Islam, Democracy, and Constitutional Liberalism Author(s): Fareed Zakaria Source: Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 119, No. 1 (Spring, 2004), pp. 1-20 Published by: The Academy of Political Science Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20202302 . Accessed: 22/03/2011 15:16 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aps. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Academy of Political Science is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Political Science Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org and Islam, Democracy, Liberalism Constitutional FAREED ZAKARIA the same It is always splendid the same and setting, sad story. A senior U.S. diplomat enters one of the grand presidential palaces inHeliopolis, the neighborhood of Cairo from which President Hosni Mubarak rules over Egypt. He walks through halls of marble, through rooms filled with gilded furni ture?all a bad imitation of imperial French style that has been jokingly called "Louis Farouk" (after the last king of Egypt). Passing layers of security guards, at a formal he arrives affairs, regional tinians. Then the American freedoms, he is received with great courtesy two talk amiably about U.S.-Egyptian relations, and the state of the peace process between Israel and the Pales by the Egyptian that Egypt's room where drawing The president. raises gently the issue of human ease up on political government might and stop jailing intellectuals. Mubarak rights and suggests allow more dissent, press tenses up and snaps, "If I were to do what you ask, Islamic fundamentalists will take over Egypt. Is that what you want?" The moves conversation peace process. Over the years, Americans When President Clinton urged to back and Arabs have the latest twist in the had many such exchanges. Arafat to agree to the leader Yasser Palestinian Camp David peace plan that had been negotiated in July 2001, Arafat report edly responded with words to this effect: "If I do what you want, Hamas will be in power tomorrow." The most Saudi monarchy's Bandar bin Sultan, often reminds American ernment mocracy too hard, the likely alternative but a Taliban-style theocracy. FAREED ZAKARIA ria is now Editor Future of Freedom: Prince spokesman, officials that if they press his gov to the regime is not Jeffersonian de has published articles on democracy and Islam in scholarly journals. Dr. Zaka of Newsweek Illiberal Political Science Quarterly articulate International Democracy Volume 119 and a columnist at Home Number 1 and Abroad, 2004 for Newsweek. is being His most translated recent into fifteen book, The languages. 1 2 I POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY The worst part of it is, they may be right. The Arab rulers of the Middle are autocratic, East and heavy-handed. corrupt, they are still more But liberal, tolerant, and pluralistic than those who would likely replace them. Elections Arab many closer countries to those Abdullah. King would of Osama produce bin Laden Last the emir year, who espouse of Jordan's liberal monarch, with American encouragement, politicians than those of Kuwait, in that are views proposed giving women the vote. But the democratically elected Kuwaiti par liament?filled with Islamic fundamentalists?roundly rejected the initiative. crown Saudi tried something Abdullah prince much less dramatic when he pro posed that women in Saudi Arabia be allowed to drive. (They are currently forbidden to do so, which means that Saudi Arabia has had to import half a million chauffeurs from places like India and the Philippines.) But the religious conservatives mobilized popular opposition and forced him to back down. A similar dynamic is evident elsewhere in theArab world. InOman, Qatar, Bahrain, are more on virtually and Morocco, issue, the monarchs every political over which the societies in the Palestin Even they reign. where secular nationalists like Arafat and his Palestine Libera Jordan, liberal ian territories, than tion Organization groups religious have long been themost popular political force, militant and such as Hamas and Islamic are gaining Jihad strength, espe cially among the young. And although they speak the language of elections, of the Islamic parties have been withering in their contempt for democ as a see Western form of would racy, which government. they They happily come to power but then would set up their own theocratic through an election, one vote, one time. rule. It would be one man, many for example, Compare, in an al-Qaeda forces knowledge caused. reactions opposite in Kabul. hideout of the September Most genuine the wildly of state and to society 2001 videotape of a gloating bin Laden found by U.S. armed the November On tape, bin Laden 11 attacks and delights shows an intimate in the loss of life they of the region's noted that the tape seemed governments quickly a statement: and proved bin Laden's Prince Bandar issued "The guilt. the cruel tape displays and inhumane face of a murderous criminal who has no respect for the sanctity of human life or the principles of his faith." Abdul Latif Arabiat, head Americans tape of Jordan's Islamic party, the Islamic Action Front, asked, "Do really think the world is that stupid that they would believe that this is evidence?" Inmost societies, dissidents force their country to take a hard look at its own failings. In theMiddle East, those who advocate democracy are the first to seek in fantasy, denial, and delusion. The refuge such as those claiming that the Israeli theories, region is awash intelligence in conspiracy service, Mossad, was actually behind theWorld Trade Center attacks. In a CNN poll conducted across nine Muslim countries in February 2002,61 percent of those polled said that they did not believe thatArabs were responsible for the September 11 at the first independent tacks. Al-Jazeera, in the region, satellite television station has an enormous is of and modern. audience, Many pan-Arab populist which ISLAM, DEMOCRACY, AND CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERALISM | 3 are women. its anchors sor. And it fills yet with and anti-Semitism, Americanism, news It broadcasts its airwaves that the official crude religious cen media routinely nationalism, to Arab appeals fundamentalism. anti The Arab world today is trapped between autocratic states and illiberal so cieties, neither of them fertile ground for liberal democracy. The dangerous dy namic between these two forces has produced a political climate filled with reli gious extremism more the state becomes As and violence. repressive, opposition within society grows more pernicious, goading the state into further repression. It is the reverse of the historical process in theWestern world, where liberalism produced democracy and democracy fueled liberalism. The Arab path has in stead produced dictatorship, which has bred terrorism. But terrorism is only the most lectual noted of this dysfunction, manifestation social and stagnation, intel bankruptcy. The Middle East today stands in stark contrast to the rest of the world, where freedom and democracy have been gaining ground over the past two decades. In its 2002 survey, Freedom House finds that 75 percent of the world's countries are currently "free" or "partly free." Only 28 percent of theMiddle Eastern countries be so described, more comparison, could last twenty years. By as free or partly today are classified a percentage that has fallen than 60 percent of African during the countries free. Since September 11, the political dysfunctions of the Arab world have sud denly presented on themselves the West's doorstep. In the back of everyone's in the front of many?is the question why. Why is this region the case of the basket world? Why is it the great holdout, the straggler in political the march of modern societies? mind?and Islam's Wide World has an answer. Bin Laden For him the problem with Arab regimes is that they are insufficiently Islamic. Only by returning to Islam, he tells his followers, will Muslims achieve emphasis justice. Democracy, on freedom and tolerance for bin Laden, social produces is aWestern decay and invention. Its licentiousness. Bin Laden and those like him seek the overthrow of the regimes of the Arab of the whole Muslim world?and their replacement by polities world?perhaps founded on strict Islamic principles, ruled by Islamic law (sharia) and based on the early Caliphate (the seventh-century Islamic kingdom of Arabia). Their more recent role model was the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. There are those in theWest who agree with bin Laden that Islam is the key to understanding theMiddle East's turmoil. Preachers such as Pat Robertson and Jerry Falwell and writers such as Paul Johnson and William Lind have made serious the case scholars that have is a religion of repression and backwardness. more the problem argued?far insightfully?that Islam More ismore complex: for fundamentalist Muslims, Islam is considered a template for all life, including politics. But classical Islam, developed in the seventh and eighth cen 4 I POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY few of the contains turies, an eminent Kedourie, ideas that we of Arab student associate with wrote, politics, democracy today. Elie "The idea of representa tion, of elections, of popular suffrage, of political institutions being regulated by laws laid down by a parliamentary assembly, of these laws being guarded and upheld by an independent judiciary, the ideas of the secularity of state ... are profoundly all these to the Muslim alien tradition."1 political Certainly the Koranic model of leadership is authoritarian. The Muslim holy book is bursting with examples of the just king, the pious ruler, the wise arbiter. But the Bible has its authoritarian tendencies as well. The kings of the Old Testament were hardly democrats. The biblical Solomon, held up as the man wisest of all, was, all, an absolute after monarch. The Bible also contains passages that seem to justify slavery and the subjugation of women. The truth is that little is to be gained by searching in the Koran for clues to Islam's true nature. is a vast book, Koran The filled with poetry and contradictions?much like the Bible and the Torah. All three books praise kings, as do most religious texts. As Catholic for mixing popes combined authority, spiritual and temporal a no in Muslim ruler has and for centuries that way power religious political ever been able to achieve. with political Judaism has had much less involvement in the until Israel's founding, Jews were a minority power because, everywhere was to the word world. Yet, coined describe modern "theocracy" by Josephus the political views of ancient Jews.2 The founding religious texts of all faiths for the most were, insecurity. age, one filled with monarchs, the stamp of their times. in another part, written and war, dalism, They bear scholars of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries often Still,Western This assertion was probably in a community of several hundred authoritarianism. encourages view of the Ottoman their Empire, by that Islam argued fluenced feu laboring docilely under the sultan in distant Constantinople, million Muslims to him before Friday at the But most of the world prayers. singing hosannas to political In Russia, time was quite similar in its deference the czar authority. a god. In Japan, was a god. On the whole, was considered almost the emperor more were than Western but Islamic rule was no Asian ones, despotic empires more or Russian autocratic than were Chinese, versions. Japanese, Indeed, if any intrinsic aspect of Islam isworth noting, it is not its devotion to authority, but the opposite: Islam has an antiauthoritarian streak that is evi land today. It originates, in several hadith? dent in every Muslim probably, to which of the Mohammed?in obedience the ruler is incum sayings Prophet on bent 1 Elie Near the Muslim Kedourie, East Studies, 2 Bernard Lewis, Press, University 3 The hadith the sometimes it does only so far as the ruler's are commands in keeping with law.3 If the ruler asks you to violate the faith, all bets are off. ("If he is God's not of dubious Democracy 1992), 5. What Went 97. 2002), are often more Koranic general tell them how authenticity, and Arab Wrong: important Political Western than For Culture Impact the Koran (Washington, and Middle DC: Washington Eastern Response Institute (Oxford: how they tell Muslims the Koran commands Muslims because injunctions. example, to pray; this is found in the hadith. (There and sometimes each other.) they contradict are, of course, many for Oxford to implement to pray, but hadith, many ISLAM, DEMOCRACY, AND CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERALISM | 5 ordered to do a sinful act, aMuslim should neither listen to [his leader] nor are vague, he obey his orders."4) Religions of course. This means that can interpret as you like. But their prescriptions they are easy to follow?you some injunction it also means that it is easy to slip up?there is always you are no or But Islam establishment?no has popes religious violating. bishops?that should can declare by fiat which is the correct interpretation. As a result, the decision to oppose the state on the grounds that it is insufficiently Islamic can be exer to do so. This much cised by anyone who wishes Islam shares with Protestant ism. Just as a Protestant with Pat Robert Falwell, just a little training?Jerry a religious son?can declare himself leader, so also can any Muslim opine on issues of In a religion faith. an without official bin clergy, Laden has as much?or as little?authority to issue fatwas (religious orders) as does a Paki stani taxi driver inNew York City. The problem, in other words, is the absence of religious authority in Islam, not its dominance. Consider the source of the current chaos inArab lands. In Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Algeria, Islamist5 elsewhere, groups wage bloody campaigns against states that they accuse of betraying Islam. Bin Laden and his deputy, the Egyptian Ayman Zawahiri, both laymen, began their careers by fighting their own because governments of policies they deemed un-Islamic (for Zawa hiri, itwas Egyptian president Anwar Sadat's 1978 peace treaty with Israel; for bin Laden, itwas King Fahd's decision to allow American troops on Saudi soil in 1991). In his 1996 declaration of jihad, bin Laden declared that the Saudi government had left the fold of Islam, and so itwas permissible to take up arms against it: "The regime betrayed the ummah (community of believers) and joined the kufr (unbelievers), assisting and helping them against theMuslims." Bin Laden called for rebellion rulers, against and many to his call. responded The rulers of theMiddle East probably wish thatMuslims were more submis sive toward authority. There is also the question of timing: if Islam is the problem, then why is this conflict taking place now? Why did Islamic fundamentalism take off only after the 1979 Iranian centuries. There scholars Many Islam revolution? have have larly Jews, were been pointed persecuted the West and have coexisted for fourteen of war but many more of peace. periods periods out that, until the 1940s, minorities, and particu less under Muslim rule than under any other major ity religion. That iswhy theMiddle East was for centuries home tomany minor ities. It is commonly noted that amillion Jews left or were expelled from Arab countries after the creation of Israel one in 1948. No asks why so many were living inArab countries in the first place. The with trouble declarations thundering about "Islam's nature" is that Is lam, like any religion, is not what books make it but what people make it.Forget 4Sahih Muslim, book 20, hadith 4533. 5 "Islamist" up an Islamic monly used to people, that follows refers state "Islamic like bin Laden, Islamic fundamentalist," although want who law strictly. I use many to use this term scholars as a political ideology, setting com with the more interchangeably Islam prefer the former. I POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY 6 the rantings of the fundamentalists, are a minority. who Most Muslims' daily lives do not confirm the idea of a faith that is intrinsically anti-Western or anti The most modern. Muslim populous in the world, country has had Indonesia, secular government since its independence in 1949, with a religious opposition that is tiny (although now growing). As for Islam's compatibility with capital was ism, Indonesia try, having until liberalized the World recently its economy Bank's and grown model Third World at 7 percent a year coun for almost three decades. It has now embraced democracy (still a fragile experiment) and has elected a woman as its president. After Indonesia, the three largest Muslim populations in the world are in Pakistan, Bangladesh, and India (India's Mus lims number more than 120 million). Not only have these countries had much with democracy, experience and they did so well before all three have most Western women elected countries. as prime ministers, some aspects So although of Islam are incompatible with women's rights, the reality on the ground is sometimes quite different. And South Asia is not an anomaly with regard to women. Islamic In Afghanistan, 40 percent tyranny, liberated cities for women braced the Taliban's before version its twenty-year descent women and Kabul was were of all doctors in all of Asia. Although of Islam, most by the sight of men in post-Taliban Kabul andMazar-e-Sharif to music, listen movies, dance, shave, and of the most bin Laden may have em did not?as Afghans into chaos one was confirmed lining up towatch and fly kites. The real problem lies not in theMuslim world but in theMiddle East. When you get to this region, you see in lurid color all the dysfunctions that people conjure up when they think of Islam today. In Iran,6Egypt, Syria, Iraq, theWest Bank, the Gaza Strip, and the Persian Gulf states, dictatorships pose in various stripes and damentalism liberal democracy far from reach. The allure of Islamic fun appears seems strong, whether behind closed doors or spoken of urgently declared in fiery sermons in mosques. This is the land of flag burners, fiery mul went to war inAfghanistan, America but not a single lahs, and suicide bombers. was linked to any terrorist was attack against Americans. Afghan Afghanistan an Arab was the campground from which America. army battling The Arab world is an important of Islam?its heartland. part of the world But it is only one part and, in numerical terms, a small one. Of the 1.2 billion Muslims in the world, only 260 million live inArabia. People in theWest often use term "Islamic," "Middle Eastern," mean same not do the they thing. the and "Arab" interchangeably. But The Arab Mind Today, macy, characterizations reminders 61 often Farsi, mentalist lump not Arabic. movement of "the Oriental" of the days when ideas Iran But have about them such as phrenology the whiff passed of illegiti for science. with Arab countries. It is technically not one of them; Iranians together speak Iran's Islamic Revolution of 1979 gave an enormous funda fillip to the broader the age-old divide between the two largest sects of Islam, and, for now, has dulled Sunni (mostly Arabs) and Shia (mostly Iranians). ISLAM, DEMOCRACY, AND CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERALISM | 7 (And if "Orientals" are to include the Chinese and the Indians?as what then?then to make of the stunning one extreme to the other. the "Orientalists," reotypes, Those have of these they did at science, groups of rationality?) But things have moved math, and other such manifestations from success who been have resorted to such ste cultural by a new generation succeeded of politi cally correct scholars who will not dare to ask why it is thatArab countries seem to be stuck in a social and political milieu very different from that of the rest of the world. Nor is there any self-criticism in thisworld. Most Arab writers are more concerned with defending ments of dead Orientalists the Arab their national honor against the pronounce than with trying to understand the predicament of world. The reality is impossible to deny. Of the twenty-two members of the Arab not one League, ies in the world liberal senses, is an electoral whereas 63 percent of all the count democracy, in some some?Jordan, Morocco?have, although recent history do not. The region's regimes, most are. And authoritarian is bleak. Its last five decades are littered with examples of Arab crowds hailing one after dictator as a savior. another Gamal in Egypt, Nasser Abdel Mu'am mer Qaddafi inLibya, and Saddam Hussein in Iraq all have been the recipients of the heartfelt adulation of the Arab masses. The few Arab scholars who venture into the cultural field point out that Arab structure social is deeply authoritarian. The gat Korany writes that "Arab political discourse of the enlightened dictator, the heroic vered head of family."7 The Lebanese leader, Egyptian-born scholar Bah [is] littered with descriptions the exceptional the re Za'im, scholar Halim Barakat suggests that the same patriarchal relations and values that prevail in the Arab family seem also to prevail at work, at school, and in religious, and social political, organizations. ex In all of these, a father figure rules over others, monopolizing authority, pecting strict obedience, and showing little tolerance of dissent. Projecting a of responsibility teachers, image, those in positions (as rulers, leaders, or supervisors) of the the of occupy top securely pyramid authority. employers, cannot be dethroned in this position, Once the patriarch except by someone paternal who is equally patriarchal.8 The Failure of Politics It is difficult to conjure up the excitement in the world in the late 1950s as Nas ser consolidated power inEgypt. For decades Arabs had been ruled by colonial governors and decadent kings. Now they were achieving their dreams of inde pendence, and Nasser was their new savior, a modern He had been born under British rule, inAlexandria, man for the postwar a cosmopolitan era. city that 7 Bahgat Korany, "Arab Democratization: A Poor Cousin?" PS: Political Science and Politics 27, no. 3 (September 1994), 511. 8Halim Barakat, The Arab World: Society, Culture, and State (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 23. 8 I POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY was more than Arab. Mediterranean army, the most Westernized and suits dark fashionable His formative segment of Egyptian glasses, society. With cut a daring he had been years on figure in the spent his tailored the world stage. "The Lion of Egypt" spoke for all the Arab world. Nasser believed thatArab politics needed to be fired by ideas such as self determination, socialism, were ones. also Western was a devoted reader and Arab were unity. These Third World Like many of the British New modern notions; they the time, Nasser "national charter" of leaders Statesman. of His 1962 reads as if it had been written by left-wing intellectuals in Paris or London. his most Even It was spired. in 1870?the Germany one nation. of idea that those who spoke one in European Italy and first language then should be fattened the Gulf states into golden geese, Egypt was the Before wealth leader was goal, pan-Arabism, passionately pursued a version of the nationalism that had united the Middle East. Thus, Nasser's vision became the region's. Every regime, from the Baathists and generals in Syria and Iraq to the conservative monarchies of the Gulf, spoke The Arab world aping Nasser. saw modernity in an embrace a defiance with The colonial terms in similar desperately of Western tones. They to become and wanted ideas, remained men. even simply and it in hand of Western power. era of the late nineteenth with fascinated Many not modern, if it went hand and early twentieth hopes of British friendship that were to be disappointed, ria College were the West. kings raised and generals attended Victo learning the speech and manners of British gentle inAlexandria, then went Future centuries but still Arab elites to Oxford, Cambridge, or Sandhurst?a tradition that is still maintained by Jordan's royal family, although now they go to American schools. After World War I, a new liberal age flickered briefly in the Arab as ideas about and society the liberal like in places gained currency critics of kings and aristocrats Lebanon, Egypt, were more modern, coarser A old those with ideol swept away along regimes. came state of and Arab into nationalism socialism, ogy military republicanism, were These still the Baathists and ideas, however, vogue. basically Western; to modernize all wore suits and wanted their countries. Nasserites world, opening politics Iraq, and Syria. But The new politics and policies of theArab world went nowhere. For all their chose bad ideas and implemented them in worse ways. energy Arab regimes and stagnation. to the Rather than adjusting Socialism bureaucracy produced never on. failures of central planning, the economies moved of Instead really moving toward democracy, World "non-alignment" as countries and crumbled nities. An Arab the republics calcified became "Cold War" into dictatorships. Third pro-Soviet propaganda. discovered their own national developed between Arab interests the countries unity cracked and opportu led by pro-West ern kings (the Gulf states, Jordan) and those ruled by revolutionary generals (Syria, Iraq).Worst of all, Israel dealt theArabs a series of humiliating defeats on the battlefield. Their swift, stunning defeat in 1967 was in some ways the ISLAM, DEMOCRACY, AND CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERALISM | 9 turning point, revealing that behind the rhetoric and bombast lay societies that were failing.When Saddam invaded Kuwait in 1990, he destroyed the last rem nants of the pan-Arab idea. By the late 1980s, while the rest of the world was watching old regimes from Moscow to Prague to Seoul to Johannesburg crack, the Arabs were stuck with their corrupt dictators and aging kings. Regimes thatmight have seemed prom ising in the 1960s were now exposed as tired kleptocracies, deeply unpopular and thoroughly illegitimate. In an almost unthinkable reversal of a global pat tern, almost every Arab country are few places in the world There today is less free than one can about which The Failure At almost universities it was forty say that. years ago. of Economics or seminar on terrorism every meeting since September 11, 2001, whenever organized someone by think wanted tanks and to sound thoughtful and serious, he would say inmeasured tones, "We must fight not just terrorism but also the roots of terrorism." This platitude has been invariably followed by a suggestion for a new Marshall Plan to eradicate poverty in the Muslim world. Who can be opposed to eradicating poverty? But the problem an inconvenient this diagnosis is that it overlooks fact: the al-Qaeda ist network is not made of the and up poor dispossessed. with terror This is obviously true at the top; bin Laden was born into a family worth more than $5 billion. But it is also true of many of his key associates, such as his deputy, Zawahiri, a former surgeon in Cairo who came from the highest ranks of Egyptian society. His father was a distinguished professor at Cairo University, his grandfather the chief imam of Al Azhar (the most important center of mainstream Islam in theArab world), and his uncle the first secretary to Mohammed the pilot of the first plane Atta, League. came a from modern?and Center, moderate?Egyptian and a doctor. family. His father was a lawyer. He had two sisters, a professor as had several of the other in Hamburg, Atta himself studied terrorists. Even of the Arab general Trade hit the World the lower-level al-Qaeda recruits appear to have been educated, middle-class men. In this sense, John Walker Lindh, the California kid who dropped out of life and American tuned into the Taliban, was not that different from many of his fellow fundamentalists. In fact, with his high school diploma against their engineering degrees, one could say that he was distinctly undereducated by comparison. In fact, the breeding grounds of terror have been places that have seen the greatest influx of wealth over the last thirty years. Of the nineteen hijackers, were the world's It is Saudi Arabia, exporter. largest petroleum was at the heart of their anger. Even Egypt?the other that poverty unlikely a not al international for feeder Qaeda?is poor country by great country really fifteen standards. from Its per capita income, $3,690, places it in the middle rank of nations, and it has been growing at a decent 5 percent for the last decade. That may I POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY 10 not be enough when into account?its you take population growth has 3 been about countries around many growth percent?but men hordes of who doing far worse. Yet, they have not spawned population are the world are willing to were source If the of into Manhattan terror, poverty skyscrapers. or South Asia, not the Africa should have come from sub-Saharan drive planes the recruits Middle East. a powerful to the crisis in the Arab economic dimension not is that wealth, poverty. get rich through natu problem Regimes resources never or to ral The Arab tend modernize, develop, gain legitimacy. There is, however, The world. world is the poster child for this theory of trust-fund states. And this is true not only for the big oil producers. Consider Egypt, which is a small but significant exporter of oil and gas. It also earns $2 billion a year in transit fees paid by ships crossing the Suez Canal, and gets another $2.2 billion a year in aid from the United In addition, States. home?from percentage it gets large in remittances?money in the Gulf states. All Egyptians who work of its GDP sums from unearned income. Or consider sent told, it gets a hefty a progres Jordan, sive state that is liberalizing; it gets $1 billion a year in aid from the United Although is only $17 billion. Almost from one that may seem States. GDP to be a small figure, keep inmind that Jordan's 6 percent of its annual income is foreign aid country. or political un little economic modernization. The to tax its people?and of the need the government in return provide to in form of them the something transparency, accountability, even a to tax its people shows that need History government's representation.9 more forces it to become and of its responsive representative people. Middle in Eastern ask of little little their to them. An return, give and, regimes people is that itmakes other bad effect of natural-resource-derived wealth the govern Easy money earned income ment police 9 means relieves to become rich enough is always money There for the enough repressive. and the army. Saudi Arabia, for example, 13 of its GDP percent spends John Waterbury has demonstrated that, far from being undertaxed, the Middle East is the "most heavily taxed of the developing regions." Using World Bank data from 1975 to 1985, Waterbury that "tax revenues showed Latin America as a proportion 12 percent. This in several corporations averaged petroleum captive taxed. On average, of GNP reflects Middle 25 percent for Middle Eastern averaged not merely the effect of the preponderant can be easily Eastern which countries, states while of weight and heavily came from corporate tax revenues in the Middle East 19 percent of overall profits was the corresponding for Africa 20 for 19 Asia and for Latin Amer percent, percent, figure errs by neglecting to disaggregate ica 10 percent." states by type and amount Arab But Waterbury of as Saudi unearned income. If he had done so, he would have found that the oil-producing states?such tax, while and Kuwait?levy few or no taxes, whereas the larger non-oil-producing states such as Egypt taxes. do direct indirect the substantial and unearned income that non-oil Syria levy Although to live on. Most states receive is significant, it is not enough of the unearned in such income producing Arabia and can to the military. So the absence of demands for democracy in the Middle East straight mass to mass two in states factors: the rich and in the up separate bribery really repression ones. are But income into the both of that flows and coffers poorer courtesy governments' requires very little real economic activity. states goes be chalked ISLAM, DEMOCRACY, AND CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERALISM | 11 on as does Oman. the military, mates of Iraqi military at somewhere spending Kuwait spends spending before around 25 and 40 percent between 8 percent. Various esti the Gulf War have put its military of annual an unusu GDP, ally high rate no doubt sustained, in part, by the Iran-IraqWar, but also by the massive internal intelligence network maintained by Saddam Hussein and his Baath Party. For years, would bring modernization. and Kuwaitis for states in the oil-rich many that argued stuffing wealth They pointed to the impressive appetites of Saudis from McDonald's things Western, of modern society?a to Rolex hamburgers watches to Cadillac limousines. But importingWestern the inner enormous their free market, goods is easy; importing political account parties, ability, the rule of law?is difficult and even dangerous for the ruling elites. The Gulf have for example, states, gotten a bastardized version of modernization, with the goods and even theworkers imported from abroad. Little of theirmod ernness little if the oil evaporated is homegrown; to show for decades of wealth except, these states would have tomorrow, an perhaps, overdeveloped capacity for leisure. Fear of Westernization There is a sense of pride and fall at the heart of the Arab problem. Itmakes economic advance impossible and political progress fraught with difficulty. it has been almost all good for America thinks of modernity as all good?and America. Each But path for the Arab world, modernity followed?socialism, secularism, has been one failure nationalism?has after another. turned a into dead end. People often wonder why theArab countries will not try secularism. In fact, for most of the last century, most of them did. Now with the failure of secularism failure of their governments Arabs associate the and of the Western path. The Arab world is disillusioned with theWest when it should be disillu sioned with its own leaders. The new, accelerated globalization Arab world that flourished in the 1990s has hit the are open enough in a strange way. Its societies but not so open that they can ride the wave. Arabs modernity, shows, eat the fast foods, and drink the sodas, but they do not to be disrupted by see the television see genuine liber alization in their societies, with ordinary opportunities and dynamism?just the same elites controlling things. Globalization in the Arab world is the critic's a slew ofWestern products and billboards with little caricature of globalization, itmeans else. For the elites in Arab societies, of them, it is also an unsettling phenomenon base of power. of fascination and repulsion This mixture has utterly disoriented the Arab world. Young more that with men, things to buy. But for some threatens their comfortable the West?with often better modernity? educated than their parents, leave their traditional villages to find work. They arrive in the noisy, crowded cities of Cairo, Beirut, or Damascus, or go to work in the oil I POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY 12 states. (Almost 10 percent of Egypt's working population has worked at some states Gulf In their point.) unveiled they great in the in disparities they see in public and in cafes, and working places, taking buses, eating of modern face to face with the contradictions life, come them. They alongside world, see effects of modernity; most unsettlingly, wealth and the disorienting women, new seeking the wealth of the new world but the tradition and certainty of the old. The Rise was Nasser a reasonably devout of Religion Muslim, but he had no interest in mixing reli gion with politics, which struck him asmoving backward. This became painfully to the small apparent Islamic parties that supported most important one, theMuslim Brotherhood, often violently, by 1950s. Nasser the early rise to power. Nasser's The began opposing him vigorously, cracked down on it ferociously, im prisoning more than a thousand of its leaders and executing six of them in 1954. One of those jailed was Sayyid Qutb, a frailman with a fiery pen, who wrote a called in prison of modern beginning book on Signposts Islam political the Road, or what which is often in some ways marked the called Islamic fundamen talism.10 In his book, Qutb condemned Nasser as an impious Muslim and his regime as un-Islamic. Indeed, he went envisioned Qutb larly flawed. lamic principles, a core goal Arab on, almost every modern regime was simi a better, more virtuous polity based on strict Is of orthodox since the 1880s.11 As the re Muslims East grew more distant, oppressive, gimes of the Middle decades fundamentalism's in the and hollow It flourished because following Nasser, appeal grew. the Muslim Brotherhood and organizations like it at least tried to give people a sense of meaning a no leader in and purpose in world, something changing the Middle East tried to do. In his seminal work, The Arab Predicament, which best explains fundamentalist contrast to leave them the fracture call has of Arab resonance political because "The culture, Fouad Ajami explains, ... to participate it invited men [in] to spectators and asks them citizens to a political that reduces culture things to their rulers. At a time when to a tradition that reduces it connects the future is uncertain, Fundamentalism bewilderment." gave Arabs who were dissatisfied with their lot a powerful language of opposition. On that score, Islam had little competition. The Arab world is a political desert with 10 In many Ala Maududi. who is read 11 Maududi no real political ways, Qutb parties, the original fundamentalist an admirer of Maududi was the Islamic was and and few pathways Qutb's contemporary, his writings translated for dissent. the Pakistani into Arabic. scholar But Abul it is Qutb world today. as the pagan in the same manner could be viewed tribes powers were a so too should at the dawn Just as the pagans and resisted fought by the Prophet, be Muslims their colonial Maududi's and Qutb oppressors. jihad waged by against adopted reasoning it to propose extended governments. jihad against irreligious Muslim Sayyid Qutb, Milestones (India to Qutb Muslim American Trust Publications, introduction is Gilles Kepel, 1990). The best napolis: Extremism throughout no free press, argued of Islam. in Egypt: that the colonial The Prophet and Pharaoh (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). ISLAM, DEMOCRACY, AND CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERALISM | 13 As a result, the mosque became the place to discuss politics. As the only place that cannot inMuslim be banned collected the regimes in these lands, the language tion toward came, it is where all the hate and opposi societies, of opposition and grew. The be language of religion. This to be combustible. Religion, politics has proven of religion combination and at least the religion of the stresses moral and Islam), abso (Judaism, Christianity, The result has been a ruthless, win is all about compromise. politics toward political life. attitude Abrahamic traditions lutes. But ner-take-all Islamic fundamentalism got a tremendous boost in 1979 when Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini toppled the staunchly pro-American shah of Iran. The Ira nian Revolution demonstrated that a powerful ruler could be taken on by It also revealed the society. of forces progress?for benign within groups seemingly in a developing education?can example, how, even society, add to the turmoil. Until the 1970s most Muslims in theMiddle East were illiterate and lived in villages and towns. They practiced a kind of village Islam that had adapted itself to local cultures tolerant, these villages often and these societies were human saints, went worshipped hymns, and cherished art?all however, to normal technically disallowed being urbanized. People desires. Pluralistic to shrines, sang and religious in Islam. By the 1970s, had begun moving out of the villages to search for jobs in towns and cities. Their religious experience in a specific place with local customs and traditions. At to read, and they discovered that a new Islam the same time, they were learning a new was being preached of and teachers. writers, by generation preachers, was no longer rooted This was an abstract faith not rooted in historical experience but literal and Islam of the high church as opposed to the Islam of the puritanical?the street fair. In Iran, Ayatollah Khomeini sette. Even when he was exiled uted Iran and became used in Paris a powerful technology?the in the 1970s, his sermons audiocas were distrib to the shah's repres of opposition a new, angry, austere Islam in which and the unbeliever is to be Satan," the vehicle throughout regime. But they also taught people is evil, America is the "Great the West was not of Islam as a political in using alone the language Khomeini fought. or tool. Intellectuals, disillusioned by the half-baked overly rapid moderniza were their world into books tion that was turmoil, throwing writing against sive and the modern Iranian man?half half Western, calling often writing Fashionable Eastern?"rootless." from the comfort intellectuals, or Paris, would criticize American secularism and consumerism and of London across an As Islamic alternative. theories like these spread the Arab endorse "Westoxification" not to the poorest of the poor, for whom Westernization world, they appealed was magical, to the food and medicine; since it meant rather, they appealed educated hordes entering the cities of the Middle East or seeking education and jobs in theWest. They were disoriented and ready to be taught that their disorientation would be solved by recourse to a new, true Islam. j POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY 14 In the Sunni rise the world, of Islamic was fundamentalism and shaped quickened by the fact that Islam is a highly egalitarian religion. This for most an empowering But has proved call for people who felt powerless. no some to Muslim that whether really has the authority question was an In the Middle there under is a "proper Muslim." informal Ages, of its history it also means one that a trained standing to pronounce thority the ulama, had the au community, But fundamentalist from thinkers, scholarly-clerical on such matters.12 and Qutb to their followers, have muscled Pakistani Maulana Maududi in on as to whether that territory. They pronounce loudly and continuously judgment are In Muslims." excommunicate those whose Islam effect, they "good people their own. This process has terrified the Muslim world. Leaders does not match take on the rising dare not tide of Islamists. Intellectual and social elites, widely line, are also discredited by their slavish support of the official government to speak out against a genuinely free-thinking clergy. As a result, moder are loath to criticize or debunk ate Muslims the fanaticism of the fundamental scared in Northern like the moderates if about their safety Ireland, worry, a as as was Even venerated Mahfouz their mind. speak figure Naguib ists. Some they stabbed in Egypt for his mildly critical comments about the Islamists. is this more Nowhere true than in the moderate monarchies of the Persian Gulf, particularly Saudi Arabia. The Saudi regime has played a dangerous attention and politi away from its spotty economic game: it has tried to deflect to extreme cal record by allowing free reign to its most clerics, hoping gain legit Saudi Arabia's educational is run by medieval system imacy by association. minded bureaucrats. Over the past three decades, the Saudis?mostly religious trusts?have funded schools and centers through private religious (madrasas) that spread Wahhabism for (a rigid, desert variant of Islam that is the template In the past thirty years, Saudi around the world. Islamic fundamentalists) out tens of thousands funded madrasas of half-educated, have churned fanati most cal Muslims who view the modern in this world-view America world is almost and non-Muslims always with great suspicion. evil. uniquely This exported fundamentalism has infected not just other Arab but outside countries the Arab It often world. carries societies it a distinctly with paro chial Arab political program. Thus, Indonesian Muslims, who twenty years ago did not cause. know The where Arab influence the Islamic world buildings, are Palestine But Hindu, Javan, Russian. as Indonesia and Malaysia was, extends even today militant into the realm has always mixed Arab are now local cultures because they are in their of support of architecture. influences its In its local ones? with in places ignored being seen as insufficiently such Islamic (meaning Arab). Pakistan ism. During 12 On has had a particularly the eleven-year the power of the medieval reign ulama, bad experience of General Zia see Richard (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994). W. with exported ul-Haq Bulliet, Islam: fundamental the die (1977-1988), The View from the Edge ISLAM, DEMOCRACY, AND CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERALISM | 15 tator decided that he needed allies, since he had squashed political dissent and opposition parties. He scores of madrasas them found his political allies. With local who fundamentalists, war The Afghan These "jihadis" the country. communism. throughout eager to fight godless Without Saudi money zealots, Arabia. in the became the aid of Saudi financiers and functionaries, he set up and men, the Taliban attracted religious came mostly from not have existed, would nor would Pakistan have become the hotbed of fundamentalism that it is today. Zia's embrace of Islam brought him a kind of legitimacy, but it has eroded the social fabric of Pakistan. The country is now full of armed radicals, who first supported the Taliban, then joined in the struggle inKashmir, and are now try ing to undermine the secular regime of General Pervez infected the legal and political system with medieval Musharraf. role of women, and the evils of modern banking. is not alone. A similar process has been at work subordinate Pakistan diverse as Yemen, have They ideas of blasphemy, Indonesia, and the Philippines. During the as in countries the 1980s and 1990s, a kind of competition Iran and Saudi Arabia, between the two most emerged see to states in the Middle who would be the greater East, religious religious As a result, what were once small, extreme in the Islamic World. strains power of Islam, limited to parts of the Middle world?in the globalization of radical The Road East, have taken root around the Islam. to Democracy For themost part, the task of reform in theMiddle East must fall to the peoples of the region. No one can make democracy, in these societies without their own search, Western world mously. The and the United in general, is the dominant States United root take But the can help enor in particular, States in the Middle East; every power as the most critical tie they have. with Washington with Israel ensure American the and Oil, strategic ties, unique U.S. relationship to will aid the Egyptian involvement. continue the regime, protect Washington between Israel and the Palestinians. Saudi monarchy, and broker negotiations country views or secularism liberalism, and achievements. efforts, its relations The question really is, should it not ask for something in return? By not pushing these the United regimes, things stay as they are?to States opt would be making for stability. This a conscious decision is a worthwhile goal, to let except that the current situation in theMiddle East is highly unstable. Even if viewed from a strategic perspective, it is in America's immediate security interests to try tomake the regimes of theMiddle East less prone to breeding fanatical and terrorist As Middle movements. opposition a start, the West must recognize seek East?at least not yet. We not that it does first constitutional seek democracy liberalism, in the which is very different. Clarifying our immediate goals will actually make them more easily attainable. The regimes in theMiddle East will be delighted to learn that we will not try to force them to hold elections tomorrow. They will be less 16 I POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY to know that we will continually array of other press them on a whole pleased to end its governmental must do more and nongov issues. The Saudi monarchy now extreme is ernmental for the kingdom's second Islam, which support to the rest of export so be largest speech, it. It must If this offends the world. in its religious rein advocates and educational of pure free and force leaders them to stop flirting with fanaticism. In Egypt, we must ask President Mubarak to insist the that state-owned press its anti-American drop and anti-Semitic rants and begin opening itself up to other voices in the country. Some of these be worse will voices than those we hear some but now, will be better. Most to speak about what will begin in these countries important, people truly con or cerns them?not status the of American in Jerusalem the Gulf, only policies live under the and confront. but also the regimes they they politics for much the great excuse Israel has become of the Arab world, the way to deflect for regimes their own from attention with disagreements foreign policy but they do not have the sometimes one failures. poisonous Other countries of China another?think Japan? the Israeli-Arab di of quality have and vide. Israel's occupation of theWest Bank and Gaza Strip has turned into the great cause of the Arab world. But even if fomented by cynical Arab rulers, this cause is now a reality that cannot be ignored. is a new Arab There street in theMiddle East, built on Al-Jazeera and Internet chat sites. And the talk is all about the plight of the Palestinians. If unaddressed, this issue will only grow in importance, ensuring infecting permanent America's insecurity relations for Israel. with The the entire Muslim United States should world and maintain its unyielding support for the security of Israel. But it should also do what is in is to press hard to which itself, Israel, and the Palestinians, a viable the state. that Israel and Palestinians broker provides Peace between will not solve the problem of Arab the Israelis and Palestinians some ease but it would of the tensions between the Arab world dysfunction, and the West. the best interest of a settlement re is economic and political reform. Economic lasting solution come first, for they are fundamental. forms must Even the problems though are not the Middle East their solution lie in eco economic, may facing purely as we have seen, is the surest path to creat nomics. Moving toward capitalism, state and a genuine middle class. And ing a limited, accountable just as in Spain, The more South Korea, and Mexico, economic reform means Chile, Taiwan, Portugal, rule of law (capitalism the beginnings of a genuine needs openness contracts), access to the world, to information, the develop and, perhaps most important, ment class. If you talk with Arab of a business businessmen and women, they want to change. They have a stake in openness, in rules, and in the old system stability. stay They trapped want their in factionalism societies and move to modernize and war. Instead forward of the romance rather of ideology, than they seek the reality of material progress. In the Middle East today, there are too many people cal plans. consumed by political dreams and too few interested in practi ISLAM, DEMOCRACY, AND CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERALISM | 17 There is a dominant business class in theMiddle East, but it owes its posi to oil or to connections tion ism, not and capitalism, business entrepreneurial to the ruling families.13 its political effects remain class would be the Its wealth most single is that of feudal as well. feudal A important genuinely force for change in theMiddle East, pulling along all others in itswake. If culture mat ters, been is one this it would place full of traders, merchants, culture help. Arab and businessmen. oldest institution in the Middle East. And to business?Mohammed receptive for thousands The bazaar of years is probably has the Islam has been historically highly was himself a businessman. the Ultimately, battle for reform is one thatMiddle Easterners will have to fight, which iswhy to be some there needs these societies that advocates and benefits group within reform. and political an idea as itmight This is not as fantastic sound. Already stirrings of genu can seen ine economic be in of the Middle East. Jordan has be parts activity from economic come amember of theWorld Trade Organization (WTO), signed a free-trade pact with the United States, privatized key industries, and even encouraged cross-border bership. business Egypt ventures has made with some Israel. small Saudi Arabia progress on is seeking WTO mem to reform. Among the road the oil-rich countries, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates are trying to wean themselves of their dependence on oil. Dubai, part of the United Arab Emirates, has already gotten oil down to merely 8 percent of itsGDP and has publicly announced its intention of becoming a trading and banking center? the "Singapore of theMiddle East." (It would do well to emulate Singapore's tolerance of its ethnic and religious minorities.) Even Saudi Arabia recognizes can provide one its oil economy for every three of its young men only job into the work force. In Algeria, President Abdelaziz Bouteflika coming desper wants to investment his tattered economy. ately foreign repair one place to press hardest If we could choose to reform, it should be Egypt. a more Jordan has and Saudi Arabia ismore criti ruler, Although progressive that cal because of its oil, Egypt is the intellectual soul of the Arab world. If Egypt were to progress more pow and politically, it would demonstrate economically or than Islam that is with and any essay erfully speech compatible modernity, can thrive in today's world. In East Asia, success that Arabs Japan's economic a powerful others in to and followed. that the looked proved example region The Middle There East needs is another one possible success such homegrown candidate for the role: story. a it became Iraq. Before of the most liter advanced, for Saddam's playpen megalomania, Iraq was one It has oil, but more in the region. it has ate, and secular countries importantly, one water. is the of land of the oldest in civilizations the world. Iraq river-valley Its capital, Baghdad, is home to one of the wonders of the ancient world, the Hanging Gardens of Babylon, and has been an important city for thousands of 13 There Arabia. are some exceptions to this rule in Gulf states such as Dubai, Bahrain, and even Saudi I POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY 18 years. Iraq in the 1950s was a country with a highly developed civil society, with and architects, of whom were women. Now doctors, many engineers, a dam has been dislodged, the United States must in serious engage that Sad long-term project of nation building, because Iraq could well become the first major Arab to combine Arab culture with country liberal politics, and a modern outlook The Spreading democracy Importance is tough. But economic on dynamism, the world. And tolerance, religious success is infectious. of Constitutionalism that does not mean that the West?in par ticular the United States?should stop trying to assist the forces of liberal de Nor it does mocracy. imply accepting blindly authoritarian regimes as the least bad It does, however, the need for a certain suggest sophistication. over the last decade into elections countries has been, in as In to went countries such which the Bosnia, counterproductive. alternative. The to press haste cases, within polls many a year of the Dayton peace accords, elections only made more pow erful precisely the kinds of ugly ethnic forces that have made itmore difficult to build genuine liberal democracy there. The ethnic thugs stayed in power and kept the courts packed and the police well fed. The old system has stayed in real change for years, perhaps In East Timor decades. and Af delaying a longer period of state-building a five has proved useful. In general, ghanistan, of and institutional should transition, reform, year period political development In a country with strong regional, national multiparty elections. ethnic, precede or religious are divisions?like is crucial. It ensures that elections Iraq?this place, held after begun civic institutions, to function. As with Although and the economy political parties, in life, timing matters. everything courts, have all it is easy to impose elections on a country, it ismore difficult to on a society. The process liberalism of genuine liberaliza push constitutional an election in which is only one step, is gradual tion and democratization, and term. and this, governments long Recognizing nongovernmental organizations are increasingly promoting an array tional liberalism in developing of measures designed to bolster countries. The National Endowment constitu for De free markets, labor movements, and political mocracy promotes independent The for U.S. International funds parties. Agency Development independent In the end, however, elections If a country holds trump everything. judiciaries. elections, Washington and the world will tolerate a great deal from the resulting government, as they did with Russia's Boris Yeltsin, Kyrgystan's Askar In an age of images and symbols, and Argentina's Carlos Menem. elec Akayev, on film. But how to do you televise tions are easy to capture the rule of law? there is life after elections, for the people who live there. Yet, especially as one the absence of free and fair elections should be viewed Conversely, flaw, not the definition nance, but they are not be judged by yardsticks are an important of tyranny. Elections virtue of gover the only virtue. It ismore that governments important to constitutional related liberalism. Economic, civil, ISLAM, DEMOCRACY, AND CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERALISM | 19 are at the core of human liberties and religious ernment with limited steadily democracy be branded a dictatorship. Despite tries as Singapore, such If a gov and dignity. autonomy not these it should freedoms, expands the limited political choice they offer, coun and Morocco Jordan, Malaysia, provide a better envi ronment for the life, liberty, and happiness of citizens than do the dictatorships or the illiberal in Iraq and Libya democracies of Venezuela, Russia, or Ghana. the pressures of global capitalism can push the process of liberalization And as they have forward, in China. Markets can work and morals together. The most difficult task economically is reforming the trust-fund states. It has proved nearly impossible to wean them of their easy money. In 2002, the World Bank began experimenting with a potentially pathbreaking model in the central African nies were wary country of Chad. Chad has major to extract of major investments oil fields, but and transport foreign compa the oil because of the country's history of political instability. The World Bank agreed to step in, bless the project, and put certain the government money by ExxonMobil?to national consortium?led in place loan conditions. Chad's to partner a multi with get the oil flowing. But it also parliament had a law guarantee to pass ing that 80 percent of the oil revenues would be spent on health, education, and 5 percent would be spent on locals near the oil fields, and infrastructure, account 10 percent would for future generations. be put into an escrow That to spend as itwishes. 5 percent leaves the government To ensure that the system rural works in practice as well as in theory, the bank required that all oil revenues be in an offshore deposited account that ismanaged by an independent oversight committee (made up of some of Chad's leading citizens). It is too soon to tell if thismodel works, but if it does, it could be copied elsewhere. Even in coun tries that do not need theWorld Bank's help, it could have a demonstration a method revenues effect. The Chad model by which natural-resource provides a blessing can become are. for countries rather than the curse they currently we need to revive constitutionalism. One effect of the overempha Finally, is given to creating consti imaginative as was it understood Constitutionalism, by its as such and is a Madison, exponents, greatest eighteenth-century Montesquieu to prevent the accumula system of checks and balances complicated designed sis of pure democracy tutions for transitional is that little effort countries. tion of power and the abuse of office. This is accomplished not by simply writing up a list of rights but by constructing a system in which government will not violate those as Madison and empowered because, groups must be included rights. Various to must counteract "ambition be made ambition." explained, Constitutions were also meant to tame not simply democratic but also deliberative is an example constitution structure. It secures power the passions of the public, of an unusually crafted, for minorities, both those somewhat undemocratic regionally based, the Zulus, and those that are dispersed, such as the whites. increased chances that country's of success social catastrophes. and harrowing creating government. The South African as a democracy, such as In doing so it has despite its poverty I POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY 20 Unfortunately, the rich variety of unelected bodies, indirect voting, federal so many and checks and balances that characterized of the for arrangements, are now regarded mal and informal constitutions of Europe with suspicion. the Weimar What could be called after Germany's beauti syndrome?named which nevertheless failed to avert fascism?has constitution, as constitutions that cannot make much regard simply paperwork constructed fully made people difference (as if any political system inGermany would have easily weathered social revolution, the Great Depression, and hyperinflation). defeat, military are seen as inauthentic, Procedures that inhibit direct democracy the muzzling on we see same around the voice of the people. variations the world, Today, theme. majoritarian in most democratizing Of But course, cultures of government. the trouble with these winner-take-all the winner countries, really does take will require and different societies vary, systems all. different is that, frame is a plea not for the wholesale of any one works adoption a more model of government but rather for of liberal variegated conception one both in that words that Genuine democ democracy, emphasizes phrase. a not two is that balances these but other forces?what racy fragile system just This called "intermediate associations"?to in the end, a majes create, Tocqueville an intellectual tic clockwork. this system requires task of recov Understanding to the central Western liberal constitutional and to tradition, ering experience of good government the the development world. throughout This recovery will be incomplete ifwe limit it in our minds to what is hap pening in faraway countries that are troubled and poor and utterly different from is a work Democracy between and democracy own a in the West's that flourished form, past. In very different is growing in the Western It ismost widely in world. prevalent abroad one and the prosperous, democratic as well as at home. The in particular: the United States West. tension of America. in progress, liberalism is it still exists one country
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