COMMON GROUND
The Land Question and Multi-Racial Class Consciousness in Early Twentieth Century Oklahoma
by
David L. Wiley
November 26, 2013
A Senior Thesis Submitted to
the Faculty of the Department of History
University of North Carolina at Asheville
in Candidacy for the Degree of
Bachelor of Arts in History
At the onset of World War I poor farmers grew to resent the wealthy bankers and
landlords of eastern Oklahoma. From June to August of 1917 a group of Working Class Union
(WCU) members carried out a coordinated campaign of resistance. Actions included widespread
night-riding, strikes, the dynamiting of a water tower in Dewar, Oklahoma, cutting of phone
lines, bridge burnings, and the ambush and attempted murder of Seminole County Sheriff Frank
Grall and his deputy, J.W. Cross. 1 This attack on law enforcement officials constituted the
climax of opposition politics of joint action between Native Americans and WCU tenant farmers
in Oklahoma's Green Corn Rebellion. The WCU coordinated a multi-racial coalition opposed to
the draft and to the First World War as an example of class-based extremism. The uprising
resulted from a rapid growth of shared class consciousness. This reaction against the predations
of wealthy elites grew from a struggle for justice informed by both orthodox Marxist ideas and
the direct action philosophy of radical industrial unions. 2 Prior events had stripped lands away
from Native Americans, lost to these same wealthy elites. This research will demonstrate how
Native Americans of the Five Civilized Tribes came together in common cause with the radical
social movements of early twentieth century Oklahoma.
A century ago, in 1913, tenant farmers first joined together to struggle for justice in the
WCU. Both the Socialist Party and the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) rejected the
1
“Draft Resisters Fire Upon Seminole County Officers,” Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Oklahoma), August 3, 1917,
1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc156164/ (accessed September 28, 2013);
“Tried to Burn Frisco Bridge,” Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Oklahoma) August 3, 1917, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc156164/ (accessed September 28, 2013);
“Several Arrests in Oklahoma for Interfering with Conscription,” Beaver County Republican (Gray, Oklahoma),
June 15, 1917, 2. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc176146/ (accessed September 28, 2013).
2
Throughout this essay, the terms “socialist” and “socialism” are used in different ways. For purposes of clarity,
when not capitalized, socialism refers to the ideology and philosophy of socialism, or socialist to one who subscribes
to that ideology. When seen capitalized, Socialist refers to a member of the Socialist Party. At the beginning of a
sentence, I will strive for clarity with context. Turner, John Kenneth, “Fight for Farmers Opens on Oklahoma
Battlefield,” Appeal to Reason (Girard, Kansas), November 28, 1914. Microfilm., Kansas Historical Society, Reel
G212.
1
WCU because they did not earn wages and operated in secret, despite support for tenant farmers
by prominent national Socialists. 3 By many reports the WCU had 25,000 members in the
American Southwest in the years leading up to World War I, and in this group Native American
farmers joined with African-American and white farmers. 4 The United States government used
the the Green Corn Rebellion and wartime patriotism to crush Indian resistance, destroy the
organizational capabilities of the IWW and effectively eliminate the Socialist Party. The legacy
of the union that gave birth to the Green Corn Rebellion shows in its influence on the
development of left-wing resistance in the decades that followed, up to the present day.
Many historians have examined the history of radical opposition politics in Oklahoma in
the early twentieth century. Historian Nigel Sellers examined these issues in detail in a variety of
published works. He provided detailed analysis of Oklahoma industrial unions in an important
monograph, Oil, Wheat and Wobblies: the Industrial Workers of the World in Oklahoma, 19051930 (1998). 5 Other articles and essays by Sellars informed research on this topic, including
"Wobblies in the Oil Fields, The Suppression of the Industrial Workers of the World in
Oklahoma," from the essay collection "An Oklahoma I Had Never Seen Before" (sic), published
in 1994 and "Treasonous Tenant Farmers and Seditious Sharecroppers: The 1917 Green Corn
Rebellion Trials," published in the Oklahoma City University Law Review in 2002. Both essays
give important information about the aftermath of the rebellion, and the consequences for radical
3
“The Farmer and Socialism,” Appeal to Reason (Girard, Kansas), November 4, 1911, 3; Microfilm, Kansas
Historical Society, Reel G213; Helen Keller, “Helen Keller Endorses The Appeal's Farmer Campaign,” Appeal to
Reason, February 19, 1916; Emanuel Julius, “Why the Oklahoma Farmers Are Clamoring for Socialism,” Appeal to
Reason, February 26, 1916.
4
Stuart Jamieson, Labor Unionism in American Agriculture (New York: Arno Press, 1976), 263-64.
5
Nigel Anthony Sellars, Oil, Wheat, and Wobblies: The Industrial Workers of the World in Oklahoma, 1905-1930
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998).
2
protest immediately following World War I. 6 Sellars builds on the work of socialist historians
and draws important distinctions about the role of industrial unionism apart from socialist party
politics. His writings provide the most comprehensive analysis of the union movements in this
period, but fail to take into account the influence of Native American resistance in Oklahoma.
John Thompson's Closing the Frontier: Radical Response in Oklahoma, 1889-1923 (1986)
attempted to bridge the gap between socialism and syndicalism. His survey of events lacks depth,
but provides a broad context and some detail of mainstream election politics missing in other
works. 7 Historian James R. Green provides more detailed coverage of trade unionism than does
Thompson, despite his focus on the Socialist party. Both Thompson and Green cover the history
of the IWW and the WCU, though Green's work tends to marginalize the unionists.
A variety of texts cover Socialist Party politics in detail. Green’s Grass-Roots Socialism:
Radical Movements in the Southwest 1895-1943 (1978), details the history of the Socialist Party
in Oklahoma from its populist roots in the late nineteenth century through its struggles and near
extinction in the World War I era and through the early 1940s. 8 Garin Burbank's When Farmers
Voted Red: The Gospel of Socialism in the Oklahoma Countryside 1910-1924 (1976), written
contemporaneously with Green's book, provides a narrower study on the same topic. Both works
reference a wide variety of newspapers, party convention proceedings, and the autobiography of
6
Nigel Anthony Sellars, “Wobblies in the Oil Fields: The Suppression of the Industrial Workers of the World in
Oklahoma.,” in “An Oklahoma I Had Never Seen Before,” ed. Davis D. Joyce (Norman: University of Oklahoma
Press, 1994), 129-44; Nigel Anthony Sellars, “Treasonous Tenant Farmers and Seditious Sharecroppers: The 1917
Green Corn Rebellion Trials,” Oklahoma City University Law Review 27, no. 3 (Fall, 2002): 1097-41,
http://nationalaglawcenter.org/assets/bibarticles/sellars_treasonous.pdf (accessed November 2, 2012).
7
John Thompson, Closing the Frontier: Radical Response in Oklahoma, 1889-1923 (Norman: University of
Oklahoma Press, 1986), http://uncasheville.wncln.org/iii/encore/record/C__Rb2298039?lang=eng (accessed May 4,
2013).
8
James R. Green, Grass-Roots Socialism: Radical Movements in the Southwest 1895-1943 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana
State University Press, 1978).
3
Oscar Ameringer, an influential socialist, newspaperman, and industrial union supporter. 9 Worth
Robert Miller's Oklahoma Populism: A History of the People's Party in the Oklahoma Territory
(1987) analyzed the earlier history of this political movement . Miller makes clear that he
intended this book as a complement to the work of Green and Burbank. 10 A more recent work,
Agrarian Socialism in America: Marx, Jefferson, and Jesus in the Oklahoma Countryside, 19041920 (1999) by Jim Bissett, provides much additional background on the Indiahoma Farmer's
Union, an agrarian union that spanned both Indian Territory and the Oklahoma Territory in the
years preceding statehood. 11 Despite its age, Green's book remains the most important
scholarship on Oklahoma socialism in this period. Though Green briefly mentioned Chitto Harjo
and the Snake Rebellion, and acknowledged Native American participation in the Green Corn
Rebellion, he minimized the importance of these events. 12
The earliest analyses of the rebellion prove contain varying degrees of bias. Charles C.
Bush's 1932 Master's thesis "The Green Corn Rebellion," cited in every important study of
Oklahoma radical politics in the years leading up to World War I, provides much factual
information about the sequence of events surrounding the actual crisis of the rebellion. Despite
its value as a treasure trove of primary sources the work's sensationalist style and clear bias
limits its effectiveness as a work of scholarship. 13 Another early study, Virginia Pope's Master's
thesis published in 1936, "The Green Corn Rebellion: A Case Study in Newspaper SelfCensorship," far more effectively examines the phenomenon of government influence and social
9
Garin Burbank, When Farmers Voted Red: The Gospel of Socialism in the Oklahoma Countryside, 1910-1924
(Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1976).
10
Worth Robert Miller, Oklahoma Populism: a History of the People's Party in the Oklahoma Territory (Norman:
University of Oklahoma Press, 1987) xi-xiii.
11
Jim Bissett, Agrarian Socialism in America: Marx, Jefferson, and Jesus in the Oklahoma Countryside, 1904-1920
(Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1999).
12
Green, Grass-Roots Socialism, 109, 364.
13
Charles C. Bush, “The Green Corn Rebellion” (master's thesis, University of Oklahoma, 1932).
4
pressure on the media. Despite some biased assumptions, Pope referenced a large number of
documents and contemporary news articles, and provided useful evaluation and analysis of the
press of the time as well. 14 A last work, John Womack’s Oklahoma’s Green Corn Rebellion:
The Importance of Fools (1961), remains unpublished, as a book-length version of Womack’s
1959 Harvard master’s thesis. This scholarship dramatically improves on Bush’s analysis, but
both Sellars and Green surpass it. Its value lies largely as a resource of primary sources. 15
Little has been written about the cooperation between tenant farmers and Native
Americans in Oklahoma. Contemporary scholar David Chang's 2010 book The Color of the
Land: Race, Nation, and the Politics of Landownership in Oklahoma, 1832-1929 stands out as an
exception. 16 It relies on previous histories of land allotment after the Dawes Act, builds on those
analyses and provides an objective view of race relations. His work considers in detail the
complex nature of race relations between black and white tenant farmers, Native Americans, and
those of mixed African and Native American descent. Chang presents some research that shows
cooperation between Native Americans and tenant farmers. His work collates disparate
documentation showing Native American and African American participation in the Green Corn
Rebellion. His research shows not only the multi-racial nature of this class oriented coalition, but
recognizes their shared interests. Chang draws in part on the work of Tom Holm, a Cherokee
scholar and professor of Native American Studies. Holm’s work provides much value in
understanding the basis of Indian Resistance. 17
14
Virginia Pope, “The Green Corn Rebellion: A Case Study in Newspaper Self-Censorship” (master's thesis,
Oklahoma Agricultural and Mechanical College, 1936).
15
John Womack, Oklahoma’s Green Corn Rebellion: The Importance of Fools, (N.P. Womack, 1961).
16
David A. Chang, The Color of the Land: Race, Nation, and the Politics of Landownership in Oklahoma, 18321929 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2010).
17
Tom Holm, The Great Confusion in Indian Affairs: Native Americans & Whites in the Progressive Era, (Austin:
University of Texas Press, 2005).
5
Historian Angie Debo prepared the first important analysis of the process of land
allotment in Oklahoma, and provided Chang with essential material for his research. Her history
of these events, And Still The Waters Run, lays the foundation for understanding the corrupt legal
measures used by banks, landowners, and merchants to arrange for the theft of profits from land
alloted to individual tribe members. 18 Oklahoma elites siezed control of the communally
controlled lands of the Indian Nations. At the time, in the late 1930s, controversy surrounding
her work kept it from being published in Oklahoma. After a delay, Princeton published the book
in 1941. Debo faced gender discrimination and harsh criticism because of the controversial
nature of her writing. Vindicated in later life, students of Native American history universally
acclaim Debo as one of the most important historians of Oklahoma. 19 In addition to the analysis
of Debo, the work of Claudio Saunt proved invaluable in understanding the changing concept of
land use among Native Americans, especially the Creeks. His books, A New Order of Things:
Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733-1816 (1999), and Black,
White, and Indian: Race and the Unmaking of an American Family (2005), transcend removal
when read together, and
show the continuity and evolution of Creek Culture in the nineteenth century. 20
Native Americans opposed the land allotment process forced on them by the Dawes
Severalty Act of 1887 and the Curtis Act of 1898 nearly universally. 21 The common ground
18
Angie Debo, And Still the Waters Run: the Betrayal of the Five Civilized Tribes. (New York: Princeton University
Press, 1973).
19
Suzanne H. Schrems and Cynthia J. Wolff, "Politics and Libel: Angie Debo and the Publication of And Still the
Waters Run," The Western Historical Quarterly 22, no. 2 (May, 1991): 184-203, http://www.jstor.org/stable/969205
(accessed April 27, 2013); Linda W. Reese, “ 'Petticoat' Historians’: The Foundation of Oklahoma Social History,”
in Alternative Oklahoma: Contrarian Views of the Sooner State, ed. Davis D. Joyce (Norman: University of
Oklahoma Press, 2007), 3-22.
20
Claudio Saunt, A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 17331816 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Claudio Saunt, Black, White, and Indian: Race and the
Unmaking of an American Family (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005).
6
between Native American concepts of land use and the communal control of land proposed by
socialists and syndicalists, along with the participation of Native Americans in the Green Corn
Rebellion provided the basis for investigating the possibility of larger-scale cooperation not
previously researched. Repeated dissent and armed uprisings within Creek national politics over
the century preceding World War I, from the Red Stick War before removal through the U.S.
Civil War and beyond, reveals a persistent class conflict and resistance to assimilationist
policies. 22 This research will show that Native Americans, especially Seminoles and Creeks, not
21
The Dawes Act prescribed the division and allotment of communally held lands to individual members of tribal
groups. The Five Civilized Tribes of Indian Territory were exempted. The Curtis Act went further, applying
allotment in severalty to these tribes, and making members subject to federal courts, effectively destroying the
authority of the Nations. Citizenship was automatically awarded to Indians who accepted allotment. In 1906, the
Burke Act was passed, which amended the Dawes act and imposed some restrictions on Native American
citizenship, but this did not apply to those whose allotments originated in Indian Territory . General Allotment Act
of 1887 (Dawes Severalty Act), Public Law, U.S. Statutes at Large 24 (1886): 388-91. 24 STAT 388
http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/024_statutes_at_large.pdf (accessed October 3, 2013); Act for the Protection
of the People of the Indian Territory (Curtis Act), Public Law, U.S. Statutes at Large 30 (1899): 495-519, 30 STAT
495. http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/030_statutes_at_large.pdf (accessed October 3, 2013); Holm, The Great
Confusion in Indian Affairs, 165.
22
In the early nineteenth century before removal, during the War of 1812, General Andrew Jackson fought in
support of wealthy Creeks against the resistance of Creek traditionalists in the Red Stick War. The Creek nation had
split politically so severely that the Creek War, also called the Red Stick War, erupted between the Upper Creeks
and the Lower Creeks. A desperate wish to preserve traditional ways against the encroachment of U.S. practices
especially in the use and administration of land and property, motivated the rebellion of the Red Sticks, supported by
conservative mostly pure-blood Upper Creeks. Rebels first made a stand at Hickory Ground, in present-day
Alabama, in April of 1813. Though defeated, Upper Creeks rose up in vengeance, taking up the Red Stick of justice.
The Red Sticks targeted symbols of wealth and property, especially livestock. The Lower Creeks, led by mixedblood planters, gained the support of U.S. military forces after they clashed with the Red-Sticks during the Battle of
Burnt Corn Creek. In 1830, newly elected President Andrew Jackson signed into law the Indian Removal Act.
Ostensibly providing for removal if the Indian nations agreed, the federal government used the act to force all five
tribes, Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Seminole, and Creek to sign treaties ceding all remaining lands in the
Southeast for land west of the Mississippi. The class issues and the remembrance of the actions of both elites and
lower-class rebels survived removal, and remained politically significant in the Indian Territory afterwards. During
the U.S. Civil War, the leadership of the Five Nations allied with the Confederacy. Elites among the Creeks
established control of large areas of land in Oklahoma, and many owned slaves and managed large plantations. As
Chang points out, in regards to the Red Stick War and the U.S. Civil War with Creeks on different sides, “in both
conflicts, Lower Creeks dominated one faction and Upper Creeks and people of African descent the other.” (Chang,
37) In the Civil War, the Upper Creeks now sided with the United States, and termed themselves “Loyal Creeks.”
Saunt, A New Order of Things, 249-72; Indian Removal Act of 1830, Public Law, U.S. Statutes at Large 4 (1850):
411-12. 4 STAT 411. http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/004_statutes_at_large.pdf (accessed October 3, 2013);
Treaty with the Creeks, Public Law, U.S. Statues at Large 7 (1846): 366-68, April 4, 1832. 7 STAT 366.
http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/007_statutes_at_large.pdf (accessed October 3, 2013); Treaty with the
Cherokees, Public Law, U.S. Statutes at Large 7: 478-89, December 29, 1834. & STAT 478; Treaty with the
Seminoles, Public Law, U.S. Statutes at Large 7: 368-70, May 9, 1832. 7 STAT 368; Treaty with the Choctaw,
7
only contributed to the rebellion and the movement behind it, but led key aspects of it. Historians
consistently link the name of the Green Corn Rebellion to the proposed practice of the rebellion,
which intended to march “across the South to the sea, living on beef and ripe corn as it
travelled.” 23 Charles C. Bush first made this claim in his flawed and biased Master’s Thesis in
1932, and it has never been challenged until recently. 24 Historian Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz relates
a 1994 interview with a Seminole woman whose uncle had been a WCU organizer. This woman
told how the rebellion happened immediately following their Green Corn Ceremony in 1917:
“The full moon of late July, early August it was, the Moon of the Green Corn. It was not easy to
persuade our poor white and black brothers to rise up. We told them that rising up, standing up,
whatever the consequences, would inspire future generations.” 25
The threat of American entry into World War I alarmed WCU members, as it did many in
the United States, especially on the political left. 26 In April of 1917, the United States declared
war on Germany. 27 The Green Corn Rebellion itself began on August 2, 1917, in response to the
1917 Conscription Act. Many tenant farmers considered World War I a rich man's war, and
identified with the working man who refused to “go to war to fight for the capitalist master who
Public Law, U.S. Statutes at Large 7: 333-42, September 7, 1830. 7 STAT 333; Chang, The Color of the Land, 3537.
23
Green, Grass-Roots Socialism, 360;. Burbank, When Farmers Voted Red, 134; Erik M. Zissu, “Conscription,
Sovereignty, and Land: American Indian Resistance During World War I”, Pacific Historical Review 64, no. 4
(November, 1995): 550, accessed September 13, 2013, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3640557. (quote from Green)
24
Bush, “The Green Corn Rebellion,” 18.
25
Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz, “Growing up Okie–And Radical,” in Alternative Oklahoma: Contrarian Views of the
Sooner State, ed. Davis D. Joyce (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2007), 224.
26
The troubles in Oklahoma could be characterized as an example of American isolationism, but a tendency to
“Americanize” this kind of class struggle should be avoided. Despite the coalition with indigenous Americans, the
existence of international examples of similar resistance against the war, and the actions of the “consciously antiracist, internationalist, politically engaged, and deliberately dangerous” members of the WCU argue against that, as
does the position of the Socialist Party. Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz and John Womack, “Dreams of Revolution:
Oklahoma, 1917,” Monthly Review 62, no. 6 (November 2010): 49, accessed December 9, 2012,
http://monthlyreview.org/2010/11/01/dreams-of-revolution-oklahoma-1917; “National Socialist Platform for 1916,”
Appeal to Reason, September 30, 1916.
27
"House Passes War Resolution and America Plunges Into Death Struggle With Germany," Tulsa Daily World
(Tulsa, Oklahoma), April 6, 1917. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc134343 (accessed August 25,
2013).
8
has exploited him.” 28 The farmers attempted to organized a massive uprising in the United States
against what they saw as an unjust capitalist war, purely for the profit of the big industrialists.
WCU members believed that their numbers constituted a credible threat. Oscar Ameringer
encountered WCU members before the rebellion. His record of this meeting reveals his
incredulous reaction to the WCU's estimate of hundreds of thousands of potential supporters
nationally. 29 Despite their miscalculation about national popular support, the widespread nature
of the Green Corn Rebellion within Oklahoma does show large-scale organization and planning,
and a variety of tactics. 30 As Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz points out, the battle on the hill on August
3, 1917 when charging sheriff's posses charged and scattered a band of rebels does not begin and
end the Green Corn Rebellion. Instead it stands as the midpoint of a series of coordinated
actions, including mass protests, strikes, and the destruction of communication lines and bridges
carried out by a vast multi-racial coalition against common oppressors. 31
On August 2, 1917 the WCU ambushed a sheriff’s posse south of Wewoka, Oklahoma, in
Seminole County. They attempted to burn an important railroad crossing, the Frisco Bridge, and
armed bands roamed throughout Pontotoc, Seminole, and Hughes counties. U.S. Marshals and
local law enforcement officials arrested members of the “Jones Family,” a local WCU chapter in
Pottawatomie County. 32 Significantly, all these events took place near the border of Okmulgee
County, the location of Hickory Ground, the center of Native American resistance in the
previous decade. The uprising ended quickly, with U.S. Marshals and National Guardsmen
28
"Lovers of Liberty! Petition Congress to Repeal Conscription Act," Appeal to Reason, May 12, 1917.
If You Don't Weaken: The Autobiography of Oscar Ameringer (New York: Greenwood Press, 1969), 352-54.
30
“Rebellion Was To Be General, Farmers Told,” Shawnee Daily News Herald (Shawnee, Oklahoma), September
25, 1917, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc92923/ (accessed February 17, 2013).
31
Dunbar-Ortiz and Womack, “Dreams of Revolution,” 52-53; “Resistance to Registration,” Lexington Leader
(Lexington, Oklahoma), June 1, 1917, 6. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc110779/ (accessed February
17, 2013)
32
“Mob of Draft Resisters Attacks Sheriff’s Posse,” Oklahoma City Times, August 3, 1917, 1-2.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc170404/ (accessed August 25, 2013).
29
9
rounding up the rebellious farmers. 33 Newspaper coverage on the immediate aftermath of the
rebellion details mass arrests, with attention to individuals identified as ringleaders including one
former public official. 34 One newspaper article explicitly refers to “"the capture of John Harjo,
known as ‘Snake,’ leader of the Indian division of the W.C.U. of Seminole county.” 35 This
indicates a much more complex and racially diverse organization than has been previously
understood.
Sellars discovered the founding charter of the WCU in the magazine Rebellion, published
by prominent socialist and IWW organizer Covington Hall. Hall founded the WCU in company
with members of the Brotherhood of Timber Workers (BTW) one hundred years ago, in New
Orleans in 1913. 36 The initial membership grew quickly, especially in Oklahoma, but the
organization kept membership secret and had no official rolls. The Wobbly presence in
Oklahoma through the Agricultural Workers Organization (AWO), the Oil Workers Industrial
Union, and the BTW clearly inspired the members of the WCU. Tenant farmers often worked in
the oil fields, or hired themselves out to logging companies in Louisiana, and sometimes filled in
as hired hands on other farms. The IWW denied the WCU affiliation, and denied tenant farmers
membership in the AWO because they did not earn wages. Many members of the IWW felt
strongly that farmers, as petty capitalists, had no place in their organization and that their
exclusion would hasten the end of the capitalist system. Supporting them would only delay the
33
“Draft Insurrection Bands Flee To Hills,” Oklahoma City Times, August 4, 1917, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc170405/ (accessed, August 25, 2013). See also Appendix C.
34
“Conditions Bordering on Anarchy Exist Today in Seminole County,” Shawnee Daily News-Herald (Shawnee,
Oklahoma), August 3, 1917, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc92880/ (accessed February 17,
2013); “Former Officer of Seminole Co. is Under Arrest,” Shawnee Daily News-Herald, August 6, 1917, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc92882/ (accessed February 17, 2013).
35
“Manhunt Near End, Over Half of W.C.U. Taken,” Shawnee Daily News Herald (Shawnee, Oklahoma), August 7,
1917, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc92883/ (accessed February 17, 2013).
36
The beginnings of the WCU seemed unclear for many years, with most historians placing it in Hobo's Hollow
Arkansas,and assuming that Dr. Wells LeFevre not only led but founded the union there in 1914. Sellars, Oil,
Wheat, and Wobblies, 84.
10
inevitable revolution. The Socialist Party declined to recognize the WCU because of their status
as a secret organization. 37
WCU demands focused on labor issues as well as land issues. The official 1916 platform
called for the abolition of the wage system, an eight-hour workday, enforcement of child labor
laws, and protections for workers. 38 The membership of the WCU included both AfricanAmericans and Native Americans, partly at least because of Hall's influence, but also because the
areas of WCU activity had large populations of Creeks, Seminoles, and African Americans. The
secrecy of the WCU in part came from their refusal to disavow violent tactics. Several issues
related to land use angered WCU members. Early on, banks took advantage of tenant farmers
with the practice of usury. Legally, banks could charge up to a maximum of ten percent interest.
Almost all financial institutions in Oklahoma flouted this law. Challenging any individual banks
on this resulted in blackballing by all banks.
The WCU mounted a legal challenge to these practices. Attorney L.C. McNabb resigned
from elected office in late 1915 as Sequoyah County Judge, in order to pursue usury lawsuits
against Oklahoma banks on behalf of the WCU. 39 McNabb filed many lawsuits, and received
positive judgements in most of those cases. 40 Highly praised for this, even by local business,
McNabb nevertheless had to defend himself against disbarment proceedings filed on behalf of
37
Sellars, Oil, Wheat, and Wobblies, 71-76.
“The Demands of the Working Class Union,” McAlester News-Capital (McAlester, Oklahoma), August 13, 1917,
from Womack, Oklahoma’s Green Corn Rebellion, 177 (See Appendix A).
39
Though several historians have claimed McNabb resigned specifically to work on the WCU's behalf, he may have
resigned for a different reason. One newspaper recounts his resignation from office due to charges brought by a
young woman, though the nature of the charges are not specified. “Charges Filed Against Judge,” Tulsa World
(Tulsa, Oklahoma), November 14, 1915, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc135499/ (accessed
August 25, 2013).
40
The following citation provides an example of a similar case brought by a tenant against a landlord. "Langley
Gets Damages," Oklahoma State Capitol (Guthrie, Oklahoma), December 23, 1909, 3.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc127572/ (accessed August 25, 2013).
38
11
local banks. 41 Another issue concerned “cow-dipping.” The state had mandated that farmers
have their cows “dipped” in medicinal vats to combat a bovine Texas fever outbreak in 1915. 42
The arsenic-based material in the vats sometimes killed the treated cattle, and for small farmers
the loss of a single cow could mean bankruptcy. The issue especially galled small tenant farmers,
who blamed huge livestock holdings of large landowners for the spread of the disease. The WCU
conducted secret nighttime raids on usurious bankers and others from the very beginning, but by
1915 WCU night riders regularly burned and dynamited state run cow-dipping vats and whipped
bankers deemed guilty of usury. 43 McNabb staged a losing campaign for Congress in 1916 with
WCU support, and made public statements supporting the “anti-dippers.” 44
Widespread racism in the early twentieth century makes the multi-racial membership of
the WCU surprising. Despite this, African-Americans, Black Creeks and other freedmen, white
tenant farmers and farm laborers, and pure-blood Native Americans had common goals and
shared opponents. The federal government had colluded with land speculators and others to
deprive Native Americans of the profit and use of their allotments, even stooping to stealing the
resources of orphan children. 45 Creek politicians played favorites with their friends, and ensured
41
"Suit to Disbar Sallisaw Atty," Cherokee County Democrat (Tahlequah, Oklahoma), November 18, 1915, 2.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc90356/ (accessed October 6, 2013)
42
"Refuses to Dip Cattle; Is Jailed," Oklahoma Labor Unit (Oklahoma City, Oklahoma), November 6, 1915, 4.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc157276/ (accessed October 6, 2013)
43
"Dynamite Used in Destroying County Dipping Vat," The Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Oklahoma), September 20,
1915, 3. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc154331/ (accessed August 25, 2013); Charles W. Holman,
"New Slaves In South; White Slaves to Usury Landlordism Threaten Revolution, Says Holman," The Tulsa Daily
World (Tulsa, Oklahoma), January 24, 1915, 18. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc135245/ (accessed
August 25, 2013); Sellars, "Treasonous Tenant Farmers,” 1119-20.
44
“Col. Gault Says They Must Dip”, Cherokee County Democrat (Tahlequah, Oklahoma), May 17, 1916, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc90382/ (accessed February 17, 2013); "Lining Up For Campaign of
Congressmen," The Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Oklahoma), June 20, 1916, 3.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc154553/ (accessed August 25, 2013); “Hastings a Winner,”
Shawnee Daily News-Herald, August 2, 1916, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc92568/ (accessed
February 17, 2013).
45
Along with the myriad of ways that “grafters” used legal methods of theft to gain control of Indian lands,
managers and guardians of orphanages came under public scrutiny in a widespread scandal, when it came to light in
12
that the best allotment lands would go to specific people. 46 Banks and land speculators acted as
predators on small farm owners, driving them into bankruptcy, and forcing farm families into
tenancy. 47 Powerful Native American planters and politicians had profited from communal land
use. Though they also opposed allotment, the wealthy class first capitulated to federal demands
to end communal land tenure. As the WCU gained influence in Oklahoma, the ideas of
communal land tenure proposed by socialists resonated with Native Americans who valued this
idea already. Socialists failed to win over Native American converts, perhaps in part due to
Ameringer’s stereotypical views of drunken Indians. 48 John Harjo, related to prominent
nineteenth century resistance leader Chitto Harjo according to Green, led Creek and Seminole
members of the WCU, and figures prominently as an Indian leader of the movement in
newspaper accounts of the aftermath of the rebellion. 49 Historian John Womack documents from
oral interviews that membership in the WCU grew from communities, rather than individual
members joining, so that the multi-racial aspect of the union did not resemble an integrated unit,
but rather a coalition. 50
Creek and Seminole resistance, and that of other members of the Five Civilized Tribes
grew from a long history of opposition to federal policies that seemed determined to eradicate
them. Following the Civil War, the Creeks established a new national government and
1902 that they were profiting from leases or from the sale of oil and timber resources on lands owned by children
under their care. "Null the Leases" The Muskogee Cimeter (Muskogee, Indian Territory), October 13, 1904, 8.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc69970/ (accessed November 24, 2013)
46
"Territorial Snapshots," Oklahoma Leader (Guthrie, Oklahoma Territory), August 29, 1901, 7.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc121535/ (accessed August 25, 2013).
47
Turner, John Kenneth, “Bankers Squeeze Out Last Drop of Blood of Poor Tenant Farmers, Appeal to Reason,
January 2, 1915; Turner, “Cotton Growers Worse Off Than Chattel Slaves,” Appeal to Reason , December 19, 1914.
48
Ameringer, If You Don’t Weaken, 234-40.
49
Green, Grass-Roots Socialism, 359-60; “Man Hunt Near End, Over Half of W.C.U. Taken,” The Shawnee Daily
News-Herald (Shawnee, Oklahoma), August 7. 1917, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc92883/
(accessed November 2, 2012).
50
Dunbar-Ortiz and Womack, “Dreams of Revolution,” 53-54.
13
constitution in 1867. 51 The Creek constitution provided for representation from towns in the
Creek National Council, a bicameral legislature similar to U.S. Congress. This meant that towns
founded by Black Creeks had their own representatives. Controversy surrounded citizenship in
the Creek nation by those of African descent. Lower Creeks, often plantation owners, opposed
equal participation by former slaves and promoted a racial hierarchy. 52 A political alliance grew
between these Black Creeks and full-blood Creek conservatives. In 1882, the Creek National
Council, the legislature of the Creek Nation, impeached and removed Judge Isparhecher. They
accused Isparhecher of refusing to enforce laws passed by the Council regarding racial divisions.
In reality Isparhecher had gone far beyond this, and set up a shadow opposition government.
Rebels elected Isparhecher, also known as Spiechee, as “Principal Chief of the Loyal People of
the Muscogee Nation.” 53 This dispute flared up into a short civil conflict in 1882 known as the
Green Peach War, another dispute that highlights the differences between the wealthy Lower
Creeks and conservative Upper Creeks, who now termed themselves “Loyal Creeks,” as they had
been known during the Civil War.. 54
The Creek national militia quickly defeated Isparhecher and his forces, but the
negotiation of the end of the conflict led to a political reconciliation. Following its victory, the
Council supported equality for settlers who intermarried into the Creek Nation without regard to
race. In 1884, a letter Isparhecher wrote to the Creek National Council expressed his views
51
Constitution and Civil and Criminal Code of the Muskokee Nation: Approved at the Council Ground Muskokee
Nation, October 12, 1867 (Creek Constitution) (Washington: D.C. McGill & Witherow, 1868). accessed October 6,
2013, http://memory.loc.gov/ll/llnt/056/llnt056.sgm
52
Chang, The Color of the Land, 55; Grace Kelley, “Interview with Siegal McIntosh,” 394, Oklahoma Federation of
Labor Collection, Western History Collections, Indian Pioneer Papers, University of Oklahoma, Norman,
Oklahoma. http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/indianpp/id/228/rec/1 (accessed October 6,
2013); Creek Constitution, Article I.
53
John Bartlett Meserve, “Chief Isparhecher”, Chronicles of Oklahoma 10, no. 1 (March, 1932): 49-76, accessed
August 28, 2013, http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/isparhecher/id/40.
54
For an excellent concise analysis of the Green Peach War, see Chang, Color of the Land, 66-67.
14
clearly, “that every Muskogee citizen, whether his skin be red, white or black, has equal rights
and privileges in this nation, and the most abject, poor and ignorant is entitled to equal
consideration with the most distinguished.” 55 This statement explicitly affirms that racial and
class issues espoused by Isparhecher and the Loyal Creeks remained consistent with traditional
Creek ideas of identity, and consistent with the later views of the Snakes and the WCU. In 1891
Isparhecher ran for national office but changed his position, and began using different language
sharply emphasizing racial differences. After passage of the Curtis Act, an 1898 letter noted his
recommendations to accede to the process of allotment. 56 Another newspaper noted his
agreement to limit “Creek freedmen” to 40 acres of land in the allotment process, as opposed to
the 160 acres that “Indians” would receive, with “Indians” referring to both Creeks of pure and
mixed (white) ancestry. 57 Many of his followers saw this capitulation to federal policy and
“progressive” ideas about race as a betrayal. 58
In 1883, the “Friends of the Indian” began to meet in Lake Mohonk in New York state.
These white reform politicians and activists voiced support for Native Americans and promoted
assimilation policies they thought would benefit indigenous people. The society assumed that
absorbing the Indian Nations into American society would lead to better lives for them. Senator
Henry Dawes began advocating for allotment of lands held by Native American polities to
individual Native Americans. Dawes disapproved of Native American land use laws and customs
and said “They have gone as far as they can go, because they own their land in common. It is
55
“Message of Spiechee,” The Indian Journal (Muskogee, Indian Territory), January 3, 1884. Typescript.
http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/isparhecher/id/22/rec/1 (accessed August 28, 2013).
56
Message of Isparhecher,” The Daily Chieftain (Vinita, Indian Territory), December 17, 1898. Typescript.
http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/isparhecher/id/28 (accessed August 28, 2013).
57
“Dawes-Creek Treaty,” The Fort Gibson Post (Fort Gibson, Indian Territory), December 1, 1898. Typescript.
http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/isparhecher/id/27/rec/18 (accessed August 28, 2013).
58
“Editorial on Isparhecher,” South McAlester Capital (South McAlester, Indian Territory), June 1, 1899,
Typescript. http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/isparhecher/id/42/rec/17 (accessed August 28,
2013).
15
Henry George’s system, and under that there is no enterprise to make your home any better than
that of your neighbors. There is no selfishness, which is at the bottom of civilization.”59 The
Society agreed and began a crusade for passage of the Dawes Act and later, the Curtis Act. 60
Native Americans resisted these policies as a threat to their way of life. Despite almost
unanimous opposition to allotment, the leadership of the Five Nations eventually gave in to the
demands of the U.S. Government, and tried to negotiate the best deal possible for their people. 61
This leadership came from the same political tradition that had given in to removal half a century
before and fought for the financial interests of slave holding planters during the Civil War. Open
rejection of allotment began at Hickory Ground, south of Henryetta Oklahoma, named for the old
center of Creek resistance in Alabama. The initial leadership of the resistance passed from
Lahtah Micco to Chitto Harjo, whose name the press of the time interpreted as “Crazy Snake.” 62
Prior to the rebellion, Harjo maintained a working relationship with Isparhecher, and his nephew
Daniel Starr related multiple visits to Isparhecher’s home to discuss movement strategy. 63 The
Snakes explicitly recruited supporters from among Black Creeks, and advocated traditional
communal land ownership. In words that could have described a syndicalist union, Billie Brant, a
Black Creek participant in the Snake Rebellion claimed to follow Harjo because “his great idea
59
Henry M. Dawes, "Senator Dawes' Address," in Proceedings of the Third Annual Meeting of the Lake Mohonk
Conference of Friends of the Indian: Held October 7-9, 1885, Google eBook. (Philadelphia: Sherman & Co.
Printers, 1886), 46, accessed August 28, 2013) http://books.google.com/books?id=94ASAAAAYAAJ .
60
Debo, And Still the Waters Run, 21-23.
61
Debo, And Still the Waters Run, 20, 30.
62
“Crazy Snake is Captured,” Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Indian Territory), January 28, 1901, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc78374/ (accessed June 25, 2013).
63
Billie Bird, “Interview with Daniel Starr,” Indian Pioneer Papers.
http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/indianpp/id/2431/rec/38 (accessed October 6, 2013).
16
was to bring to his people the difference between the real freedom and being subject to others
who would tell them what to do.” 64
In January of 1901, Harjo led a revolt demanding a return to traditional Creek ways, and
rejecting allotment. 65 The rebels primarily targeted other Creeks who had accepted allotment. 66
Cherokee, Choctaw, and Seminoles all took part. With help from federal troops, U.S. Federal
Marshal Leo Bennett dispersed the rebellion and arrested Harjo and the other leaders of the
Snake movement. 67 The government pardoned and released almost all the arrestees a short time
later. Cherokee, Seminole, Choctaw and Creek founded the Four Mothers Nation or Society,
Ecke Ostat in Creek, as a result of the coalition of resistance that occurred during the Snake
Rebellion. This group advocated against allotment and for the preservation of spiritual traditions
as an expression of resistance against the prospect of cultural annihilation. David Chang supports
claims by Cherokee Historian Tom Holm that the Four Mothers’ based their attitude of resistance
on the belief that the land connected directly to the spirit of their people. Chang argues that the
Snakes established “a parallel national government to defend Creek nationhood and Creek land
tenure.” 68
64
Bird, “Interview with Billie Brant,” Indian Pioneer Papers.
http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/indianpp/id/3316/rec/1 (accessed October 6, 2013).
65
“Snake Indian Uprising,” Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Indian Territory), January 23, 1901.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc78370/ (Accessed June 25, 2013); “Very Bad Snake Indians,” Daily
Times-Journal (Oklahoma City, Oklahoma Territory), January 23, 1901.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc95706/ (accessed September 17, 2013).
66
“The Indian Uprising,” The Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Indian Territory), January 24, 1901, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc78371/ (accessed June 25, 2013).
67
“Troops Wanted,” Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Indian Territory), January 23, 1901, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc78370/ (Accessed June 25, 2013); “Soldiers On Scene,” The Daily
Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Indian Territory), January 25, 1901, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc78372/
(accessed June 25, 2013).
68
Cherokee resistance to allotment coalesced around Redbird Smith. His following, derived from the Keetoowah
Society, concentrated on maintaining their identity and traditions by prioritizing spirituality and by avoiding violent
confrontation. Despite this, his “Nighthawks” suffered from occasional oppression and imprisonment. Both Smith
and Harjo were leaders of the Four Mothers Nation.Chang, The Color of the Land, 98, 140; Holm, The Great
Confusion in Indian Affairs, 24-25, 30-33; "The Missouri, Oklahoma & Gulf Railroad," Carney Enterprise, August
17
The Snakes continued their activity in the years that followed. Snakes punished Creeks
who accepted allotment, making threats or publicly whipping them. In 1902 Harjo led a group
of Snakes to the home of Isparhecher, to take down an American flag from his property, and
publicly ending their friendship. 69 A second Snake Rebellion in 1909, also called the Smoked
Meat rebellion, manifested with a distinctly different character. Harjo’s followers maintained
their encampment around Hickory Ground. The numbers of people residing there grew because
of the effort to recruit those of African descent, whether freedmen or other former slaves. Harjo's
original full-blood Creek followers gradually left the encampment as both Black Creek freedmen
and others of African descent grew to outnumber them. 70 Local white farmers accused the black
residents of the Hickory Ground encampment of stealing cured beef. The residents fled when
confronted by a sheriff's posse. Nearby townspeople associated the encampment with Harjo,
who had maintained ties and support to the people at Hickory Ground. 71 Federal Marshals
approaching Harjo’s home met gunfire. 72 Harjo sustained injuries in the battle but fled. Harjo’s
family claimed he died, but a local legend persisted that he lived in secret, or fled to South
America. 73 The government arrested over 40 people in connection with this incident. 74 The
5, 1910, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc87743/ (accessed November 16, 2013); "Willing to Hang:
But Tortures of a Haircut Were Too Much For Fullbloods," The Indian Chieftain (Vinita, Indian Territory), March
20, 1902, 2. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc71743/ (accessed November 16, 2013).
69
"Insurgent Creek Arrested," Anadarko Daily Democrat (Anadarko, Oklahoma), February 21, 1902.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc81760/ (accessed November 24, 2013)
70
Otis Hume, An Interview with Henry Jacobs, Indian Pioneer Papers, 3. (Accessed October 6, 2013)
http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/indianpp/id/3140/rec/2
71
“Smoked Meat Rebellion Instead of Indian War,” Weleetka American (Weleetka, Oklahoma), April 2, 1909, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc155177/ (accessed June 25, 2013).
72
"Crazy Snake Heads Warring Band," The Konawa Chief-Leader (Konawa, Oklahoma), April 1, 1909, 4.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc98593/ (accessed June 25, 2013). “Crazy Snake Again on Warpath,”
Britton Weekly Sentinel (Britton, Oklahoma), April 3, 1909, 8.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc142477/ (accessed June 5, 2013).
73
“Crazy Snake is Gone,” The Sledge Hammer (Okemah, Oklahoma), February 12, 1914, 4.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc149945/ (accessed June 25, 2013).
18
circumstances of this conflict reveals consistent attitudes of race among the Creeks in the years
following Oklahoma statehood in 1907. This example of coalition tactics helped lead to
participation in the Green Corn rebellion a decade later.
Both before and immediately following allotment, tenant farmers formed the bulk of the
settlers flooding in to the Oklahoma and Indian Territories. In the 1880s and 90s, status as a
yeoman farmer epitomized the the settler’s dream. Owning one’s own land, and building a home
and a place for one’s family comprises a humble enough dream, though it proved unattainable.
Economists at the time proposed the theory of “The Agricultural Ladder,” where a laborer could
work and save money enough to lease some land and build a farm. 75 Once established as a
sharecropper or cash renter, in time a farmer could save enough to establish credit, and purchase
a farm. The reality often worked the other way and many farmers faced mortgages and
foreclosure. Some stayed on as tenants on what had been their property, until ultimately forced
to work as a migrant laborer. These conditions led to the growth of farmers unions. The Farmer's
Alliance based in Texas and Indian Territory established several lodges in 1885. This agrarian
rights organization educated local farmers about issues, and strongly advocated for the populist
movement.
The populist movement arose as a third-party alternative to the Democratic and
Republican parties. The Oklahoma constitution, influenced by former populists, provided for a
uniquely farm and labor friendly state government until new federal and state laws prompted by
74
Daniel F. Littlefield and Lonnie E. Underhill, “The ‘Crazy Snake Uprising’ of 1909: A Red, Black, or White
Affair?”, Arizona and the West 20, no. 4 (Winter, 1978): 307-24, accessed September 13, 2013,
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp.
75
William J. Spillman and E.A. Goldenweiser, “Farm Tenantry in the United States,” in Yearbook of the United
States Department of Agriculture, 1916 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1917), 321-22, accessed October
12, 2013, http://archive.org/details/yoa1916; Sellars, Oil, Wheat, and Wobblies, 79.
19
labor unrest passed prior to and during World War I. 76 Left-wing party politics at the end of the
nineteenth century resulted in the end of the People's Party when “fusionists” chose to merge
with the Democratic party in the election of 1896. 77 The Farmer’s Alliance collapsed that same
year. The following year, a hundred miles south in Waco Texas, frustrated farmers took to barn
burning and violence against landlords. A short-lived informal renter's union organized these
nighttime excursions, but had no interest in political organization. 78 In 1909, radical politically
motivated farmers formed the Oklahoma Renter's Union. This organization had overt syndicalist
sympathies and organized itself along industrial union lines. Sellars characterizes this group as
one of a few “revolutionary direct-action organizations” that laid the groundwork for the
Working Class Union. 79 Ameringer, the socialist organizer, helped write the Renter's Union
preamble. Industrial unionists often excluded farmers from organizing efforts, since they earned
their income from their farms rather than from wages. 80 Ameringer shared this attitude until he
actually met some farmers on an organizing tour. From that point on Ameringer became a
tireless advocate for their rights. 81
Historians of left-wing movements in the Southwest have commonly given the most
attention to the Socialist Party, but two strains of activism informed the inheritors of the populist
movement of the 1890s, socialism and syndicalism. 82 A debate regarding the nature of
76
According to Womack, three-fourths of constitutional delegates specifically advocated for farm and labor issues,
which were written into the constitution. This faction of politics in Oklahoma remained important for decades. State
of Oklahoma, Constitution of the State of Oklahoma (1907), Article XXIII, 89-90. (Oklahoma City, Warden Printing
Company, 1907). http://archive.org/details/constitutionofst00okla (accessed October 6, 2013); Womack,
Oklahoma’s Green Corn Rebellion, 61.
77
Miller, Oklahoma Populism, 176-78.
78
Green, Grass-Roots Socialism, 21.
79
Sellars, Oil, Wheat, and Wobblies, 80-81.
80
“The Farmer and Socialism,” Appeal to Reason, November 4, 1911, 3.
81
Ameringer, If You Don’t Weaken, 227-35.
82
Syndicalism struggled with misunderstanding from its very beginning, and intersects both anarchism and
socialism. More on the origins of this synthesis can be found in the following cited works: Staughton Lind and
Andrej Grubacic, Wobblies and Zapatistas: Conversations On Anarchism, Marxism and Radical History (Oakland,
20
syndicalism arose between different parts of the radical movement in the United States. The right
wing of the Socialist Party attacked the use of sabotage by unions like the IWW as politically
damaging. 83 The issue came to a head during the 1912 Convention of the Socialist Party. The
right-wing brought a motion to the floor to amend the constitution so that advocation of sabotage
constituted grounds for expulsion from the party. Delegate Goebel of New Jersey summed up
the right wing position: “In the end it spells but the philosophy of anarchism, the philosophy of
the individualist that takes it upon himself to know better than the organization, the collectivity,
can know," and delegate Max Hayes of Cleveland spoke for the left: "Keep your hands off the
A.F. of L. Keep your hands off the I.W.W. Keep your hands off any labor organization." 84
After a four hour debate the motion passed overwhelmingly by a vote of 191 to 90. 85 This
change later resulted in a recall of “Big Bill” Haywood, President of the IWW from the Socialist
Party National Executive Committee, which finally succeeded in February 1913. 86 Despite a lack
of IWW locals in Oklahoma, left-wing socialists made their presence known in Oklahoma and
the Indian Territory early on, sometimes in stridently anti-capitalist editorials. 87 In Oklahoma,
the WCU used sabotage, but also adopted communal ideas of land use, consciously adapting the
California: PM Press, 2008), Kindle Locations 620-664, Amazon Kindle edition; Saku Pinta, "Anarchism,
Marxism, and the Ideological Composition of the Chicago Idea," WorkingUSA 12, no. 3 (September, 2009): 421-50.
Accessed December 9, 2012.
http://0-search.ebscohost.com.wncln.wncln.org/login.aspxdirect=true&db=eoh&AN=1065237&site=ehost-live
83
Sellars, Oil, Wheat, and Wobblies, 25-26; George D. Herron “A Plea for the Unity of American Socialists,”
International Socialist Review, December, 1900, 321-28. Google eBook
http://archive.org/details/InternationalSocialistReview1900Vol01 (accessed November 2, 2012).
84
Wilson E. McDermut, Proceedings of the National Convention of the Socialist Party, 1912 (Chicago: The
Socialist Party, 1912), 124,
http://archive.org/details/ProceedingsOfTheNationalConventionOfTheSocialistLaborParty (accessed December 1,
2012).
85
Proceedings of the National Convention of the Socialist Party, 1912, 137.
86
Sellars’ analysis provides a possible explanation of electoral losses for the Socialist Party after 1914. “Election
Returns,” Appeal to Reason (Girard, Kansas), November 25, 1916. . Microfilm., Kansas Historical Society, Reel
G213. Sellars, Oil, Wheat, and Wobblies, 27-28; James R. Green, Grass-Roots Socialism, 218.
87
Sellars, Oil, Wheat, and Wobblies, 28-29; “Farmers Too Dependent,” The Wewoka Herald (Wewoka, Indian
Territory), April 6, 1906, 2. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc123072/ (accessed June 25, 2013).
21
ideas of socialism and industrial union direct action struggle to Oklahoma, incorporating
traditional ideas of land use espoused by members of the Five Civilized Tribes.
The division on the American left mirrors the political differences of the Creeks. Both
Native Americans and tenant farmers struggled against oppression from the federal government,
local government institutions, and economic elites such as banks, railroads, land speculators and
wealthy white and Native American landowners. 88 The electoral strategy of the Socialist Party
duplicates the methods of Creek elites, who used the tools of negotiation and political
governance. In contrast, the direct action tactics of the industrial and farmers unions match how
the Red Sticks and Snakes took matters into their own hands. Matters of race form another
parallel. Socialists, with notable exceptions, often displayed racist attitudes. 89 Socialists did
advocate for voting rights for African-Americans, but Kate Richards O’Hare exemplifies racist
socialist support for black voting rights in a speech in 1911. She argues explicitly that justice
demands equality of opportunity for all, but that mental, social, and other forms of equality are
proscribed for some by nature. 90 Elite Creeks of mixed ancestry often shared the racial attitudes
of many white Americans at the time, considering anyone with African ancestry inferior. In
contrast the IWW, WCU and traditional Creeks promoted anti-racist ideas.
The Selective Service Act of 1917 (the Conscription Act) triggered the Green Corn
Rebellion, and epitomized the federal government’s alliance with big business in the eyes of
88
Turner, “Bankers Squeeze Out Last Drop of Blood;” Turner, “Cotton Growers Worse Off Than Chattel Slaves;”
Debo, And Still the Waters Run, 94-95.
89
H.L. Meredith, “Agrarian Socialism and the Negro in Oklahoma, 1900-1918”, Labor History 11, no. 3 (Summer,
1970): 281, accessed June 22, 2012, http://0search.ebscohost.com.wncln.wncln.org/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoh&AN=0057699&site=ehost-live.
90
Kate Richards O'Hare, “Nigger” Equality (Saint Louis, Missouri: The National Ripsaw, 1912), pamphlet,
accessed October 8, 2013, http://marxists.architexturez.net/history/usa/parties/spusa/1912/0325-ohareniggerequality.pdf
22
WCU members. 91 The Espionage Act of 1917 provided for a new level of prosecution of dissent
not previously seen in the United States. 92 Initially federal prosecutors concentrated on the
leadership of the WCU, and participants in the rebellion. 93 Newspapers detail specific arrests,
prosecutions, and testimony of some members of the WCU. 94 Later, despite the fact that the
WCU had no affiliation with the IWW, rising fear in the country allowed the government to
prosecute alleged conspiracies and indict IWW leadership. 95 Massive raids on IWW union halls
on September 5, 1917 “returned conspiracy indictments against 165 persons.” 96 Governmental
motivation for prosecution may have had more to do with fear of IWW organizing in Southwest
oil fields during a pressing national need for petroleum in wartime, but a few flaming bridges in
Seminole County provided a bigger media draw. Even Judge McNabb, former WCU prosecuting
attorney, panicked over the furor and denounced the IWW, perhaps as an effort to avoid
prosecution himself. 97 The Socialist Party did not escape. According to Ameringer, “thousands
of our members were arrested. Jails were so overcrowded that four hundred prisoners were
shipped to the state penitentiary for safe-keeping,” and in a separate trial, “the prisoners before
91
Selective Service Act of 1917 (Conscription Act). Public Law, U.S. Statutes at Large 40 (1918): 76-83, May 18,
1917.. 40 STAT 76. http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/024_statutes_at_large.pdf (accessed October 3, 2013).
92
Espionage Act of 1917. Public Law, U.S. Statutes at Large 40 (1919): 216-231, June 15, 1917, 40 STAT 216.
http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/040_statutes_at_large.pdf (accessed October 3, 2013)
93
“Former Officer of Seminole Co. is Under Arrest,” Shawnee Daily News-Herald (Shawnee, Oklahoma), August 6,
1917, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc92882/ (accessed February 17, 2013)
94
“Prisoner Talked Freely of Wild and Damnable Plans of Working Class Union,” Shawnee Daily News Herald,
Shawnee, Oklahoma), August 5, 1917, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc92881/ (accessed February
17, 2013; "Homer Spence, Organizer of Seminole County W.C.U., Reported Captured After a Battle With Officers-Now Locked in Pen," Shawnee Daily News Herald (Shawnee, Oklahoma), August 8, 1917, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc92884/ (accessed November 3, 2012).
95
"I.W.W. Organization Up for Trial in Kansas." New York Times, Dec 02, 1919.
http://wncln.wncln.org/docview/100465683/ (Accessed February 17, 2013).
96
Sellars, Oil, Wheat, and Wobblies, 96-97, 102-103.
97
L.C. McNabb, “An I.W.W. Defined,” Cherokee County Democrat (Tahlequah, Oklahoma), September 12, 1917,
1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc90447/ (accessed February 17, 2013).
23
the bar were Victor Berger and the entire national executive committee of the Socialist Party.
The government charged them with conspiracy to obstruct the prosecution of the war.” 98
While the federal government clearly intended to suppress both the IWW and the
Socialist Party anyway, the timing of the Green Corn Rebellion gave the U.S. Government a
media frenzy and eased the process of prosecution. The national socialist publication Appeal to
Reason had an issue banned from circulation in June of 1917, because the Postmaster General
viewed advocacy for peace as interference with war effort and a possible violation of the
Espionage act. 99 The issues that followed continued their inflammatory rhetoric but due to
government pressure, within a year the Appeal to Reason ceased to exist in its prior form and
flipped its position on the war. 100 The New Appeal never gained the popularity of its predecessor.
The government prosecuted Thomas A. Hickey, the publisher of the Texas socialist newspaper
Rebel, and by 1918, even The International Socialist Review had ceased publication. 101
The passage of the Espionage Act, and the even more restrictive Espionage Act of 1918,
or the Sedition Act, enabled a vast escalation of the oppression of dissent in the United States,
but government oppression comprises only one legacy of these events. 102 The reliance of radical
98
Ameringer, If You Don't Weaken, 355-56.
Louis Kopelin, “Shall it be Peace Without Victory or Victory Without Peace?” Appeal to Reason (Girard,
Kansas), June 30, 1917, 1, Microfilm, Kansas Historical Society, Reel G213.
100
“What The New Appeal Will Fight For, The New Appeal (Girard, Kansas), December 22, 1917. Microfilm,
Kansas Historical Society, Reel G213.
101
Green, Grass-Roots Socialism, 356-57.
102
Their legacy still chills speech opposed to the prosecution of war. In 2010 both Senators Dianne Feinstein and
Joseph Lieberman cited the Espionage Act of 1917 and called for prosecution of Julian Assange of WikiLeaks, and
Lieberman called for the Justice department to investigate the New York Times based on this 1917 law. Current
headlines are full of the disclosures of Edward Snowden and problems raised by selective prosecution. Espionage
Act Amended 1918 (Sedition Act), U.S. Statutes at Large 40 (1919): 553-54, May 16, 1918, 40 STAT 553.
http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/040_statutes_at_large.pdf (accessed October 3, 2013); Mary O'Leary,
“Lieberman Draws Fire with Times Remark On Wikileaks,” The Middletown Press,
http://middletownpress.com/articles/2010/12/10/news/doc4d024883a149a725770342.txt (accessed December 10,
2012); Dianne Feinstein, “Prosecute Assange under the Espionage Act,” The Wall Street Journal,
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703989004575653280626335258.html (accessed December 10,
2012); Christina Wells, “Edward Snowden, the Espionage Act and First Amendment Concerns,” Jurist–Forum
99
24
activists on the ideas of Native Americans continued in the decades that followed. Ameringer
notes a conversation with a revolutionary ranch hand in 1932, when passing through Oklahoma.
This socialist revolutionary planned, in his own words, to start a revolution to “own our land and
cattle and things in common like the Indians used to do before the government robbed them of
everything by giving them title deeds.” 103 Contemporary activists continue the struggle. A new
Oklahoma movement makes an explicit call: "We need a new Green Corn Alliance. We can call
for a new alliance of white, black, Native American and Latino workers, students and the
unemployed." 104 The participation of Dunbar-Ortiz in this alliance ensures that the ideas brought
forth at the time of the coalition that started a century ago in Hobo’s Hollow, that advocated
through a multiracial coalition for class-based justice, live on.
(University of Pittsburgh School of Law), July 25, 2013, accessed October 9, 2013,
http://www.jurist.org/forum/2013/07/christina-wells-snowden-espionage.php.
103
Ameringer, If You Don’t Weaken, 452.
104
Aguilahombre, “Idle No More, Eagle and the Condor, Warriors of the Rainbow and the New Green Corn
Alliance,” Eagle-Quetzal-Condor (blog), February 1, 2013, accessed October 9, 2013,
http://aguilahombre.wordpress.com/2013/02/01/idle-no-more-eagle-and-the-condor-warriors-of-the-rainbow-andthe-new-green-corn-alliance/.
25
Appendix A: The Demands of the Working Class Union
1.
Total abolition of crime, disease, and death producing practices of rent, interest, and
profit-taking as iniquities imposed on the workers.
2.
Abolition of the Wage System as pernicious to the normal development of healthy
manhood and womanhood.
3.
A working day of not over eight hours.
4.
The release of one day in seven.
5.
Public ownership of all utilities.
7.
of
Enactment and enforcement of anti-child-labor laws where they do not exist and defense
them where they do.
8.
Sanitary inspection of factories, workshops, mines, and homes.
9.
The initiative, referendum, imperative mandate, and the right to recall.
10.
Opposition to the issue and abuse of injunctions in labor disputes.
11.
Ample provisions to be made for those injured on the job and for the needs of old age and
childhood.
12.
Shorter work days, better working conditions, better homes, better and safer workshops,
mills, factories, and mines.
In short, we demand a better, higher, and nobler life.
McAlester News-Capital (McAlester, Oklahoma), August 13, 1917. Reproduced in typescript as
Appendix B in John Womack Jr., Oklahoma’s Green Corn Rebellion: The Importance of Fools
(N.P: Womack, 1961), 177. Note that #6 is missing in the typescript, I was unable to locate the
original newspaper source, or find the demands printed in other newspapers.
26
Appendix B: Maps
Map of Indian Territory (Oklahoma), 1885
“Map of Indian Territory (Oklahoma), 1885,” National Archives, accessed November 3, 2013,
http://www.archives.gov/education/lessons/fed-indian-policy/.
27
Map of Oklahoma Counties
The main areas of the Green Corn Rebellion, Seminole, Hughes, and Pontotoc counties, are
highlighted in red. These counties formed the intersection between the old Oklahoma Territory,
and the Creek, Seminole, and Choctaw and Chickasaw Nations. The rebellion also spilled over
into Pottawatomie and Pittsburgh counties Hickory Ceremonial Ground, the center of the Crazy
Snake Rebellion, is also shown.
“Oklahoma Counties,” Map. State and County Quick Facts, accessed November 3, 2013,
http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/img/counties/stout40.gif.
28
The Oklahoma Battle Front
“The Oklahoma Battle Front,” Oklahoma City Times, Map, August 4, 1917, 2.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc170405/ (accessed, August 25, 2013).
29
Appendix C: Movement Diagram
This chart shows the intersection of the Indian resistance movement and the radical protest movement in Oklahoma.
The oval shapes represent people involved in the leadership of different movements. Chitto Harjo served as a
soldier in the U.S. Civil War, as a follower of Opothle Yahola. He became the leader of the Snake movement,
named for him, and fostered the African American and Black Creek encampment at Hickory Ground, that later
triggered the Smoked Meat rebellion. His relative John Harjo was among those arrested during the Snake Rebellion,
and served as a leader of the Green Corn Rebellion, and headed a chapter of the WCU. Covington Hall was a
member of both the Socialist Party and the IWW, and founded the WCU. “Rube” Munson came to Oklahoma as an
IWW organizer, but became the chief organizer and strategist for the WCU. Chang, Color of the Land, 141-42;
Saunt, Black, White, and Indian, 92, 104,134; Green, Grass Roots Socialism, 354. Sellars, Oil, Wheat, and
Wobblies, 31, 40, 84.
30
Primary Source Bibliography
Act for the Protection of the People of the Indian Territory (Curtis Act), Public Law, U.S.
Statutes at Large 30 (1899): 495-519. 30 STAT 495.
http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/030_statutes_at_large.pdf (accessed October 3,
2013)
This law supplemented the General Allotment Act of 1887 (also called the Dawes Act). This
forced individual allotment of land, previously held in common, to the individuals of the Five
Civilized Tribes of Oklahoma.
"Address of the National Executive Committee of the People's Party to the Voters of the United
States," The Indian Chieftain (Vinita, Indian Territory), January 14, 1892, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc71211/ (accessed June 25, 2013).
Political speech of the People’s Party candidates in 1892. See also “A Proposed Platform,” in
the same issue.
Aguilahombre. “Idle No More, Eagle and the Condor, Warriors of the Rainbow and the New
Green Corn Alliance.” Eagle-Quetzal-Condor (blog), February 1, 2013. Accessed
October 9, 2013. http://aguilahombre.wordpress.com/2013/02/01/idle-no-more-eagle-andthe-condor-warriors-of-the-rainbow-and-the-new-green-corn-alliance/.
For the conclusion, shows that the ideas of the WCU live on, in present-day political dissent.
Ameringer, Oscar. If You Don't Weaken: The Autobiography of Oscar Ameringer. 1940. New
York: Greenwood Press, 1969.
This is the story of Ameringer's life as a socialist organizer. His activities spanned decades and
much of his work involved the tenant farmers of Oklahoma.
Byrd, Billie. “Interview with Billie Brant,” Oklahoma Federation of Labor Collection, Western
History Collections, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma.
http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/indianpp/id/3316/rec/1 (accessed
October 6, 2013).
A WPA interview with a follower of Chitto Harjo. This illuminates details of race and class
important to both the first and second Snake Rebellion.
Byrd, Billie. “Interview with Daniel Starr,” Oklahoma Federation of Labor Collection, Western
History Collections, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma.
http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/indianpp/id/2431/rec/1 (accessed
October 6, 2013).
31
Another WPA interview, with the nephew of Chitto Harjo. This interview documents meetings
between Harjo and Isaparhecher discussing strategies for maintaining old laws and customs.
“Charges Filed Against Judge,” Tulsa World (Tulsa, Oklahoma), November 14, 1915, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc135499/ (accessed August 25, 2013).
Included to show the mixed record of L.C. McNabb, the former judge and attorney that
represented the WCU.
“Col. Gault Says They Must Dip”, Cherokee County Democrat (Tahlequah, Oklahoma), May 17,
1916, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc90382/ (accessed February 17,
2013).
An argument, and an order by a U.S. Army colonel, mandating the dipping of cows in the
Tahlequah area. Cow-dipping was an effort to prevent disease, but angered local farmers because
the cure sometimes killed the cow.
“Conditions Bordering on Anarchy Exist Today in Seminole County,” Shawnee Daily
News-Herald, August 3, 1917, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc92880/
(accessed February 17, 2013).
Article detailing the aftermath of the Green Corn Rebellion. Details are given regarding specific
prisoners or ringleaders arrested.
“Crazy Snake Again on Warpath,” Britton Weekly Sentinel (Britton, Oklahoma), April 3, 1909,
8. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc142477/ (accessed June 5, 2013).
Article covering the earliest emerging details of the second Snake Rebellion, also called the
Smoked Meat Rebellion.
“Crazy Snake is Captured,” Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Indian Territory), January 28, 1901.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc78374/ (accessed June 25, 2013).
Details of the capture of Chitto Harjo in the first Snake Rebellion.
“Crazy Snake is Gone,” The Sledge Hammer (Okemah, Oklahoma), February 12, 1914, 4.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc149945/ (accessed June 25, 2013)
Article detailing Chitto Harjo’s supposed move to Bolivia. This is disputed, as is the time and
place of his death.
"Crazy Snake Heads Warring Band," The Konawa Chief-Leader (Konawa, Oklahoma), April 1,
1909, 4. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc98593/ (accessed June 25, 2013).
Article covering the second Snake Rebellion.
32
Creek Nation. Constitution and Civil and Criminal Code of the Muskokee Nation: Approved at
the Council Ground Muskokee Nation, October 12, 1867. Washington: D.C. McGill &
Witherow, 1868. Accessed October 6, 2013.
http://memory.loc.gov/ll/llnt/056/llnt056.sgm
Creek national constitution, approved after the civil war. Referred to by Chitto Harjo in his
negotiations with Washington.
Dawes, Henry M., “Senator Dawes' Address,” in Proceedings of the Third Annual Meeting of the
Lake Mohonk Conference of Friends of the Indian: Held October 7-9, 1885, 33-45.
Philadelphia: Sherman & Co. Printers, 1886. Google eBook edition.
http://books.google.com/books?id=94ASAAAAYAAJ (accessed August 28, 2013).
The full text of Senator Dawes’ speech on this occasion, it gives important insight into his views
on the nature of the land allotment issue.
“Dawes-Creek Treaty,” The Fort Gibson Post (Fort Gibson, Indian Territory), December 1,
1898. Typescript.
http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/isparhecher/id/27/rec/18
(accessed August 28, 2013).
Principal Chief Isparhecher of the Creek Nation’s reaction to the failure of the Dawes-Creek
treaty to be passed by popular vote of the Creek People. Isparhecher had accepted allotment at
this point, and changed his views on race.
“Demands of the Working Class Union,” McAlester News-Capital (McAlester, Oklahoma),
August 13, 1917. From Appendix B, in Womack, John. Oklahoma's Green Corn
Rebellion: The Importance of Fools. Typescript. N.p.: Womack, 1961, 177.
My Appendix A, list of the demands for reform of the WCU. Interestingly, Womack is missing
item number 6, and the newspaper is unavailable online, so demand #6 remains a mystery.
“Draft Resisters Fire Upon Seminole County Officers,” Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Oklahoma),
August 3, 1917, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc156164/ (accessed
September 28, 2013).
Among the first reports of the beginning of the Green Corn Rebellion. Provides details of the
attack on Sheriff Grall and Deputy Cross.
"Dynamite Used in Destroying County Dipping Vat," The Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore,
Oklahoma), September 20, 1915, 3.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc154331/ (accessed August 25, 2013).
33
Demonstrates WCU night riding activities in the years leading up to the Green Corn Rebellion.
“Editorial on Isparhecher,” South McAlester Capital (South McAlester, Indian Territory), June 1,
1899, Typescript.
http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/isparhecher/id/42/rec/17
(accessed August 28, 2013)
“Election Returns,” Appeal to Reason (Girard, Kansas), November 25, 1916. . Microfilm.,
Kansas Historical Society, Reel G213.
The raw numbers of election returns, by state. The focus is on Socialist Party gains and losses.
Espionage Act of 1917. Public Law, U.S. Statutes at Large 40 (1919): 216-231. June 15, 1917,
40 STAT 216. http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/040_statutes_at_large.pdf (accessed
October 3, 2013)
This act passed with the help of jingoistic fervor during World War I, at least partly in response
to actions like the Green Corn Rebellion. The effects of this law are felt up to the present day.
Espionage Act Amended 1918 (Sedition Act). U.S. Statutes at Large 40 (1919): 553-54, May 16,
1918, 40 STAT 553. http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/040_statutes_at_large.pdf
(accessed October 3, 2013)
An amendment to the Espionage act, that modified that law. While parts of this have since been
overturned, some parts of it are still in effect.
“The Farmer and Socialism,” Appeal to Reason (Girard, Kansas), November 4, 1911, 3.
Microfilm, Kansas Historical Society, Reel G213.
An article presenting both sides of the argument for supporting farmers within the Socialist
Party, and socialist ideology generally.
“Farmers Too Dependent,” The Wewoka Herald (Wewoka, Indian Territory), April 6, 1906, 2.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc123072/ (accessed June 25, 2013).
An editorial by a farmer, criticizing the capital structure of commercial farming.
Feinstein, Dianne. “Prosecute Assange under the Espionage Act,” The Wall Street Journal,
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703989004575653280626335258.html
(accessed December 10, 2012).
Shows long-term significance of the Espionage Act.
34
“Former Officer of Seminole Co. is Under Arrest,” Shawnee Daily News-Herald, August 6,
1917, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc92882/ (accessed February 17,
2013)
This article details the arrest of A. Huckleberry, formerly a county commissioner for Seminole
County. Huckleberry is a Green Corn Rebellion ringleader.
General Allotment Act of 1887 (Dawes Act), Public Law, U.S. Statutes at Large 24 (1886):
388-91. 24 STAT 388 http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/024_statutes_at_large.pdf
(accessed October 3, 2013)
This law provided for allotment for all Indians in the United States, with the exception of
members of the Five Civilized Tribes of the Indian Territory. Later to be amended by the Curtis
Act.
Harris, C.J. “Chief Harris’ Message” The Indian Chieftain (Vinita, Indian Territory), September
19, 1895, 4. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc71403/ (accessed June 25,
2013).
Address of Chief Harris, Principal Chief of the Cherokee, to the Cherokee Nation. This speech
directly addresses Native American land use custom and law in the Indian Nations before
allotment.
“Hastings a Winner,” Shawnee Daily News-Herald, August 2, 1916, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc92568/ (accessed February 17, 2013)
Brief article detailing the electoral loss of L.C. McNabb, former attorney for the Working Class
Union. This article was published on the day of the Green Corn Rebellion.
Herron, George D. “A Plea for the Unity of American Socialists.” International Socialist Review
1, no. 6. (December, 1900): 321-28. Google eBook.
http://archive.org/details/InternationalSocialistReview1900Vol01 (accessed November 2,
2012.)
An important look at the internal conflict within the radical left. This shows the disparity of
positions of both left-wing and right-wing socialists.
Holman, Charles W. "New Slaves In South; White Slaves to Usury Landlordism Threaten
Revolution, Says Holman," The Tulsa Daily World (Tulsa, Oklahoma), January 24, 1915,
18. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc135245/ (accessed August 25, 2013).
35
An article detailing the plight of tenant farmers in Texas and Oklahoma. Though it references
the Socialist Party and the Texas Renters Union, rather than the WCU, it details an incident of
night-riding in Mclean County, Oklahoma in 1913.
"Homer Spence, Organizer of Seminole County W.C.U., Reported Captured After a Battle With
Officers--Now Locked in Pen," Shawnee Daily News Herald (Shawnee, Oklahoma),
August 8, 1917, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc92884/ (accessed
November 3, 2012).
Provides important details on the aftermath of the Green Corn Rebellion, and the arrest of its
leaders.
"House Passes War Resolution and America Plunges Into Death Struggle With Germany," Tulsa
Daily World (Tulsa, Oklahoma), April 6, 1917.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc134343 (accessed August 25, 2013).
Documents America’s entry into World War I.
Hume, Otis, Interview with Henry Jacobs, Oklahoma Federation of Labor Collection, Western
History Collections, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma, 3.
http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/indianpp/id/3140/rec/2 (Accessed
October 6, 2013)
"I.W.W. Organization Up for Trial in Kansas." New York Times, Dec 02, 1919.
http://wncln.wncln.org/docview/100465683/ (Accessed February 17, 2013).
This article presents the trial of members of the I.W.W. in 1919. These people were prosecuted
under the Espionage Act, showing direct consequences of the passage of this law.
“The Indian Uprising,” The Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Indian Territory), January 24, 1901.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc78371/ (accessed June 25, 2013).
Continuing local coverage of the first Snake Rebellion.
Indian Removal Act of 1830, Public Law, U.S. Statutes at Large 4 (1850): 411-12. 4 STAT 411.
http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/004_statutes_at_large.pdf (accessed October 3,
2013)
Text of the Indian Removal Act. The law’s wording shows that the act provided for voluntary
removal of Native Americans, unlike the forced removal in practice.
Isparhecher.“Message of Isparhecher,” Daily Chieftain (Vinita, Indian Territory), December 17,
1898. Typescript.
36
http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/isparhecher/id/28 (accessed
August 28, 2013).
The letter of Isparhecher, Principal Chief of the Creeks, with his recommendations on the
process of allotment, advising that some provision must be made for the process, since it has
been made inevitable by the passage of the Curtis Act.
Isparhecher. “Message of Spiechee,” The Indian Journal (Muskogee, Indian Territory), January
3, 1884. Typescript
http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/isparhecher/id/22/rec/1 (accessed
August 28, 2013).
The letter of Isparhecher, Principal Chief of the Creeks, explicitly stating his support for full
membership in the Creek Nation regardless of skin color or heritage, and opposing allotment.
Jamieson, Stuart. Labor Unionism in American Agriculture. 1945. New York: Arno Press, 1976.
A book length work reprinted from a Department of Labor report, Bulletin No. 836. This is a
combination primary and secondary source, with original statistical data and narrative written by
Jamieson.
Julius, Emanuel. “Why the Oklahoma Farmers Are Clamoring for Socialism,” Appeal to Reason
(Girard, Kansas), February 26, 1916. Microfilm, Kansas Historical Society, Reel G213.
Demonstrates support by some Socialist Party activists for the plight of Oklahoma tenant
farmers.
Keller, Helen. “Helen Keller Endorses The Appeal's Farmer Campaign,” Appeal to Reason
(Girard, Kansas), February 19, 1916. Microfilm, Kansas Historical Society, Reel G213.
This presents Keller's endorsement of the the Appeal to Reason's agricultural campaign.
Important to show the significance of the movement, with endorsement by a national figure.
Kopelin, Louis. “Shall it be Peace Without Victory or Victory Without Peace?” Appeal to
Reason(Girard, Kansas), June 30, 1917, 1. Microfilm, Kansas Historical Society, Reel
G213.
From the issue following the suppression of circulation of Appeal to Reason. Shows that the
Appeal continued, at least initially, to oppose the war.
"Langley Gets Damages," Oklahoma State Capitol (Guthrie, Oklahoma), December 23, 1909, 3.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc127572/ (accessed August 25, 2013)
37
Brief description of a lawsuit brought by a tenant farmer against his landlord, who allegedly
destroyed part of his crops.
"Lining Up For Campaign of Congressmen," The Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Oklahoma), June
20, 1916, 3. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc154553/ (accessed August
25, 2013).
Details a few of the initial steps of the McNabb congressional campaign.
"Lovers of Liberty! Petition Congress to Repeal Conscription Act," Appeal to Reason (Girard,
Kansas), May 12, 1917. Microfilm, Kansas Historical Society, Reel G213.
Demonstrates the anti-war view of socialists and other radical leftists in Appeal to Reason, a
publication widely circulated in Oklahoma at this time.
McDermut, Wilson E. Proceedings of the National Convention of the Socialist Party, 1912.
Chicago: The Socialist Party, 1912. http://www.archive.org/ (accessed March 18, 2013).
Provides full text of speeches of national leaders as well as Oklahoma attendees at the
convention. Full links are below, please note that nomenclature of the files is incorrect but the
document is complete with these three parts:
Part 1: pages 1-113:
http://archive.org/details/NationalConventionOfTheSocialistPartyHeldAtIndianapolisInd.May12
Part 2, pages 114-225:
http://archive.org/details/ProceedingsOfTheNationalConventionOfTheSocialistLaborParty
Part 3. pages 226-248, plus Index I-VI:
http://archive.org/details/ProceedingsOfTheNationalConventionOfTheSocialistPartyPart2
McNabb, L.C. “An I.W.W. Defined,” Cherokee County Democrat (Tahlequah, Oklahoma),
September 12, 1917, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc90447/ (accessed
February 17, 2013).
This article demonstrates McNabb's complete turnaround after the Green Corn Rebellion. A
former elected official who once left office to represent the WCU, McNabb escaped prosecution
and turned on the WCU, the IWW, and any other radical organization he could find in an attempt
to distance himself.
“Manhunt Near End, Over Half of W.C.U. Taken,” Shawnee Daily News Herald (Shawnee,
Oklahoma), August 7, 1917, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc92883/
(accessed February 17, 2013).
This presents further accounts of the roundup of WCU Members. This helps to complete the
series of events, and in addition, notes "the capture of John Harjo, known as "Snake," leader of
the Indian division of the W.C.U. of Seminole county."
38
“Mob of Draft Resisters Attacks Sheriff’s Posse,” Oklahoma City Times, August 3, 1917, 1-2.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc170404/ (accessed August 25, 2013).
Report of main activity of the Green Corn Rebellion, immediately following the first major
events.
"The Missouri, Oklahoma & Gulf Railroad," Carney Enterprise, August 5, 1910, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc87743/ (accessed November 16, 2013).
Article disparaging Redbird Smith, among others. An example of how the leader of a strictly
political group is still considered a dangerous savage.
“National Socialist Platform for 1916,” Appeal to Reason (Girard, Kansas), September 30, 1916.
Microfilm, Kansas Historical Society, Reel G213.
Spells out both the Socialist Party’s opposition to World War I, and the acknowledgment of the
international movement opposing it.
"Null the Leases" The Muskogee Cimeter (Muskogee, Indian Territory), October 13, 1904, 8.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc69970/ (accessed November 24, 2013).
Article detailing the scandal of “grafters” taking advantage of orphan children after allotment.
O'Hare, Kate Richards. "Nigger" Equality. Saint Louis, Missouri: The National Ripsaw, 1912.
Accessed October 8, 2013.
http://marxists.architexturez.net/history/usa/parties/spusa/1912/0325-ohare-niggerequality
Demonstrates O’Hare’s support for equal voting rights and equal opportunity for AfricanAmericans, despite her virulent racism.
O'Leary, Mary. “Lieberman Draws Fire with Times Remark On Wikileaks,” The Middletown
Press,
http://middletownpress.com/articles/2010/12/10/news/doc4d024883a149a725770342.txt
(accessed December 10, 2012);
Shows long-term significance of the Espionage Act.
“Prisoner Talked Freely of Wild and Damnable Plans of Working Class Union,” Shawnee Daily
News Herald, August 5, 1917, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc92881/
(accessed February 17, 2013)
This article provides more details on the Green Corn Rebellion, including additional context on
the aftermath of the battle. In addition, this shows the media hyperbole common in mainstream
press articles of the time.
39
“Rebellion Was To Be General, Farmers Told,” Shawnee Daily News Herald (Shawnee,
Oklahoma), September 25, 1917, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc92923/ (accessed February 17, 2013).
This shows how the WCU dramatically misunderstood the level of support that they had, despite
strong organization within the state. The rebellion collapsed due to no large scale national
support.
"Refuses to Dip Cattle; Is Jailed," Oklahoma Labor Unit (Oklahoma City, Oklahoma),
November 6, 1915, 4. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc157276/ (accessed
October 6, 2013)
Provides information about the cattle-dipping law. Important to show motivation of the rebellion.
“Resistance to Registration,” Lexington Leader, June 1, 1917, 6.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc110779/ (accessed February 17, 2013)
Background leading up to the Green Corn Rebellion. Shows that some awareness of the threat of
armed public resistance to draft registration existed.
Selective Service Act of 1917 (Conscription Act). Public Law, U.S. Statutes at Large 40 (1918):
76-83. 40 STAT 76. http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/024_statutes_at_large.pdf
(accessed October 3, 2013).
Selective Service Act of 1917, Amended (Conscription Act amended). Public Law, U.S. Statutes
at Large 40 (1918): 955-56. 40 STAT 955.
http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/024_statutes_at_large.pdf (accessed October 3,
2013).
Commonly known as the Conscription Act, this law passed in 1917 and later amended in 1918
was one of the key triggers of the Green Corn Rebellion.
“Several Arrests in Oklahoma for Interfering with Conscription,” Beaver County Republican
(Gray, Oklahoma), June 15, 1917, 2. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc176146/m
(accessed September 28, 2013).
“Smoked Meat Rebellion Instead of Indian War,” Weleetka American (Weleetka, Oklahoma),
April 2, 1909, 1. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc155177/ (accessed June
25, 2013).
The other name for the second Snake Rebellion, based on the events that started the violence, an
accusation that meat was stolen by African-Americans allied with Black Creeks and other
members of the Snake movement.
40
“Snake Indian Uprising,” Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Indian Territory), January 23, 1901.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc78370/ (Accessed June 25, 2013).
Details of the first Snake Rebellion.
“Soldiers On Scene,” The Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Indian Territory), January 25, 1901, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc78372/ (accessed June 25, 2013).
Account of the widening of the Snake Rebellion, with numbers of Choctaws and Seminoles
reported to be joining the Creeks.
Spillman, William J., and E.A. Goldenweiser. “Farm Tenantry in the United States.” In Yearbook
of the United States Department of Agriculture, 1916, 321-46. Washington: Government
Printing Office, 1917. Accessed October 12, 2013. http://archive.org/details/yoa1916.
Economic analysis that lays out the process of the “Agricultural Ladder.” (term is Sellars’).
"Territorial Snapshots," Oklahoma Leader (Guthrie, Oklahoma Territory), August 29, 1901, 7.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc121535/ (accessed August 25, 2013).
One short paragraph in this section details the distribution of land deeds by Pleasant Porter, a
Creek official.
State of Oklahoma, The Constitution of the State of Oklahoma (1907). Oklahoma City, Warden
Printing Company, 1907. http://archive.org/details/constitutionofst00okla (accessed
October 6, 2013).
Initially the Oklahoma Constitution provided some of the most progressive rules and governance
concerning labor, until changed during the uproar of World War I.
"Suit to Disbar Sallisaw Atty," Cherokee County Democrat (Tahlequah, Oklahoma), November
18, 1915, 2. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc90356/ (accessed October 6,
2013)
Article mentioning L.C.McNabb’s resignation and the lawsuit seeking his disbarment.
Treaty with the Choctaw (Treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek), Public Law, U.S. Statutes at Large 7
(1846): 333-42, September 27, 1830. 7 STAT 333.
http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/007_statutes_at_large.pdf (accessed October 3,
2013)
Treaty arranging for the Choctaw to cede all their lands east of the Mississippi, in exchange for
new lands in the Indian Territory. Began the process of the Trail of Tears.
41
Treaty with the Creeks (Treaty of Cusseta, Third Treaty of Washington), Public Law, U.S.
Statutes at Large 7 (1846): 366-68, April 4, 1832. 7 STAT 366.
http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/007_statutes_at_large.pdf (accessed October 3,
2013)
Treaty signed by the Creeks, ceding their land to the federal government in exchange for new
territory west of the Mississippi in the Indian Territory.
Treaty with the Cherokees (Treaty of New Echota), Public Law, U.S. Statutes at Large 7 (1846):
478-89, December 29, 1835. 7 STAT 478.
http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/007_statutes_at_large.pdf (accessed October 3,
2013)
Treaty signed by the Treaty Party, a group of Cherokee not representing the elected government
of the Cherokee Nation, but approved by the U.S. Senate anyway. This document represents
politically the split between elite Cherokees and the Cherokee common people, and the signers
also were the military leaders who fought alongside Jackson against the Red Sticks during the
Creek War.
Treaty with the Seminoles (Treaty of Payne’s Landing), Public Law, U.S. Statutes at Large 7
(1846): 368-70, May 9, 1832. 7 STAT 368.
http://www.constitution.org/uslaw/sal/007_statutes_at_large.pdf (accessed October 3,
2013)
Treaty with the Seminoles, also ceding their land prior to removal to the Indian Territory.
“Tried to Burn Frisco Bridge,” Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Oklahoma), August 3, 1917, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc156164/ (accessed September 28, 2013).
Among the first reports of the Green Corn Rebellion.
“Troops Wanted,” Daily Ardmoreite (Ardmore, Indian Territory), January 23, 1901, 1.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc78370/ (Accessed June 25, 2013)
From the same issue as “Snake Uprising” article, a call from the US Marshall based in Muskogee
for federal troops.
Turner, John Kenneth, “Bankers Squeeze Out Last Drop of Blood of Poor Tenant Farmers,
Appeal to Reason (Girard, Kansas), January 2, 1915. Microfilm, Kansas Historical
Society, Reel G212.
Continuation of November and December articles on tenant farmers in Oklahoma. Again, shows
how tenant farmers in Oklahoma exemplified many of the ideals of the socialist party.
42
Turner, John Kenneth, “Cotton Growers Worse Off Than Chattel Slaves,” Appeal to Reason
(Girard, Kansas), December 19, 1914. Microfilm, Kansas Historical Society, Reel G212.
Followup on November article on Oklahoma Cotton Farmers. Shows the importance of the issue.
Turner, John Kenneth, “Fight for Farmers Opens on Oklahoma Battlefield,” Appeal to Reason
(Girard, Kansas), November 28, 1914. Microfilm., Kansas Historical Society, Reel
G212.
This article shows early support for tenant cotton farmers by some members of the Socialist
Party. Controversy about the status of farmers within a worker's movement is revealed.
“Very Bad Snake Indians,” Daily Times-Journal (Oklahoma City, Oklahoma Territory), January
23, 1901. http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc95706/ (accessed September 17,
2013).
Details on the first Snake Rebellion.
Christina Wells, “Edward Snowden, the Espionage Act and First Amendment Concerns,” Jurist
Forum (University of Pittsburgh School of Law), July 25, 2013, accessed October 9,
2013,
http://www.jurist.org/forum/2013/07/christina-wells-snowden-espionage.php
Article showing the continuing relevance of the Espionage Act.
“What The New Appeal Will Fight For?” The New Appeal (Girard, Kansas), December 22,
1917, 1, Microfilm, Kansas Historical Society, Reel G213.
An article from the first issue of The New Appeal, after it was shut down for being anti-war.
The paper ceased publication entirely less than a year later.
"Willing to Hang: But Tortures of a Haircut Were Too Much For Fullbloods," The Indian
Chieftain (Vinita, Indian Territory), March 20, 1902, 2.
http://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc71743/ (accessed November 16, 2013).
Example of how shaming was used to intimidate Native Americans, specifically Redbird Smith,
Cherokee leader of the Four Mothers Nation.
43
Secondary Source Bibliography
Bush, Charles C. "The Green Corn Rebellion." Master's thesis, University of Oklahoma, 1932.
The earliest scholarly work on the Green Corn Rebellion, it is problematic because of bias and
somewhat sensationalist style. It is referenced in most early studies, and provides factual
information about the sequence of events during the rebellion.
Burbank, Garin. When Farmers Voted Red: the Gospel of Socialism in the Oklahoma
Countryside, 1910-1924. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1976.
This book anticipates Green's, and though it is less comprehensive, it focuses on Oklahoma
politics specifically. Many important primary source references and general topics from
newspapers were identified using this book.
Chang, David A. The Color of the Land: Race, Nation, and the Politics of Landownership in
Oklahoma, 1832-1929. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2010.
This analysis of different groups in Oklahoma pays specific attention to race relations, and how
different concepts of land and property ownership affected political struggle, national identity.
Chang brings Debo's insights up to date with much recent scholarship, and makes some
references to socialist and syndicalist movements, including the Green Corn Rebellion.
Chang, David. “Enclosures of Land and Sovereignty: The Allotment of American Indian Lands.”
Radical History Review 1, no. 109 (Winter 2011): 109-19. Academic Search Complete,
EBSCOhost http://0search.ebscohost.com.wncln.wncln.org/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=57998177
&site=ehost-live (Accessed June 24, 2013)
A quick overview of many of the main points covered in his book-length work. This covers in
detail the shift in Native American identity, from community to ethnic heritage.
Cunningham, William. The Green Corn Rebellion. 1935. Norman: University of Oklahoma
Press, 2010.
This work of fiction is not cited, but is important historiographically. Cunningham was the
director of the WPA in Oklahoma in the 1930s, and his is the first treatment of the topic that is
sympathetic to the WCU. In addition, Cunningham hired Angie Debo to compile a travel and
tourism narrative for Oklahoma, published by the WPA.
Debo, Angie. And Still the Waters Run: the Betrayal of the Five Civilized Tribes. 1940. New
York: Princeton University Press, 1973.
This foundational work covers the events surrounding the allotment process, through the passage
of the Dawes act and the Curtis Act in the late nineteenth century. Debo, in addition to being one
44
of the most respected historians on Native-American history in Oklahoma, worked as a writer
with the Oklahoma Federal Writer's Project during the New Deal era. Despite its age, it remains
the most important work on this topic.
Dunbar-Ortiz, Roxanne and John Womack. “Dreams of Revolution: Oklahoma, 1917.” Monthly
Review 62, no. 6 (November, 2010): 42-56.
http://monthlyreview.org/2010/11/01/dreams-of-revolution-oklahoma-1917 (accessed
December 9, 2012).
Key recent scholarship on the Green Corn Rebellion.
Dunbar-Ortiz, Roxanne. “Growing up Okie–And Radical.” In Alternative Oklahoma:
Contrarian Views of the Sooner State, edited by Davis D. Joyce, 220-29. Norman:
University of Oklahoma Press, 2007.
Experiences of Dunbar-Ortiz growing up, including interviews with her father and local
residents, some specifically refer to the Green Corn Rebellion. Ties the name of the rebellion to
Muscogee tradition.
Green, James R. Grass-Roots Socialism: Radical Movements in the Southwest 1895-1943. Baton
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1978.
This work is foundational to the study of radicalism in Oklahoma from the end of populist
movement in the 1890s through the depression. It is referenced in every other secondary source
written later that I have examined, and provides the most comprehensive study of the Socialist
Party in the region.
Hanne, Daniel. "The Green Corn Rebellion, Oklahoma, August, 1917: A Descriptive
Bibliography of Secondary Sources." The Chronicles of Oklahoma 79, no. 3 (Fall, 2001):
343-57.
This journal article, acquired through inter-library loan early in the research process, provided
key background on the scholarship surrounding the rebellion itself. This article was not cited in
the paper but is referenced here because it was essential to beginning research on this project.
Holm, Thomas. The Great Confusion in Indian Affairs: Native Americans and Whites in the
Progressive Era. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005.
Quoted in David Chang’s work, this piece was added to the research late. Holm is Cherokee,
and a professor of Native American studies at the University of Arizona. His insight into the
intersection of spirituality and politics in the Four Mother’s Nation is invaluable. His work
characterizes any people of African descent as African Americans, and while he acknowledges
the value of alliances, generally does not recognize them as Creek or Native American.
Jamieson, Stuart. Labor Unionism in American Agriculture. 1945. New York: Arno Press, 1976.
45
A book length work reprinted from a Department of Labor report, Bulletin No. 836. This is a
combination primary and secondary source, with original statistical data and narrative written by
Jamieson.
Lind, Staughton, and Andrej Grubacic. Wobblies and Zapatistas: Conversations On Anarchism,
Marxism and Radical History. Oakland, California: PM Press, 2008. Amazon Kindle
edition.
This book contrasts anarchism and socialism, framed as a conversation ranging over historical
topics by the authors.. Lind is an historian and legal scholar from the New Left, and Grubacic is
a younger radical sociologist.
Littlefield, Daniel F., and Lonnie E. Underhill. “The ‘Crazy Snake Uprising’ of 1909: A Red,
Black, or White Affair?” Arizona and the West, 20, no. 4 (Winter 1978): 307-24.
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp accessed September 13, 2013)
One of the few scholarly analyses of this second uprising, also called the Smoked Meat
Rebellion, still relevant due to the scarcity of other historical analysis of race relations for this
incident. This focuses on the racial aspects of the rebellion, and characterizes it as a
smokescreen for a white racist attack on African-Americans.
Meredith, H. L. "Agrarian Socialism and the Negro in Oklahoma, 1900-1918." Labor History 11,
no. 3 (Summer, 1970): 277-84.
http://0search.ebscohost.com.wncln.wncln.org/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoh&AN=005
7699&site=ehost-live (accessed June 22, 2012).
Older scholarship, cited in Green, that provides some quantitative analysis of voting records, and
the attempt by the Socialist Party in Oklahoma to court the black vote. Relevant because of the
the analysis of race relations, and the scarcity of more recent research in this area.
Meserve, John Bartlett. “Chief Isparhecher,” The Chronicles of Oklahoma 10, no. 1 (March,
1932): 49-76. http://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/isparhecher/id/40
(accessed August 28, 2013).
Miller, Worth Robert. Oklahoma Populism: a History of the People's Party in the Oklahoma
Territory. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987.
Another foundational work, Miller expands on Green's history of radicalism by digging more
deeply into its roots during the populist era. This book compliments Green's work well, and the
author specifically focused on aspects of radicalism that preceded what was discussed in GrassRoots Socialism.
46
Pinta, Saku. “Anarchism, Marxism, and the Ideological Composition of the Chicago Idea.”
WorkingUSA 12, no. 3 (September, 2009): 421-50.
http://0search.ebscohost.com.wncln.wncln.org/login.aspxdirect=true&db=eoh&AN=1065237&site=eho
st-live
(accessed December 9, 2012).
An excellent summary that explains the intersection of socialist ideas of class conflict with
syndicalist non-hierarchical communities. This provides a key interpretation of contemporary
thinking on these themes.
Pope, Virginia. “The Green Corn Rebellion: A Case Study in Newspaper Self-Censorship.”
Master's thesis, Oklahoma Agricultural and Mechanical College, 1936.
A first look at the sudden change in media coverage of left-wing organizations beginning
immediately following the Green Corn Rebellion. The impact on movement culture is shown,
and many valuable primary sources are found in this work.
Reese, Linda W. " 'Petticoat' Historians: The Foundation of Oklahoma Social History." In
Alternative Oklahoma: Contrarian Views of the Sooner State, edited by Davis D. Joyce,
3-22. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2007.
Dr. Reese's essay puts four important women historians, including Angie Debo, into context of
the writing of the history of Oklahoma. She begins by referencing Howard Zinn's work, and
explains the importance of Debo's work, along with the other historians discussed, within the
historiography of social history in the state.
Saunt, Claudio. Black, White, and Indian: Race and the Unmaking of an American Family. New
York: Oxford University Press, USA, 2006.
Saunt follows a family with a diverse racial heritage. This is extremely useful in understanding
the complexities of race relations in nineteenth and twentieth century Oklahoma.
Saunt, Claudio. A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek
Indians, 1733-1816. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999.
Saunt traces the development of Creek history before removal. This is an essential work, and
provides understanding of the history and background of Creek society before the Trail of Tears.
Schrems, Suzanne H., and Cynthia J. Wolff. "Politics and Libel: Angie Debo and the Publication
of And Still the Waters Run." The Western Historical Quarterly 22, no. 2 (May, 1991):
184-203. http://www.jstor.org/stable/969205 (accessed April 27, 2013).
47
This article summarizes the difficulties faced by historian Angie Debo in the course of her
career, and in the publication of And Still The Waters Run. This work is important mainly for
historiographical context.
Sellars, Nigel Anthony. Oil, Wheat and Wobblies: the Industrial Workers of the World in
Oklahoma, 1905-1930. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998.
Sellars examines the growth of the IWW and syndicalist ideas in the same timeframes as Green,
focusing on protest politics in place of electoral processes. The influence of the industrial union
movement on the tenant farmers of Oklahoma is well documented.
Sellars, Nigel Anthony. "Treasonous Tenant Farmers and Seditious Sharecroppers: The 1917
Green Corn Rebellion Trials." Oklahoma City University Law Review 27, no. 3 (Fall,
2002): 1097-1141. http://nationalaglawcenter.org/assets/bibarticles/sellars_treasonous.pdf
(accessed November 2, 2012).
An analysis of the legal aftermath of the Green Corn Rebellion. This provides important insights
into both the immediate sequence of events following the rebellion, as well as long term
consequences for both the Socialist Party and the IWW.
Sellars, Nigel. "Wobblies in the Oil Fields: The Suppression of the Industrial Workers of the
World in Oklahoma." In "An Oklahoma I Had Never Seen Before", edited by Davis D.
Joyce, 129-144. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994.
Sellers provides an excellent summary of the issues surrounding labor and the oil industry in the
state. It documents the physical violence and official repression that occurred, as well as
touching on the complicity of the mainstream press, and provides excellent background for the
radical labor movement outside the agrarian sphere in Oklahoma.
Thompson, John. Closing the Frontier: Radical Response in Oklahoma, 1889-1923. Norman:
University of Oklahoma Press, 1986. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost
http://0search.ebscohost.com.wncln.wncln.org/login.aspx?direct=true&db=nlebk&AN=15
600&site=ehost-live(accessed February 3, 2013).
This short work covers economic aspects of allotment not covered elsewhere, and provides
analysis of the different parts of the state, region by region. The development of agribusiness and
the influence of populism and socialism on developing class conflict is noted, as is the growth of
syndicalism and the IWW.
Womack, John. Oklahoma's Green Corn Rebellion: The Importance of Fools. Typescript. N.p.:
Womack, 1961.
Womack wrote a Master’s Thesis with the same title a few years before (A.B. Thesis, 1959,
Harvard). This appears to be a self-published version of the manuscript.
48
Zissu, Erik M. "Conscription, Sovereignty, and Land: American Indian Resistance during World
War I," Pacific Historical Review, 64 no. 4 (Nov 1995), 537-66.
http://www.jstor.org/stable/3640557 (accessed September 13, 2013).
Covers some details of Native American Resistance not elsewhere mentioned.
49