THE SOCIALIZATION INFLUENCE
OF TELEVISION ON
BLACK CHILDREN
CAROLYN A. STROMAN
Howard University
family, schools, and churches have long been recognized
as major agents of socialization. Increasingly, television is
being added to the list of institutions assuming key roles in the
socialization process-the process by which one learns information, cognitive processes, values, attitudes, social roles,
self-concepts, and behaviors that are generally accepted within
American society (Berger and Luckmann, 1967; Dorr, 1982).
Berry (1980) maintains that many youngsters use televised
information, messages, and portrayals as a way of reinforcing
and validating their beliefs and, in the process, grant television
a role comparable to the traditional socializing agents. Similarly, Comstock et al. (1978) describe television as a source of
vicarious socialization that competes with other socializing
agents in providing role models and information that affect
children’s attitudes, beliefs, and behavior.
A great deal of the concern expressed by parents, educators,
and others about the possible influence of television on
children is linked to the notion expressed above that television
performs some socialization functions. Cognizant of the fact
The
that television programs and characters may exert an influence
on children’s behavior, attitudes, values, and beliefs, Black
parents and professionals became particularly concerned that
television might (1) influence Black children’s attitudes toward
JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES, Vol IS No 1, September 1984 79-100
@ 1984 Sage Publications, Inc.
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80
racial group; (2) facilitate Black children’s develof
low self-concepts through its nonrecognition or
opment
negative, stereotyped treatment of Blacks; and (3) compete
with Black family socialization by teaching attitudes and
behavior that are not taught in the home.
This article addresses the concerns expressed above by
providing a comprehensive review of empirical studies that
constitute the present state of knowledge about television’s
socializing impact on Black children. The article touches on a
number of issues that pertain to television’s socializing influence,
including viewing behavior and exposure patterns, program
preferences, motivations for watching television, and the
effects of watching television. It concludes with a research
agenda suggesting what we need to know about television’s
impact on Black children.
Table 1 provides a list of the published and unpublished
studies on which this article focuses. As indicated in the table,
samples range in size from 23 to over 600 and cover many
geographical areas, including Philadelphia, New Orleans, San
Jose, and Durham. It should be noted that only studies that
had all-Black samples or a substantial proportion of Black
children in the samples (that is, Blacks composed at least onethird of the sample) are included in Table 1. However,
pertinent data from other studies are included in the review
where appropriate.
their
own
EXPOSURE PATTERNS
Numerous studies have examined the television viewing
habits of children. From these studies, certain findings have
emerged consistently. We know that, given that 98% of
American homes contain at least one television set, almost all
children have access to television (Broadcasting Yearbook,
1980). We also know that children begin viewing television
attentively as early as two, and apparently have some under-
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81
TABLE 1
Overview of Research
on
Black Children and Television
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82
TABLE 1 (Continued)
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83
TABLE 1 (Continued)
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84
standing of what they view (National Institute of Mental
Health, 1982). Avid viewing continues throughout childhood,
with viewing peaking around preadolescence (11-to-12 years
old) and then declining when children reach high school age
(Comstock et al., 1978; Lyle and Hoffman, 1972a; Schramm et
al., 1961).
Past research has documented Black children’s and adolescents’ fondness for television viewing. Murray’s (1972) study of
6-year-old Black males revealed that for some children, weekly
television viewing went as high as 42 hours per week. Two
recent studies suggest no lessening of television viewing. Lee
and Browne (1981) found that 26% of the third and fourth
graders and 15% of the adolescents in their study reported
watching television more than 8 hours per day; similarly,
Stroman’s (1983) study of third through sixth graders indicates
that 50% of the sample reported viewing television 6 or more
hours per day, and only 2% of the sample reported viewing less
than 3 hours per day. Also, the children in Stroman’s study
reported watching television before going to school in the
morning, after school, during prime time (8-11 p.m.), and on
Saturdays.
When Black children’s and adolescents’viewing of television
is compared with that of other children, their viewing time
almost always exceeds that of other children (Greenberg, 1972;
Greenberg and Dervin, 1970; Greenberg and Dominick, 1969;
Lyle and Hoffman, 1972a, 1972b; McIntyre and Teevan, 1972).
As an example, a study of 9- and 10-year-old children revealed
that while Black children were averaging 7 hours of television
viewing per day, white low-income children averaged 6 and
white middle-income children averaged only 4 hours per day
(Greenberg and Dominick, 1970). Similarly, Greenberg and
Dominick (1969) found that Black low-income adolescents
watched television over 6 hours per day compared to less than 5
for white low-income adolescents.
Several points are worth noting here. Clearly, there is wide
variation among individuals in viewing habits. To illustrate,
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85
Murray (1972) found that television viewing ranged from a low
of 5 to a high of 42 hours per week, with most children falling
somewhere in between. Furthermore, viewing habits differ
according to age, with the viewing patterns of kindergarten
children differing from those of sixth graders. Moreover, there
are different ways of measuring television viewing, and thus the
results are not always comparable. Hence, the figures given
above are gross measures rather than precise figures that reflect
variations.
Yet, allowing for individual differences, we can conclude,
based on empirical evidence, that the &dquo;average&dquo; Black child
probably spends at least 3 to 4 hours per day watching
television. Seemingly, viewing television this much, roughly
21-28 hours per week, is bound to have some important
consequences-consequences related to the notion that the
effects of television are more pronounced for heavier viewers.
Also, less desirable social characteristics are associated with
heavier television viewing: Children who watch a lot of
television tend to have poorer nutritional habits, are more
likely to engage in conflictual or delinquent behavior, and have
lower school achievement than those children who watch
television less (National Institute of Mental Health, 1982).
In view of the above, it may be instructive to pause here and
examine the types of program content to which Black children
and adolescents are exposed. Although no examination of the
total content to which Black children and adolescents are
exposed is currently available, numerous content analysis
studies that give an indication of the socialization content to
which Black children are exposed frequently are available.
In answer to the question, &dquo;What kinds of subjects are being
treated in children’s weekend television?&dquo; Barcus (1977) found
that over one-half of the program time, 57%, was concentrated
in five subject areas: interpersonal rivalry (the effort of one
character to &dquo;win&dquo; over another); the entertainment world;
domestic topic (home, family); crime; and the supernatural.
Barcus’s analysis also revealed that Blacks are underrepre-
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86
sented in children’s television programming. Overall, Blacks
constituted 7% of characters featured in a sample of weekend
children’s television programs and 3% of characters appearing
in after-school programs.
Findings from Greenberg and Baptista-Fernandez’s (1980)
content analysis of prime-time and Saturday morning programming for three television seasons (1975-1976, 1976-1977,
and 1977-1978) are suggestive of the racial socialization
content made available to Black children. This analysis
revealed that approximately three-fourths of all Black actors
and actresses appearing on television during those seasons
appeared either in situation comedies or in cartoons, and that
Black characters were most likely to be poor, jobless, or in
low-status jobs. It is likely that this type of content does not
enhance the racial identity and self-concept of Black children.
In regard to the sex-role socialization content, studies
indicate that both children and prime-time television shows
exclude women from prominent roles (Gerbner, 1972; Sternglanz
and Serbin, 1974; Tedesco, 1974). In addition, studies suggest
that the message emanating from television regarding the
behavior of men and women is that women are more dependent
and submissive, and less intelligent than men (Greenberg,
Richards, and Henderson, 1980; Sternglanz and Serbin, 1974;
Tedesco, 1974).
Greenberg et al. (1980) undertook an extensive analysis of
the antisocial and prosocial behavior exhibited on television.
Their data indicate that verbal aggression constituted the most
frequently occurring antisocial act, and altruistic acts (sharing,
helping, cooperation) constituted the most frequently occurring prosocial behavior. The data also indicate that both such
behaviors occurred with roughly the same frequency, 14 times
per television hour.
Finally, research indicates that many programs that children
watch contain a great deal of violence (Comstock, 1982;
Gerbner and Gross, 1980). As was pointed out by Liefer (1975),
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87
television exposes children to a number of techniques that can
be used to injure others. It might be added that these
techniques may be used to harm oneself also.
In summary, content analysis studies appear to indicate that
the socialization content made available on television to Black
children is frequently undesirable, and often it fails to provide
behavioral models that are worthy of imitation and conducive
to wholesome growth and development. The implication of all
of this for Black children is related to Bandura’s (1977) social
learning theory-which predicts that children have a strong
potential for learning the values, attitudes, and behavior
portrayed on television-and to research that indicates that
Black children imitate behavior seen on television (Nicholas et
al., 1971a, 1971b; Stroman, 1983; Thelen and Soltz, 1969).
PROGRAM PREFERENCES
The foregoing is a broad indication of the types of program
which Black children are exposed. What types of
programming do they prefer? Most of the comparative studies
of children’s program preferences reveal that Black children
have distinct program preferences. Fletcher (1969) compared
the program preferences of Black and white children and
adolescents and found that while both Blacks and whites
preferred situation comedy, they liked vastly different situation comedy shows. Eastman and Liss’s (1980) analysis of the
program preferences of Black, white, and Hispanic children
indicated that Black children preferred situation comedies,
while whites and Hispanics preferred action-adventure shows.
Also, Donohue (1975a) found that none of the twenty most
popular shows among Black children was among the ten most
popular rated Nielsen programs for children ages 6-11. Finally,
studies indicate differences in Black and white adolescents’
viewing preferences, with Black teenagers preferring to watch
television shows that feature family units and white teenagers
preferring entertainment shows (Greenberg and Dominick,
content to
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88
TABLE 2
Favorite Shows of Black Children Across
Samples
1969; Johnson et al., 1972; Surlin and Dominick, 1970-1971).
Table 2 lists the shows that Black children report as being
their favorite shows. This distribution is representative of what
most studies have found regarding Black children’s program
preferences. That is, situation comedies are the programs most
favored by Black children 12 years old and younger.
What is only partially revealed in Table 2 (and what should
be emphasized) is Black children’s fondness for shows that
regularly feature Black actors and actresses-that is, characters that are more like them. Several studies indicated that
Black children’s favorite television program was a Black one
(Anderson and Merritt, 1978; Greenberg, 1972); and Barry and
Hansen (1973) found that Black children prefer and are
positively influenced by commercials that include a Black
character.
Taken as a whole, the available evidence on Black children’s
program preferences that has surfaced in various crosssectional studies does not allow us to observe the transition in
preference from situation comedies and cartoons to adult
programming, including drama and action-adventure shows.
However, it has been suggested that as children progress in
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89
TABLE 3
Rated
Importance of Motives for Viewing Television
SOURCE: Stroman (1983).
their cognitive development, they do undergo such a transition
(Comstock et al., 1978; Lyle and Hoffman, 1972a, 1972b;
Schramm et al., 1961).
The findings regarding program preferences are important
because of the relationship that exists between effect and
preferences. Seemingly, children are more likely to be influenced
by those programs and characters to which they are attracted.
MOTIVATIONS FOR
WATCHING TELEVISION
Among the reasons that children offer for watching television are the following: (1) to pass time, (2) to combat loneliness,
(3) for excitement, (4) to relax, and (5) to learn (Greenberg,
1974). Table 3 outlines Black children’s motivations for
watching television, as expressed in a recent study. As indicated in the table, the children in this sample (Stroman, 1983)
reported watching television for a variety of reasons; for
excitement and relaxation, however, were the dominant reasons.
findings in Table 3 are supported by responses to an
open-ended question; analysis of these responses indicates that
the children in this sample are attracted to television for
The
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90
entertainment, or, to use the children’s language, &dquo;because it’s
fun&dquo; (Stroman, 1983).
In Table 3, it can be observed that 46% of the sample in
Stroman’s study reported that to learn was a very important
reason for their watching television. This finding, which
replicates those of previous studies (Greenberg and Atkin,
1978; Lee and Browne, 1981), assumes importance in view of
studies that indicate that Black children believe in the reality of
television more than any other group of children, and identify
closely with television characters, particularly Black characters
(Anderson and Merritt, 1978; Dates, 1980; Donohue and
Donohue, 1977; Greenberg, 1972; Greenberg and Atkin, 1978;
Greenberg and Dominick, 1969, 1970).
An examination of the responses of Black children to a
survey administered by Greenberg and Atkin (1978) reveals the
extent to which Black children report believing in the true-tolife nature of television content. Of the Black sample in that
study, 46% agreed with the statement &dquo;Blacks on TV behave
like Blacks in real life,&dquo; and 60% agreed that &dquo;the jobs
men/ women do on TV are like the jobs men/ women do in real
life.&dquo; Similarly, research indicates that Black children view
commercials as being real, and specific characters as continuing in the roles they play on television even after the television
program is over (Dates, 1980; Donohue, 1975b; Donohue and
Donohue, 1977).
The implications of Black children believing in the reality of
television and identifying closely with television characters are
many. Seemingly, television presentations will have the greatest impact on those children who identify most with television
characters and believe that the roles these characters play are
real. It may well be, as Greenberg and Reeves (1976) note, that
&dquo;to the extent that television content is perceived to be real-tolife, the child’s attitudes and behaviors elicited by exposure to
that content will be correspondingly predictable. &dquo;The findings
from a study by Donohue (1975b) illustrate this theoretical
principle. After
children in this
being exposed to television commercials,
sample of first, second, and third graders
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91
they did not feel well, the appropriate
behavior to correct this feeling was the indiscriminate consumption of over-the counter medicines, such as aspirins and cough
reported
that when
syrup.
The research findings presented to this point all allude to the
possible socializing effects of television. We now turn to an
examination of such effects.
SOCIALIZATION EFFECTS
difficulty of assessing television’s effects is well known.
portion of this difficulty may be related to the diverse
meanings attached to the word &dquo;effects,&dquo; for the term refers to a
variety of resultant conditions that may be either short term or
long term and direct or indirect. These conditions include the
following: (1) learning a new fact or behavior from a television
program; (2) giving up time formerly spent on other activities
to watch television; (3) emotional arousal during viewing; (4)
performance of a behavior seen on television; and (5) development of attitudes and expectations that may affect behavior
(Comstock et al., 1978).
The
A
One effect that television has had on Black children has been
related to the learning of new facts or information. This
proposition is supported by past research, which suggests that
Black children and adolescents use television as a learning
device (Dates, 1980; Gerson, 1968; Greenberg and Atkin, 1978;
Greenberg and Dominick, 1969; O’Bryant and Corder-Bolz,
1978). In one study, it was found that 50% of the sample
reported watching television so they could learn how different
people behave, talk, dress, and look, and what police, doctors,
secretaries, and nurses are like (Greenberg and Atkin, 1978). In
addition, 52% of those interviewed in this study reported
learning most of what they know about jobs, decision making,
problem solving, and how parents and children interact from
television (Greenberg and Atkin, 1978). Moreover, research
indicates that Black children have learned from programs such
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92
Sesame Street and The Electric
designed expressly to teach children
as
Company, which were
(Ball and Bogatz, 1970:
71).
In addition to cognitive learning, the evidence suggests that
in the process of imitating the behavior of television characters,
Black children also learn or acquire behaviors from television
(Nicholas et al., 1971 a, 1971 b; Neely et al., 1973). One study
(Murray, 1972) that recorded the spontaneous reactions of
Black children viewing television in their own homes indicated
that the behavior exhibited by these children ranged from
passive starring to simultaneous imitation of behavior displayed on the television screen.
Violent behavior is the one behavior that has been studied
most in the area of children and television. However, very few
studies in the empirical literature have specifically observed
Black children to determine if television has an influence on
subsequent aggressive behavior in them. Two things must
nevertheless be pointed out: (1) There is some evidence that
Black children perform aggressive behavior that they learn
from televised models (Thelen and Soltz, 1969; Thelen, 1971);
and (2) a recent publication, Television and Behavior (National Institute of Mental Health, 1982) concludes that &dquo;after
10 more years of research, the consensus among most of the
research community is that violence on TV does lead to
aggressive behavior by children and teenagers who watch the
programs.&dquo;
While the foregoing would suggest a rather powerful impact
of television, those studies that have not found an overriding
influence of television on Black children must be mentioned.
Donohue (1975a) examined the extent to which television’s
behavioral models influenced Black children’s perceptions of
appropriate behaviors in specific situations. Elementary schoolchildren in New Orleans were informed about a situation in
which some action seemed desirable; the children were then
asked what they would do in this situation, what their favorite
television character would do, and what their parents and best
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93
friends would do. The findings indicated that the boys’
behavior was more closely aligned with the behavior of their
parents and best friends than with their favorite television
characters. Girls’ behavior was equally related to parents’ and
favorite television characters’ behavior. These findings led the
authors to conclude that television’s influence was not significantly greater than the influence of the children’s parents or
friends.
Similarly, Asante’s (1982) study of the effect of television on
the language socialization of Black children did not reveal a
socializing impact of television. His finding that his sample of
fourth graders did not perceive the language spoken by
television characters as true to life raises questions about
previous findings that suggest that Black children are especially prone to believe in the reality of television.
Having reviewed these studies, it is important that we relate
them to the concerns expressed by Black parents and educators
that were discussed in the introductory portion of this article.
Both positive and negative socializing effects emerge from the
foregoing discussion of television and Black children. On the
positive side, television may be providing Black children with
needed knowledge about the world that is not available in their
immediate environment. It may also be providing them with
examples of prosocial behavior that they can emulate; and
certainly television provides Black children with a great deal of
entertainment. On a negative note, television may be providing
children with an outlet for utilizing time that could be better
spent developing athletic, intellectual, artistic, interpersonal,
mechanical, and manual skills (Dorr, 1982). Moreover, television may be providing examples and role models that negatively affect Black children’s attitudes and behavior. It could
well be, as Janis (1980) and Poussaint (1974) maintain, that
because Blacks are frequently portrayed in a menial and
stereotypical manner, Black children and adolescents may
acquire the impression that they do not count in this society,
and they should not aspire to professional and leadership
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94
positions. Clearly, then, since television has been shown to
have an impact on the socialization of Black children, the
raised by Black parents and educators are not
without basis.
On the other hand, it must be recognized that television has
not had an unduly powerful influence on Black children, as
some critics have suggested. Hence, an observation made years
ago by Maccoby (1964), which speaks to the limitations of
television’s ability to influence children, is reiterated:
concerns
The nature of [television’s] effects depend upon many limiting
conditions: on the nature of the individual child’s temperament,
intelligence and needs, and the quality of his personal adjustment ; on the amount of information a child has, and the
strength of his existing beliefs and values, before exposure to
relevant [television] content; and on the opportunities which
occur in real life for the child to put into practice what he has
learned from [television]. But the impact of [television] is real.
In essence, a number of factors mediate the effects of
television on children; our task is to determine which of these
factors is most significant. A number of issues that will
facilitate this task is suggested in the next section.
RESEARCH AGENDA
Few studies in this
area
used Black children
as
subjects.
Hence, past research has given us only rudimentary knowledge
of television’s socializing influence on Black children, and has
left a number of unanswered questions about the relationship
between Black children and television. Some of the issues and
questions that should have high priority in future research on
Black children and television are included in the following
discussion.
As was pointed out previously, future research should be
concerned with those variables that mediate television’s influence.
Of particular relevance for Black children is the impact parents
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95
and teachers can have in competing with and using television
for the child’s socialization. Anderson and Merritt (1978) have
devised a packet that purports to aid parents in supervising the
television viewing of their children. This packet and the very
promising movement under way to teach children to be critical
consumers of television content should be examined for their
efficacy in our efforts to use television as a positive tool.
Similarly, a broad, encompassing question posed by Greenberg and Atkin (1978) should be given emphasis in future
research: &dquo;What do [Black] youngsters acquire from fictional
portrayals that may establish or alter cognitions, aspirations,
expectations and beliefs about specific social roles?&dquo; The
urgency surrounding an examination of this question is
underscored by Janis’s (1980) assertion that since Black
adolescents frequently see Blacks portrayed in low-status
occupations, they receive the message that high-status, professional jobs are out of their reach. Related to this, one might
investigate how Black children’s perceptions and attitudes
about sex roles are influenced by television presentations. For
example, does Black girls’ identification with the Black nurse
of Trapper John, M. D. increase the likelihood that they will
consider nursing as a career option?
The previous question raises another question to be investigated : What is the relationship between perceptions of the
reality of a program and identification with television characters
and subsequent behavior? Although much of the research on
children and television has focused on television’s tendency to
promote aggressive behavior, there is evidence that television
can also foster prosocial behavior (for example, cooperation
and friendliness; Bryan, 1975; Rushton, 1982; Tan and Kinner,
1982). Hence it would be interesting to investigate the conditions under which prosocial behavior is most likely to be
learned by Black children from television presentations.
The recently published Television and Behavior (National
Institute of Mental Health, 1982) concludes that television
does not generally present information and behavior that are
conducive to orienting viewers toward good health or better
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96
understanding of health practices. Indeed, one study (Donohue, 1975b) suggests that television commercials may have
deleterious effects on such practices among Black children.
Therefore, another issue worthy of investigation is television’s
influence on the health and nutritional practices of Black
children.
several studies have looked at the relationship
between television viewing and academic achievement among
white children and adolescents, few studies have examined
this relationship among Blacks. Studies are clearly needed to
determine those conditions under which television viewing
enhances academic achievement among Black children.
Perhaps the most important research that can be conducted
in this area is that relating television content to the self-concept
of Black children. Since little empirical evidence of a relationship between television and Black children’s self-concept
exists (but much opinion does), it seems imperative that we
begin to examine the ways in which Black children’s images of
self respond to the stereotyped and other more subtle messages
that television sends out. The broad question to be investigated
is this: How does the portrayal or lack of portrayal of Blacks on
television affect the self-concept of Black children? Some
specific questions to be asked include the following: (1) What
do Black children learn from Black and white television
characters with whom they identify and from programs they
prefer to watch, and how does this learning affect their selfconcepts ? (2) What effect does the current decrease in the
number of programs featuring only Black actors and actresses
have on Black children’s self-concept?
The self-concept issue raises another important issue-the
need for an understanding of the process through which Black
children either accept or reject televised messages. How do they
decide that a given message has usefulness in terms of their
lives?
Few of the studies mentioned in this article differentiated
between age groupings. There is, however, a need for research
that takes into account developmental differences among
Although
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97
children. Some important dynamics may be taking place
between television and 3- or 4-year-old children; we need to
know what these are as well as what is occurring in the
television experience of children in the preadolescent and
adolescent stages.
Many, indeed most, of the studies reviewed in this article
suffer from limited sample sizes and other analytical problems.
This suggests that future research should be concerned not
only with circumventing some of these problems, but also with
expanding and partially replicating some of the previous
studies. Moreover, previous studies point to the need for future
research to study the long-term effects of television within the
context of the child’s total life and in relation to the traditional
agents of socialization.
Admittedly, the kinds of questions and issues raised here are
not easily addressed, and necessitate types of analyses lacking
in most of the previous studies on Black children and
television. However, when the proposed research agenda has
been executed, we will have a firm understanding of some of
the major issues involved in television’s influence on Black
children, and we will be in a more advantageous position to
promote the positive use of television in the socialization of
Black children-the ultimate goal.
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L. and T. LUCKMANN (1967) The Social Construction of Reality.
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Carolyn
A. Stroman is Assistant
Professor of Urban
Studies and Research
Associate, Institute for Urban Affairs and Research, Howard University.
Currently, she is Editor of the Institute’s newsletter, Urban Research Review.
Her research interests are in the areas of mass media content, the social and
psychological effects of exposure to the mass media, and Blacks and the mass
media. She has published several articles on these topics.
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