Conscription and Violence in Peru
Author(s): Eduardo Gonzalez-Cueva
Source: Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 27, No. 3, Violence, Coercion, and Rights in the
Americas (May, 2000), pp. 88-102
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Conscriptionand Violencein Peru
by
Eduardo Gonzalez-Cueva
In earlyApril1993,as a politicalorganizer
inmynativePeru,I visitedthe
cityof Yauri,in thesouthern
department
of Cusco,to attendtheinaugural
congressof a grassroots
organization
formedbyyoungpeasantsfromfour
different
In spiteoftheirdiversesocialbackprovincesofthedepartment.'
groundsandpoliticalorientations,
theparticipants
intheeventeasilyidentifiedan issuethatwouldbecomea paramount
aspectoftheirdemands:the
reformof the ServicioMilitarObligatorio(CompulsoryMilitaryService-SMO). Theydemandedthatthestatenotdraft
youngpeopleinpeasant
communities
and,instead,recognizetheirrightto organizein self-defense
unitsaccountabletothelocal population,
rondascampesinas.2
The notionoflocalinstitutions
authorized
touse violencetodefendtheir
inthecrossfire
ofthedirty
warbetweenthearmyand
communities-trapped
theShiningPathinsurgency-washeraldedat thetimeby someleft-wing
partiesas an embryonic
formofalternative
counter-state
I
power.As a result,
wasenthusiastic
abouttheplatform
oftheorganization.
therewere
However,
alsoemotional
inSMO reform
reasonsformyinterest
beyondmyownpolitical choices,reasonslinkedtomyownshortexperience
withtheservicesome
yearsearlier.
Attheage of 16,Peruvianyoungmenandwomenhavetoobtaina boleta
militar
(provisional
military
ID) fromtheMunicipalRegistry
oftheirdistrict
ofresidence.
thisis thefirst
Exceptfortheirbirth
certificates,
legalidentificationdocument
thattheywillreceivefromthestate.A yearlater,theboletais
tradedforthedefinitive
anofficial
military
ID, after
has
physicalexamination
determined
theeligibility
of thepersonto servein theranks.The military
is neededtoobtain-attheage of18-the votingcard,possescard,inturn,
sionofwhichmarksthelegalrecognition
ofadulthood
andcitizenship.
The
votingcard is the singlemostimportant
documentin thedailylife of a
EduardoGonzalez-Cuevais a Peruvian
Ph.D.student
intheDepartment
ofSociologyattheNew
SchoolforSocial Researchandoutreach
consultant
oftheworldwide
nongovernmental
organizationCoalitionforanInternational
Criminal
Court.He hasextensive
experience
as a grassroots
organizeramonguniversity
and working-class
youthin Lima. His current
projectsinclude
research
onthepoliticalculture
ofFujimori'sPeruandontheproblemofredressing
pasthuman
rights
violationsaftera democratic
transition.
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue 112,Vol.27 No. 3, May 2000 88-102
? 2000 LatinAmericanPerspectives
88
Gonzalez-Cueva/CONSCRIPTION AND VIOLENCE IN PERU
89
Peruviancitizen:itspresentation
is necessary
tovote,toconductvariouseconomictransactions,
and-in a societyhauntedby violenceand insecuto publicandprivatebuildings.
rity-tobe allowedentry
Whenthetimeforclaimingmyboletafinallycame,I consideredit an
onmyown,aninitialsteptoward
toassertmyabilitytodo things
opportunity
and legal adulthood.Thus,I feltveryannoyedthatmymother
citizenship
wouldinsistonaccompanying
metotheRegistry.
There,I foundoutthatthe
andboring:afterhoursofwaitinginline,a
procedure
was quitebureaucratic
civilianemployeefilledouta formaskingme generalquestionssuchas my
attheitem"skincolor,"I wasready-not
nameandaddress.Whenhearrived
without
certainuneasiness-toanswertriguefio,3
buttomysurprise
andmy
he didnotask thequestionbutwrote"white"without
mother'ssatisfaction
evenlookingat me.
of 1995,I attended
Duringthesummer
another
inaugural
congress.This
was beingfounded:
time,a nationwide
organization
Acci6nCiudadanacontrala Pobrezay porel Desarrollo(Citizens'ActionAgainstPoverty
andfor
Development),
a nongovernmental
organization
(NGO) network
organized
to promotesocialpoliciesalternative
to neoliberalism.
One ofthespeakers
was thecelebrated
theologianGustavoGutierrez,
who-insteadof talking
abouteconomicsandpoliticalstrategy-chose
as histopicfordiscussionthe
deathof a 14-year-old
boyin theborderconflictwithEcuadora coupleof
daysbefore.The child,YenuriChihuala,was beingcelebrated
bythemedia
as a nifiohe'roe(a boyhero)whohadrunawayfromhometojoin thearmy,
onlytomeetgallantdeathbyenemyfireweekslater.In hisspeechGutierrez
a childwhoshouldneverhave
madethepointthatthemediawerevictimizing
beenin combat.In fact,he asked,whocoulddoubtthatthiswas one ofthe
innumerable
cases ofinstitutionalized
abuseagainstyoungpeoplefromthe
thatsurround
Lima?Itwas obviousthatYenurihadbeena vicshantytowns
timoftheforcible
recruitment
knownas theleva.
The leva is an illegalmilitary
operationby whichyoungmenwho are
cardsarepluckedfromthestreets
andtaken
unabletoproducetheirmilitary
to thebarracks,
wheretheyare forcedto servein thearmyfora variable
whichtheyareheldincommunicado.
Commoninrural
periodoftimeduring
suchas Comas,thedistrict
areas and working-class
where
neighborhoods
tobythemilitary
when-because
YenuriChihualalived,thelevais resorted
ofhighratesofabsenteeism
anddraft
evasion-recruitment
goalscannotbe
achieved.
All thesesituations
ofdailyinequality
andabuserevolvearoundtheinstiliberalformulatution
ofcompulsory
military
service,which-initsoriginal
tion-is ideallyanexperience
inPeruis
ofrepublican
equality.
Conscription
not the legendaryinstitution
thatallegedlysaved revolutionary
France
90
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
againstmonarchic
reaction
inthelateeighteenth
century.
Farfroma dutyperformed
byall citizens,
itis theobligation
ofthepoorandthosewithout
contacts.In additionto thelawfuldraft,everyyearyoungmen are forcibly
inanactthatshowstheinherent
drafted,
violenceofsocialclassifications
and
ofthenotionthatthestatehasa legitimate
thehiddenmeanings
monopoly
on
themeansofviolence.Conscription
is a richveinforresearchbecauseitis
oneofthefewarenasinPeruinwhichdiscriminatory
labelsarepubliclyand
forthecharacter
legallyused,withimportant
consequences
offuture
quotidbetweentheindividual
ian interactions
andstateagencies.
Conscription
is a publiclyrecognized
markofinequality
inPeru,foritis
commonly
acceptedthatonlythosewhoarewithout
meansorcontactsmust
betweentheuniversal
serve.The contrast
character
oftheinstitution
andits
biasedapplication
providesus witha privileged
standpoint
forobserving
the
oflegitimation
ofdifferences.
mechanisms
Thesearediscursive
mechanisms
thatposetheproblemnotintermsofenforcing
thelaw butintermsofdiscito thesocialorder.
pliningcertaingroupsdefinedas dangerous
is a complexframework
ofmeaningsin whichofficialdisConscription
andusedtoexert
coursesaboutnation,
gender,
race,andclassarearticulated
In the
classificatory
poweroverlife-and death-forconcreteindividuals.
a sexistconstruction
practiceanddiscourseofconscription,
ofmasculinity
is
raciallabelsarepubliclyused,andclass hierarchies
areimplicitly
affirmed,
On
stated,
impregnating
dailylifewithlegitimated
ideologiesofdomination.
is also a vantagepointforassessingtherelations
another
level,conscription
betweenciviliansandthemilitary
thatcouldbringa freshperspective
to a
field dominatedby institutional
analysesthatemphasizethe political
elites(see, e.g.,Pedraglio,1990;
exchangesbetweencivilianand military
Obando, 1991; Robles, 1996; Rospigliosi,1996). While the traditional
to democratic
committed
analysisis certainly
values,itsbypassingofmiliindailylifeis a weaknessthatultimately
erodesitsnormataryintervention
tiveobjectives.
ofconscription
andtheabusescommitted
underit,
Giventhepublicnature
itmaybe surprising
thatPeruvianacademiahasnotuntilveryrecently
proonit(Coordinadora
ducedsignificant
research
NacionaldeDerechosHumahas precededthe
nos, 1997; Villaran,1997; Gonzalez,1997b).Literature
workbyPeru'sbest-known
socialsciencesin thisfield:thefirstimportant
tocomingofagein
MarioVargasLlosa,TheTimeoftheHero,refers
novelist,
of conscription
and military
service
a military
school,4and theunfairness
or accephaveappearedtimeand again,withvariousdegreesof criticism
tance,in shortstoriesandnovels.'
Inwhatfollows,I wanttoanalyzethepublicdiscourses
articulated
tojusandreviewtheemergence
incivilsociety.
To do
ofcriticism
tify
conscription
Gonzdlez-Cueva
/CONSCRIPTION AND VIOLENCE IN PERU
91
how-in thecontext
this,I willshow,first,
ofthe1995borderconflict
with
Ecuador-conscription
was publiclypresentedas a civilizinginstitution,
capableoftransforming
youngsters
fromhooligansintoheroes(Gonzailez,
1997a). Next,I willisolatetheideologicalconstructions
ofclass,race,and
and examinetheirpowerto
genderthatare organizedaroundconscription
reproduceviolence,informing
theactionof theirvictims,theyoungconscriptsthemselves.
Finally,I willuse theconclusionsto linkthisresearch
ofcurrent
andlimitations
withthepossibilities
toreform
the
legalinitiatives
militaryservicein Peru (Coordinadora
Nacionalde DerechosHumanos,
1997: 17-20;Defensoriadel Pueblo,1997:21-22;Gamarra,1997).
PORTRAIT OF THE YOUNG MAN
AS MAUVAISSAUVAGE
of 1995withEcuador,a curiousphenomenon
Duringtheborderconflict
was observablein thePeruvianpress.Youth-a subjectthatwas usually
violence
addressedin relationto issuessuchas juvenilecrime,soccer-fan
(Panfichi,1995), thecomposition
of subversive
organizations,
unemployin a new,more
ment,and thelack of educationalopportunities-appeared
withimagesand testimonies
of
positivelight.The mediaweresaturated
in thedisputedCenepaValley,a dense
enthusiastic
youngsoldiersfighting
forestaccessibleonlybyhelicopter
orafterdaysofmarching
on dangerous
muddyroadsminedbytheenemy.In fact,itwas as ifsomecynicalphantom
editorhad decidedtojuxtaposein thesame issue of anygivennewspaper
La Republica
completely
oppositenotionsaboutyouth.Thus,forinstance,
thepro(February13, 1995)appealedonitsfront
pageforpeace,protesting
ofan undesired
international
longation
conflict,
butatthesameinthesports
of
sectionheadlinespointedto"WarAgainstFanViolence!"-the repression
in
accused
of
vandalism
soccer
stadiums.
youngsters
La Republicawas hardlyalonein thosedays.Reporting
a recentclash
in itsdemandforlaw
betweenfansofrivalteams,thepresswas unanimous
for"juvenilevandals,"and increasedvigilanceand
and order,punishment
inthestadiums.
The incidents
weredescribedwiththesamelanrepression
intheCenepa:"a humanpackof
stationed
guageusedbywarcorrespondents
houndswearingyellowuniforms
tookbyassault... theLolo Fernaindez
Stadiumandtransformed
whatshouldhavebeena simplepractice
match... into
a pretextforunleashingits madness"(El Comercio,February12, 1995).
of themomentin whichthewomen's
Scandal dominatedthedescription
wereinvadedby theviolentfans:"a trinchudo6
fanwas being
restrooms
hersmall
pushedout of the women'srestrooms
by a sefioradefending
92
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
daughter.The shamelessman jumped aroundand shoutedincoherent
harangues
whilethebystanders
laughed."Butitwas notonlytherespectdue
to womenthatwas challengedbytheviolentyoungmen.Class hierarchies
wereendangered
as different
sectionsofthestadium
feltthefury:"theSouth
section,wheretheradicalsweresituated,
was inecstasyas theusuallyprivilegedWestseatswerepeltedwitha stormof stones."7
Legal authority
was
impotent
torestore
thenormalstateofaffairs;
a photoinEl Comercioshowed
a solitary
hisclubata massofstone-throwing
policemanbrandishing
youngsters.The editor,
showingthat-forthiskindofdiscourse-animageis not
wortha thousandwords,added some text:"The popularsectorsand the
forcesoforder,
facetoface.To control
thetroublemakers,
a broomstick
is not
enough."
A chaoticimageof youthis projectedby thisaccount.Youngmenare
describedas animals,unableto controltheirbasic aggressiveand sexual
impulses.Incapableof reasonedargumentation,
theyexpressthemselves
is therethrough
gestures,
screams,andbodylanguage.A warlikesituation
foresetup:ifreasonable
fora dialoguedo notexist,thenonlyviolent
partners
meansofrepression
andvigilanceremain.Punitive
laws,better
weaponsfor
thepolice,andelectronic
surveillance
wereproposedbythemediaas means
to curbviolenceinthesoccerstadiums.
At thesame time,realwarwas glorified
by thedeafening
discourseof
otheryoungmen,thoseactuallyusingtheirdestructive
patriotic
journalism:
inhellishjungleskirmishes,
werecalledheroesandtheir
impulsestosurvive
words.Whilethesituation
was similar-viodeedsdescribedwithinspiring
lentassaults,armedclashes-thedifference
was obvious.On onehandthere
was an amorphous
massofsavages,a "packofhounds,"
a despicablemobof
socialboundaries.
trinchudos
On theotherthere
assailingall theestablished
humanmachineassaulting
in defenseof
was a disciplined
legitimate
targets
theterritorial
themostbasicboundaries,
limitsestablished
bythestate.However,these oppositesets of predicates,these contradictory
discourses,
referred
to thesamesubject:youth.
Thisjuxtaposition
ofsoccerfanaticism
andwarheroismwas to demonstrate
itsimpressive
tothesamesubjectin
powertoassigndifferent
meanings
an infamous
case: thatofYenuriChihuala,thechildwhohadbeenvictimof
theleva and had died on thebattlefield
undermysterious
circumstances.8
a heroicdeath,hagioDuringthetimewhenthemediawerestillsuggesting
in
graphicstorieswerepublishedinwhichYenuri'sshortlifewasrecounted
sacrifice.However,in theattempt
termsof patriotic
to demonstrate
how a
"kidlikeanyother"couldturnoutto be a hero,an unexpected
ironictwist
March1, 1995):
appeared(La Repu'blica,
Gonzalez-Cueva/CONSCRIPTION AND VIOLENCE IN PERU
93
and
ebullient,
YenuriAntoniowas an avidsoccerplayer.He was an intrepid,
inthelocal 7 dejunioclub.He was also a fanofAlianza
forward
goal-thirsty
Whenhecould
whenhisteamwasplaying.
Limaandsavedtogotothestadium
hejoinedthesegundilla,thenervouslegionof fansthat
notpayfora ticket,
ofthematch.
forcesitswayintothestadiumduringthelastminutes
It is impossiblenottorecognizethememberofthereviledmassofstadium
vandalsemerging
frombeneaththeimageofthe"boyhero,"thesubjectof
discourse.Thatsectionofyouthrelevantforthemediaofficialpatriotic
hooligansor
males-is imaginedas dichotomous:
poor and dark-skinned
aquarumis
heroes,brutalvandalsor disciplinedsoldiers.The divortium
military
duty.The samediscoursethatreifiespopularyouthas
redemptive
irrational-inan act of discursiveviolencethatservesto make
essentially
themtheobjectoflegalpracticalviolence-depictsa redeemedyouththat
itsviolencetowardtheserviceoftheFatherland.
redirects
violencestrikes,
themediaarguedfor
As is alwaysthecase whenstadium
meansofmobcontrolsuchas hiddencameras,aerialsurveilsophisticated
itis painfully
obviousthatsuch
infiltration.
However,
lance,andintelligence
likePeru.The releis impossiblein a poorcountry
high-tech
panopticism
vanceofthediscussiononfantastic
meansofriotcontrol
is itsuseas a mechaTheseusually
nismforavoidingdiscussionoftherealmeansofrepression.
thecontrol
includethesaturation
ofthestadiumareawitharmedpersonnel,
of
mounted
andtheexpropriation
oflinesbysword-brandishing
policemen,
and-in general-anyobjectthatcouldbe
newspapers,
radios,waterbottles,
burnedorlaunchedagainstotherfans.
theconditions
are establishedforarguingin
In thisdiscursivecontext,
formofyouthcontrolthatcouldcombinepunitive
favorofsomelegitimate
violentsubjects
ofessentially
andeducativeviolencetorepresstheinstincts
andtransform
themintowell-adapted
subjectsofpower.
PORTRAIT OF THE YOUNG MAN
AS NOBLE SAUVAGE
Ifwordswerecountedinthestorieswritten
during
bywarcorrespondents
theborderconflict,
abnegacionwouldprobablybe theone mostused to
sacrifice-thenegation
describethesoldiersat thefront:
self-renunciation,
one'slife.Thus,forinstance,
one'sidentity,
andeventually
ofone'sinterests,
a
ofpassing
out... Juanito,
thejournalist
that
GladysBemalisontheverge
"seeing
in
soldierfromSan Juande Lurigancho[a populardistrict
sixteen-year-old
94
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
East Lima],separatedfromhis familysincelastmonth,givesherhis last
piece ofcandy"(El Comercio,
March9, 1995).
According
tothenewspapers,
amongtheyoungsoldierstherewasnopossibleself-interest;
noteventhepleasuresofthesummer
holidayscouldinterestthemmorethanmilitary
duty."Therewereyoungmenbeatingdownthe
onlyto
barracks
doors... youngmenwhogaveup thepleasuresofsummer,
facedeathinthelineoffire"(El Comercio,
February
26, 1995).Themiddleclassurbanjournalists
imagineabnegacionintheirownterms-renunciation
of thepleasuresof thesummerholidaysthatare normalformiddle-and
withno needto work.Butthenatureofabnegacion
upper-class
youngsters
forpopularyouthis supposedtobe something
different:
theymustrenounce
theiressentially
unruly,
brutalselves.Once military
dutyis recognizedas a
as somethingeven higher.
self-negating
sacrifice,it can be resignified
does exist
Indeed,it is "also an opportunity
to demonstrate
thatpatriotism
amongyoungpeople,in spiteofthefrivolous
imagesassociatedwiththem:
7, 1995).
drug-addiction,
partying,
laziness,apathy"(El Mundo,February
Even male aggressiveness,
thescandalousattribute
of thosetrinchudos
who offended
femalehonor,can be an elementof redemption
in thisdiscourse:"theCenepais a truehell.It is necessaryto be a realmanto enter
there,andevenmoreto getoutalive"(La Republica,November18, 1995).
Theimagesofmothers
andgirlfriends
atthebarracks
doorsweresyscrying
contrasted
withtheself-assurance
ofenthusiastic
soldiersurging
tematically
in victory.
womento sharetheirconfidence
Military
dutyappearedalso as thehorizontal
exchangebetweena generand
a fairtransaction
ofrecognition
ous malecitizenandhisgrateful
polity,
courage.Theyoungmaleputshismanhoodattheserviceofthestate,andthe
ofmalepleasures.As a journalist
stateallowshimthelegitimate
enjoyment
offulfilling
one's military
theimportance
dutiesandgetwrote,explaining
to
Serviceis a sortofcompensation
tinga votingcard,"Obligatory
Military
thestateforthestatusofcitizenthatitconfers
uponus.... Havinga voting
cardis veryuseful.Foryoungmen,itopensthedoorsto X-ratedcinemas,
allowsthemto checkintoa motelwitha girlfriend,
and whoknowswhat
else" (El Mundo,February
7, 1995).
Even the ethnicconditionof cholo (half-breed)thatwas scornfully
referred
ofthepopularyouthreappeared,
tointhestoriesaboutthevandalism
thistimeas a symbolof bravery
and nationalpride.The gallantsoldiers
as "conscripts
ofprovinciano
fromthefront
weredescribed
traits,"
returning
a euphemism
forruralindigenous
people.To be a cholobecameanadvantage
inthediscourseaboutmilitary
courage,becausethenotionofcholosupposed
natural
a connection
withan Indiannessequivalent
to unmediated
instinct,
tellingwarstoriesto
violence,andmindlesscourage.As a woundedofficer
Gonzalez-Cueva/CONSCRIPTION AND VIOLENCE IN PERU
95
thejournalists
putit,"Atdawn,we hearda signal.... Thatwasthemoment
to
assaultTiwinza.As thetroopswerebeingdeployedI tooka moment
topray
andto thinkofmysonRenzo,wholivesinLima.I was afraid,butthenwe
sangsomemartial
hymns
andthespiritofthecholowarrior
cametoourbodies onceagain"(El Mundo,February
21, 1995).
The officer
createsa variantofa phrasethatis verywell-known
in Latin
Americancountries
withlargeindigenous
populations:
se mesubioel indio
meemerged),
(theIndianwithin
meaning
thatoneis possessedbya fitofrage
or an impulseof spontaneous
bravery.
Again,thebad savage/noble
savage
is used,thoughinsteadof referring
dichotomy
to thedifference
between
untamedandtamedyouthitrefers
heretothedividedpersonality
ofa single
manbeforeand aftercertainDionysianritualsthateffacerationality.
The
withsoul,family,
rationalself,concerned
andsafety,
coexistswitha hidden
cholo/Indian-violent,
brave,andmindless.
of differentiated
The recognition
ethnicand racial identifications
and
is alwaysproblematic
in Peruvianpublicdiscourse,becausethe
identities
ontheassumption
ofhomogenizconceptofthenationhasbeenconstructed
ingmestizaje(Franco,1992).However,
theselectivenatureofmilitary
service, an institution
thatdisproportionately
targets
youngmestizos,makesit
to addresstheissueandrethink
necessary
existingnotionsofPeruvianness,
toitsindigenous
A photograph
givingsomeexplicitrecognition
component.
ofPeruviansoldierscelebrating
thecaptureofa positionfromtheEcuadoriansappearedinLa Republica(November
note:
18,1995)withthefollowing
Huamani?Yupanqui?Quispe?Tincopa?Choque?Thesearethefamily
names
ofthepeople,ofthesoldiersthatwentto thebattlefield.
Theywere16-,19-,
sincemanyof themdo notevenhave
20-year-olds-orevenmuchyounger,
birthcertificates.
Theyweresimplylevados,trainedand sentto fight.For
Peru-theirPeru,ourPeru.
Theuseoftheexpression
namesofthepeople"inconnection
with
"family
class and ethnic
indigenoussurnamesis an ambiguousway of conflating
It is notsaid outright
thatHuamaniandTincopaareIndian
identifications.
thatis
names,forthiswouldchallengetheinclusivenotionofPeruvianness
thesenames
requiredtoglorify
military
duty.Atthesametime,recognizing
as "popular"andimplicitly
as Indianintroduces
certaintensions:itimplies
in combat.The surnames
ofupper-class,
thatothernameswerenotpresent
do notappear,becauseitis self-evident
thattheyoungmen
whitePeruvians
class are simplynotdraftable.
In spiteof thejournalist's
of theprivileged
an optimistic
narrative
to restorethenationalcommunity
effort
bycreating
and"our"Peru,itis painfully
thatattempts
tobridgethegapbetween"their"
96
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
that-still-there
is a "they"
evident
constituted
bythoseabducted,
takentothe
orkilledandan"us"protected
front,
maimed,
bymarkers
ofclassandethnicity.
CLASSIFICATORY WOUNDS,
EFFICACIOUS MARKERS
ThreeyearsaftertheCenepaWar,theyoungartistMiguelGarciapreUnruidosecreto(A SecretNoise).9Themainsourceof
sentedtheexhibition
ofwoundedsoldierslyinginthebedsof
inspiration
wasa setofphotographs
theGeneralMilitaryHospitalin Lima. The motifswerescars,mutilated
limbs,armspiercedbyironscrews,bodiesdisassembled
bywarandmedical
science.These victimizedbodies,orderedby thenatureof theirwounds,
oftheactionofpowerful
werethemostpalpableeffect
discursive
structures
markersof gender,race,and class.
builtalong thelines of classificatory
as theintersection
Youthis constructed
by thedisciplinary
imagination
of
andpoverty,
markers
threesignifiers:
masculinity,
Indianness,
thatareinthe
andrealas warwoundscan be in thephysical
symbolicrealmas effective
realm.To be a young,poorcholois equivalent
tobeingtheincarnation
ofviolence,of tensionbetweensocial dangerand heroism;the onlypossible
exerciseofstateviolence.
sociallyacceptedresolution
impliesthecivilizing
As we cansee inTable1,thethreemarkers
structure
twoviews
effectively
ofthesemarkers
ofyouth.The efficacy
lies notonlyintheirabilitytomake
the publicrecognizeinstitutional
violenceagainstyouthsuch as police
repression
andthelevaas civilizingactionsbutintheirinternalization
bythe
victimsofviolence.Therecruits
themselves
werequotedbywarcorrespondentstellingthestoriesoftheirlivesas dividedbythetransitional
moment
of
toemphasizetheconmilitary
service;theyusedthebefore/after
dichotomy
ofthemilitary
on theirlives.
structive
effects
In the"before"category
therecruits
mentioned
aimlessness,
family
proband personaldisorder.In the"after"categorythey
lems,unemployment,
newskills,andpersonaldisreferred
toa senseofpersonalpride,patriotism,
"Itis a wholedifferent
tomarriage:
cipline.A soldiercompared
conscription
world,itis as ifyougotmarried:
youenterintoa stageofyourlifewherethey
the
controlyou"(El Mundo,February
7, 1995).Thejealous wifecontrolling
ofthemarried
manwas themetaphor
forthemilitary
conunrulysexuality
The recruits
trollingtheunrulyyoungster.
proudlypointedto theirnewly
andsuddenly
acquiredabilitytoobey:"Athomewewerecarelessanduntidy,
we haveto sayyessirandobeyorders"(El Mundo,February
7, 1995).
A veteran
servicehe
calledAlex,forinstance,
saidthatbeforehismilitary
was unemployed
and had constanttroublewithhis family.His servicein
Gonzalez-Cueva/CONSCRIPTION AND VIOLENCE IN PERU
97
TABLE 1
Constructions
ofYouth
DangerousYouth
HeroicYouth
Unrestrained
sexualaggressiveness,Legitimate
ofmale
enjoyment
lawlessmaledesire
sexuality
viewsofIndiandescent: Positiveviewsof Indiandescent:
Racial identification
Derogatory
animal-like
trinchudos
bravecholosoldiers
social
Class position
the
Popularsectorschallenging
Popularsectorsdefending
order
nation
Genderidentity
ofthedirtywarbetweenthearmyandtheShining
Ayacucho,theepicenter
hislife."I tooka courseon counterinsurgency
Pathinsurgents,
transformed
I spentninemonths
tactics.Itwastough,butI wasproudtoservemycountry.
zone"(El Mundo,February
is cerintheemergency
7, 1995).Thistestimony
forthesystematic
abuseofhumanrights
tainly
disturbing,
bythecounterinsurPeru'sinternal
gencyunitsin theareasofconflict
during
waris well-known.
warrior?
Is military
Was Alexa dirty
sucha powerful
discipline
normalizing
mechanism
thattheformerly
restlessyoungmantakesprideinhisnewfound
to engageininhuman
actions?
disposition
Fromillegalsavagesto legal savages:thisseemsto be thepaththatthe
Inthecontext
topopularyouth.
ofaninternational
conflict
stateoffers
fought
forcesin a mainlyunpopulated
byconventional
regionliketheCenepajunofstatediscipline.
toidentify
thedehumanizing
gle,itis difficult
potentials
It
is through
theaccountof military
actionin populated
counterinsurgency
of sexism,racism,and class violence
areas of theAndesthatthepatterns
as theraretestimony
of "Pancho,"a dirty
revealtheirsystematic
character,
madeclear:
warrior,
One time,theygaveus a chola to waste.We dressedherpretty
andprepared
whowasa realidiot,didnotwantus totouchher.Fuckoff!
her,butourcaptain,
"I am
Theorderhasbeenissuedandthatis howthings
are!Shekeptrepeating,
I am a virgin!"Of courseshewas not.... Poorchola!Afterthat,we
a virgin,
andsometimelaterwe wastedher.10
usedheras a sex-toy,
viewedthepopulations
undertheircontrolas semibarbaDirtywarriors
rous,uncivilizedenemiesand,as such,as legitimate
targetsof theirown
barbarism.
Theviolencesuffered
legitimate
byyoungmenatthehandsofthe
codified
stateis,as we haveseen,notjustphysicalbutsymbolic,
specifically
and embeddedin socialdiscoursesthatmakeitpossibleto be internalized,
98
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
learnedin a sortof infernal
pedagogy.This is whatallowsthevictimsto
thesavagestadiumattackers
becomevictimizers,
ofsefioras
tobecomecivilizingsoldiersanddirty
warriors
withlicensetorapeandkillinthenameof
law andorder.
tostretch
Butitis notnecessary
theargument
tothebrutality
ofcounterintoassesstheefficacy
ofsymbolic
surgency
violenceintransforming
victims
It is even easier to remember
intovictimizers.
the simplefactthatthe
leva-an act thatimpliesmastering
of markersof
theartof identification
in youngmen-is executedbyyoungmensimilartothosewho
domination
anduse against
suffer
it.Theyattackyoungmenwholooklikethemselves
themthesameviolencetheyhavesuffered:
beatings,
hazing,solitaryconfinement.
The goal is to teachthenewvictimshowto becomevictimizers.
Disciplinetriumphs.
CONCLUSION: SPECIFIC
MECHANISMS OR ARBITRARY VIOLENCE?
I havetriedtoshowhowa legalinstitution,
as a
military
service,functions
mechanism
directedagainstpopularyouthand as a discourse
disciplinary
ofspecificconstructions
thatsameyouthintheintersection
ofgendefining
serviceareinterchangeandmilitary
der,race,andclass.Policerepression
able elementsin thestructure
of a social discoursethatpresentspopular
violentanddangerous
ofthesocialorder.
tothestability
youthas inherently
The specificvalueof conscription
is as a pedagogicinstitution
thattransformsyoungvandalsintodisciplinedcitizensby skillfully
changingthe
of theirviolence:fromanarchicinvasionof social hierarchies
direction
to
assaulton challengers
ofthoseveryhierarchies.
legitimate
The precisionofthisdisciplinary
mechanism,
regrettably
enough,is lost
discourseofcivilandpoliticalsocietytrying
intheofficial
tocurbtheabuses
After
a seriesofscandalssurrounding
linkedtoconscription.
theleva,includdeathsofyoungmenandthecorruption
ofmiddle-rank
ingtheunexplained
whoacceptedbribestofreethelevados,a number
ofcivicassociaofficers
Nacionalde DerechosHumanos(National
tions,suchas theCoordinadora
forHumanRights-CNDH), andmembers
Committee
ofparCoordinating
havebeguna
liament,suchas Ana Elena TownsendandErnestoGamarra,
serviceandprohibit
theleva.
path-breaking
campaigntoreform
military
The CNDH criticizestheabusesinvolvedin theleva anddenouncesthe
butitfailsto
discriminatory
practicesinvolvedin theselectionprocedures,
recognizethenatureofthosediscriminatory
practices:"Thelevadosareprior workersof popularand ruralbackground.
This
marilyyoungstudents
Gonzalez-Cueva
/CONSCRIPTION AND VIOLENCE IN PERU
99
forwhommilitary
practiceis nonexistent
amongthemiddleandupperstrata,
Nacionalde DerechosHumanos,
serviceis notobligatory"
(Coordinadora
as a
is understood
1997). The discrimination
at thecoreofthemechanism
whileitsracialandethnicdimensions
by
areonlysuggested
class problem,
Thisformulation
does notclarify
thephrase"ruralbackground."
thecritical
as an instrument
foradvancing
racistideologiesinthe
valueofconscription
publicarena.
draft
as a violenteventandnotas
Atthesametime,theviewoftheforcible
ofa processofindoctrination,
a systematic
thebeginning
practicethatrelies
on powerfulsocial discourses,weakensthecapacityto dismantleit. Certainly,
egregiouscases of abusecouldbe reducedbystoppingtheleva,but
ofmilitary
service,thenotionofit as a
unlessthischallengedthebrutality
mechanism
wouldbe leftuntouched.
necessarycivilizatory
is to supposethattheleva is an "arbitrary"
Anothermisunderstanding
Nacionalde DerechosHumanos,1997: 17),thatis,
practice(Coordinadora
decidedon by thediscretionary
powerof an
an act of violencerandomly
canthisphenomenon
experience
unnamedagent.Onlyintermsofindividual
As anaggregated
socialfactitis nota randombuta
be considered
"arbitrary."
victimization
ofa givensectorofthepopulation
thathastobe dissystematic
itssubordination
andtoimpressonitsmindsandbodies
ciplinedtoreinforce
specificnotionsofgender,
race,andclass.
Officehaschosena legalisIn addition
tothis,thenationalOmbudsman's
and
theleva as a crimeagainstindividual
freedom
ticapproach,presenting
ofequalitybeforethelaw.Certainstateagentsperpeagainsttheprinciple
andcertain
individuals
arebeingdiscriminated
tratearbitrary
imprisonment,
forcedtoserveina waythatis notdemanded
ofothers.
Thislegalforagainst,
and
mulationofthelevais a usefulsteptowardprosecuting
itsperpetrators
itsvictimsas individuals
(Defensoriadel Pueblo,1997:21):
protecting
The leva consistsof a deprivation
ofindividual
freedom,
forcing
a personto
fulfilltheSMO. It is a commonpracticethatconstitutes
arbitrary
imprisonarticle2.24.foftheConstitution,
towhicha perthusviolating
according
ment,
soncanbe imprisoned
or,ifbythepolice,ifcaughtinflaonlywitha warrant,
grantcrime.
whim
is eitherthearbitrary
Thereasonforthiscrime,inthisformulation,
are
whosemechanisms
ofanunnamed
agentora case ofclassdiscrimination
ofequalityis beingvioinwhichtheprinciple
invisible:"Thisis a situation
latedforsocioeconomicreasons.. . . A disproportionate
majorityof the
servicecomesfromlowersocioeconomic
military
youngpeoplewhofulfill
delPueblo,1997:22). Theobviouslegalquestionthatis
groups"(Defensoria
100
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
leftopen is whether
theleva is an offensecommitted
by individualstate
agentsviolatingindividualrightsor a widespreadand systematic
crime
againsta particular
population.
Certainly,
theformulation,
inrecognizing
the
originoftheviolationsinsocioeconomic
hierarchization,
opensthedoorfor
thesecondoption.However,
theombudsman's
formulation
doesnotaddress
theethnicandgenderaspectsofthisactofdiscrimination.
Theresultofthisabsenceofa completediagnosisis a setofnecessary
but
incomplete
reforms.
Congressman
ErnestoGamarra(1997) hasintroduced
a
billinParliament
thatwouldlegalizeforcible
recruitment
onlywhena judicial orderauthorizes
thearmytodetaindraft
evaders.Inaddition,
individuals
wouldbe giventheopportunity
for"conscientious
objection"to military
service,butitwouldbe subjecttoreviewandapprovalbymilitary
authorities,
whowoulddecideontheforms
ofalternative
civilservice.A complementary
idea is thatof theombudsman
(Defensoriadel Pueblo,1997),whorecomtheSMO tomakeitattractive
mendsreforming
toyoungpeopleas a professionaloption.Bothareideasthatmayproveusefulforalleviating
theindividofmilitary
ual fateofyoungsters
age butdo notaddressthecausesoftheleva
orchallengeitslegitimizing
discourses.
Itis difficult
tosee anypossibleconnectionbetweentheselegalreforms
anda largereffort
todeconstruct
thediscursivemechanismsthatlegitimizestateviolenceagainstyouthand that
intheattitudes
ofsoldiersthesamepatterns
reproduce
ofviolencethatthey
havesuffered.
Soldierswhoareabusedbecauseoftheirraceorclassandwhoaretaught
andviolence,Indianness
andbrutality,
and
toassociatemasculinity
poverty
learnhowtoabuseothers
onthesamegrounds.
victimization,
Theywilllearn
to exertsexistviolenceover women,racistviolenceagainstindigenous
groups,andclass violenceagainstthepoor.The brutalhumanrightsviolationsduringthecountersubversive
war againsttheShiningPathand the
MovimientoRevolucionario
TuipacAmaru(TuipacAmaruRevolutionary
areonlygraandpolicebrutality
Movement-MRTA),thelevaofchildren,
dationsalongthesamespectrum
ofviolence.
wouldcall forthe
An integrated
approachtotheproblemofconscription
of
social
directed
at
the
sectors
victimdesign
policies
empowering
currently
thediscretionary
izedbyitandreducing
powerofthestateagentsinchargeof
theinescapableproblem
ofthesubordination
repression-that
is,addressing
ofthemilitary
tocivilianauthorities
andtheiraccountability
to thepopulation.It is notenoughtodeclarethatthelevais illegal,becauseithas always
beenillegal.Itis necessary
tocreatethesocialconditions
thatwillenablethe
populationto resistthiscrime:youthassociations,eventhosebrandedas
andmentored.
"vandals,"havetoberecognized
as meaningful
interlocutors
Gonzalez-Cueva
/CONSCRIPTION AND VIOLENCE IN PERU
101
Legalintervention
intheprocessofmilitary
training
andcivilianoversight
ofrecruitment
agenciesarenecessary
to guarantee
thattherightofcitizens
is respected.
nottobe illegallydrafted
Itis uselesstodeclarethattherightto
freedom
is beingviolatedifajudgedoesnotdaretoissuea habeas
individual
inchargeofa barracks.
corpusagainsttheofficer
The specificidentification
ofthoseareaswherelevasarecommonis necessary
notonlytoprevent
their
repetition
butalso to promoteyouthemployment
and education.It is not
enoughto designconscientious
objectionas a legalprocedure,
forifyoung
peopleof diversesocial backgrounds
are notequallyempowered
thisnew
institution
couldhavetheunexpected
effect
ofsimplylegalizingtheinformal
middle-andupper-class
privilegeofnotfulfilling
theSMO.
ofsucha setofpolicieswouldhavetheeffect
Therealization
ofdemilitarizingtherelations
betweenthestateandthepopularsectors.Forthistobe
morethanelitepolicymaking,
possible,however,
whatis neededis themobilizationofcivilsocietyorganizations
andtheempowering
ofpopularyouth.
NOTES
1. The organization
was calledJuventud
Campesinay Popularde las Provincias
Altasdel
Qosqo (PeasantandPopularYouthoftheUpperProvincesofCusco-JUPAQ).
2. Thereis a growing
literature
ontherondascampesinasmovement
inthePeruvianhighlands.Degregori
etal. (1996) compileresearch
onthemovement
inthesouth-central
highlands.
is a euphemism
3. Triguenio,
"wheat-colored,"
fortheskincolorof a personof mixed
descent.InPerunoofficial
statistics
aboutraceorethnicity
havebeengathered
sincethereformof 1968-1975,butracialclassifications
istmilitary
government
aremaintained
in military
and
policerecords.
4. TheTimeoftheHerowaspublished
in 1963andcauseda hugescandal:copiesofitwere
publiclyburnedatthemilitary
highschooltheauthorhadattended.
Forreferences
on thenovel
andthecontextin whichitwas inspired,
see VargasLlosa (1994).
5. For an exampleof theglorification
of military
servicein thecontextof counterinsurgency,see thecollectionofshortstoriesbyEdal (1993).
6. Trinchudo
toa phenotypic
(a personwiththickhair)is a derogatory
trait
wayofreferring
supposedlyassociatedwithindigenous
descent.
calledtribunas
7. SouthandNorthsections,
populares,havethecheapestseatsinstadiums,
andWestseatsarethemostexpensive.
8. Whereasthemediainitially
unofficial
deathincombat,the
published
reports
suggesting
army-underpublicpressure-recognized
thatChihualahaddiedas theresultofbeinginfected
withtetanuswhileperforming
nonmilitary
tasksinthebarracks(EjercitoPeruano,1995).
tookplace in theMiraflores
in January-February
9. The exhibition
Municipality
1998. I
thankMiguelGarciafora longconversation
on thesubject.
10. I am grateful
to Aldo Panfichiforaccess to thisinterview
in hispersonalarchives,
the
sourceoftheaccountsofDegregori(1990) andStamn,
andKirk(1995: 342-347).
Degregori,
102
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
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