Gender Crimes as an Indicator of
Public Safety in Urban Rhode Island
Report in the Area of Public Safety
Urban Initiative
University of Rhode Island Feinstein Providence Campus
Donna M. Hughes, Ph.D.
With the Assistance of Tatiana Ramirez (BS Criminology & Criminal
Justice, Minor, Gender & Women’s Studies, 2015) and Nicole Lazzaro
(Gender & Women’s Studies, 2016)
“Everyone talks about how drugs are destroying the community, but I think you should
consider how sexual abuse is destroying the community.” - Survivor of sexual abuse and
prostitution (Prostitution: A Matter of Violence Against Women, 1988)
Introduction
This paper argues for making gender crimes more visible in the discussion of public safety in
urban Rhode Island. It proposes making gender crimes a central factor for evaluating public
safety in urban Rhode Island.
This paper recognizes the work of service providers and law enforcement personnel who provide
protection and services for victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, sexual exploitation, sex
trafficking, and the advocates and agencies who have lobbied for better laws and policies to
protect women and children. This paper looks to take the next step in 1) addressing gender
crimes in Rhode Island, and 2) making gender crimes a central consideration in discussions
about public safety in Rhode Island.
The aim of this paper is to reconsider how gender crimes are ranked in official response and
allocation of resources. In addition, it supports responding to and stopping gender-based violence
as a way to create safer urban spaces in Rhode Island.
Original and Revised Proposal for Urban Initiative
In my original proposal to the Urban Institute the objective was to examine how prostitution and
human trafficking laws passed in 2009 were being implemented to advance social justice and
gender equality in Rhode Island. I was asked to broaden the focus of the proposal to include
more types of violence against women, and to explore how violence against women and girls
could be used as an indicator of public safety in Rhode Island. I shifted the focus to gender
violence. Gender violence includes rape, sexual abuse and assault, relationship violence in
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heterosexual and same-sex partnerships, sexual harassment, stalking, prostitution, and sex
trafficking.
After further consideration and in an effort to include acts against children and LGBTQ people, I
shifted the focus to “gender crimes.” The concept of gender crimes is rooted in the social
meaning of gender that creates a hierarchy of masculinity over femininity. Gender crimes are
enacted as part of a social system of male domination that creates gender inequality
(MacKinnon, 2013).
When discussing domestic violence, the perpetrator’s use of power and control is widely
recognized. Also, sexual assault is widely recognized as an act of domination and violence, not
sexual desire. The use of the concept of gender crimes enables us to see how the elements of
hierarchy, domination, power and control are present in other gender-related crimes.
According to how the term “gender crime” is now being used in international law, men and boys
are included when they are subjected to sex crimes and other gender-based violence. It includes
crimes involving gender-related social hierarchies, such as sexual orientation and gender identity
and expression. It also broadens the scope of gender-related violence to include commercial
sexual exploitation, prostitution and sex trafficking. The concept and term “gender crime” as it is
now defined covers more than women and girls, which gives it much more utility and conceptual
power to address crimes rooted in social inequality and injustice.
Public Safety Concerns in Rhode Island
Public safety is the condition under which people feel justified in feeling free of threat to their
persons or property (American Probation and Parole Association and the Manhattan Institute,
2000). Overall, women tend to report that they are more afraid in public spaces than men (Yavuz
& Welch, 2010).
In 2014, a WPRI 12/Providence survey of likely voters in Providence, Rhode Island, found that
60 percent of likely voters were very concerned about public safety and 30 percent said they
were somewhat concerned about public safety. Only eight percent said they were not very or not
at all concerned with the issue. The survey did not disaggregate the responses by gender, race,
and ethnicity, or sexual orientation. The reporters mentioned incidents they thought likely
contributed to these concerns, such as high profile assaults, shootings, and murders (McGowan
& White, 2014, September 23). These are the types of crimes and safety threats that are
associated with feeling safe in public.
Guns, Drugs & Gangs
In response to a question about more investigations of sex trafficking in Rhode Island, I heard a
public official say that they were focusing their resources on “violent crime.” I found this answer
jarring because sex trafficking is a violent crime of coercing someone to have unwanted sex over
and over again. I thought for a moment about what he meant by “violent crime” and realized he
meant gun crimes, gang violence, and weapons and drug trafficking-related crime. Under the
FBI’s Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) system, violent crime is composed of four offenses:
murder and nonnegligent manslaughter, forcible rape, robbery, and aggravated assault. Violent
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crimes are defined in the UCR system as those offenses that involve force or threat of force (FBI,
nd).
Homicides, gun violence, and aggravated assaults are serious public safety concerns. Providence
Police estimate there are about 1800 people in the city who belong to 36 different gangs
(Malinowski & Milkovits, 2014). Cranston police chief, Col. Marco Palombo Jr. said that there
are about 100 gang members in the city (Malinowski, 2013, June 30). There are public and
legislative initiatives and activism focused on reducing gun violence (August, 2015, May 9).
There is a steady stream of stories in the Providence Journal on gun violence and gun
trafficking. Comments in the media by police officials emphasize the problem of gun violence,
such as the comment by Providence Deputy Police Chief Thomas F. Oats III about a recent
shooting: “It just seems to have gotten worse in the past few years. Firearms are just not that hard
to come by, especially if you have the money to pay for them” (Malinowski, 2013, Jun 30).
In 2013, Providence Police reported that they had an average of 1000 “shots-fired” calls each
year. From 2010 to 2013, 305 people were shot in Providence, and 45 of the victims died
(Malinowski, 2013, Jun 30). Gun violence problems have increased in other urban areas, such as
Pawtucket and Cranston.
Violence in urban Rhode Island is generally associated with juveniles and men between ages 18
and 21. Much of the gun violence is gang related. A Providence Journal reporter reviewed
dozens of police reports from 2010-2013 and found that the “vast majority of shootings among
young people are about seemingly trivial matters. Many of them are about “disrespect,”
perceived slights, or ongoing feuds between rival gangs” (Malinowski, 2013, June 30).
Homicides, gun violence, assaults around clubs, often associated with gang conflicts, dominate
the police and fire related news in The Providence Journal. Narcotics trafficking, abuse, and
overdoses are also featured in the news in the last few years in Rhode Island. Following a
national trend, overdoses deaths in Rhode Island from 2010 to 2015 have grown by more than 73
percent and included 239 deaths in 2014 (Arditi, 2015, May 22). The increase in narcotics drug
overdoses follows a national trend as the number of heroin users in the U.S. has nearly doubled.
Although gun violence is and should be considered a serious problem in urban Rhode Island, a
2014 report from the Violence Policy Center says that Rhode Island has the lowest gun death rate
in the nation, based on 2011 information (Group: RI has lowest gun death rate in the nation,
2014).
Gun violence, aggravated assaults, weapons trafficking, and drug trafficking are serious crimes.
This report does not call for reducing efforts to eliminate them. This report calls for enhanced
visibility and response to gender crimes to increase public safety with more awareness of gender
inequality.
Focusing on Gender Violence as an Indicator of Public Safety
For many years, violence and abuse of women and children were seen as private domestic family
issues. Even the current term used by many--intimate partner violence---implies that it is private
violence, and not part of public safety. The idea that private violence was not a private, family
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matter emerged from the second wave of the women’s movement. In Rhode Island, domestic
violence is considered to be a public safety issue.
There is still the perception that some violent crimes, even sex crimes, are private violence. In a
recent discussion about incidents of rape on campus with someone at a university in Rhode
Island, the person said, “If it is acquaintance rape, and the perpetrator and the victim know each
other, it isn’t considered a public safety issue.” It was this person’s perception that acquaintance
rape was a private form of violence, and irrelevant to public safety on campus. This perception
implies that the only sexual violence that affects public safety is the stranger rape that threatens
women walking on campus.
First of all, what have often been viewed as acts of private violence are serious, violent crimes
against individuals that should be treated as part of the safety of individuals that make up the
public. Secondly, the private acts of violence often precede public acts of violence. For example,
findings indicate that domestic violence is an early indicator in later public mass shootings. An
analysis of mass shootings between January 2009 and June 2014 found that in 57 percent (61 of
107 incidents) of the cases, the shooter killed a current or former intimate partner or other family
member before shooting others (Everytown for Gun Safety, 2014). Moreover in 18 percent of
mass shootings, the perpetrator had been previously charged with a domestic violence offense.
One study reveals that men who were exposed to physical abuse, sexual abuse, and adult
domestic violence as children were almost four times more likely than other men to perpetrate
domestic violence as adults (Whitfield et al., 2003). A felony conviction for domestic violence is
the predictor of more violent public crimes.
It is widely recognized that abuse in childhood and witnessing violence is a contributor to later
emotional and mental health problems. It has also long been known that most people who
commit violent crimes were previously victims of abuse.
According to a national survey, about nine percent of adolescents were assaulted by an intimate
partner in the preceding year (YRBS, 2003). In Rhode Island, the percent is less than that,
however, at eight percent of adolescents reported that they had been hit, slapped, or physically
hurt by their boyfriend or girlfriend in the preceding year (RIYRBS, 2003).
In Rhode Island, among 9th to 12th graders who were surveyed, 7.7 percent reported forced
sexual intercourse (YRBS, 2001). Over the last decade, there is increased recognition of the
harm of commercial sexual exploitation. A recent report on commercial sexual exploitation and
sex trafficking of minors in the U.S. (Institute of Medicine, 2014) concluded that:
“[T]here is substantial and compelling evidence that commercial sexual exploitation and
sex trafficking of minors in the United States are serious problems with immediate and
long-term adverse consequence for children and adolescents, as well as for families,
communities, and society as a whole.”
Recently, the Family Court of Rhode Island held two conferences to focus on the problem of
violence against children and trauma. In 2013, the focus was on sex trafficking with a conference
entitled “Trafficking, Trauma and Exploitation of Children in the Child Welfare System.” In
2014 the focus of the conference was on identifying traumatized children and providing traumainformed care: “Children, Trauma, and the Integration of Care.” The presentations emphasized
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the impact and enormous harm of abuse and trauma, in its many forms, on Rhode Island’s
children. It was evident that Rhode Island cannot expect a healthy, productive population if so
many children growing up in the state start off with their development hindered by trauma. Yet,
most of the crimes committed against children are not widely included in discussions of public
safety.
New Approaches to Justice and Solutions to Poverty, Marginalization and
Violence
“I truly believe that child sexual abuse is the key to all kinds of crimes, especially sexual
assaults. … [If we] really attack that issue, in turn, we would see all different types of
crimes drop” (Matthew Sandusky, 2015).
A compelling analysis of poverty and violence was published last year. The author, Gary
Haugen, founder and president of the International Justice Mission, has investigated genocide,
slavery and human trafficking around the world. He works with local activists, police, and
advocates who are dedicated to ending slavery and working to end police corruption and
incompetence that contribute to the worst forms of violence. In his new book, The Locust Effect:
Why the End of Poverty Requires the End of Violence (Haugen & Boutros, 2014), he writes about
the problem of poverty, which everyone universally acknowledges is associated with many
serious problems for individuals and urban areas. Haugen believes that the problem of poverty
will not be solved until the violence in the lives of the poor people has ended, and justice is
served. He describes how poor people and those marginalized by gender, race, ethnicity, and
religion are unprotected by police.
The book focuses on situations in countries around the world, but the same principles apply in
the U.S. Fortunately, law enforcement agencies in the U.S. do not suffer from debilitating
corruption and lack of training as in other countries. Still there is no equal justice for all in the
United States. In fact, those suffering from gender crimes are some of the least likely to be
protected and get justice when they are victimized. When gender crimes are compounded with
race, ethnicity, and poverty, access to the justice decreases even more.
In this short paper, I will use sexual assault and abuse to illustrate the lack of access to official
protection and prosecution of gender crimes.
Over the last three decades, there have been two waves of activism against sexual violence on
U.S. college campuses. In 1985, Mary Koss surveyed 6100 undergraduates on 32 college
campuses and found that one in four women had an experience that met the legal definition of
rape or attempted rape (Koss, 1985 & 1988). Twenty-two years later, Krebs et al. (2007)
surveyed 5446 women students and found that one in five women students were victims of rape
or attempted rape.
In Rhode Island, from 2012 to 2013, there was an 18 percent increase in reported sexual assaults
at 11 Rhode Island colleges. In 2012, there were 55 reported sexual assaults, and in 2013, there
were 65 reported sexual assaults (Arditi, 2014, Oct 7). A broader look at 29 of the largest
colleges in New England found a 40 percent increase in reports of sexual assaults in 2013
compared to 2012. This large increase in reports likely reflects the increased awareness created
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by the federal government’s call for an increased response to sexual violence on campus and the
accompanying media attention.
Still the number of reports of sexual assaults are well below the rates found in anonymous
surveys of women on college campuses. All studies show that only a small percentage of rape
victims or victims of sexual abuse ever report the crimes. Two studies, one from 2007 (Kreibs et
al., 2007) and a more recent one from 2014 (Freyd et al., 2014) found that only 10 to 14 percent
of students report nonconsensual sexual experiences or rapes.
In Rhode Island, at the University of Rhode Island, which has over 13,000 undergraduates, for
the years 2011, 2012, and 2013 there were 17, 11, and six forcible sexual offenses reported
respectively. At Brown University, which has 6200 undergraduates, for the years 2011, 2012,
and 2013 there were 7, 16, and 21 forcible sexual offenses reported, respectively. And at Rhode
Island College, which has 9000 undergraduates, for the years 2010, 2011, and 2012 there were 1,
0, and 1 forcible sexual offenses reported, respectively. If one makes a very rough estimate
assuming that 50 percent of the undergraduates were women, the numbers of reported sexual
assault are much lower than would be expected based on anonymous surveys.
The low reporting of sexual abuse and sexual assault is often cited as a problem. It is one that
needs to be addressed. It calls for reflection on the system, people, and opportunities that
children and women have to report and why they do not make a report when a system is in place.
Low reporting of sex crimes is one aspect of gender crimes that shows that victims feel outside
the protection of law.
Although many of the campuses are in towns and cities and, therefore, contribute to public safety
in urban areas, a recent study has drawn attention to a more serious problem of sexual violence
among disadvantaged girls and women. A study based on the U.S. Department of Justice’s
National Crime Victimization Survey data from 1995 to 2011 found that disadvantaged girls and
young women are more likely to be victims of sexual violence than girls and young women from
more stable and privileged backgrounds (Rennison, 2014, December 21). They found that:
● Young women who did not attend college were sexually victimized at a rate of 8 per
1,000, while more privileged young women who attended college were sexually
victimized at a rate of 6.1 per 1,000. This means that young women who were not
attending college reported being raped 30 percent more often than young women who
attended college.
● Disadvantaged girls, age 12 and over, were victimized at the highest rates, compared to
other more privileged groups.
● Women who did not graduate from high school were sexually victimized
○ at a 53 percent greater rate than those who graduated from high school, and
○ at a 400 percent greater rate than those with a bachelor’s degree
● Women in the lowest income bracket (households earning less than $7500) are sexually
victimized:
○ at 3.7 times the rate of women living in households earning $35,000 to 49,999
annually, and
○ six times the rate of women living in households earnings of $75,000 or more
annually
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● Women living in rented properties are sexually victimized at 3.2 times the rate of women
living in homes that they or a family member owns
● Single women are more likely to be sexually victimized than married women
○ Single women with children have the highest rate of sexual victimization:
■ at 2.3 times that of single women with no children
■ at 3.6 times that of married women with children
■ at 9.1 times that of married women with no children
This study shows the increased rate of gender crimes suffered by disadvantaged young women
and girls compared to more privileged young women and girls. These findings indicate that
Haugen’s claim that poor or disadvantaged women and girls often live outside the protection of
the law is true in the United States as well as in underdeveloped countries (Haugen, 2014).
The sexual abuse and assault of children causes trauma, and although the general public is
strongly opposed to the sexual abuse of children, the problem continues. The RI Kids Count fact
sheet on Child Abuse and Neglect lists the number and nature of incidents of child neglect and
child sexual abuse by gender and age (2015 RI Kids Count, p. 108). In Rhode Island in 2014,
there were 160 confirmed claims of child sexual abuse (106 for girls; 54 for boys). Like reports
of sexual assault, these reported numbers are much lower than that found from retrospective
anonymous surveys. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2005) reported that as
many as one in four girls and one in six boys experience some form of sexual abuse before the
age of 18.
There is a low rate of reporting of sexual abuse also for girls and boys. According to the U.S.
Department of Justice, approximately 70 percent of all sexual assaults among teens, aged 12 to
17, were not reported (DOJ 1999).
In a recent presentation about sexual violence, Kat Quina, Associate Dean, Feinstein College,
and Director of the Urban Institute, said that the reason that rape persists is because “Nobody
stops it” (Quina, 2015). This simple, but accurate, assessment of why sexual assault continues to
be a serious problem is also true of other gender crimes.
Success in Responding to Gender Crimes: Sex Trafficking and Prostitution
A proposal to conceptualize and respond to gender crimes for an entire state can seem like a
daunting undertaking. However the state of Rhode Island has already accomplished that with a
subset of gender crimes during the past 6 to 7 years. The RI General Assembly, the local, state
and federal law enforcement, town councils, and the local media have created a paradigm shift in
addressing the gender crimes of prostitution and sex trafficking.
In October 2009, the Rhode Island General Assembly passed three laws to combat sexual
exploitation, prostitution, and human trafficking. They included a law criminalizing indoor
prostitution, a comprehensive human trafficking law, and a law prohibiting minors from working
in the adult entertainment industry (An Act Relating to Criminal Offenses--Prostitution and
Lewdness, 2009; An Act Relating to Criminal Offenses--Trafficking and Involuntary Servitude,
2009; & An Act Relating to Labor--The Employment of Minors in Adult Entertainment, 2009).
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The three new laws created a dramatic change to prostitution, sexual exploitation, and human
trafficking law in Rhode Island. With the new laws, buying and selling sex, both indoors and
outdoors, was a crime. The comprehensive human trafficking law made forced labor a crime and
removed the need to prove force, fraud and coercion when a minor was the victim of sex
trafficking. In addition, teens could not longer be employed as strippers in clubs. Police had the
legal authority to investigate and arrest sex buyers, sex sellers and human traffickers; and adult
entertainment businesses were prohibited from hiring anyone under age 18.The new laws were
supported by members of law enforcement agencies because previously they were hindered in
their legal capacity to investigate serious gender crimes by decriminalized prostitution (Shapiro
& Hughes, 2015). The largest newspaper in the state, The Providence Journal, strongly
supported passing all three laws.
From 2009 to the end of 2013, there were six cases of domestic sex trafficking, with eight
perpetrators, involving minor and adult victims, prosecuted by state and federal agencies. As
police received more training, and coordination increased between agencies, the number of cases
has increased. In 2014, there were 11 new sex trafficking cases initiated in Providence, North
Providence, and Pawtucket, involving at least 20 perpetrators. Most of the cases were domestic
trafficking, but at least one of the identified cases involved victims from Mexico and Guatemala.
Additional sex trafficking cases in Massachusetts and Connecticut included the trafficking of
victims to Rhode Island. These gender crimes took place in hotels, apartments, and residential
locations.
One of the factors contributing to the passage of the human trafficking and prostitution laws in
2009, was the recognition of sex trafficking occurring in the “massage parlors” in Rhode Island
and discovery of prostitution and sexual exploitation of minors in the strip clubs in Providence.
Since 2009, Rhode Island city councils have passed ordinances aimed at curbing sexual
exploitation, prostitution and sex trafficking in strip clubs and “spas.”
● In 2013, Providence passed an ordinance banning minors from “providing entertainment”
in an adult entertainment establishment (Ord. 2013, ch. 2013-58.1, 2013, November 26).
● In 2014, Providence, with the support of Mayor Angel Taveras, passed an ordinance
enabling the city to shut down an adult entertainment club if it allows a minor inside or
tolerated prostitution (Hill, 2014, August 13).
● The newly elected mayor of Providence, Jorge Elorza, has made combating sex
trafficking a priority. He said his administration has “zero tolerance for prostitution
within Providence’s borders” (Milkovits, 2015, May 7).
● In 2014, Providence passed an ordinance regulating spas and “body work services” with
provisions aimed at ending their use for prostitution.
● In 2014, Central Falls passed an ordinance regulating massage parlors in order to prevent
sexual exploitation and prostitution. In 2015, the owner of a massage parlor was accused
of “deceptive practices” and his license was revoked. The mayor said “dehumaniz[ing]
the women in our community will not be tolerated in Central Falls” (Milkovits, 2015,
April 27).
● In 2015, Providence closed the remaining massage parlors offering commercial sex acts
and did not renew licenses for two long-existing establishments (Milkovits, 2015,
February 28; Milkovits, 2015, March 11).
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This has been sweeping legal change in combating gender crimes.
The Providence Journal has covered all the sex trafficking arrests and changes in city
ordinances. In addition, the Providence Journal has provided editorial support for this trend to
recognize and combat these forms of gender crimes.
In additions, Rhode Island cities are using the new prostitution law to crackdown on sex buyers,
often referred to as “the demand,” which is the driving force of prostitution and sex trafficking.
There have been law enforcement sweeps focused on arresting multiple sex buyers in Central
Falls, Providence, and Pawtucket (13 arrested in Central Falls, Pawtucket prostitution sting,
2014, June 26; Milkovits, 2014, September 11; Pina, 2014, June 2; Anderson, 2015, May 21).
These highly visible changes in law, policy, and law enforcement practices have created a
revolution in gender crime prevention and prosecution in Rhode Island. The media coverage and
support have raised awareness and changed the consciousness of many people in Rhode Island
and beyond. I know of no other place in which law, policy and practice have changed so quickly,
all for the benefit of victims of a type of gender crime.
Publicly Available Sources of Data on Gender Crimes in Rhode Island
One of the goals of the Urban Initiative is to identify data sources. The following are agencies,
organizations and offices in Rhode Island that collect, maintain and analyze statistics related to
gender crimes:
● Rhode Island Kids Count annual factbook. Rhode Island KIDS COUNT regularly
releases data- and research-driven publications, to keep policymakers, community
members, and advocates up-to-date on issues affecting Rhode Island children & families
(http://www.rikidscount.org/DataPublications/RIKidsCountFactbook.aspx)
● Rhode Island State Police Uniform Crime Report. Annual compilation of crime statistics
and reference guide. The crime information is based on incident data received from
local/state agencies. The report compiles with the standards mandated by the National
Incident Based Reporting System (NIBRS) (http://www.risp.ri.gov/)
● The Rhode Island Coalition Against Domestic Violence maintains statistics on domestic
violence. Although the majority of the cases are likely from women, the RICADV does
not disaggregate the statistics by gender. General statistics are not publicly available
through the agency. (http://www.ricadv.org/en/about-us-ricadv/annual-reports)
● The Rhode Island Supreme Court Domestic Violence Training and Monitoring Unit
maintains legislatively mandated statistics on domestic violence and sexual abuse and
assaults.
(https://www.courts.ri.gov/PublicResources/domesticviolenceunit/Pages/default.aspx)
The statistics are compiled from the domestic violence/sexual assault/child molestation
reporting form, which all law enforcement officiers are mandated to complete
(https://www.courts.ri.gov/PublicResources/domesticviolenceunit/PDF/Reporting_Form.
pdf).The statistics are not disaggregated by gender or other attributes. The reports on the
site have not been updated since 2012.
● The Rhode Island Department of Health. Maintains statistics on health related topics,
which include those related to violence. There are data on adolescent health risk behavior
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which includes fighting, dating violence, and rape; youth violence; bullying and high
school health risks;
● Rhode Island Public Safety Department. The mission is to facilitate interagency
cooperation and collaboration throughout the Rhode Island criminal justice system by
way of strategic planning, program coordination, data collection and statistical analysis.
Also, houses the Rhode Island Criminal Justice Statistical Analysis Center.
(http://www.rijustice.state.ri.us/vawa/general/index.php)
● The Rhode Island Department of Children, Youth and Families collects data on the
maltreatment of children disaggregated by age, race/ethnicity and type of maltreatment,
including emotional abuse, medical neglect, physical abuse, and sexual abuse.
(http://www.dcyf.ri.gov/data_evaluation.php)
● Day One. Has general statistics on sexual assault, with a few specific to Rhode Island, on
its web site. (http://www.dayoneri.org/get-informed/facts-stats)
Use Hate Crimes to Operationalize Gender Crimes as an Indicator of Public
Safety
The aim of this paper was to identify indicators of public safety in urban Rhode Island. I suggest
making gender crimes, as broadly defined as crimes related to gender based on the social
meaning and hierarchy of gender, an indicator of public safety. I also suggest trying to find an
indicator that broadly represents all gender crimes. The hate crime system in Rhode Island might
be a way to do that.
Since 1994, Rhode Island has had a system to monitor hate crimes, which are defined as “any
crime motivated by bigotry and bias, including, but not limited to threatened, attempted, or
completed acts that appear after investigation to have been motivated by racial, religious, ethnic,
sexual orientation, gender, or disability prejudice” (RI General Laws/Hate Crimes, Section 4228-46.) In 2011, gender identity and expression were added as categories to be monitored.
The system of hate crimes monitoring is not being utilized to its full potential. In 2014, the RI
State Police annual crime report listed only 24 hate crimes in Rhode Island for that year. Only six
of those 24 crimes were violent crimes against an individual. Three of the hate crimes were
related to race and ethnicity. Two of the hate crimes were related to religion. None of the hate
crimes were related to being “female” (Rhode Island State Police, 2015).
Fully implementing the use of the hate crime monitoring system might be a way to raise the
profile of gender crimes and lead to further discussion and opportunities for analysis of crime
and public safety. It also creates a general measure of social inequalities created by crime. Using
an aggregated indicator is a way to move beyond discussing one crime at a time, and to see the
relationship and root causes among gender-related crimes. It can be a way to make genderrelated crimes more visible and give balance to the way to crime and safety are discussed and
addressed.
There are barriers to the use of the hate crime system which need to be addressed, not only for
gender crimes, but for race, ethnicity, religion, and disabilities. I recommend that law and policy
makers, law enforcement, community activists, and service providers explore the use of the hate
crime system to create an indicator of public safety in Rhode Island.
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