyn Khan and Syed
Gawas.
Kalwant believed that the officers and men of 12 Division would remain loyal to their
oath. Because of this and the political strength of Gaffar Khan, Jinnah would have difficulty
winning over the NWFP to his cause. Not only would this be a political loss, but also a
military set back. The four senior officers in 12 Infantry Division were perhaps the best crop
of senior Muslim officers in the Indian Army. Kalwant emphasised that 12 Division, along
with the 5th Gorkha Regimental Centre with one Gurkha battalion located at Abbotabad,
would become valuable assets in the event of an uprising. He stressed that in case of trouble
India should treat Hyderabad as the lesser threat. We should plan to deal with Punjab as a top
priority. Bose was impressed by this officers grasp of the strategic and tactical situation likely
to face India in the coming months.
Later in the day, Bose spent a satisfying hour with Henry Grady, the American
Ambassador. He was glad to hear that Grady was totally opposed to the concept of partition
and the creation of Pakistan. He was particularly pleased when Grady mentioned that the
State Department was in close touch with Mr J.R.D. Tata who had left a very good
impression on all those whom he met.
Bose had been getting valuable information from Punjab and NWFP through his INA
wireless links with Dhillon and Abdul Aziz. This was in sharp contrast to the meagre
information being provided by routine IB channels. He discussed this with Sardar Patel who
said that the present Director IB, a police bureaucrat, had walked into the appointment to
replace the out-going British officer. “We must make a ruthless sweep of all the old British
connections wherever necessary. I suggest that this man be replaced immediately by Shah
Nawaz,” advised Bose. Sardar Patel agreed and the change was effected without delay.
Bose also explained to Sardar Patel how his INA men had quietly popularised the slogan
Ek Dil- Ek Jan, Nahin batenge Hindustan. This had now become a schoolboy chant and a
major factor in maintaining law and order in Eastern India. He was planning to move INA
men into UP, Madras, Bombay, Gujerat, Rajasthan and Punjab, to do the same in those state.
He requested the Home Minister to instruct Congress workers, and district officials to give
his INA men their full co-operation. Sardar promptly agreed with this proposal. He also
confirmed that Indian governors had been sworn in and all had assumed their respective
appointments
Three days later, Bose was shocked one morning when he opened The Statesman and
found his attention riveted on a news item on page two under the heading British Officer Dies
in Road Accident. The report went on to say that Major Nora Harris, a highly decorated
British officer working in Amy Headquarters, was killed when a jeep in which she was
travelling was hit by a heavy truck en-route to Palam airfield in the early hours of the
morning. The truck had sped away and had not yet been traced.
Bose was deeply distressed by the news of Nora's death. Sarat consoled him and
confirmed that Nora had told him that she was under surveillance. Sarat said that he had
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warned Nora about the danger to her life. He had begged her to quit her job and had arranged
a safe heaven for her in Simla. But Nora had refused the offer and instead preferred to do her
job. "There is much work to do and as the struggle is entering a crucial phase, I must remain
in saddle and help the Indian cause” were her last words to Sarat. Both the brothers doubted
that this was a simple hit--and-run accident. Bose was convinced that there was foul play in
Nora’s death “It only showed the extent to which the British were prepared to go to make a
success of Operation Akbar,” he thought. . The death of Nora meant that he no longer had
any access to inside information.
Another person who mourned the death of Nora was Major Ford. The day after he learnt
about her death was a Saturday. The Major felt particularly depressed not merely by Delhi’s
sultry weather, but because he missed Nora. After work, he ambled over to the Gymkhana
Club, his favourite watering hole. Ford knew that ever since the tragic death of Nora, he had
been drinking more than his regular quota. He could almost feel Nora’s disapproving glance.
He shrugged off his depression by reminding himself that Nora was dead and buried. At the
bar there was the usual crowd of regulars, he particularly disliked the garrulous Colonel from
British intelligence. Ford was aware that Americans were not very popular with the British
either. The feelings were mutual. He ignored the British group and settled down by the
window to gaze at the steadily falling rain.
Ford’s mind went back to his first meeting with Nora at this very club. As the Saturday
afternoon wore on, the conversation at the bar became louder. This was the British
bureaucrat’s last fortnight in India. The hot topic was the arrival of Bose on the scene and
what would happen to India after the British left. As Ford was on the verge of moving out to
the veranda to avoid the noise, his ears perked when he heard the name “Nora”. His curiosity
fully aroused, Ford moved closer to the group at bar and began to listen intently. The British
Colonel was telling his colleague that there was no hope in hell for Bose to succeed as the
might of British empire backed Pakistan. But the Colonel ruefully admitted that the British
plans suffered a terrible blow “when that bitch Nora ratted on us. But she got her just
deserts,” he boasted. Ford had a rush of blood to his head when he heard this and there was a
strong urge to catch the Colonel by the scruff of his neck and throw him out. But Ford
exercised exemplary self-control and kept an impassive face. What he had learnt had shocked
him. “The bastards… they have no shame! Killing someone who had done so much to save
the Allies at Normandy, and that too for an Empire that is no more!” Ford thought to himself
in disgust.
Determined to do something about it, on Monday Ford sought a meeting with
Ambassador Grady and told him what he had heard at the club. The Ambassador gave a
patient hearing to the young Major, saying nothing. As Ford paused, he took a deep puff of
his Cuban cigar, set it aside and told him, “We and our Allies, the British, look at Asia
differently. They are out to preserve their influence in their colonies even after they leave
while we are more concerned with the coming clash with Communism. Washington is well
aware of this and we will follow our own course. Unfortunately, in the State Department,
there is a tendency to go by British advice. The earlier we get rid of that attitude the better for
us. I would certainly forward your views to the Secretary.”
In the first week of August, the Maharaja of Jodhpur agreed to join the Dominion of
India. Only Hyderabad and J & K still refused to bow to Sardar Patel’s appeals. When it
became clear that the British had finally decided to leave India, Nizam Asaf Ali Jan, the ruler
of the princely state of Hyderabad, was at first inclined to join a proposed Pakistan. But as his
state had no sea outlet and no land link with the rebels, his second best option was to declare
independence. As the world’s third richest man he was a great asset to Jinnah’s cash-strapped
Pakistan. Notwithstanding their underlying support to Jinnah, when it came to loans and
military equipment, the British took a rather pragmatic line. In return for pledging the
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Nizam’s fabulous collection of jewels, the British had agreed to supply tanks and aircraft to
the rebels.. The world’s third richest man was also the world’s greatest miser. Thus it came as
a surprise when he so readily offered to pledge his jewels to Jinnah. But then as the Nizam
put it, everyone has to go to Allah some day and he would not like to miss the chance of
making it to the heaven! The Nizam seemed bent on independence. At this time, Lieutenant
T. T. Moore, a retired officer of the Special Air Services, a British commando organisation,
arrived in Hyderabad to advise the Nizam on how to defend himself against a likely Indian
attack. However the Maharajah of J & K continued to hesitate and refused to take a firm
position one way or the other.
The movement for Pakistan received a shot in the arm when the Gilgit Scouts, a paramilitary force in North Kashmir declared that they no longer accepted the authority of the
Maharajah of J & K. British officers serving with this unit declared their allegiance to Jinnah
and Pakistan and Major Brown of the Gilgit Scouts raised the flag of Pakistan at Gilgit. The
next day, the Chitral Scouts followed the example of the Gilgit Scouts. These two Scout units
were never a part of the Indian army. They, along with the other scout units operating along
the Afghanistan border, functioned directly under the Political Wing of the Viceroy. A small
garrison of the J & K State Forces, stationed in a small fort at Skardu was surrounded and
cut-off from all help. It was evident that the J&K State Forces did not have the capacity to
intervene in the Northern Territories.
Bose had had enough of British perfidy and was determined to confront Mountbatten.
Armed with the evidence of the delivery of arms at Karachi and the decision by British
officers to openly join the rebels, Bose told Mountbatten that Britain must carefully weigh the
consequences of its support to Jinnah for the future relations between India and the UK. He
also made it clear that any British citizen caught fighting on the side of the rebels will be
treated as a spy and was liable to be shot. Mountbatten, the consummate diplomat, claimed
that he had no control over renegade British officers. He flatly denied the supply of any arms
to rebels. He drew the attention of Bose to the fact that the Nizam of Hyderabad, the world's
richest man, had pledged his priceless jewels to the cause of Pakistan. "In the world today,
you can get all the surplus war weapons that you want for a price," he told Bose.
But an even greater worry for Bose was the communal situation in the country. Punjab
and Sind were in flames. Jinnah and his cohorts were on a killing spree in the towns of
Multan and Rawalpindi. As the news of massacre of Sikhs and Hindus filtered to east Punjab,
there was a major backlash in Jullundhar and Ambala. Mobs of frenzied Sikhs and Hindus
went on a rampage killing Muslims. Even more than Hyderabad or J & K, communal riots in
Punjab were undermining the very concept of a united India. Something had to be done, and
done fast. It was at this point, on 10 August 1947 that Bose promulgated Martial Law in
Punjab. His instruction to the military commander, in the Punjab, Major General
S.P.P.Thorat, was clear: punish the guilty. Thorat appointed young brigadiers to look after the
effected districts. Brigadier Gurdial Singh in Multan, Brigadier Mohd Rizvi for Lahore and
Rawalpindi, and Brigadier SHFJ “Sam” Maneckshaw at Jullundhar.
Thorat ordered his three brigadiers to set about their task with determination. In less than
24 hours, Sam had rounded up the five guilty men that were responsible for killing innocent
Muslims in Jullundhar. Bose told Cariappa to order Thorat to try them summarily in a
military court and award appropriate punishment. Three of the culprits were sentenced to life
and two were sentenced to death. One of the accused was a police officer. There was much
pressure on Bose to take a lenient view of their crime, but he stood firm. The sentences were
carried out on 13 August. The example set in Jullundhar gave courage to Brigadiers Gurdial
and Rizvi to follow suit in their areas of responsibility There was a great outcry of protest.
People gathered in public places and offered a dharna. This peaceful demonstration soon
deteriorated into a violent demonstration. Over 2000 men were arrested, tried and sentenced
171
to 6 months rigorous imprisonment. The news of harsh punishment to rioters spread like wild
fire all over the country and had a salutary effect; peace returned to Punjab. Only a few
extremists continued to indulge in isolated stabbing or individual killings. But having
restored the law and order with an iron hand, Bose became the most unpopular man in
Punjab. When he planned to visit Jullundhar, Patel ensured his security by packing the front
row of all the public meetings he addressed with policemen in mufti
All this bloodshed saddened Gandhi and he began to have doubts about the aim of
keeping India one. The Mahatma in his prayer meet said, "If we have to kill all Indians in
order to say that we have kept the nation one, I think it is pointless. If our brother Muslims
want to separate from us. Let us think of an amicable separation." Gandhi announced that he
would travel to Karachi to persuade Jinnah to give up his rebellion. “It will be another Dandi
march, except that the urgency and task is even more difficult than the salt satyagraha," he
told a journalist. So, as the D-Day of British departure approached, Gandhi, who had single
handedly done so much for Indian independence, was nowhere near Delhi when the Union
Jack flew over the Red Fort for the last time.
**
On 12 August 1947, Abdul Aziz, located at Peshawar, reported that nearly 5000 tribals in
200 buses and under overall command of Pakistani officers `on leave,' were moving from
Domel and Muzaffarabad towards Kashmir valley. To render the state forces ineffective, hit
and run raids were organised all along the Kashmir Punjab border from beginning of August.
The state administration fell into the trap and dispersed its meagre army all along the long
border in small penny packets. Thus when the tribal invasion began on 12 August in right
earnest, there were hardly any reserves worth the name to deal with this. The initial advance
of the invaders was so rapid that it was felt that in matter of days they would reach the capital
Srinagar.
13 August was a very hard day for Bose. Army Headquarters reported that the bridge over
River Jhelum was blown up by retreating J & K State Forces and the main thrust of the
invaders would be held up while engineers attempted to repair the bridge. Army Headquarters
in Delhi assessed that this should gain the defenders a few days respite. However, as the
Maharaja had refused to make up his mind and accede to India, the Cabinet was of the view
that it could take no legitimate action at this stage
On 14 August reports indicated that the tribals were still halted at the blown bridge. But
the other two prongs of the attack towards Haji Pir and Punch were continuing slowly on
foot. The heavily outnumbered J&K State Forces were fighting a gallant rear action but it was
estimated they would not be able to stem this tribal tide for very long. The Maharaja still
hesitated to join India.
Apart from the security threats being created in Punjab, J & K and Hyderabad, Bose was
faced with domestic political stress. Bose had insisted that the new Governor General of
India, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, be driven in state to the palace and Mountabatten should
receive him there. The swearing in of the new Governor General was planned to take place
on the forecourt the Viceroy's palace. But Admiral Mountbatten had raised grave objection to
this. He wanted that the outgoing Viceroy and the incoming Governor General should ride
together in a horse carriage. Bose was opposed to any suggestion of continuity with the old
order. Mountbatten then threatened that he would rather boycott the ceremony than suffer
insult. Bose was firm and said that there was no option, if the Viceroy was unwilling then he
suggested that the Chief Justice would administer the oath to the Governor General. He
promised Mountbatten that suitable arrangement would be made for him and Edwina to leave
by the back door. Faced with this alternative, the Viceroy relented and it was agreed that he
would receive Azad and also administer the oath of office to him
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After this, Bose had to fight an even bigger battle with the Members of the Central
legislature. The majority wanted him to be sworn in before the Governor General. Nehru
wanted Bose to unfurl the national flag on the ramparts of the Red Fort. Bose turned down
both the suggestions. He insisted that Azad be sworn in as the Head of the State of India first.
“The state comes first and before the executive. The Indian nation has existed for nearly 5000
years,” he argued. “British control over India was only an aberration of 90 years. I have not
invented India. It existed before and will exist after me or all of us are long gone. The leaving
of British merely means that we resume our sovereignty. India is not something new that has
to be 'founded'. The executive is subservient to state, I will be amiss if I arrogate to myself
the privilege of being superior to the state. It will set a wrong precedent. Undoubtedly we will
one day appoint a President, and we must not leave an impression that he is eventually to be a
figurehead. No, it is the resumption of sovereignty that marks the continuity of the
civilisation of our land."
Bose also rejected the suggestion that the flag of independent India be hoisted on the Red
Fort. This would indicate that free India was a continuation of old Empires. Bose was
opposed to that idea. Instead he proposed that the flag of independent India be first hoisted on
Parliament building. This would be a clear signal that India was embarking on a new journey
as a democracy. "We do not want the people to feel that it is a Mughal or British Empire in
Desi garb. We do not want to promote the Darbari culture of Ji Huzoor. The India of the
future would be an egalitarian state."
Before sitting down to dinner, Bose spent a quiet hour in deep meditation. As he was
about to go to bed, Sardar Patel phoned him up to tell him that Army Headquarters had
reported that several battalions of The Punjab Regiment located in Sind and Punjab had
revolted and declared their allegiance to Pakistan. The troops took a fresh oath of loyalty to
the Koran and declared their determination to fight a jihad to defend Pakistan. This news had
not come as a surprise to General Thorat who had earlier reported unrest in certain units
under his command. His two brigadier commanders at Multan and Lahore were in touch with
him. They reported that various units were moving out of their peace locations without their
authority. This news came as bombshell to the Armed Forces which till now had functioned
as a unified disciplined body.
General Thorat believed that a revolt of some sort was being master-minded by a rebel
headquarter set up in Karachi. He assessed that the rebels would attempt to secure the river
lines of the Sutlej and Ravi and consolidate their hold over the western half of Punjab as a
prelude to declaring the formation of Pakistan. He confirmed that Gandhi had been stopped
from marching into Punjab.
Sardar Patel said that General Cariappa was of the opinion that we should take immediate
disciplinary action against the rebels. However Thorat said that this situation was well
beyond routine administrative action and would require military action.. However he
recommended that we should not attempt any counter action at this stage as the military units
located in Sind and the districts of western Punjab were composed predominantly of Muslim
soldiers. General Kalwant Singh agreed with Thorat’s assessment and recommended that we
should wait till the situation clarified and only then takes action with adequate forces. Sardar
Patel agreed with General Kalwant’s recommendation and suggested that the cabinet should
assess the situation first thing tomorrow. Bose agreed with this.
As Bose was getting ready to go to bed after a tiring day, he was told that Sardar Patel
was in the waiting room and wanting to see him urgently. Hastily getting into his dressing
gown he went to meet the home minister. Patel told him that he had just received a document
form a source in Karachi. Jinnah planned to declare his independence from Crown tomorrow.
He then silently handed over a document, which listed the salient points from the proposed
declaration of independence. Bose adjusted his horn-rimmed glasses and read through it.
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Even as the import of the event sank in, he felt a sneaking admiration for Jinnah. With just
hours to go for Britain to relinquish its rule over India, he was rebelling against the Crown.
Bose told Patel that they should sleep over this issue and requested an early morning Cabinet
meeting to discuss all connected issues.
Bose was a troubled man when he went to sleep on the night of 14 August.
10
“Very little acknowledgement has been given in the UK to the 4 million Indian volunteers [47,000
killed, 65,000 wounded ] who fought on the Western Front and Gallipoli in the First World War, .not to
the 3 million Indian volunteers who fought in North Africa, Italy and Burma in the second World War..
Indians outnumber even the Britishers in the largest recipients of the Victoria and George Cross
medals..” Peter Wynne-James in a letter to the editor, SEAGULL, Vol 7, No. 27, Nov 2001-Jan 2002
174
Chapter 13
Jinnah’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence(UDI)
Bose woke up early on 15 August after a deep and refreshing sleep. While sipping his
first cup of tea he glanced at the morning issue of The Statesman with its anticipated banner
headline: Unilateral Declaration of Independence. He read the detailed declaration which
followed:
Whereas in the course of human affairs history has shown that it may become necessary
for a people to resolve the political affiliations which have connected them with another
people and to assume amongst other nations the separate and equal status to which they are
entitled: And whereas in such event a respect for the opinions of mankind requires them to
declare to other nations the causes which impel them to assume full responsibility for their
own affairs: Now therefore, we, the Government of Pakistan, do hereby declare:
That it is an indisputable and accepted historic fact that since last eight hundred years
Muslims have ruled the vast Indian subcontinent before coming under the sway of British
Imperial sovereignty. The Muslims of India constitute a separate nation and cannot accept the
notion of geographical unity that was imposed by powers of self-government.
That the people of Pakistan having demonstrated their loyalty to the Crown and to their
kith and kin in India and to the United Kingdom through two world wars, and having shed
their blood and given of their substance in what they believed to be the mutual interests of
freedom-loving people, now see all that they have cherished about to be shattered on the
rocks of expediency;
That the people of Pakistan have witnessed a process which is destructive of those very
precepts upon which civilisation in a India has been built, they have seen the principles of
justice, responsible government and moral standards crumble and put the Muslim nation in a
perpetual slavery of the Hindu majority, nevertheless they have remained steadfast;
That the people of Pakistan fully support the requests of their government for sovereign
independence but have witnessed the consistent refusal of the Government of the United
Kingdom to accede to their entreaties;
That the government of the United Kingdom have thus demonstrated that they are not
prepared to grant sovereign independence to Pakistan on terms acceptable to the Muslim
people of India, thereby persisting in maintaining an unwarrantable jurisdiction over
Pakistan, obstructing laws and treaties with other states and the conduct of affairs with other
nations of the Muslim Ummah and refusing assent to laws necessary for the public good, all
this to the detriment of the future peace, prosperity and good government for the Muslim
nation of India.
That the Government of Pakistan have for a long period patiently and in good faith
negotiated with the Government of the United Kingdom and Hindu Congress for the grant of
sovereign independence;
That in the belief that procrastination and delay strike at and injure the very life of the
Muslim nation, the Government of Pakistan consider it essential that Pakistan should attain,
without delay, sovereign independence, the justice of which is beyond question;
Now therefore, we the Government of Pakistan, in humble submission to Almighty Allah,
who controls the destinies of nations, conscious that the people of Pakistan have always
shown unswerving loyalty and devotion to His Majesty the King and earnestly praying that
we and the people of Pakistan will not be hindered in our determination to continue
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exercising our undoubted right to demonstrate the same loyalty and devotion, and seeking to
promote the common good of the Muslim nation so that the dignity and freedom of all
Muslims may be assured, do, by this proclamation, adopt enact and give to the people of
Pakistan freedom and declare ourselves independent.
Given under Our Hand at Karachi on this Fifteenth day of August, in the Year of One
thousand Nine hundred and Forty- Seven.
Bose realised that Jinnah wanted the world to accept his breakaway move as a secession
from the British colony and not as a civil war against the new Dominion of India. He knew
that this was the ultimate challenge. After breakfast, he made his way to South Block where
Sardar Patel, Nehru and others were anxiously awaiting his arrival.
He guessed that they had already read the newspapers and knew about Jinnah’s unilateral
declaration of independence [UDI]. Before he could get down to the question of tackling this
issue, Sardar Patel told him that he had received several disturbing messages from Punjab.
Troops loyal to Pakistan had seized the Husseiniwala headwork on the Sutlej River as well as
the Dhera Baba Nanak Bridge over the Ravi River. In addition to this they were busy
building strong defences on the main road at a canal just west of Attari blocking the road
from Amritsar to Lahore.
Sardar Patel went on to say. “Southern Command from Poona reports that the Nizam of
Hyderabad has declared independence and has asked for United Nations recognition. The
Nizam’s decision to declare independence is influenced to a large extent by his faith in the
bombast of his army chief, Kasim Razvi, and his band of Razakars [militant Muslim
volunteers]. Kasim. Is a maverick who fancies himself in the role of a second Saladin. He has
assured the Nizam that he can successfully hold the Indian army at bay till help comes from
the UN, Britain and Pakistan. He has grandiose plans to link Hyderabad with the Portuguese
at Goa on the Arabian sea. There are reliable reports that the Nizam has spent a considerable
portion of his wealth buying arms and hiring the services of former operatives of the SAS
(Special Air Services).”
Bose listened to this with an expressionless face without making any comment. He asked
about the latest news from J&K. Patel said, “The last report indicates that the raiders are still
halted at the destroyed bridge. They are expected to continue their advance towards
Baramulla some time tomorrow. The Maharaja had still not made up his mind about
accession to India.”
Bose’s mind went back to the dismal days in Burma in 1945. There, whenever he was
faced with multiple critical situations, he would recall the plight of the Allies in the First
World War. When faced with a collapse of the Allied defences around Paris, Marshal Foch
was asked to take over command and halt the victorious German advance. Bose’s cabinet
colleagues, who were listening to the Home Minister with grave faces, were surprised to see
that the Prime Minister was smiling quietly to himself as he remembered the French
Marshal’s words,“ My left is falling back, my right is under pressure and the centre cannot
hold for long! Situation is excellent!”
Bose turned his attention to his colleagues and said, “India is faced with three separate
military threats: a civil war, the threat to J&K and the threat from Hyderabad. Nobody should
have any doubt that all these three threats will be faced and successfully dealt with one by
one. It is a question of deciding our priorities. I had requested the Air Chief, the Army Chief
and his CGS to be prepared to brief us this morning. Let us send for them and ask for their
military assessment of this situation.”
Mukerjee, Kipper and Kalwant Singh who were waiting in an adjoining ante-room
entered without delay. The Army Chief requested his CGS to begin his briefing with a review
of the situation in J&K.
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Major General Kalwant Singh using a pointer and the aid of a map said, “Rebels are in
firm control of Gilgit and Hunza. The normal supply routes into the northern district via the
NWFP are being blocked by 12 Infantry Division, which continues to profess its loyalty to
India. An alternative route of supply to the northern districts is from Srinagar via Skardu.
Fortunately, the State Force garrison at Skardu, though cut off is still holding out. The rebels
therefore eagerly await the fall of Skardu and Srinagar, which could open up communications
to them via the south. The main thrust of the rebels from Muzaffarabad towards Srinagar is
still held up by the blown bridge, but subsidiary rebel groups are massing around Punch
where State Forces are surrounded and cut off but firmly entrenched. As long as Punch
garrison holds out, it would be difficult for the rebels to progress from this direction either
towards Srinagar valley or Jammu.”
Kalwant then dealt other parts of India. “Rebels disarmed and isolated 1200 non-Muslim
soldiers who were serving with predominantly Muslim units. They have placed 20 officers,
including two brigadiers under protective custody. Some naval and air force officers and men
have also been isolated. Our men are safe and are reportedly being treated well. . The outflow of Sikh and Hindu refugees from Sind, Baluchistan and Punjab has decreased; the
Muslim League appear to be determined to maintain law and order in those states. Apparently
the intention is to prove to the world that Pakistan has popular support of the people and is a
stable viable state. However, Gaffar Khan’s refusal to accept the concept of Pakistan is a
severe set back to their cause. The presence in Peshawar of 12 Infantry Division, which
consists of units composed predominantly of Muslim troops whose soldiers and officers
continue to remain loyal to India, adds to their discomfort. The internal situation elsewhere in
India is quiet except around Hyderabad where numerous clashes are being reported along the
borders of that state.”
Kalwant recommended that Hyderabad, which is far to the south and cut off from the sea,
must be contained for the present and should be our lowest priority. He declared, “ We are
left with the twin problems of a civil war and J&K. The situation in Kashmir is grave. Once
tribals occupy the mountainous areas, it will be very difficult to dislodge them. Unfortunately
there is no direct road communications with the State except through areas in Punjab, which
are under rebel control. I suggest that we organise an immediate air lift of troops to save the
valley from marauding tribesmen. As we lack the capacity to sustain an air-lift over a long
period, it is imperative that the track from Pathankot to Jammu be developed into a good road
as soon as possible so that reinforcements and essential military supplies can be inducted by
this route into J&K.”
At this stage Nehru intervened and said, “I agree that the J&K situation is grave. But I’m
opposed to moving our troops into J&K till the Maharaja makes up his mind about accession
to India.” Bose agreed with Nehru. He then turned to Air Marshal Mukerjee and asked him
for his assessment of rebel air power and India’s capacity to carry out a limited air-lift into
J&K.
Mukerjee said, “Of the twelve squadron of fighters, two are located at Karachi. Those,
apart from two officers, are manned entirely by Muslim pilots and ground crew. One of the
squadrons is commanded by Wing Commander Hyder Raza the other by Noor Khan. Hyder
Raza is senior to Noor Khan, but the latter is by far the more capable of the two. Noor Khan
is a very good officer and is also a brilliant pilot. He is a strict Muslim but I don’t know his
political leanings. We must presume that these two squadrons will be used by Pakistan. Of
the ten squadrons with us, two each are at Ambala, Jodhpur, Delhi, Calcutta and Poona. All
are operationally ready for action. We don’t have sufficient Dakota aircraft to carry out an
airlift of more than on infantry battalion at a time. I therefore recommend that we
commandeer civilian Dakotas from Tata and Dalmia-Jain airways to make up our short fall. I
doubt that rebel planes will attempt to intervene in this air-lift. Anyway I propose to move the
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two squadrons of Tempest fighters from Poona and station these at Jammu and Srinagar. The
two squadrons at Calcutta are Spitfires. These will be moved to Ambala and Poona.”
Bose asked if any of the ten squadrons are commanded by Muslim officers. Mukerjee
replied, “Yes, one of these, which is at Calcutta, is commanded by Wing Commander Asghar
Khan. This squadron along with another at Poona, was earmarked to move to Lahore. The
moves were delayed for technical reasons. Asghar Khan is the senior most Muslim officer in
the IAF. He is a very good officer and an outstanding pilot. He is also a very strict Muslim.”
Bose reminded his listeners, “You should not automatically assume that because a man is a
strict and good Muslim he must necessarily be a fundamentalist or a secessionist. In my
experience it is the exact opposite. Look at the NWFP; the Pathans are very good Muslims.
Look at example being set by the officers and men of 12 Infantry Division. It is imperative
that we keep this in mind while we fight the coming civil war. Our battle is not against
Muslims but only against those fundamentalist elements who preach jihad and the use of
violence to break up of India. It is the duty of every Indian not only too win this battle but to
ensure that the civil war does not deteriorate into an indiscriminate Muslim-Hindu fracas.”
Bose asked if the new Spitfires, which had been delivered in Karachi could be brought
into service. Mukerjee said, “Noor Khan does not have enough spare pilots to fly these
reinforcements. It would take him at least a year to train fresh crews. He would also find it
difficult to recruit and train ground staff and maintenance crews. For the present we should
consider that the rebels only have the capacity to employ two squadrons of Spitfires.”
Bose then addressed both his Service Chiefs, “Anticipating that the Maharaja will soon
approach us for assistance, I want the army and air force to be prepared to conduct operations
in J&K at very short notice on the lines outlined by General Kalwant. In the meantime, 12
Division should be told that their main role for the present is to ensure the security of
Peshawar. They should continue to block the rebel’s supply routes into the northern districts
of J&K, and send civilian emissaries to the garrisons at Gilgit and Hunza to persuade them to
give up their hopeless revolt. I agree that Hyderabad is our lowest priority; the borders of the
State should be watched for the present. We can always deal with the razakars later. But
while this is happening, what do we so about the civil war in general and Punjab in
particular?”
Kipper was full of confidence and told Bose that Jinnah had indeed dug his own grave in
Punjab. He was confident that with the armour at his disposal, it was a child's play for the
Army to dislodge the rebels from Husseiniwala. "Sir, rebels have no answer to regular
soldiers and the tank," Kipper asserted confidently. "We will throw them out in 24 hours."
Reassured, Bose gave his OK to the operation, which it was decided would be conducted by
the local brigade commander under the supervision of General Thorat and that one squadron
of fighter aircraft from Ambala would be available on call if required.
After the military men left the briefing room in South Block, the Cabinet continued to
discuss the political and economic implications of the three issues facing the country. Nehru
and Sardar Patel were impressed at the cool manner in which Bose was facing the crisis. Both
men could sense that the Prime Minister was in his element. They now understood why Bose
had earned the title Netaji and how he had gained the respect of his INA comrades. Nehru
enquired whether Mountbatten should be consulted. Bose looked at his wrist-watch and said,
“Yes. I have an appointment with the Viceroy and will be discussing his response to Jinnah’s
unilateral declaration of independence.”
Ten minutes later, as Bose entered the ornate office of the Viceroy, he found Mountbatten
waiting for him. Both men greeted each other formally and Mountbatten requested Bose to be
seated. Bose commenced without any preamble and said, “The Muslim League’s declaration
of independence is nonsensical and quite unacceptable. I urge that you to speak to Jinnah and
prevent this situation from getting out of hand.”
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Mountbatten said, “The British government regrets this step that has been taken by the
Muslim League. But as Britain is on the verge of relinquishing its control over India, it
considers that it is now up to the Indian government to deal with the situation.” The Viceroy
smiled and continued, “For 90 years you have wanted us to quit India. Now when we are
going, you want us to deal with an internal rebellion in the last twenty-four hours of our stay
in India!”
Mountbatten went on to say, “I would like to make it clear that should a conflict take
place, His Majesty’s government will not support India. Britain hopes that the matter will be
resolved without the use of force.” Mountbatten advised Bose that he should use only nonviolent means to end the rebellion. Bose realised that the declaration of independence had
come as no surprise to the Viceroy. It was a well thought out British plan; possibly the last
stages of Operation Akbar. He made no response to the Viceroy’s advice and abruptly took
leave of Mountbatten. When he returned to his office in the South Block, he met Nehru and
Patel and gave them an assessment of his conversation with the Viceroy.
**
As General Cariappa and Kalwant Singh left the Cabinet Room and made their way along
the corridors of South Block to Army Headquarters, Kalwant Singh took Kipper aside into
the Army Operations Room and said, “Sir, you have been unduly optimistic to promise quick
results to the Prime Minister. The nearest armoured formation is located at Jhansi, at least
400 miles away from Punjab. It would be impossible to move this in under a week.” At that
stage, one of the young staff officers on duty in the operations room, Major O.P.Dunn,
overhead the conversation and said that there were two squadrons of light Stuart tanks located
at Ambala. Kipper saw his moment in glory and ordered them to be moved to Husseiniwala
forthwith. "I want the attack to be launched before nightfall tomorrow,” he ordered.
The Indian railways, that the much maligned service in India, had a happy habit of rising
to the occasion in a crisis. The station-master at Ambala promised the local army authorities
that he could produce the flatcars to take these tanks to where ever the army wanted. Shortly
later, 30 tanks began loading at sidings. The loaded train moved out of Ambala that night.
**
16 August dawned in a haze of hatred and blood. “This day has been designated by the
British ‘to transfer power’…. As if power can be a transferable commodity,” thought Subhas
as he walked down the corridors of South Block to go to the Viceregal Lodge and join his
colleagues who were awaiting the arrival of the Governor General designate. As he walked
out of the gate of the South Block to take the footpath to the Viceroy's palace, he could see
crowds already moving along the roads leading to parliament where he was to make his first
public speech after being sworn in as prime minister.
Bose’s eyes riveted on the inscription in stone on the arch of the North Block. Liberty
shall not descend to a People. People have to deserve it. It is blessing that has to be earned
before it can be enjoyed. Bose marvelled at the truth and the Imperial arrogance of the writer.
He said to himself, “Yes, India has yet to earn its liberty. The gift that is being offered by the
British is at the cost of our unity, and I have rejected it.”
As he walked the paved path to the Viceregal Lodge he thought about the problems that
had faced him while planning his new cabinet. Pressure had begun mounting on him from
various factions in the Congress Party and from others. He had come to realise that the first
government of united India would have to project a national and not a party cabinet. The twin
criterion he used were representation to diverse groups and efficiency. It was not an easy
exercise. He had time and time again consulted Sardar Patel and Nehru to ensure that the
three of them were in general agreement on key portfolios and an equitable representation.
Where he had to perforce appoint a novice as a minister he ensured that his deputy was
experienced.
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The swearing in of the new Governor General and subsequent swearing in of the cabinet
was to be a quiet affair. Apart from a group of pressmen, there were no spectators; only those
military officers and civil servants who had a role to play in the ceremony. The Viceroy’s
staff had worked out a detailed schedule of events for the ceremony. When Bose entered the
Durbar Hall he found that the ministers who had been nominated for the Cabinet, were
present and seated. In the distance he could hear the cloud cheers of the crowd as the carriage
carrying the Governor General designate was ceremoniously escorted into the viceregal
courtyard by a squadron of horsed cavalry
Precisely at two minutes before ten a.m., the Viceroy entered the Hall flanked by his staff.
Everyone stood up while Mountbatten sat on a throne facing the audience. A minute later,
Abdul Kalam Azad, accompanied by an ADC, walked down the aisle to the Viceroy who
stood up and greeted him with a handshake. A staff officer came forward to where the two
men were standing. He carried a salver on which lay a copy of the Koran. The Viceroy
administered the oath of office to Azad, then lead him to the throne and left the Durbar Hall.
Thereafter, Azad began administering the oath of office to members of the Cabinet as his
staff called up each one. First of all came Bose, the Prime Minister followed by Nehru, the
Minister of External Affairs; then Sardar Patel, the Home Minister; then Sardar Baldev
Singh, the Defence Minister; then Rafi Ahmed Kidwai the Finance Minister; then Dr.
Bhimrao Ambedkar, the Law Minister; then. Prof. Humayun Kabir, the Education Minister;
then John Mathai. the Minister of Industries and Agriculture; then Yusuf Meherali, the
Minister for Labour and Social Welfare; and lastly Hridyanath Kunzru as Deputy Defence
Minister.
After the swearing in, everyone moved to an adjoining room for a cup of tea. Shortly
before 11 a.m., the ministers made their way towards Parliament House. A makeshift dais had
been erected on the forecourt of the magnificent parliament building. As Bose and his
ministers mounted the dais the enthusiastic crowd raised a loud and prolonged cheer. . The
whole of Raisina Hill was covered by the multitude. . Millions had already read or heard from
others what Bose had said at Calcutta. His appeal for discipline and communal harmony had
been repeated almost every week and discussed on the radio and in the national press. His
battle cry Ek Dil- Ek Jan, Nahin Baatenge Hindustan had fast become a national slogan as
popular and exciting as his old INA slogan Chalo Delhi. Now the citizens of Delhi wanted to
see this much-talked-about Netaji in the flesh and hear him with their own ears.
The people of Indian subcontinent had waited for ninety years for this day. Climatically,
it was hardly a promising dawn of freedom. Dark clouds had gathered over the horizon and
the sun barely shone through the clouds. When Bose approached the rostrum and his
ministers had seated himself on chairs behind him. a roar went up from the millions that had
gathered there, Bharat Mata ki Jai ( Victory to mother India).
Bose’s eyes grew misty as he remembered the many who had sacrificed their lives to
usher in this day. There were the brave soldiers who fought in 1857, countless revolutionaries
and ordinary people who had braved police brutalities when they responded to the call of
Gandhi. His poorly paid INA who had dies on the battlefield in Burma. Then there was Nora
Harris, a true daughter of India, who risked her everything to make this day possible. As he
reached the mike, he paused to clean his glasses and. a hush fell over the vast crowd. Bose
was dressed in a gray shirt with an open collar and khaki trousers with a leather belt. He
spoke in simple Hindustani and his speech was heard in pin drop silence, punctuated from
time to time by loud cheers and the raising of slogans by his captivated audience.
My brothers and sisters, even as I stand here and speak to you our soldiers are preparing
to fly to Kashmir, should the Maharaja request us for help to stop the valley from falling into
the hands of rebels who want to force the state to join Pakistan. We have a long way to go
before we defeat the rebels and keep our country united. Blood and sweat is all that I can
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promise you! I remind you that this is not a war against Muslims. This is a war against
secessionists: misguided Indians irrespective of whether they be Muslims from western India
or from Hyderabad, or Hindus from the far south, or Christians from the northeast.
For over a thousand years people of all religions have made India their home. Are we in
this day and age to tear aside villages, towns and whole societies on the basis of faith? I want
you, all of India to forget our differences and join in this fight for our unity. [loud cheers and
shouts of ‘Ek Dil- Ek Jan,Nahin batenge Hindustan”]
There was never a time in the recorded human history that India did not exist, in fact the
history of mankind began here, nearly five thousand years ago. The last ninety years were
like a bad dream. The British tried to create differences between us, but that did not work
because nations exist in people’s mind. Today India resumes its sovereignty after a gap of
ninety years People living in this land bounded by the oceans and mountains have always had
this feeling of being Indians irrespective of their different religions, dress, eating habits and
languages. Today the eternal Indian nation has again given expression to itself as a state.
Regrettably, there is rebellion in the north and west. But be sure we shall overcome that.
[loud shouts of Netaji zindabad ]
I wish to make very clear what is it that we in India strive for? We wish to resume making
our contribution to human progress as a free people. For the last several centuries that process
had been stopped! That did not happen because of British rule but was the consequence of
our stagnation! We have to catch up with the world in industrial development, science and
technology. Only thus can we remove poverty.
What will India of the future be? A Hindu Raj? A Muslim Raj? Are we to today just
replacing White Sahibs with Brown Sahibs? That would be a betrayal of the sacrifices of
millions. The India of their dreams and our dreams must be based on the principles of
Liberty, Justice and Egalitarianism. A happy and creative society is our goal. The ancient
Indian wisdom that says that every human being has it in him to attain the status of God , Nar
se Narayan, is the ideal we will strive for. But to achieve these lofty goals we need unity of
purpose and peace.
Freedom does not mean license. Non-cooperation and defiance of laws made by the
British was legitimate; we had no role or control over them. But it is not so now. In
democracy, where your elected representatives make the laws, there is no place for defiance
of law. Civil disobedience has no place in a democratic society, If you do not like a law you
can change it legally. One of the first laws I want the parliament to pass is to bar the entry
into public service and parliament of all lawbreakers. Law-breakers cannot be law makers or
up-holders of the law.
The second promise I wish to make is that every province will have freedom to frame its
own constitution and system of government to suit its genius. In certain cultural spheres there
just cannot be one master solution to the various problems that face a country as diverse as
India. But these constitutions will be based on some basic principles, which will be applicable
all over India. These are, equal rights to all citizens, no curbs on freedoms of thought, speech
and faith and independence of the judiciary. Within these parameters the states can have their
own systems.
Each state can also have its own flag. But the flag of the state will have in the top right
corner, our national tricolour. I promise that the new constitution, which is in the process of
being framed, will ensure that all states, irrespective of their size and population, will have
equal representation in the council of states or the upper chamber.
These are fair provisions, which take care of Indian diversity and the fears of Muslim
majority provinces as well as our tribes in the North East. Our new constitution, once framed
and approved by parliament, cannot be changed without the approval of that chamber. In such
a nation there is no place for rebellion. We have no time to lose, the world is moving fast
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ahead and we have to catch up for the lost centuries. Let us begin the work of national
reconstruction from today. Jai Hind.”
As Bose saluted the tricolour, the crowd broke into a full-throated rendering of the
national anthem, Sare jahan se achcha Hindustan hamara. And cries of the slogan Ek Dil- Ek
Jan, Nahin batenge Hindustan.
**
At 1 p.m. a banquet farewell lunch for Lord and Lady Mountbatten was to be hosted by
the Governor General to which selected ministers, British officers and civil servants were
invited. Bose requested Azad that he should be excused from attending the lunch as pressing
matters of state demanded his presence in South Block. He suggested that Nehru be requested
to propose a formal farewell address to Mountbatten Azad accepted the PM’s excuse and
advice.
As there was still an hour to go before lunch, Bose, Nehru and Sardar Patel moved to
South Block to up date themselves on the latest situation. General Kalwant Singh in his
briefing said. “On the J&K front, we have reports that communications over the bridge on
Jhelum River were restored this morning and tribal raiders were able to reach the township of
Baramulla about an hour ago. On the Punjab front, a train from Ambala has delivered Stuart
tanks at Ferozepore. These were off-loaded as fast as possible but would only reach their
concentration area after midday today. Tank commanders would only able to get a few hours
of daylight to reconnoitre their objectives. So the operations to clear the bridge will only be
launched tomorrow morning.” The CGS tactfully avoided mentioning that the Army Chief,
against his advice, had decided to go to Husseiniwala to personally supervise the attack.
The Governor General’s banquet was a solemn affair. Nehru proposed the farewell toast
to the departing Viceroy on behalf of the Governor General. He spoke in friendly and
generous terms of Lord Mountbatten and Edwina. Lord Mountbatten’s reply was couched in
formal terms. After the banquet, Lord Louis and Edwina Mountbatten shook hands with their
host and left the same day for Bombay en-route for London.
In the afternoon news was received from J&K that unruly tribals, on reaching Baramulla,
went totally berserk and began raping and looting whatever they could lay their hands on.
The advance to Srinagar was forgotten and rape and loot became the first priority of the selfnamed Mujahids [freedom fighters]. The victims were Kashmiri Muslims for whose
liberation the Mujahids had allegedly come. Even the Christian nuns at Baramulla convent
were not spared from the indignity of rape.
The news of the Rape of Baramulla had spread like wild fire in the valley rekindling
nightmare historical memories of earlier Afghan rule. The people of the valley decisively
turned against the raiders and their sponsor, Pakistan. A message was received that the ruler
of J & K was dispatching his deputy to Delhi to meet the Prime Minister and request military
aid. Along with the request, the Maharaja was also sending a letter to the Indian Prime
Minister accepting merger of his State with India.
The envoy with a letter from the Maharaja of J&K addressed to the PM arrived late in the
evening. He assessed that the State Forces would be able to delay the invading raiders from
reaching Srinagar for at least another two days. The Cabinet held an emergency meeting at
which it was decided that Mr. V. P. Menon would fly to Srinagar early the next day and
obtain the signature of the Maharaja on the instrument of accession.
At 5.30 a.m. on 17 August, as Menon flew to Srinagar, General Thorat was preparing for
India’s first military operation at Husseiniwala. The plan of attack was simple. Since it was
assessed that the rebel forces were essentially lightly armed infantry, without any anti-tank,
armour or artillery support, a troop of Stuart tanks were expected to roll across the bridge
under artillery cover, and tackle the rebels head on. The tanks would be followed closely by
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one infantry battalion. Once an initial bridgehead was secured, one more battalion and the
remainder of the tanks would cross over to enlarge the bridgehead and await further orders.
As the first wave of tanks and infantry mustered on the eastern bank of the Sutlej River,
Kipper located himself on a terrace of the irrigation department bungalow. With a binocular
hanging around his neck, he struck a Rommelesque pose. Unfortunately, just as the attack
was to begin, a heavy downpour began and obstructed his view. His obsequious staff officer,
Brigadier B.M.Kaul radioed the squadron commander to postpone the attack till the VIP’s
visibility improved. The tank commander disregarded that intervention and went ahead with
his advance. When the lead tank reached within 100 yards of the bridge, a machinegun nest
located on the other bank opened fire. Pinning down the infantry which was planning to cross
the bridge The leading tank took a careful aim and fired a shell directly on the nest silencing
it. The leading troop crashed through a temporary wooden barrier and was across the bridge
in a few minuets. It took up hull down position ahead of the bridge. The troop commander
radioed back that he suspected that there were more infantry units in the vicinity.
As the supporting infantry were about to cross the bridge and join the tanks, Kipper told
General Thorat to stop the advancing infantry and push forward the remainder of the tanks.
Thorat, a veteran of the Burma war, knew better. The plan was for infantry to cross in close
support of the tanks, secure an initial bridge head on the western bank and then build up the
full squadron on the western bank supported by two battalions of infantry. Kipper felt that
speed was essential, and Thorat’s tactics were ultra cautious; he wanted all the armour to be
inducted as soon as possible. Egged on by his staff officer, Kaul, he overruled Thorat and
ordered that the rest of the tanks be inducted immediately. As the tanks began entering the
eastern end of the bridge all hell broke loose. Accurate tank fire began to take heavy toll of
the exposed Stuart tanks. Kipper was taken aback. “It sounds like tank fire,” commented
Thorat. Shortly later several lumbering Sherman tanks emerged. The leading tanks ignored
the troop of Stuart tanks, which had already crossed the bridge and kept firing on those that
were attempting to cross.
There was utter panic at the makeshift command post. Kipper mumbled to Thorat that it
was his battle and he should deal with this new threat. It was fortunate that Thorat had
deployed 25-pounder field guns to support the intended infantry assault. Gunners of 13 Field
held their fire till the tanks came within range and then opened devastating fire directly into
the flanks of the tanks, which were approaching the bridge. It was now the turn of the rebel
forces to be surprised. One Sherman tank was disabled and the remainder began dispersing.
Noticing that the Sherman medium tanks were having difficulty negotiating the heavy
rain-soaked terrain, Thorat ordered the brigade commander to withdraw the Stuart troop,
which had crossed the bridge. He also ordered him to deploy two infantry battalions and
block the eastern end of the bridge. Under the cover of artillery fire and a smoke screen, one
of the Stuart tanks was able to carry out a successful withdrawal and join the infantry on the
near bank. The remaining two tanks along with their crews were overrun by the rebels.
Kipper was shaken. The presence of tanks in the rebel army had come as a surprise. Instead
of an easy victory, this had been a small disaster. He ordered Thorat to hold the bridge at all
cost. He decided to return to Delhi.
The news of the set back at Husseiniwala and wild rumours of how General Cariappa had
interfered with the field commanders, had preceded Kipper's arrival. in Delhi. The news had
spread like a wild fire throughout Punjab and the rest of the country. This had raised the
morale of the rebels and many in India began to doubt if India could win this contest.
At a cabinet meeting that evening, Bose spoke sternly to his Cabinet colleagues, “It is
apparent that over running Punjab cannot be tackled lightly. It will need a deliberate effort.
I’m very unhappy at what has occurred at Husseiniwalla.. I have decided that Cariappa
should step down as Army Chief and be sworn in a Minister of State, Defence; he would have
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the responsibility of supervising the procurement of military equipment and stores. I
recommend that Major General Ayub Khan, presently in Lucknow, should be appointed the
Chief of the Army. The command of Eastern Army at Lucknow will be taken over by
Brigadier Nathu Singh who will be promoted to Major General.”
There was a stunned silence after this announcement. Nehru said that this abrupt decision
seemed a little too drastic and might undermine the morale of the armed force and confidence
in Bose. Bose smiled at this implied rebuke and said, “ I have given much though to this
decision. I have learnt that it is unwise for amateurs to interfere with military plans. And I’m
also keen not to disturb the stability of the army. Yet it is quite clear that Kipper is unsuited
for the task of leading the Indian Army in war. I have learnt the hard way that in a military
crisis there is no place for niceties. Professional efficiency is the need of the hour. I have
consulted Kunzru, who entirely agrees with my views. I am assured that this step, far from
undermining the morale of the forces will send a positive message to the nation in general
and the military in particular that the need of the hour is competence and not seniority.”
Sardar Patel intervened and said, “Even if General Cariappa is promoted when he is
moved as a minister of state, it will be seen as a sacking. The Maharaja of J&K will no doubt
be stepping down tomorrow. It would perhaps we wiser to swear in Cariappa as the new
governor of J&K.” Bose agreed with the Home Minister. The Cabinet without further debate
approved all the PM’s other suggestions. Pandit Kunzru was given the task of informing the
generals of these decisions. and completing the reshuffle as soon as possible
Bose then requested the Home Minster to up date the Cabinet on other matters. Sardar
Patel said, “Intelligence reports have started trickling in that two ships have docked in
Karachi and have begun unloaded tanks, artillery and ammunition. With this support, Jinnah
is becoming stronger with each passing day.” The PM said, “I am informed that these two
ships were carrying surplus war stocks from middle-east bases. I agree that this will help the
rebels. But I believe that it is unlikely that very much more will be delivered to Jinnah.”
Nehru agreed with the PM and stressed the fact that war weary and economically
bankrupt Britain was in no position to intervene militarily or materially in India. He said,
“The key is to win the support of the United States of America. I propose to send a special
envoy to the US to plead India’s case in America.” Bose appreciated this advice and told him
that he had sent Mr J.R.D.Tata as his personal envy to Washington in July to explain his aims
and aspirations to influential senators. This news pleased the Cabinet and once again
illustrated Bose’s foresight and planning.
Bose said, “Mr. Tata has done and is doing a wonderful job on India’s behalf. But as
much as we may want it, I’m afraid that he cannot be our permanent ambassador to the USA.
He has his own wide industrial and business interests in India and will shortly be returning. .
I’m sure some of you can think of a suitable successor.” Sardar Patel suggested the name of
Mr G.S.Bajpai; which was approved by the Cabinet.
Nehru then proposed that his sister, Vijayalakshmi Pandi be appointed ambassador to the
USSR, and Krishna Menon High Commissioner to the U.K. The proposals were approved by
the Cabinet. Bose had wanted to oppose both these appointments but refrained from doing so
as he knew that this would deeply hurt Nehru.111
The Prime Minister later spent an hour with the Defence Minister and Major General
Kalwant Singh, discussing future strategy. It was agreed that Hyderabad would continue to
remain the last priority. The rebels presented no threat on the Punjab border as they did not
have the power to launch an offensive across the river line. They would remain on the
defensive and that suited India for the present. Our forces will launch no further offensives
into Punjab but would carry out offensive patrolling across the river line in order to maintain
pressure on the rebels. A deception plan would be initiated to indicate that I Armoured
Division was being inducted from Jhansi to Jullundhar and Ferozepore. to leave an
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impression that a major offensive was being prepared. The aim was to keep maximum rebel
forces pinned down on the river line.
One infantry brigade would stand by to move by air to Srinagar on 18 August soon as
possible after the return of Mr Menon and the accession of the State to India. Hopefully,
Srinagar airfield would still be in friendly hands by then. If this was not so, the brigade would
be prepared to land at Jammu.
Menon returned to Delhi with the signed document late in the evening on the 17 August.
He reported that Srinagar had been without electricity since 5.p.m. as advancing raiders had
overrun the Mahura power station. They were expected to reach the outskirts of Srinagar the
next day. The Maharaja had fled to Jammu. Before his departure he had announced the
formation of an interim administration under Sheikh Abdullah.
The first Indian infantry battalion was flown into Srinagar in IAF Dakotas, which circled
Srinagar airfield to ensure that it was safe for landing. Our troops on disembarking
immediately engaged a group of raiders who had reached the outskirts of Srinagar. The rebels
were beaten back and the airfield secured for subsequent landings. Throughout the day,
waves of infantrymen, guns and material were flown in using Air Force planes and Dakotas
belonging to Tata and Dalmaia Jain Airlines, which were flown by civil pilots.
Tempest fighter aircraft of the IAF based at Jammu and Srinagar played a major role in
the battle by straffing tribal lashkars and destroying their transport along the road from
Baramulla to Srinagar. Thanks to good weather which enabled non-stop flying, by the next
day the whole brigade commanded by Brigadier L.P. Sen. was inducted in the valley. General
Cariappa who was sworn in as the new Governor, was flown into Srinagar the same day.
The Brigade, with the help of civilian transport manned by locals and volunteers of
National Conference, slowly began pushing the invaders out of the valley. While the Valley
was being cleared, Army Engineers under Colonel P.S.Bhagat, VC, working night and day,
built bridges and improved the road from Pathankot to Jammu. By the first week of
September, a second brigade, under command of Brigadier Mohd Usman was inducted
through Jammu and Akhnur into Noashera. At this time State Force garrisons at Skardu and
Punch were encircled by raiders but still holding out.
The fighting at Husseiniwala and the movement of Indian troops into J&K sent alarm
bells ringing in New York. The British, as permanent member of the Security Council, raised
the issue of a possible threat to peace. The Security Council at the urging of the British
passed a resolution urging India to negotiate a settlement to the rebellion. The Council, in its
Resolution number 227, asked both the parties to desist from violence and resolve their
dispute peacefully. Privately the British assured Jinnah that they would take up the issue of
the recognition of Pakistan as a ‘reality’ once a degree of stability over the area controlled by
the Muslim League was demonstrated by Karachi.
Apart from the aspect of supporting the creation of Pakistan, Jinnah was promised by the
British representative, Philip Noel-Baker, that UK would diplomatically support his stand on
J&K and label the attack by tribal raiders as an indigenous revolt being carried out by
freedom fighters.112 As long as that charade is maintained, the British promised that any
Indian action to deal with the invasion would be liable to be censured as an act against the
UN Security Council resolution 227. Secure in the belief that the Indians would not dare defy
the UN, Karachi secretly planned to send regular troops into J&K to back up the raiders in
case India undertook an offensive in the State.
On his return to India, JRD Tata met Bose and briefed him on what transpired in
Washington. Bose thanked him for all he had done to foster Indo-US friendship and for the
many influential Americans he had introduced to his successor. JRD handed to PM a large
envelope and a book entitled The Fountainhead by Ayn Rand. He said, “This book was
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published in 1943 and was a literary phenomenon, provoking powerful responses in certain
readers, some of whom even credited the book with changing their lives. The author, whose
first name rhymes with ‘mine’, or as she is fond of saying, with ‘swine’, is a Russian and was
born in St. Petersburg.
“Ayn spent her university years throughout the early period of the Soviet Communist
experiment. In 1925 she fled to America. Because of her first hand experience with
Communism, she pledged allegiance to capitalism with an intensity only a convert can
summon. Today she run a salon, called '‘The Collective'’ which meets on Saturday nights at
her apartment. The topics discussed are far ranging: politics, current events, philosophy,
literature, movies and painting- but most importantly economics. I have enclosed several
pamphlets and essays, which deal with the last named subject in the envelope I’ve given you.
You may find the book and the papers of some interest, especially in the light of the on-going
Cold War.”
Bose, who still continued his daily habits of extensive reading and meditation, thanked
JRD and said, “I value your opinions and assure you that I look forward to reading this.”
Over the next week, Ayn Rand’s book and her essays on a free market economy fascinated
Bose. He was later to admit that he would remain forever grateful to her for opening his eyes
to the moral dimension of capitalism
Meanwhile, events in Punjab and Kashmir had their echo in Hyderabad. From the first
week of August onwards, the initiative was seen to be with Pakistani rebels. The mighty
Indian army had seemingly been reduced to doing a fire fighting job, dousing communal
brushfires all over the country and suffering a reverse at Husseiniwala. The razakars became
confident that the Indian Army was too tied up elsewhere to deal with them. They grew bold
and began harassing people with demands for monetary contributions and sexual favours.
Their behaviour sent shock waves through hither to fore peaceful South. Murmurs were heard
that Bose seemed incapable of handling Jinnah and the Nizam. At a strategy session in Delhi,
Sardar Patel warned the Cabinet that something must be done quickly about the razakars.
Nehru declared, “Every day that we delay in launching an offensive to subdue Hyderabad is
undermining our cause. We must do something soon.” Bose agreed with his colleagues. He
consulted Ayub Khan who advised that they take a calculated risk and withdraw troops
deployed on internal security.
Orders for 1 Armoured Division and other infantry units to concentrate around Hyderabad
were issued in the last week of August. Troops entered Hyderabad on 7 September and the
operations, under the overall command of Major General Chaudhuri, were over in four days
with minimum casualties to our forces. Some 800 razakars were killed in battle. Kasim Rizvi
was never captured. On 6 September he deserted his followers by dressing himself in a burka
and escaping to Goa. Lieutenant Moore was captured and along with other razakars while
attempting to demolish a bridge. They were dealt with according to the law. General
Chaudhuri was sworn in as Governor of Hyderabad. Major General Hari Badhwar was
appointed GOC 1 Armoured Division, and the formation was moved to Ambala.
Success in Hyderabad did much to raise the morale of the country and reestablish Bose’s
credibility.Meanwhile in J&K, raiders had been pushed back beyond Baramulla where
Brigadier Sen established his headquarters. In the Jammu sector, Brigadier Usman had
established his headquarters at Naoshera. The Valley had been cleared quickly but an army
foot column, which was dispatched to relieve the State Forces garrison at Skardu, was unable
to reach Skardu. When that garrison ran out of ammunition and food it surrendered. Raiders
then occupied Skardu, pushed southwards to Kargil and cut off the road to Ladhak. Punch
was still surrounded and cut off by raiders. It was decided that two fresh offensives would be
launched to push forwards to Uri and then link up with Punch and at the same time to capture
Kargil and open the road to Leh.
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Unruly Lashkars were no match for co-ordinated attacks by the army and by 13
September, the army reached Uri. A battalion was sent from here southwards to Punch. This
reached Punch but the brigade lacked the resources to keep the road open to Uri, Thus the
Indian Army battalion joined Punch garrison, which continued to be surrounded and cut off.
But the presence of Indian troops raised the morale of the State Forces, and command of the
isolated garrison was taken over by the Indian Army and efforts were made to enlarge the
football field into a small landing strip for Dakotas. . Timmy was determined that Punch
would not suffer the fate of Skardu. This was soon ensured when gallant pilots of the IAF
began landing guns and essential supplies at Punch despite heavy hostile ground fire. On the
Kargil front, light tanks under command of Lieutenant Colonel Rajinder Singh Sparrow, were
used at heights of 14000 feet above sea level to overrun Zojila Pass, secure Kargil and open
the road to Leh.
At a Cabinet meeting to which General Ayub Khan was invited, Bose discussed the future
strategy, which should be adopted in J&K. He emphasised that the battle there had reached a
point where all future operations should be linked up with the larger civil war against Punjab
and Sind. Ayub explained that the army’s future plans were entirely dependent on two
factors; improving the administratiion and increasing the force levels. The Cabinet decided to
authorise the build up of the administrative structure in J&K and induct more troops in order
to pursue the operations beyond Uri and Naoshera, and link up permanently with the NWFP.
Major General KS Thimayya ( Timmy) was sent to Srinagar and the forces there were built
up to a strength.of two divisions.
While the situation in the Valley had stabilized, conditions to the west of Jammu were far
from satisfactory. The only road link to Srinagar passed through Jammu. The other roads, via
Rawalpindi and Sialkot were firmly in the hands of the rebels. There was a danger of the
forces in Naoshera being cut-off by a determined thrust from Akhnur, which was well within
the range of rebels artillery located at Sialkot. Such an attack would also threaten the road
link from Jammu to Srinagar. Unlike in valley where the superior firepower of the army
carried the day, in the south the scales were a bit more even. The proportion of soldiers to
raiders was also much reduced here. In addition the rebels had laid extensive minefields that
proved a great handicap to the advancing army. In heavy fighting around Jhangar, ahead of
Naoshera, Brigadier Usman was killed by a stray shell, which landed on his bunker.
Command of his brigade was taken over by Brigadier Harbaksh Singh.
By mid-September, the situation in this sector was stabilised, but the potential threat to
Akhnur remained. The presence of brand new Sherman tanks on the rebel side added to this
threat. Thus, General Thimayya was forced to give maximum attention and resources to the
south. This delayed the offensive beyond Uri and the projected link up with 12 Infantry
Division and the North West Frontier Province. At this time, pressure was being brought on
Delhi by both the super-powers to join their respective blocs. Nehru proposed that India’s
foreign policy should be based on the principle that “we should as far as possible keep away
form the power politics of groups, aligned against one another.” This was approved by the
Cabinet and was thereafter very ably propounded by Nehru. The policy attracted most of the
developing nations, which grouped together to form the Non-alignment Movement.
By the end of September, sufficient forces had been inducted into the Jammu-Naoshera to
reduce the threat to Akhnur. But now the weather Gods turned hostile and there was early
snow in October. Any offensive action towards Muzaffarabad to link up with NWFP had to
wait till summer. Luckily 12 Infantry Division at Peshawar was under no military pressure
and Gaffar Khan and his Red Shirts were in full control of the Province. Thimayya gave his
brigade commanders the task of linking up with the besieged town of Punch. This was
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completed and the roads to Punch, both from Uri in the north and Rajori in the south were
secured by the end of October.
Before the end of the year, Bose was happy to receive a long-awaited letter from Alip. He
and Ziang were both well and remembered him with affection. Alip wrote that events in
Indonesia showed how the old colonial regimes were reluctant to give up economic power. It
was significant that the USA supported the nationalists and stood firmly against the Dutch
who were still on the eastern islands attempting to create mischief. He could see that Britain
was attempting to do the same in South Asia. He had no doubt that Bose would win his fight
against the creation of Pakistan. It was in Bose’s interest that he continue to maintain close
touch with American leaders. In this connection, Ziang especially sent a message
congratulating Bose on having selected Mr Tata as his personal envy to Washington. Ziang
had received good reports of the work Tata had done; he was obviously he right man for that
task.
111
Bose’s judgement was correct. Krishan Menon’s tenure in London ended in a “Jeep Scandal”
before his recall. Mrs Pandit’s stay in Moscow is best summarised by T.N.Kaul in his book
Reminiscences:Discreet and Indiscreet, Lancers Publishers, New Delhi,1982, p151 in which he says :
on her return to Bombay in April 1949 when asked by the Press if she had met Stalin, she bluntly
answered ’not even once’. This was true but the fault was partly hers. When I had suggested to her
in Moscow, weeks before her scheduled departure, that she might request a farewell call on Stalin,
she said “Why should I? He can call me if he likes.” She was partly right but according to protocol it
for the departing envoy to make such a request.
112 The Indian Express, 10 Jan & 11 Jan 2002. Published extracts from the book War &
Diplomacy in Kashmir 1947-48, by C Dasgupta, Sage Publications, New Delhi et al, 2002. Based
on study of recently released documents, the author came to a conclusion that a junior
minister, Philip Noel Baker, in the Atlee government exceeded his brief and twisted the British
policy much to annoyance of the PM and embarrassment to the Americans. In an interview,
based on this book, Dasgupta said, “Noel Baker, minister for commonwealth, was reprimanded
by Prime Minster Attlee for following a totally pro-Pakistan policy. Attlee had asked Baker to
lean in favour of Pakistan but Baker went overboard in the most grotesque manner in his
unqualified support for Pakistan. So much so that the Americans felt his position was
unjustifiably pro-Pakistan. Even John Foster Dulles took objection to his stance.” Extract as
reported in the Times of India, Pune edition, 12 Feb 2002, p8
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Chapter 14
Final Push for Victory
During the dismal months of August when the army had suffered several military
setbacks, many had begun to give up hope of Bose ever being able to deal with the rebellion.
However, the speedy ending of the Hyderabad revolt and the opening of the road to Leh in
September and to Punch in October raised the morale of the nation and was a shot in arm for
Bose. His crusade for a united India began to be seen as an achievable goal. But the military
successes gained in J&K and the relative peace in most of the country had been obtained at a
great cost in human lives.
While the communal violence was contained in most of the country under the iron hand
of Bose, it became apparent that the Muslim League, even with the best of intentions could
not impose law and order in the rebel held provinces of Baluchistan, Punjab and Sind. There
were reports of fresh communal killings. Long lines of refugees were once again seen on the
roads leading out of Punjab and Sind. Since the main roads leading to safety were blocked
along the river line by rebel forces, desperate refugees crossed over at night using any
diversion routes they could find. Refugee camps sprung up at many places including the
capital Delhi. Despite the best efforts of the Indian government there was also a reverse flow
of refugees as many Muslims left India because of a feeling of insecurity, even though they
were not bring subjected to orchestrated violence
Mahatma Gandhi’s, critics abroad pointed out how he had advised the Jews to offer only
non violent resistance to Hitler when faced with genocide. Now by his silence, he was tacitly
endorsing the civil war. Gandhi did not defend his stance, but his admirers proclaimed that he
genuinely abhorred violence and his lack of criticism against the civil war stemmed form his
clear understanding that secession was a greater evil. Nevertheless the continuing violence
saddened Gandhi. He often expressed his agony to his inner circle. Even more than the
fighting in Kashmir and Hyderabad, it was the stabbing and random killing of innocent
Muslims that troubled him. It was easy to ascribe such mindless violence to a back-lash
arising from the attitude of hard-line Hindu and Muslim leaders and jehadis, but the fact was
that the perpetrators of violence in areas under India’s control were seldom caught. This
showed a deeper level of sympathy, if not support, by a large portion of the population. He
often asked himself, “Can we keep such frightened people forcibly within the bounds of one
nation?” Besides this doubt, Gandhi also felt a profound sense of failure. All his life he had
advocated Hindu-Muslim unity and portrayed communal conflict as the outcome of Britain’s
policy of divide and rule in order to perpetuate their rule. But now that the British had gone,
the conflict still continued.
At his Morning Prayer meetings, the Mahatma began to advocate that the elder brothers
(Hindus) must be just to their younger brothers (Muslims). On 2 November at a prayer
meeting while talking about the rebellion in Punjab and Sind, Gandhi compared it with the
dispute within a family over ancestral property. In an idiom that most Indians were familiar
with, he spoke of the younger brother wanting to walk out of a joint family, as frequently
happened all over the country. In such cases, he proclaimed, peace can only be established if
the rest of the family accepted the inevitable.
In October Jinnah’s “Finance Minister” sent a formal letter stating that at the last joint
budget session held in Delhi under the aegis of the Viceroy, a tentative allocation of funds
had been made to the various provinces. By that allocation, the share due to Sind, Baluchistan
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and Punjab came to 300 million rupees. He demanded that this sum of money be credited to
the newly opened Pakistan State Bank.
The Cabinet unanimously rejected the demand and issued a public statement that there
was no way that India was going to help fund a rebellion. When this came to Gandhi’s
attention, he opposed the decision. Once again drawing upon the familiar example of the
break up of a joint family, he insisted that India must give the rebel states their share of
assets, which were after all was largely a share of the revenue collected from those provinces.
He believed that this was not only morally correct but also the best way to win the estranged
brother back to the fold. When the Cabinet refused to yield, he served an ultimatum to the
government; from the 25 December he would begin an indefinite fast unto death or until the
money was handed over to Karachi. Public opinion was divided on this issue. Many who had
lost their homes in riots and had come to Delhi as refugees were outraged. There were
frequent processions to Birla House in Delhi where Gandhi was staying. The protestors
chanted slogans like Marta hai to marne do [let him die if he wants to.].
Gandhi’s stand created a personal problem for Bose. All the old animosities and
differences between him and Gandhi began to be aired publicly. Bose knew that the best way
to deal with the issue was to ensure an early end to the rebellion and snuff out the existence
of Pakistan itself. A link up with the NWFP may have facilitated an early collapse of
Pakistan. But the weather Gods had intervened and early snows in the Himalayas meant that
offensive from Uri westwards or northwards into the North Districts of Kashmir had to be
postponed till summer. In early January 1948, 1 Armoured Division and two Infantry
Divisions were deployed along the river line in anticipation of operations into Punjab.
However, any direct assault into Punjab was difficult as the rebels held strong positions along
the river Ravi. The army also suffered from a crippling shortage of bridging equipment Both
the Army Chief and his CGS assessed that an attack across the river line into Punjab, at this
stage, would be very costly and might even spell disaster. They recommended that this should
be coordinated with an offensive from J&K.
On the diplomatic front there were worrying developments. In a shrewd move, Jinnah had
sent Liaqat Ali on a mission to Moscow to explore the possibility of an alliance with the
Russians. This move had sent alarm bells ringing in London and Washington. On January 1,
1948, Britain recognised the breakaway state of Pakistan. Canada and Australia followed its
example. The rationale given by the British Prime Minister was that the separate existence of
Pakistan was a reality. The only satisfaction to Bose was that America, France, Russia and
China decided to adopt a policy of wait and watch. Bose realised that as time went by, more
nations may well follow the British example.
As Gandhi’s fast entered the second week, immense pressure was mounted on Bose by
many Congress leaders to bow to Gandhi’s demands. Nehru, though a party to the original
Cabinet decision, was torn between his affection for his mentor Gandhi and the consequences
of succumbing to Jinnah’s bullying tactics. Gandhi issued a public appeal to Bose to release
the sum of Rs. 300 million saying, “The question is, do we want to keep India united at the
cost of so many lives?—The answer is no”
Bose in a rejoinder to the Mahatma said. “The question we must ask ourselves is, will
communal violence be reduced by surrendering to the evils of partition? Will we not be guilty
of encouraging even more violence and storing trouble for future generations?” But the
collective pressure of the members of Central legislature was too much for the Cabinet to
withstand. With great reluctance Bose finally agreed to release the funds, though with a
caveat that this did not mean that Indian recognised Pakistan or thought that it had a right to
these resources. The amount was being given purely on a humanitarian grounds as the rebels
did hold a large part of Indian territory and it was the people of that region who were the
sufferers. On being told of Bose’s decision, Gandhi broke his fast.
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Separately, Bose instructed the Home Minister to write to Jinnah and tell him that the
money would only be credited after the Indian Naval, Air Force and Army officers, VCOs
and men, presently held hostage by them, are returned across the border or to a sanctuary in
the NWFP. This aspect of the deal was to be kept secret till the men, along with their families
were returned safe and sound.
Gandhi’s opposition to action against rebels and his threatened fast unto death had a
violent reaction in faraway Poona. Never a great support base for Gandhi and his nonviolence, Poona was the home of a strong group of rightists who believed in the concept of
Hindu Rashtra and undivided India. Their preference was to fight Muslim separatists with
violent means. Nathuram Godse, an unassuming follower of Veer Sawarkar, was angered and
dismayed at this turn of events in Delhi. .
Although Sawarkar publicly supported Bose’s stand, Naturam disagreed with him. At a
weekly Saturday meeting in Motibaug, in the heart of Poona, he expressed himself most
forcefully and said, “Gandhiji is becoming a threat to the nation and he must be eliminated.”
His companion, Narayan Apte, sat silently through the meeting. But after it was over, he took
Nathuram aside and said, “There are many who think like you. But merely talking in this
room is not going to solve the problems of the country. Bharatmata needs action and
sacrifice. Meet me behind the Parvati temple tomorrow”
The next day, the two men were joined by Karkare from Bombay. Karkare had brought
with him two Webley Scott .38 pistols and plenty of ammunition. “The British are not all
bad,” he told Nathuram. “They have also manufactured weapons with which we can kill
Mussalmans and traitors!” After a week of target practice, Nathuram was ready for his
mission. The three men arrived in Delhi in the second week of January. Narayan Apte
suggested that they carry out the assassination at night and then escape to Nepal. Nathuram
would have none of that. “I am not a murderer and I will not run away from the consequences
of my actions. I have immense respect for the Mahatma. But his actions are a threat to
Bharatmata and therefore he has to be assassinated!”
Narayan Apte did not argue any further but made up his mind that he was not going to be
caught like foolish Nathuram. The trio carried out a detailed study of Gandhi’s routine. On 29
January 1948, Godse reached Birla Bhavan at 12 p.m. Gandhi was sitting outside on a cot
enjoying the sunshine. Vallabhbhai Patel's granddaughter was sitting at his feet. Godse had
the revolver with him and could have then easily killed Gandhi and walked away. But he did
not want to escape after the murder as there was not an iota of guilt in his mind. After the
killing he wanted to publicly surrender. He could not very well surrender to a granddaughter.
He therefore wanted a few males present to witness the execution to whom he could give
himself up. He knew that a good crowd always attended Gandhi’s Morning Prayer meetings.
He decided that the morning of 30 January would be the date of the assassination.
On the 30 January at 11 a.m., as Gandhi ended his prayer meeting and began walking
back towards the building, Nathuram suddenly darted from the crowd and bent to touch his
feet. He then straightened up and fired pointblank into the frail frame of Mahatma. Gandhi
who fell in a pool of blood and died with the words “Hey Ram” on his lips. Abha, Gandhiji’s
grand-daughter and constant companion, was with him and it was on her lap that the
Mahatma breathed his last. Abha was crying inconsolably and kept constantly asking the
question “Why?” Nathuram, standing impassively next to his victim, replied, “Time and
death are eternal and indestructible. You can turn its pages but never, never tear them out.
Gandhiji has acquired a position in the history of India, which nobody can deny. In fact,
Gandhi’s page will be there forever. Sometime in the future, in some storm, the pages may
flutter but there will be that same Gandhi's page before the world. I don't refute Gandhi's
theory of non-violence. He was a saint but not a politician. His theory of non-violence denies
self-defence and self-interest. The non-violence that defines the fight for survival as violence
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is a theory not of non-violence but of self-destruction. I wanted to save India and for that, if I
had to kill another Mahatma I will do it again.“ He was then led away by his captors.
Bose was in Kashmir with Governor Cariappa when the news of the assassination reached
him. He returned to Delhi by evening. There was pall of gloom over the city. A composed
Sardar Patel, met Bose and assured him that law and order was being maintained in Delhi.
However, Bose found Nehru in deep shock, sitting motionless besides the dead body.
Scenes of great grief were witnessed all over the country. The whole nation felt as if it
had been orphaned. There was a sense of relief among Muslims that a Muslim had not killed
Gandhi. However, scenes of jubilation were seen in some places, ironically for different and
opposite reasons. Many in Poona distributed sweets on hearing of the news of assassination,
for Gandhi was regarded as an obstacle in the path of Hindu Rashtra and too soft on Muslims.
In Karachi and Lahore there was genuine grief by millions of Muslims who looked upon him
as good man and their protector. But there were many in the Muslim League who rejoiced
because they felt that Gandhi was a dangerous opponent who was capable of subverting their
support base. Bombay province witnessed large scale rioting as the whole Brahmin
community living in the province was held responsible for Nathuram’s act. Many Brahmin
houses were burnt and property looted. According to some, Brahmins were paying the price
not so much for this act by Godse but for their practice of casteism over the past hundred
years.
With the passing of Gandhi, an era had ended in the history of India. His loss was felt
acutely in the political field. Under his towering personality, extremism, especially of the
Hindu right, had no popular support. But after his death, the forces of intolerance began to
raise their head. Bose was acutely aware that under no circumstances could he afford to allow
the fight for united India to degenerate into a war against either Islam or Muslims. He had
always feared this aspect of the civil war. Gandhi’s assassination and the consequent
revulsion it produced in the ordinary citizen against rightist groups, came as an opportunity to
Bose. He instructed Patel to impose a ban on the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha. The ban
was only to be lifted if those organisations accepted composite Indian nationalism and
renounced their goal of ‘Hindu Rashtra’. But above all that he needed a battlefield victory.
He asked General Ayub Khan and Air Marshal Mukerjee to evolve a joint strategic plan and
be prepared to present this to the Cabinet within a week.
The two service chiefs were ready with fresh ideas within a few days. At a Cabinet
meeting, Ayub requested Kalwant to begin the briefing with an overall strategic appreciation.
Kalwant, using a pointer and map said, “Geography has dealt a bad hand to Jinnah’s
proposed Pakistan. Its population centres and major cities are all located in a narrow belt
along the eastern border, in the valleys of the Ravi, Chenab, Jhelum and Indus rivers. At most
places this rich agriculture territory is barely a 100 miles wide. It lacks mineral resources and
has virtually no industries.”
Kalwant went to assert, “The situation facing Pakistan is very much like the one, which
faced the Confederates in the American civil war. Wars cannot be fought by corn stalks. The
resistance being offered by the rebels is heavily dependent on the external supply of weapons
and even ammunition. All imports have to enter through a single port, Karachi. Any Indian
advance in the east-west direction will go against the grain of country as the canal system and
rivers running north to south, presented a formidable obstacle to movement and also gives a
tremendous advantage to the defender. Keeping these geographical aspects in view, rebels
have deployed most of their forces in static defences along the river line facing east. Thanks
to British support, they possess some tanks to act as mobile reserve. These are being kept
centrally near Lahore, the most important city and spiritual capital of the rebels. The
proposed offensive plan, which my Chief will shortly outline for you, has been prepared
keeping in view these factors and also our superiority in aircraft, armour and artillery.”
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He then sat down and General Ayub Khan continued the briefing, “As a prelude to
launching the main offensive, there is need to create a strategic deception plan. The
surrounded garrison in the Frontier province provides us with such an opportunity. We have
already begun circulating rumours that India is keen to make use of the Punch–Rawalpindi
axis to eventually reach the NWFP. Since there is very little snowfall in those areas, winter
poses no barrier. I know how General Akbar Khan’s mind works. Once the rebel high
command is convinced that Indian intends to advance towards Rawalpindi, I am sure that
Akbar Khan will react, and launch an offensive into the Akhnur area to disrupt our supposed
offensive. General Kalwant Singh has held detailed discussions with General Thimayya who
entirely agrees with our plan. He has anyway already begun secretly positioning his infantry,
artillery and armour to meet Akbar Khan’s likely challenge.”
After this, Air Marshal Mukerjee outlined the air support he would provide for the
operations. The Cabinet gave its approval to the joint outline plan. Later that day, Bose went
to the Army operation room, and asked the Chief to explain Timmy’ counter offensive plans
in detail. Ayub described how Timmy, after a detailed recconnisance, had found that many of
the small rivers that originate in hills west of Akhnur, broadened and became shallow as they
flowed south and west. These were ideal for inducting armour well behind any enemy force
advancing from Chhamb towards Akhnur. He went on to explain how, from January
onwards, as artillery and infantry reinforcements began arriving, Timmy had deployed
infantry with anti-tank weapons in strong defensive positions around Akhnur.
Ayub explained that he had been moving armour reinforcements to the Jammu area for
the past month. “A this moment a total of two regiments of Shermans are concentrated
around Jammu. These have to be moved forward on tank transporters. As there is a shortage
of tank transporters, only 20 tanks can be moved at one time. Tank transporters have to pass
through Akhnur.. Timmy wants to create an impression that these tanks are being moved to
Naoshera and beyond for an intended offensive from Punch. In fact, after crossing Akhnur at
dusk, the tanks are being secretly off loaded from transporters at night and tucked away at
concealed hideouts in the hills west of Akhnur, where one light tank regiment is already
secretly deployed. Wheeled vehicles are then loaded on tank transporters and covered with
tarpaulins. These then continue their journey to Naoshera and reach their destination the next
day.”
“Each turn round of tank transporters takes one week,” continued Ayub, “But there is no
hurry. These moves have already started and will be completed by mid February. These
moves will no doubt be reported by hostile spies” Bose made no comment while this was
being explained to him. He left the operations room confident of the ability of his military
commanders and a successful result to the coming battle.
General Akbar Khan, Chief of the rebel forces, had his headquarters located in Karachi.
Rebel forces deployed in Punjab had been placed under the command of Major General
Mohd Akram, a senior officer who had more experience of cantonment life than the rigours
of war. Akbar knew this and had appointed Brigadier Yahya Khan to command the strike
forces under Akram. Yahya was a headstrong and impulsive officer who fancied himself as a
tactical wizard. He lacked practical operational experience but he was a self-confident leader
who had earned the respect of his subordinates.
From the end of February onwards, reports began reaching the rebel headquarters in
Lahore and Karachi that a major force including many tanks was passing through Akhnur and
being inducted in the area of Rajouri and Punch. General Akbar Khan knew that India had
deployed two infantry divisions and 1 Armoured Division along the river line in Punjab. He
knew that he had limited forces. He lacked the resources to fight on both the river line and
also deal with a likely offensive towards Rawalpindi.. He believed that the best form of
defence was attack. He saw Thimayya’s build up as a golden opportunity to advance from
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Chhamb into Akhnur and cut off the forces massed in Punch. By this one stroke he would not
only frustrate the Indian offensive, but also threaten Jammu and the lines of communication
with the Valley. Even if his attack was not wholly successful, it would teach the Indians a
lesson that they would never forget and would certainly invite UN intervention. He discussed
his ideas on a map with General Akram Khan and Brigadier Yahya Khan. The latter
wholehearted agreed with the plan. General Akram Khan was non-committal.
(The area chosen by the rebels for their offensive was indeed a masterstroke. Akhnoor ,
on the western banks of Chenab river was a junction point between the hills to the north and
the vast Indian plains to the south and east. Being closer to the Himalayan foothills, the
mighty rivers like Jhelum and Chenab were comparatively easy to cross here, with numerous
fords. The small rebel armour was protected from any surprise attack from the north by the
hills and to the south by the Chenab delta that made east- west move difficult if not
impossible. Invaders from Alexander to the Kushan king Kanishka and Mohammed of
Gazani, had successfully used the Chhamb plains as the launch pad. A successful thrust
towards Jammu would then trap the Indian forces in Srinagar valley as well as in Rajouri
Poonch area. Surprise and speed of action was of essence. With the rebel morale high after
recent victories, Yahyah Khan, the force commander felt confident that he would succeed in
his mission. )
In the first week of February, General Akbar Khan ordered the secret move of three
artillery regiments and 50 tanks, half of these were brand new Shermans, into the Chhamb
area. . As the news of these moves was announced at a Cabinet meeting some ministers grew
alarmed. Ayub Khan assured them that General Thimayya had the situation well under his
control and had a few surprises waiting for the enemy. Later in a closed session with the PM
he said, “Reports indicate that Brigadier Yahya Khan is likely to lead the strike brigade. He is
a bold commander and a good leader. However during several informal private discussions
with him last year, I got a strong impression that he is opposed to the formation of Pakistan. I
find it difficult to believe that Yahya has reconciled himself to Jinnah’s unilateral declaration
of independence.”
Bose took this opportunity to pick Ayub’s mind. He asked, “I have to promote a senior air
force officer to take over the appointment of Western Air Command. I want to promote
Asghar to the rank of Air Vice Marshal and put him in charge of air operations before the
ground offensive begins. Do you think that would be a wise step?”
Ayub Khan hesitated before replying. He said, “I’m not aware of Wing Commander
Asghar Khan’s political feelings with regard to the demand for Pakistan. I hardly know the
officer but I’ve heard that he was a very good man, a staunch Muslim and a brilliant pilot. I
believe that he will be loyal and make a very good operational commander.” Bose nodded his
agreement. An hour later, after he had discussed this with the Defence Minister, instructions
were issued promoting Asghar and appointing him to take over air operations in the western
theatre. with immediate effect.
On 18 February, General Thimayya opened an offensive from Punch towards Rawalpindi,
and from Uri towards Muzaffarabad. In response to this, on 19 February, General Akbar
Khan ordered an attack to be launched from Chhamb across the Munawar Tawi. A regiment
of Sherman tanks supported by Spitfire fighters spearheaded the advance. The attackers made
rapid progress and reached the outer defences at Akhnur within hours. There the advance was
halted when the leading tanks and infantry came up against well-prepared Indian defences..
This was the moment that Thimayya had been waiting for. To the west of Akhnur, from
safe bases established in the mountains, Indian tanks supported by dis-mounted infantry
moved along the nullahs and small rivers and appeared well behind the rebel lines. At the
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same time, to the west of Akhnur, parties of Engineers breached several canals flooding a
wide area south and east of Chhamb. Advancing Indian forces met no opposition and made
rapid progress. They reached the bridge over the Jhelum River. Timmy reinforced this
advancing column and by 20 February, built up the strength to two infantry brigades and a
full brigade of armour under command of newly promoted Major General Sparrow.
It was only now that Yahya realised that his force was in danger of being cut off. Whilst
attempting to disengage and regroup to meet the threat to his rear, he found that waterlogged
fields on his southern flank restricted his room for maneuver. His force was caught in the
open. Many of its tanks, guns and vehicles were destroyed by the IAF on 20 and 21 February.
Meanwhile, as Sparrow’s forces secured vital river, railway and canal bridges well to the
south of Chhamb and Sialkot, 1 Armoured Division under the command of newly promoted
Major General Hari Badhwar, was launched north of Pathankote and wheeled south west.
This force avoided engaging rebel defences around Dehra Bab Nanak Bridge, which were
anyway facing in the wrong direction. 1 Armoured Division moved swiftly and reached five
miles outside Lahore where it linked up with Sparrow’s forces. Nehru expressed his
apprehension over the rapid advance being attempted by the armour columns, but Bose kept
his cool and did not interfere with military decisions.
In fact, there was good cause for concern on the question of re-supply. The forces
operating from J&K were composed of tanks and dis-mounted infantry, without any mortars,
artillery and wheeled vehicles. The men were carrying three days hard scale rations, but the
greatest worry was the tanks. They needed to be re-fuelled every night. There was no road on
which wheeled vehicles could reach them from J&K.
Timmy was well aware of this lacuna. Air reconnaissance had indicated several likely
temporary air fields, some thirty mile west of Chhamb. Timmy had ordered Sparrow to
secure these in Phase One of his operations. Thereafter, Ayub Khan and Mukerjee had
assured him a re-supply of fuel and food by Dakotas. Eventually, air supply was never
required as Sparrow’s leading tanks overran a rebel supply point that had been established to
support Yahya Khan’s offensive. This met Timmy’s immediate needs till a route was opened
from Amritsar to Lahore. However, till then this force remained without artillery and wheeled
vehicle support.
By 25 February it was all over. A complete division of rebel troops surrendered at
Chhamb. The news of disaster at Chhamb spread like wild fire. An artillery brigade at
Ssialkot surrendered. As the Indian troops began advancing towards Lahore, General Thorat
opened an offensive all along the river line. Rebel troops defending the river line, fearing that
1 Armoured Division would cut them off, began hastily withdrawing towards Multan. In this
process many vehicles, guns and tanks were abandoned, and small groups of men began
surrendering.
At the same time, Indian forces from Uri overran Muzzaffarabad. This force linked up
with a brigade from 12 Infantry Division and moved on to Rawalpindi. General Attiqur
Rehman was able to persuade the defenders located there to surrender. Scout units in the
northern districts of J&K also ended their revolt and peacefully returned to their barracks.
The British officers with those units “disappeared” and were reported to have escaped into
Afghanistan.
By 3 March Timmy’s force of three divisions with 100 tanks were located all around
Lahore. And supply routes to it were opened via Amritsar. At this stage, Thimayya began
withdrawing forces from Punch-Rajouri and inducting them in the corridor between the
Chenab and Jehlum. On March 23, General Mohd Akram was only too glad to surrender and
Lahore fell to the Indians. Timmy requested the General to continue with the civic
administration of the city.
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After the fall of Lahore, Bose had a special meeting of the Cabinet to decide on how rebel
prisoners should be dealt with. The Cabinet, after prolonged discussion, ordered a general
amnesty to all those who laid down their arms. Rebel officers and soldiers were thereafter
screened and divided into three categories: those who had committed crimes were classified
as RED; this category was kept in detention and dealt with by the due process of law. Those
who were rabid fundamentalists and had instigated others to rebellion were classified as
BLUE; such personnel were dismissed from service. Those who were misguided and drawn
into the rebellion because they had little other choice were classified as GREEN. This last
category, irrespective of the rank, was regrouped in their units; the officers and men were
given a choice to continue in service or go home with whatever pension they had earned.
The treatment offered to GREEN category rebels raised adverse comments in the press.
Some politicians and senior military commanders expressed their concern about the reemployment of such a disloyal element. Bose publicly defended the Cabinet’s decision. His
reasoning was simple. “The majority of the rebels are misguided Indians and not enemy,” he
told his critics.
The rebel collapse at Lahore came as a surprise to many. Punjab and its capital, Lahore,
was the stronghold of the Pakistani movement, and was expected to offer stiff opposition. But
Bose had anticipated this collapse. His expectations were not merely based on military
optimism. Sikandar Hayat Khan and his faction, in conjunction with the Congress and Akalis,
had always enjoyed overwhelming support in Punjab. The Muslim League had grabbed
political power only through intrigue and jihadi terror tactics of intimidation. But even more
importantly, Bose had a very shrewd appreciation of the Punjabi character. He often told
Sardar Patel, “A Punjabi has a clear understanding of power and a finely honed sense of selfpreservation. Threaten his security and he will be ready for a compromise.”
The Governor of Punjab who had been deposed by Jinnah was re-inducted as the
Governor of Punjab province. After he was sworn in, he was asked to form an interim
administration with Sikandar Hayat as the Chief Minister, and his appointees as ministers. By
the end of April the political and administrative situation in and around Lahore was stabilised
and Martial Law over Punjab was rescinded. Normal road and rail links to Lahore, Sialkoot
and Peshawar were reopened.
At this time, reports began to reach Delhi that weapons and ammunition from the Soviet
Union were being moved through Afghanistan for the rebels. This was apparently the
outcome of Liaqat Ali’s visit to Moscow in January, when he was dispatched by Jinnah to
drum up support for the rebel cause. When the Communists learnt that the Americans had
turned hostile to the concept of Pakistan, they responded positively to Pakistan’s request for
arms. To stop this flow of aid, it now became essential that the NWFP keep a special watch
on traffic over the exit routes from Afghanistan.
M. Attiqur Rahman was promoted to Lieutenant General and given command of Northern
Army and Major General Musa Khan was appointed to take over 12 Infantry Division. His
role was to take over command of the Khyber Rifles and Wana Scouts and control the
borders with Afghanistan. The Army Commander was given the additional role of
maintaining contact with the Tochi Scouts and rebel troops located in Baluchistan to urge
them to give up their revolt. Victory in Punjab and Gaffar Khan’s complete political
dominance over the NWFP facilitated his task. Within a fortnight, 12 Infantry Division was
able to move a brigade along the northern road without facing any opposition and enter
Quetta, where the Army Staff College was located. The Governor who had been deposed by
Jinnah was reinstated as the Governor of Baluchistan.
At this time, the Cabinet was conscious of the growing pressures by the two super powers
on India arising from the Cold War. At a Cabinet meeting Nehru said that India should avoid
getting involved with any military bloc. The Cabinet unanimously agreed and Nehru
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thereafter evolved and at international forums began publicly propagating a policy of noninvolvement.
By the first week of May, the overall military situation was very favourable. In J&K,
State Forces, backed by 11 Infantry Division, were responsible for security. Gilgit and Chitral
Scouts, which were now being commanded by Indian Army officers, were placed under
direct control of 11 Infantry Division. J&K was functioning peacefully under a popular
administration run by Shiekh Abdullah.
In Punjab, one Infantry Division was in contact with rebel defences in the Multan area.
This was backed by 1 Armoured Division and another Infantry Division, which were
prepared to launch an attack, should orders be given for the offensive to be resumed. This
force was under the command of General Thimayya. One infantry division was located
around Lahore and Rawalpindi as a theater reserve. All other troops, including Sparrow’s
armoured division were withdrawn from the battle area and kept in reserve at Ferozepore,
Jullundar and Amritsar under the command of General Thorat..
At this time, only Sind and a district at the southern tip of Punjab remained in rebel
hands. The major obstacle that lay on the way to Karachi was Multan, the home of the Arian,
a Punjabi community that prides itself on its fighting prowess. Many of the village folk trace
their ancestry to King Porus who in 332 BC had resisted the world conqueror Alexander.
Though the Greek general defeated Porus in the battle of Hadapse, he was so impressed with
the valour of the King that he reinstated him. The Arian had given their word to Jinnah and
had prepared strong defences around Multan. A further advance towards Karachi would have
necessitated a battle at Multan.
The clearing of the Multan defences was well within the capacity of the armed forces,
which had an overwhelming superiority in armour, artillery, infantry and aircraft. Because the
military situation was so overwhelmingly in India’s favour, the public anticipated a quick
resumption of the offensive. However, it was Jinnah’s health rather than a consideration for
lives, or the valour of the rebels of Multan that influenced Bose to order a pause in
operations. Sardar Patel’s spies were hyper active in Karachi and brought information that
Jinnah was critically ill. The succession of bad news coming from the front was taking its toll
on Jinnah’s falling health. His condition had begun to deteriorate rapidly
Sardar Patel was in secret communication with the rebel Prime Minister, Liaqat Ali Khan
who had sent a guarded message through a trusted emissary that Jinnah was not expected to
survive for very long. “We accept that our military position is hopeless. The movement for
Pakistan is surviving only in name, because of Qaid-t-Azam’s presence. It is unthinkable that
any of Jinnah’s close associates could forsake the old man while he lies on his death-bed. We
urge that Delhi should await Jinnah’s demise.” This communication confirmed the Cabinet’s
appreciation that without Jinnah, the resistance in Sind and Multan would collapse. But over
and above this consideration, Bose’s main aim in delaying operations was to win over the
hearts and minds of the rebels and the large Muslim population living elsewhere in India.
10 May, the anniversary of the 1857 uprising, was seized by him to deliver a message to
the rebels still holding out. In a public address at Lahore, which was relayed by AIR, Bose
outlined his concept of an egalitarian and modern federation. He told his audience that his
first priority would be to put agriculture on a sound footing and the key to that was land
reforms. “There will be no landlords and land would belong to the tillers,” he thundered to a
repeated applause. Towards the end of his talk he also offered medical help to ailing Jinnah
with an offer to send Dr. Jal Patel, his personal physician to Karachi. But Bose also sounded a
note of warning to all. “Free India will be a state based on a strict enforcement of law and
order,” he told the people. “The days of civil disobedience are over. Defiance of law was a
legitimate form of protest against foreign rule. But now that we are free and it is your rule,
how can you disobey the laws framed by yourself?” he asked rhetorically.
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While the situation on the war front looked bright, there was trouble brewing in Delhi.
Many Congressmen were uneasy with Bose’s radical comments on land reforms as well as
his ideas on federalism. Others were critical of the pause in operations. Bose was amused to
hear politicians, who used to preach non-violence and tremble when faced by the threat of
violence by the Muslim League, now breathing fire and demanding a resumption of the
offensive. Murmurs of dissent began to be increasingly heard in the corridors of Parliament.
“Bose is too soft on Muslims…rebel leaders should have their noses rubbed on the ground….
the only language they understand is force…unless they suffer a crushing defeat they will not
come to their senses...the army is prepared to go on and the politicians should not stop the
offensive.”
As the civil war begun to enter its final stages new domestic challenges emerged.
Congress dissent became even more vocal. Differences with Bose were soon reflected in
Cabinet meetings, which began to look more like a debating forum rather than a decision
making body. Jawahar Lal Nehru emerged as the focus of this dissent.
A major sticking point between the two leaders became the issue of the future direction of
the economy. Bose was against 'statism' or government getting into areas best left to private
initiatives. Nehru on the other hand was deeply impressed by the rapid progress achieved by
the Soviet Union since the revolution of 1917. He wanted to duplicate the experiment in
India. Bose was not an unthinking critic of the Soviet model. His main objection was that the
Russians had to make a major sacrifice to achieve their economic goals; the sacrifice of their
freedom! In the democratic framework adopted by India, he found slim chances for success
of this model.
Bose wanted to encourage each province to produce its own Tata and Birla.. Nehru began
to propagate the idea that panacea for India’s poverty was government jobs. This fitted in
well with his ideas of the state entering economic fields in a big way. Nehru began to voice
his dissent publicly and his views attracted wide support all over the country.
Another area of disagreement centred on the issue of family planning. JRD Tata, who had
grown quite close to Bose, was a great believer in controlling population. Nehru vehemently
opposed JRD and preached that India' s growing population was an asset not a liability. Bose
came decisively on the side of JRD and made the control of population a key factor in his
plan of dealing with poverty and hunger. Bose publicly said, "A healthy, educated and
disciplined population is indeed a great national resource. But an illiterate, diseased and indisciplined mass is a national liability. All Indians who have more than two children should
be banned from holding public office, including political elections."
There was a great sense of disquiet over Bose's intention to grant virtual autonomy to the
provinces of India. Nehru and Patel both were great advocates of a strong Centre. Nehru's
reasoning was that it was the lack of a strong central authority, which was the root cause of
India having to succumb to British colonial rule. Bose on the other hand reasoned that a
continental-sized country like India, with diversities greater than Europe, cannot but be a
federation. Bose said, “Britain’s imperial success in India, was not only because of our lack
of political unity; this was also because of the industrial revolution and consequent military
technology available to the British. It was the telegraph, railway lines, battleships and
machine-guns that sustained British rule not only over India, but all over the world. These
same instruments of power are now available to us and there should therefore be no fear of
secession.”
Bose went on to warn, “The real danger is over-centralisation, which will kill the creative
impulses of our people.” Bose was also against establishing any uniform all-India form of
political institutions at state levels. He favoured provinces drawing up their own constitutions
to suit their genius. For instances, he found no harm if some states went in for an arrangement
of directly electing a Governor as the chief executive, very much on the lines of the American
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presidential system. He warned, “Over the years the Congress itself has grown into a
centralised and bureaucratic party with vested interest in concentrating all political,
administrative and economic power in Delhi.”
Another controversy arose within the Cabinet when it was felt that India ought to appoint
a separate representative at the UN with the status of a minister. Nehru recommended that
Krishna Menon be moved from London to New York. Bose laughed and said, “If the aim is
to win the friends and influence world opinion, then Menon would be my last choice.” This
comment upset Nehru. He was about to respond in anger but was cut short by Sardar Patel
who agreed with Bose and bluntly turned down Nehru’s recommendation. Sardar Patel went
on to recommend that Ambassador Bajpai, who was anyway performing the job while
commuting between New York and Washington, should be sent permanently as the UN
representative to New York. The question then arose as to who would replace him. At this
stage Zakaria intervened and said, “Since Mr Tata, an industrialist, has been such a success in
America, I am emboldened to recommend that we send Mr S.L.Kirloskar, one of the rising
industrialists of Poona to Washington. He has studied in America and has all the right
connections there.” After further discussion, these recommendations were approved.
Decisions on a final choice of India’s national flag and anthem were other subjects on
which Bose and Nehru disagreed. On all state occasions, Bose kept using the tricolour with
an all-religions-logo printed in the centre of the white strip. Nehru wanted the logo replaced
with the Buddhist chakra. Nehru wanted Jana gana manna as the anthem. Bose wanted sare
jhan se achha. [A few others wanted Bande Matram.] As the Cabinet was divided on these
issues, it was decided that this should be left for the Constituent Assembly to debate and
reach a final decision.
As the heat of Indian summer began to increase in June, so did the political temperature.
The differences between the two leaders began to affect the smooth functioning of the
government. Late night informal meetings of Congress members of the Central legislature did
not go un-noticed by Bose. Shah Nawaz privately warned him that a political coup was in the
making. But apart from his busy schedule as PM, and the prosecution of the civil war, there
was very little he could do about this. Matters came to a head when on 1 July, a delegation of
over hundred MPs called on the Governor General and informed him that they were
withdrawing support from the government led by Bose. The next day, Nehru tendered his
resignation. Patel adopted an independent stand. While disagreeing with Bose on his concept
of federalism, he declared that the outcome of the civil war was still undecided and this was
not the time to desert Bose
Splits in the Congress Party were an old phenomenon. Bose had experienced it in the
early 30s when despite being elected Congress President, supporters of Gandhi ensured that
he remained ineffective. Bose thought to himself, “History seems to be repeating itself. There
is the ever-present element of lust for power. Nehru has apparently not forgiven me for
having usurped the Prime Minster's job from him. He and a large section of the Party
obviously believe that he is the rightful heir to the Gandhian legacy.”
Bose decided to face Nehru’s challenge head on. He met the Governor General and
recommended that Nehru’s resignation be accepted. He appointed CR as Minister of External
Affairs. Bose further proposed that the present Central Assembly be dissolved and new body
elected. He recommended that separate electorates for Muslims should be abolished and
elections should be held on the basis of universal adult franchise. He also insisted that parties
with religious names would not be allowed to participate in future elections. The newlyelected body would then act both as an interim parliament and also as a constituent assembly.
Once the new constitution was framed, Parliament could dissolve itself and fresh elections
based on the new constitution would take place.
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Maulana Azad gave Bose a patient hearing, made no comment and called a meeting of
Nehru, Sardar Patel, CR and Bose to discuss Bose’s proposals. After a short discussion, the
four leaders agreed unanimously with the proposals. Maulana then said, ”We have struggled
for over fifty years for our independence. Let us not be impatient at this critical juncture. I do
not want to order the dissolution of the assembly immediately. I understand that Jinnah is on
his death bed. I’ve also been assured that the civil war will end after he passes away. I will
dissolve Parliament one week after the end of the civil war and announce fresh elections two
months after that. But until that happens, I want you senior leaders to set an example and not
indulge in undignified public dissension. Both the rival parties will later have a chance to
carry out their election rallies for over two months.”
Sardar Patel supported Azad’s proposal and added, “The advantage of waiting for the
civil war to end is that this will enable elections to be held in Sind and those parts of the
country, which are now under rebel control.” The four leaders agreed to Azad’s proposals and
the meeting ended on an amicable note. Though the leaders kept to their word, the press went
on publishing differences between the two factions:
On 11 September 1948, Jinnah breathed his last at Karachi. Though his sister was by his
side to the end, on his deathbed he was a sad and lonely man. To his personal physician,
Colonel Ilahi Bax, he confessed, “The creation of Pakistan was the biggest blunder of my
life!”113 No sooner was Jinnah’s burial over, when Liaqat Ali made a radio announcement
that on his deathbed, Jinnah had renounced the concept of Pakistan and called it mistake. He
urged rebel forces to lay down their arms and surrender unconditionally. Liaqat also wrote a
private letter to Bose about the surrender.
On 18 September, the Governor General spoke to the nation of radio and announced the
dissolution of parliament. He said that fresh elections would be held from 19 November
onwards. Later a detailed press release was issued giving details of the proposals to which the
four leaders had agreed. In preparation for the elections, the Hindu Mahasabha changed its
designation to Jan Sang, and the Muslim League was renamed the National League.
At the start of October, election campaigns by the Congress Party and Bose's newly
created coalition, named the National Democratic Alliance, began to gather steam. The
National Democratic Alliance was composed of The National League, the Socialist Party and
the Forward Bloc. Liaqat Ali Khan was made the co-ordinator of the Alliance. It was clear
that in this clash between Nehru and Bose, the opposing factions were fairly evenly balanced,
with a majority of the Muslims on Bose’s side, and the Akalis and Ambedkar’s Scheduled
Caste faction sitting on the fence, watching the scene. The Congress Party, with its longstanding grass root contacts was the better organised of the two parties. But it was evident
that there were many Congress leaders who were in agreement with Bose and were staying
with the party only because of their personal loyalty to Nehru
Ever since Nehru first annunciated his non-evolvement policy, over a hundred developing
countries had greatly appreciated his policy. These countries had been victims of imperialist
and colonial exploitation and had attained their independence after World War II. They were
eager to form a movement under India’s leadership. The Non-Alignment Movement raised
Nehru’s personal stature abroad and at home.
Nehru, whilst electioneering, avoided making any personal attacks against Bose. But
there were many others who began saying that Bose, like Churchill, was a good war-time
prime minister but hardly a suitable choice for a peace-time role. His supporters claimed that
he was like France’s President de Gaulle, Netaji’s assets were his absolute belief in his own
mission, his conviction that he possessed the qualities of leadership required to keep India
united, and the strength of character to fight for India’s interest against all odds.
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For the first time at a rally in Patna, the crowd heckled Bose when he talked about his pet
themes of population control and respect for law and order. It seemed that while Bose could
win a war, winning peace was more difficult.
To some political analysts the writing on the wall was clear, Nehru’s victory seemed a
foregone conclusion.
113
Report under the heading Disclosure by Jinnah’s Doctor, published in The Frontier Post,
Peshawar, Pakistan, dated 26 Nov. 1987.
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