280
::;L'.?TU.R-VU
CLAUorJb 2>\\'. .O J tU I..' TrK A J /S R i ]I .^0. PH[^-\SE
It is,
however,
n o t n e c e s s a r y t h a t t h e s e n t e n c e s ernbecldecl i n
a VP come t o t h e s u r f a c e a s VP-complement. They may y i e l d
verbal
m o d i f i e r s i n c a s e t h e y a p p e a r u n d e r A d v e r b i a l p h r a s e o f W.
t e n c e s embedded i n a a d v e r b i a l p h r a s e , i f d e p e n d urjon t l i e
of
subject identity,
ization'.
can be g o v e r n e d by t h e p r o c e s s o f
By t h i s p r o c e s s ,
clauses or participials.
modifiers i . e .
embedded s e n t e n c e s
adverbs modify
finite verbs. Participles
a s v e r b a l m o d i f i e r s a r e d i s t i n c t i n t h e i r forms,
s i m i l a r in tliisr function.
terms,
1,
into
verlxil
derived
though they
T]iese c o u l d be d i s t i n g u i s h e d
such as t h e f o l l o w i n g
condition
'adverbial-
are turned
P a r t i c i p i a l s which f u n c t i o n as
Sen-
are
by .'jap.ircte
:
P a r t i c i p l e s adverbial phrcjse
2, Completive p a r t i c i p l e s .
lioth, p a r t i c i p l e adverbial phrase and completive p a r t i c i p l e s
w i l l be describe<:l, in tiie following two separate section.
/•Klverbial clauses are derived through the process of anlijeJdinq,
however, they require a d i s t i n c t s e t of operations. To generate an
adverbial clause unlike p a r t i c i p l e s , the embedding does not r,-y.u
p l a c e on subject i d e n t i t y
c o n s t r a i n t . The discussion of p i r t i c i ' 1G£
and full clauses will be accounted in the follov;ing separate sootier
281
PARTICIPLE ADVSRBIAIJ PilR.-.SE
In
the t r a d i t i o n a l
gr^iiinmar of U r d u / H i n d i ,
as adverb
t r e a t m e n t of p a r t i c i p l e s deriv&l/^s
available
no s y s t e m a t i c
w h i l e discun.Tin-j
c o m p l e x s e n t e n c e s . The s t a t u s of t h e p a r t i c i p l e p h r a s e s as
i n s t a n c e of V P - c o i n u i e m e n t a t i o n and N P - c o m p l e m e n t a t i o n
a c c o u n t e d i n p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r s o f t h e work. Thus,
has
the
matrix clause,
and v e r b a l
complementation
l^een
particii-^le
f u n c t i o n i n g as a d v e r b i , e » v e r b a l m o d i f i e r i s c o n s i d e r e d
s u b o r d i n a t e c l a u s e which i s embedded u n d e r a d v e r b i a l
an
unler
node
f a l l s under the
of
clciuse
w h i c h i s embedded d i r e c t l y u n d e r t h e i m m e d i a t e d o m i n a t i o n o f a
verb phrase.
The examples o f t h e former a r e t h e s e n t e n c e s s u c h as
the
foilowi ng :
1.
b a c c a r o t a hua aya
' T h e c h i l d came w e e p i n g '
2.
rim s h a r a b p i y e h u e p a r a h a i
3.
b a c c a k h e l t e k h e l t e s o gaya
'Ran i s l y i n g h a v i n g d r u n k v/ine'
'The c h i l d s l e p t v/hile pla^^dng'.
I n t h e above s e n t e n c e b a c c a and ram a r e s u b j e c t i-^Ps o f
S a n d r o t a hua,
f i e r derived
matrix
shcirab p i y e h u e and k h e l t e k h e l t e a r e v e r b a l
f r a n anbedded S. i t i s n o t i c e d t h a t t h e term
modi-
veri>al
m o d i f i e r i s used t o r e f e r t o t h e s u b j e c t of f i n i t e v e r b h e n c e
Some e x a m p l e s o f v e r b a l
1
s u c h as t h e f o l l o v ; i n g :
complanents are provided
forth.
by s e n t e n c e s
4 . r v u l l s n e u s e c o r i k a r t c h u e "^akrs ' P o l i c e a r r ' ^ s t e d v / h i l e
lie
was s t e a l i n g ' .
5 . mai n e b a c c e ko p a r h t e hue d e k h a ' I saw boy who was
6.
g a r i ne ^ f i
ko c a l t e c a l t e r o k a
readUng',
'Guard stopped t h e t r i i n
w h i c h was i n m o t i o n ' ,
282
'Atiere cori k a r t e hue, parhte hue and c a l t e cal te res\:>cctLvQlv
a r e instJnceG of; vcu-bi] c:3mpltrnents t h a t modify object -JPs
of
f i n i t e verbs.
I t will not be i r r e l e v a n t to s t a t e t h a t there are some const r u c t i o n s in Urdu/i-ilndi t h a t provide ambiguity i n tlio suri-^ce
2
s t r u c t u r e s to specify tlie c o r r e c t nature of the out put . TMs
i s indicated from the follov/ing sentences :
7 , s h i l a ne ma ko r o t e hue dekha
' Sheela sav; mother while (mother) (Sheela) weeping!
8 . p u l l s ne cor ko bhag t e hue pakra
' P o l i c e caught the t M e f while (Police)
(thief)
running'.
9. larko ne gari ko c a l t e c a l t e rok diya
' Thie boys stopped the t r a i n v;hile (train/boys) movinal
I t is c o r r e c t t h a t the manner adverbials derived fran intrans i t i v e verbs i n above examples are ambiguous, ' ^ e adverbials
r o t e hiue, tiiagte hue and c a l t e c a l t e do not r e f e r back unambiguously e i t h e r to s h i l a , p u l l s and larke or t o ma, cor and cf^rx
r e s p e c t i v e l y , ^or a t l e a s t some native speakers, an unaml-uc}uouG
reference will be s i g n a l l e d by a permutation of manner adverbials
with object NP i n the surface s t r u c t u r e . Further more, i t v/ould not
be wrong to say t h a t the constructions which are ambiguous in the
s u r f a c e forms will contain simultaneously two d i f f e r e n t underlying
r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . One of them permits the verbal-modification
ra]. e
and the other verbal complementation r u l e .
In t h i s section, an attempt will be mrde to stov/ t h a t
the
p a r t i c i p l e adverbial phrases are i n s t a n c e s of verbal modi fie it Ion
and
lan-juage creat;i new adverbials i f they are treated ic .•--uch.
283
The n a r t i c d n l e adverbinl phirases i n Urt^Jii/Hindi may b^ - <" -t-ho
following types :
1. Imperfect p a r t i c i p l e
(V-ta hua) phrase
2. Perfect p a r t i c i T l e (V_ya hua) phrase
3. Imperfect and p e r f e c t reduplicated p a r t i c i p l e (V-ta +V-.ta and
V-ya + V-ya) phrases.
Tl-ie atove mentioned forms of p a r t i c i p l e adverbail ohrascs can
the
pro vide (/following s t r u c t u r e :
(i)
(ii)
V+
Imperfect
Perfect
V + Imperfect
Perfect
+perfect forrn hua
+V + Imperfect
Perfect
A p a r t i c i p l e adverbial phrase i s one in v/hicln the verb in tlie
embedded clause comes to the surface with e i t h e r ta + hua or ya +
hua attached. If the verb i s attached v/ith ta + hua i s terrr.e.l
as
imperfect p a r t i c i p l e adverbial phrase, i f the verb has the yc >• hua
attached, the phrase i s called a p e r f e c t p a r t i c i p l e phraso. In the
case of reduplicated form, i f the verb attached v/ith eitl'ier ta
O'.
-.1
ya i s iri reduplicated imperfect or perfect p a r t i c i p l e adverbi ^
phrase.
^ V-ya
Tho' V-ta^forms of Urdu/Fiindi verbs function as verb-vl -. "V'T'II .il
unci hua tuim of hona ±3 s,-jid to adverbiaiize the v~ta an.: v-ya
forms of verbs.
There i s a larqo clas:^ of verbs in Urdu/Mindi tliat can ho
transformed to yield iinperfect and perfect p a r t i c i p l e adverbial
phrases and also redupli cat.2d phrases. The rule t h a t yields such
phrases i s describee; in d e t a i l in an o t h e r p a r t of t h i s s e c t i o n .
The undemoted sentences and adverbial phrases derived Fr::M
than, would be as" :
284
«.
r-'
1 0 , bacca has raha h a i
'The cbdld i s
laughing
lOa. bacca n a s t a hua
1 1 , bacca muskara raha h a i
lia.
'The CITLICI i s
sltiiling
ioacca muskarata liua
1 2 , bacca ro raha hai
' Wie c h i l d i s w e e p i n g ' .
12a, bacca r o t e r o t e
1 3 , larlci soyi
'The g i r l
slept
13a. larlci s o y i h u i
14, g a r i c a l i
'The t r a i n moved'
14a, g a r i c a l i hui
1 5 , ram ne s h a r a b p i
15a, ra-ri s h a r a b
'Ram took v/ine'
£ily<v hue
16, d t o b i ne k a p r e dhoye
'The washerman ivashed c l o t h e s
16a, dhobi b i n a k a p r e dhoe hue
17, l a r k e ne khana khaya
'The boy e a t food
17a, l a r k a khana khaya hua
«
18, usne x a t I'ikha hai
'He has w r i t t e n a l e t t e r '
18a, voh bina x a t l i k h e hue
19, us ne k i t a b p a r h i
'He read a book
t
l 9 a . voh bina k I t a b p a r h e
That
i s , a l l t h e v s r b s such as t h e ones i n 10-19, do not urvj^er
go t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n t h a t y i e l d s r e d u p l i c a t e ' p e r f e c t
p h r a s e s , only a s u b c l a u s of varbs undergoes
p=rtirl';-le
the transf':)mnt:i;jn
th.it
y i e l d s rcxiu.plicate^. p e r f e c t p a r t i c i p l e p h r a s e s sucli as the foliov/infj:
the
20, bacca baithe'. bai^'itliak gaya 'The c h i l d t i r e d because of
constant s i t t i n g ' .
2 1 , rDgi ne l e t e l e t e dava p i 'P.:itient tx)ok medicine l y i n g '
285
2 2. voh apni bimar p a t n i ko h a r jagah txL l i y e l i y e p h i r a
'He c a r r i e d h i s i l l wife every w h e r e ' .
2 3, rcim ghar me ghuse ghuse bimar p a r gaya
' Rai.i become i l l l y i n g in tlie house'
There a r e , however,
sane c a s e s where i m p e r f e c t and pGrfect
p a r t i c i p l e p h r a s e s a r e seen n o t i n f l e c t e d f o r p e r f e c t
partidr^le
form of hona, such as t h e following :
24. m
2 5. s a r a k p a r ek k U t t a rnara" p a r a hai ' "^ dog i s lyincj d i o J on the
roadl
26. bacca
d a u r t a aya
"I'Tne c h i l d come r u n n i n g ' .
S;5me ex£iraples of p a r t i c i p l e p h r a s e s t h a t a r e s a i d to re^ruire
echowords o r causal words have t o be examined to deterra Lr:o i.*-'
t h e y arc; a t a l l r e l a t e d to tlie typos of c o n s t n a c t i o n s di-^cu:.j:d
zo f a r ,
a r e given liri O'., :
2 7 . l>icca k h e l t a khsjlta xata.Ti ho gaya
'The c h i l d e x p i r o l o] ayinq' .
20. f.njjj l a r t i l a r a i J . <iile tak pahuc gai
•'•^'h..' army reached t h e f o r t
fighting*.
Seme examples of p a r t i c i p l e m o d i f i e r t h a t i n v o l v e the i t e r is in
t h e i r c o n s t r u c t i o n s d i s c u s s e . ! aJx^ve a r e such as :
2''-J, bacce ne l l k h a l l k h a y a X-^t p h a r diva
• The c h i l d t u r n o u t t h e wri'^ten l e t t e r ' .
3 0 . k h e l t a m i l t a bacca ek m i n i t me xatam ho gaya
'The boy who \;ho was p l a y i n g died with i n a m i n u t e ' .
The- c o n d i t i o n for v e r b a l m o d i f i c a t i o n t o apnly, t h e IIP )f
m a t r i x -' cmJ the I'-.'c i^f
all
o j n s t i r u e n t -^ must oe ioien-cical,
tiuit ii;
t h e s e n t e n c e s c o n t a i n i n g such a d v e r b i a l phrases v.'ill hiv-
deep ; ; t r u c t u r e of t h e t y p e :
r'nit-
286
SI
_———
NP
p .
PJAV,'
•. .
,
P
MV
:JP
The H d o m i n a t e d
t h e NP o f m a t r i x S
a tr-victuros
,
VP
VP
by t h e MP o f
embedded ^ and t h e N d o m i n a t e d Vjy
m u s t be i u e n t i c a l .
That i s ,
t h e Ni and t h e N2 m u s t n o t be
r-
AUX
•-
••'-•—
given t h e
fudlouine
distinct.
I
NP
VP
N1
Adv
MV
Au;:
S
NP
VP
N2
The r u l e s u p p o r t s t h e claiin
phrases
place
are derived
only i f
The r u l e
is
as
applies
a.
that
generates
to the underlying
participle
transformation.
structure of a
It
icletes
c.
It
i e l e t e s J\\IX of
t h e anl^&ld 1 nn
adverbial
Gubjtict iJ of
taxes
constituent
the constituent
S.
S.
phr^ises
Where a s t M c
rule
participle
hua o r y a hua i s a t t a c h e d
t i t x i e n t -).
b.
a'lvcrbi'-l
o f b o t h t h e m a t r i : : a n d e m b e d c o d •-' a r c
'advorbllization
p a r t i c i p l e marker ta
the participle
an embedded s e n t e n c e ,
the subjects
identical.
termed
fran
that
t o MV cf
c^-ns-
287
S e n t e n c e s such as 31 and 32 a r e d e r i v e d fron
structure,
underlyin'i
such as t h a t given below :
3 1. bacca r o t a hua aya
'The cl'dlJ. camf weeping'
3 2. hcicca r o t e r o t e so gaya
'The child; s l e p t v/ecping'
NP
VP
r
MV
S2
AUX
yi
30ja
(
b a t ? C O-
I
I
I
r-
w
bacca
s l e p t / carae -"
"1
VP
r o raha t h a
The n.ile of ' ad v e r b i a l i g a t i o n '
a p p l i e s on 32 c y c l e to .:-':-'t lin
r o t a h u a / r o t e r o t e . If. no o t l i e r r e l e v a n t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i s ne,-icu
t o apply, a f t e r t r e e u n i n i n g o o n v e n t i o n s , s e n t e n c e s such as 3 •" •;n-"f
3 2 are generated.
In c a s e t h e p a r t i c i p l e s a r e used i n tlic
a new r u l e termed as ' a d v e r b i a l f r o n t i n g '
O p e r a t i o n of ' a d v e r b i a l i z a t i o n ,
tegining
of t h e s e n t e n c e ,
takes place after
the
y i e l d i n g t h e s t r u c t u r e such a^ the
following :
3 l a . I s k u l s e a t e hue l a t a ne s e b x a r i a e
' L a t a purchased apj^ics coming froiT' school'
3 2a. p a l a n g p a r bad.the b a i t h e bacca th.., j^j gaya
'Th<- c h i l d t i r t x l because of c o n s t a n t s i t t i n a 'jn tht- wOt'
288
The p r o c e s s o f
sentences,
' advorbial
on S i c y c l e ,
embedded S ±s
fronting'
rule operates in
t h e d e r i v e d a d v e r b i a l p h r a s e from
S2 node i s
tation
s t r u c t u r e would l o o k l i k e
the surface
there are,
erased. After phonological
however,
interpre-
(31a and 32a) ,
some amtdguous c o n s t r u c t i o n s
a r e t h e o u t growth of m o r e t h a n one d e e p s t r u c t u r e s
following
tlie
r a i s e d t o t h e i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n o f m a t r i x S. By t r e e
pruning convention
Urdu/llindi,
such
like
In
tl'iat
the
:
3 3 , ma n e b a c c e ko r o t e hue dekha
a,
' M o t h e r saw t.h'=^ c h i l d
b.
' M o t h e r saw
cr^j'ing'
t h e c h i l d who was
crying'.
rVP
NP
m.a
Aux
Adv
G12
I —
VP
ro rahi
ma
P
Phrase
MV
tai
bacce
T h e u n d e r l y i n f 7 s t r u c t u ' ~ G oi" 3 3 b i s
ko
' ' < • • : • } ,
Cll
NP
VP
HV
AP
ma
dekh
J
C12
N
[•'•pro
yeh
NP
bacca
VP
iXi raria t h a
28i>
On Cl 2 In botJi cases of 33a and 33b two d i s t i n c t
transformations
apply y i e l d i n g the p a r t i c i p l e rota hua. In 33 b subject rtiisinif r u l e
takes place a f t e r p a r t i c i p l e transforiTiation and then |_+ProJ deletion
i s made, by piruning conventions the surface s t r u c t u r e i s yielded
a f t e r dropping C12. But i n tlie case of 33a a f t e r a d v e r b i a l i z a t i o n
r u l e , no significance transformation a p p l i e s . After dropping Ci2
node and phonological i n t e r p r e t a t i o n the obtained s t r u c t u r e
such as 33a. On both 33a and 33b s t r u c t u r e s d i f f e r e n t s e t s
is
of
o p e r a t i o n s take place in the d e r i v a t i o n of surface forms. I f
the
v e r b ro 'weep* i n the surface s t r u c t u r e of 33 refers to ma 'mother'
i t w i l l go to the deep s t r u c t u r e of 33a but on the other hanti, i f
t h e verb ro r e f e r s to bacca 'child* the deep s t r u c t u r e would be
d i f f e r e n t such as 33b.
I t would not be wrong to s t a t e in r e l a t i o n
t o the construction, discussed above, t h a t the deep s t r u c t u r e
3 3a i s conditioned by
of
subject i d e n t i t y , and 33b by NP-complement-
a t i o n r u l e . There i s however, s y n t a c t i c (in surface from) i d e n t i t y
but
in the out put ^hey d i f f e r in t h e i r underl'i'ing '=;tructure as well
a s operating r u l e . The deep s t r u c t u r e of p a r t i c i p l e derived as
verbal modifier d i f f e r s from the deep s t r u c t u r e of INIP-complement
a s mentioned e a r l i e j r j n case the oribedded sentence i s verbal
complenent, i f has txsen embedded d i r e c t l y under the immediate
domination of verb phrase, as i n the following t r e e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n :
I
S
rj
NP
'
VP
NP
t
*
S
MV
AuK
293
In the l i ^ a t of e a r l i e r discussion, i t i s concluded that the
embedded sentence carry out variour. functions in the
these functions differ
sentence and
in order to depend upon the different
t a c t i c processes of embedding : a sentence that i s embedded
syninto
Adv. phrase, depending upon the conditions of subject identity and
modify the verb of the matrix sentence, i s said to be functioning
as a verbal modification. This i s roughly the deep structure of
the following type that i s the source of verbal modification.
S
I
r
NP
VP
in
»
r
Adv.P
MV
hnx
S
NP
VP
N2
Nojte : Ni = N2
'."Jhen a s e n t e n c e i s aiibedded i n a noun p h r a s e t h a t i s n o t
be
i d e n t i c a l t o t h e NP of embedded S, i t i s s a i d t o / f u n c t i o n i n g as a
NP-complement.
The f o l l o w i n g deep s t r u c t u r e i s t h e s o u r c e o f NP-compl*3nen-^^atNP
ion :
NP
NP
Det
VP
N2
Nl
Where Ni is d i s t i n c t from N2
To generate the VP-conolement, the sentences onbedded in tfie
verb phrases must contain the subject identical an^I coreferer.linl
291
t o the object of the
f i n i t e verb.
This i s shown i n the follov.dng
t r e e representation :
VP
,
NPl
,
S
,
MV
NP1
1
Aux
VP
This i s roughly the deep s t r u c t u r e of constructions that are
described as performing the function of verbal aomplancnts. l.hen
a sentence i s embedded d i r e c t l y under tiie immediate danination of
a verb phrase, as
in tJie above
diagram, i t i s said to be funct-
ioning as a verb phrase ccmpl^anent.
On the other hand, p a r t i c i p l e s derived as adverb by the
condition of subject icientity,
sentence,
refer only to the subject of
tJie
functioning as verbal modifiers. To consider the exa-nnlcs
in support of the above discussion are such as the follo'vd.ng :
34. bacca rota hua aya
'Tl:\e child came weeping*
3 5. pUlis ne cor ko bhagte dekha
' P o l i c e saw a
theif
v/'nile
Police/thief was running'
36, p u l l s ne cor ko sef kholte pakra
' P o l i c e cau(^t thi;ef while he was opening the
safe*.
P a r t i c i p l e adverb rota hua in sentence 34 i s an instance of
verbal rrodifier that modifies the f i n i t e verb. In sentences
35
and 36 phrases bhagte and sef kholte are noinstance of nominal nnd
verbal
ambiguous.
complements respectively. The sentence 35 i s of cource
292
Uepencilng xjpon the context, p a r t i c i p l e s may f'jnction as time, manner
A
and reason adverbs. T'nis i s i l l u s t r a t e d in the follovdng c:'.<.uriyl es ' :
37, r'onu ne agra j a t e hue s i t a ko sath l e l i y a
' Ramu took Sita with his as the was leaving for Agra'
38,
har l i y e khara tha
' Flowerman v/as standing with ncrdlmcis'
3 9. buddha baithe baithe thak gaya
• •
•
•
'The oldman became t i r e d because of constant s i t t i n g ' .
In sentence 31, p a r t i c i p l e i s used as a time adverb, in 33, as
a manner adverb. The reduplicated p e r f e c t p a r t i c i p l e i n 3 >, functi o n s as reason adverte.
I t i s c o r r e c t t h a t i f the subject of tlie
i d e n t i c a l , to and
p a r t i c i p l e i s not
coreferential with the subject of the f i n i t e
verb, the p a r t i c i p l e i s not used to function as adverb - i . e .
verbal modifier. The basis for t r e a t i n g p a r t i c i p l e s as ri-lvorb i s
c l e a r l y the fact t h a t the subjects of both, matrix and enbedde^l S
must not be non i d e n t i c a l . In case the subject i d e n t i t y c o n s t r a i n t
i s not s a t i s f a c o o r i l y met, the p a r t i c i p l e mubt be troate.i ^^
compltjTient, '^he d e r i v a t i o n a l process and functions of such can, loments have been accounted for in some d e t a i l in other parts
o;
t h i s work.
There i s another use of imperfect p a r t i c i p l e which h^s the
form V_te hi ' a s soon as' V-te me or V-te se for iv/Iitch the subject
y
i d e n t i t y constaint i s satisfied :
A
40. ^ a r a t e hi l a t a so j a t i hai
'Lata f a l l s on bed as soon as she enters the house
4 1, khana khate me usko nyas nahi l a g t i
•He does not feel fchursty during e a t i n g ' .
E93
4 2, ram sote se ab j a l d i uth j a t a hai
' Ram wakes up early nov/ witJ-i sleeping'
There arc also cases where perfect p a r t i c i p l e s can be used
with a special nog-'tive form :
4 3. bacca blna khana khae so gaya
'The child went to sleep without e a t i n g ' .
The d a t i v e subject verb yield perfect p a r t i c i p l e s t h a t occur
. . . .
, 5j
preaica-cively
44. l i l a ko bahut ovas lard hui hai
'ri<=p>1;= 1 <- yra-yr tiTurst-y'.
from
However, the p e r f e c t p a r t i c i p l e s derived^ such verbs have tiie
fonn V-te hi ' a s soon a s ' accordingly.
4 5. bhuk l a g t e hi bacca ro ne l a g t a hai
' '-'•he child begins to cry as soon as he feel hungry' .
Other examples of p a r t i c i p l e s used with post i->05ition m-j/s"e tlsat
obey subject i d e n t i t y c o n s t r a i n t v;ere not provided i n the r<:!c;,'nt
works, are such as the following :
46. bacca k h e l t e me g l r para
''•'•'he cMld
felldown as he playing
47. l a t a g l r t e se bac gai
'Lata got safty because of not f a l l i n g down',
48. shazi ne sote me ek xuab dekha
• ^ ^ z i saw a dream which (she was) sleeping' ,
4 9, bacce ne l e t e se dava pi
' Tn • cnild took medicine u'lille (she was) l y i n g ' .
I t can be argued t h a t above examples such as 46-49 show that the
PP me/se can be used In place of hua fo.rm of hona i n the form,--ition
of p a r t i c i p l e s .
294
COMPLETIVE P^vRTIClPLE ;
In a d d i t i o n t o t h e r e i s ,
bov;ever,
a s p a r t i c i p l e s t h a t fire d i s t i n c t i n
t o the participles discussed
an o t h e r t y p e o f
stfv^cture
form b u t i d e n t i c a l i n
so f a r .
This i s i l l u s t r a t e d
function
i n tJie
f o l l o v ; i n g excunples :
50 (1 • ) ' ^ ' ^ ' ^ ' ^ g a j r e l i y e h u e a i
•Ihe flov;ergirl
came w i t h g a r d l a n d s ' .
5 1 ( 2 . ) b a c c a d a u r t a hua aya
' T h e c h i l d camp
runnina'.
5 2 ( 3 . ) bacca" dudh p i k a r s o j a t a h a i
'Having drunk milk, t h e
cliild
sleeps' .
In sentences
l-?,
perfect
and i m p e r f e c t p a r t i c i p l e s
gajrc
l i y e h u e and d a u i r t a hua and i n 3, V_kar p h r a s e dudh p i k a r
are
u s e d as m a n n e r a d v e r b s .
I t i s p o i n t e d o u t t h a t s t r u c t u r e c o n t a i n i n g V + k a r forrri h a s
b e e n g i v e n t h e t e r m as V - k a r p h r a s e by M r s . K a c h r u i n 1971 and i n
1980 a s ' a b s o l u t i v e p h r a s e , on t h e o t h e r hand, S u b b a r a o
(l97i)
f o l l o v / i n g p l a t t e (l974) c a l l s s u c h p h r a s e s a s c o n j u n c t i v e
'^arti7
ciples .
But h e r e and e l s e v / h e r e i n t l i i s s t u d y such p h r a s e s
are
referred
t o as c o m p l e t i v e
participle.
Completive p a r t i c i . p l e i s
formed by a d d i n g t h e
ccrnpletive
m a r k e r ka_f t o t h e b a r e s t e n o f t h e v e r b . I n t r a n s f o r m i n g
t o completive p a r t i c i p l e ,
is
the inflected
saiii t o a d v e r b l a l i z e t h e v e r b a l
ciple.
'having
form k a r of k a r n a
form of t h e c o m p l e t i v e
'Completive m a r k e r Jcar c a n b^ changed i n t o k e ,
slept',
k a r k e ' h a v i n g done*
I n c a s e of i t s
version is
verbs
' t o d>'
parti-
c^. g.
etc.
a t t a c h m . e n t v;ith t h e MV k a r n a ' t o d o ' i t s
obligatory.
ookc
con-
295
I t i s to be noted t h a t the use of t h i s marker i n p a i r s such
as karke e . g . so karke 'having s l e p t ' , kha kar ke 'having e'jte:":'
i s not common i n standard Urtlu/Hindi.
A careful examination of the above sentences makes i t clL^nr
t h a t the (pa-npietive p a r t i c i p l e and other p a r t i c i p l e s such as in
(1-2) seem i d e n t i c a l in t h e i r behaviour, i n order to perform t h e i r
function in the sentence. Cunpleti'/fe
participles, like perfect
and imperfect p a r t i c i p l e s are derived fron an underlying
full
clauses.
That i s , a l l the underlying embedded sentences containing
i n t r a n s i t i v e and t r a n s i t i v e verbs can be transformed to yield
completive p a r t i c i p l e s t h a t function as adverbs.
The completive marker i s used for various adverbial expressi'-'n
of time, reason or manner. Depending upon the context,
completive
p a r t i c i p l e may function as time, reason and manner adverbs. Some
examples are provided i n the following :
53(4) ram khana kha k a r so gaya
'Having eaten Ram went to sleep'
54(^> l a t a cae pi kar hi t a l e gi 'Lata will go a f t e r drinking t e a '
55(6^ bacce ne daur k a r ma ko pakra ' Ihe child caught mother running'.
56 7i bacca Iskul se akar kapre badalta hai
'The child changes his dress when he comes from the School'.
57 (8 J k a l h i ek a u r a t z l h i r k h a k a r m a r i h a i
'A woman d i e d y e s t e r d a y a f t e r
eating poison*.
58 (5 J p a r h l i k h k a r ram d a k t a r ban gaya
' A f t e r c o m p l e t i o n h i s e d u c a t i o n Ram became d o c t o r ' .
296
In 4-5 completive p a r t i c i p l e are used as tiiae adverbs,
in
6-7 they express the manner in v;iiich the action was perforne.^ 'md
in 8-9, the completive p a r t i c i p l e s function as reason oi verbs.
I t i'^ argued t h a t the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of c'^-ip l e t i v e p a r t i c i p l e s i s t h a t they usually are seen to occur before
t h e sentence as canpared with the Ijnperfect and p e r f e c t p a r t i c i p i a l s s
59 (10) l a r k a d a u r t a hua aya
'The boy came running'
60 (11^ bdcce bina cae p i ye I s k u l n a h i j a t e
'The c l i i l d r e n do not go to school w i t h o u t t a k i n g t e a ' .
61 (12.) dudh p i k a r bacca so gaya
•Having drunk milk, t h e c h i l d went t o s l e e p ' .
6 2 (13.) I s k u l s e a k a r l a t a ne k a p r e badle
'Having came from s c h o o l . Lata changed iiis d r e s s '
Reduplicated p a r t i c i p l e s
a r e not d i s t i n c t from completive
p a r t i c i p l e s i n t h i s regard :
63 (14.) k a p r e d h o t e d h o t e l a t a pareshan ho gai
' L a t a was unhappy because of washing c l o t h e s ' , c o n t i n u o u s l y . '
6 4 ( l 5 j d l n t t i a r b a i t h e b a i t h o mai thak i S t a hu
' I b«c<.Aiue t i r e d because of s i t t i n g v/hole d a y ' .
I t i s , however, r o t n e c e s s a r y t l i a t i m p e r f e c t and p e r f e c t
p a r t i c i p l e s do not occur i n t h e beginning of t h e s e n t e n c e e . g .
55 (16^ bhuk l a g t e hi voh kha l e t a hai
' Ke e a t s as soon as he f e e l s hvmgry'.
55(17.) ghajj: ko j a t e hue l a t a no sabzi x a r i d i
' L a t a purchased v e g i t a b l e s going home'
67 (L8.) bIna c a e p i y e l a t a I s k u l nahi
jati
' W i t h o u t t a k i n g t e a . Lata does not go t o s c h o o l ' .
297
There i s some evidence to support the claim t h a t
the
completive p a r t i c i p l e s seem to be ambiguous in various expression
of time, manner or reason. This i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the follov/ing
examples :
6 gill 9.) cae pikar mujh se parha nahi j a t a
'Having taking t e a I can not
study* .
69 (20.)'Tiujh ko khani kha kar nid
a t i hai.
' I feel asleep, having taken meal'
The completive p a r t i c i p l e s cae pikar and kh'ana kha kar 'having
taken meal', in 19-20, do not express the function unambi guounly
e i t h e r of: time, manner or reason r e s p e c t i v e l y .
I t i s , however, not necessary t h a t the completive p a r t i c i o l e s
do not allow reduplicrition. Like imperfect and p e r f e c t p a r t i c i p l e s ,
they c e r t a i n l y do. The examples of the type are such as the
following :
70 ^l.)raari:i ne tarap tarap kar jan di
7l(2 2.) bacca ro ro kar pareshan ho gaya
'The child becdme gad because constent weeping,
7 2(2 3.) sharab pi pi kar r^im ne apni sehat blgar l i
•Ram made worst l"d.s hfiolth because of drinldLng wine contin.uously'
In addition to conplete reduplication, the p a r t i a l
reduplicat-
ion i s also p o s s i b l e i n Urdu/Hindi, The following are i l l u s t r a t i v e .
73(24.) bacca l o t pot kar thik ho gaya
74(25.) rulai ne raera qaldro tor t a r kar phaik diya
' After breaking my pen, Rubee threw i t av/ay' ,
75(26.) bacca khel khal kar so gaya
'Having playa>,l, die child s l e p t * .
298
I t i s noticed again t h a t tlie adverbial expression of reduplicated ccmpletive phrases may and may not be aml^iguous.
I t ± r, c l e a r from an examination of above sentences t h a t
the
s u b j e c t s of completive p a r t i c i p l e clause and f i n i t verb must
be
i d e n t i c a l . In case the subject of such p a r t i i i o l e s i s d i s t i n c t
from the subject of the f i n i t e verbs, the process will not yield
well-formed sentences :
7 6(27.) ram khana kha kar mohan so gaya
'Ram having taken meal, Mohan went to sleep*.
*
77(28.) ram Iskul j a kar l a t a ne us ko dekha
•Ram having gone to school. Lata saw him'
The only' exception to t h i s subject i d e n t i t y condition are such
as the following i n Kachru (i%0:8 3)
p
:
78(2 9j char baj kar pandhrah minat hue hai
• I t i s fifteen a f t e r four'
7 9 (30I kahani me age calkar kya hota hai ?
• 'Miat happens further on in t h i s story' ?
29 i l l u s t r a t e s time e:<pression and 30 i s idiomatic .
A d a t i v e subject sentence, however, does not yield p a r t i c i p l e
phrase although the subject i d e n t i t y condition is s a t i s f i e d :
30 (3 1») >^ushi ho kar ram mohan se mlla
' Sei^ng happy. Ram met Mohan' .
I
8i(3 2,) ^ussa a kar ram ne usko p i t a
' Being angry, Ra, beat him' .
I t i s mentioned t h a t i f the subject of completive p a r t i c i p l e
and the subject of the f i n i t e verb are d i s t i n c t txnt the subject
of f i n i t e verb i s j-^ossossed N to be a p a r t of the possessor.
299
e i t h e r p h y s i c a l o r a b s t r a c t which i s i i e n t L c a l and c o r e f e r e n t i :il
w i t h t h e s u b j e c t of completive p a r t i c i p l e , a well-formed
9
i s generated :
sentenco
8 2(3 3.) ram se mil k a r mera d l l bahut xush hua
'Having met Rajn, my h e a r t became very h a p p y ' .
In t h e same case, i f t h e p o s s e s s e d N d e n o t e s r e l a t i o n s h i p s or
concrete
p o s s e s s i o n ^ a n i l l - f o r m e d s e n t e n c e i s produced :
8 3(34.5 mai ram se m l l a (aur) meri ma bahut xush hui
• I met Ram and my mother becane very happy' .
8 4 ^ 5 . ) ram se mil k a r meri m xush hui
• Having met Ram, my mother became v e r y happy' .
I t i s noted t h a t t h e 35 i s d e r i v e d frun
if
35 i s t r e a t e d as well-formed,
34, i t i s
ill-formed
i t w i l l be d e r i v e d from t h e follow-
ing sentence :
85(361) m e r i m
ram se m l l i a u r meri m' xush hui
•Mother met Ram Jid my mother become happy' .
The f o l l o w i n g seni-enco i s not- wpll--^orTne^, thougV^ I t fol loi-rs
t h e c o n d i t i o n s of 33 :
86 (37 J behosh ho k a r mera s a r p h a t gaya
'Having f a i n t , my head bscome i n j u r e d * .
Notice t h a t t h e v/ell-formed s e n t e n c e i n t h e sense of 37 i s 3B.
87 (381) behosh hone s e mera s a r p h a t gaya
'My head i n j u r e d t o be
faint'.
I t h a s been p o i n t e d out t h a t t h e coiiu^letive p a r t i c i p l e s
in
Urdu/Hindi a r e d e r i v e d from an er.bedded c l a u s e , t h e embeddimj t .^es
p l a c e only i f t h e s u b j e c t s of both t h e liigher and lovrer c l a u s e s a r e
identical.
3U0
In transforming underlying embedded clause to V-kar phrase or
completive p a r t i c i p l e phrase, the subject NP of embedded clause
i s deleted and thie unuerlying vy ±s converted i n t o a completive
p a r t i c i p l e . In the l a t e r phase of operation, the completive nr:)-ker.':
k a r o r ke i s attached to the r i g h t of the main verb and Aux olenent
i s deleted.
I t i s , however, not i r r e l e v a n t to pointout t h a t the
same
transformational rules t h a t generate the p a r t i c i p l e adverbial
phrases
are applicable t o generate the conpletive p a r t i c i p i a l
phrases.
The underlying s t r u c t u r e of sentences such as 3 i s as the
following :
SI
NP
VP
'Aux
• S2
vp:
1
bo.ec A
Aux
dudk
pi
Adverbialization transformation
and d e l e t e s ,
identical
a p p l i e s c h a n g i n g p i t o :)i]car
s u b j e c t NP b a c c a of S2. S2 node i.-. e r a s e d .
T h e o p e r a t i o n s t h a t h a v e been p e r f o r m e d a b o v e ,
sentence
generate
the
3.
In c a s e t h e completive p a r t i c i p l e p r e c e d e s
a s i n 12, t h e a d v e r b i a l
fronting
mo v e t h o d e r i v e d p h r a s e t o
transformation
the i n i t i a l
The o r d e r i n g of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n ,
Adverbialization
Adverbial
t a. ka i
—1
HP
fronting
rule.
the sentence
takes place
o o s i t i o n of t h e
therefore,
is
:
such
to
sentence.
3Ul
By adverbiaiization and by adverbial fronting the structure
is yielded (after dropping C12 node).
Cll
Adv.
NP
N
1
sush pi kar
bacca
VP
Adv
1
fauran
MV
1
Aux
so ja
ta hai
I t i s to be noticed t h a t the embedding of V-ta hua and V-hua
and a l s o the V-kar phrases i f depends upon subject i d e n t i t y ,
are derivdd by the s i m i l a r transformational r u l e s .
The
they
V-kar
phrases always r e f e r t o t h e subject of matrix S. But the p a r t i c i p l e s
derived as adverbials behave d i f f e r e n t l y as compared with the V-kar
phrases. As an evidence a t l e a s t for speakers of Urdv:/Hindi
ma ne bacce ko rote hue dekha 'Mother saw the c h i l d (she/who) was
weeping', i s ambiguous. For those who have two i n t e r r e l a t i o n s
of
t h i s sentence, the phrase rote hue, i f r e f e r s t o ma 'Mother' i . e .
the subject of the sentence, i t will be governed by the same process
t h a t depends upon subject i d e n t i t y for the purpose of the
rules
t h a t y i e l d p a r t i c i p l e a d v e r b i a l s . But on the other hand, , i f the
phrase rote hue r e f e r s t o bacca t h a t i s surface object of the sentence, i t will be governed by the complementation r u l e s .
noted
that
t h e derivation of V-ta
the reduplicated present and
past
hue and V-ya hua
participles
if
It is
and also
depend
3(12
upon t h e c o n d i t i o n of s u b j e c t i d e n t i t y ,
V-kar phrases in the i n t e r p r i t a t i o n .
d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n them.
they are i d e n t i c a l
However,
there is
But on t h e o t h e r hand, i f
t h a t do n o t d e p e n d upon s u b j e c t i d e n t i t y ,
f i n i t e verb,
the p a r t i c i p l e
refers
the
semantic
participles
they are i n t e r p r e t e d
c o m p l e m e n t s and t h a t r e f e r t o t h e o b j e c t o f t h e s e n t e n c e .
be argued t h a t i f
to
It
as
can
t o t h e d e e p o b j e c t of
tl'ie
i t i s s a i d t o be f u n c t i o n i n g a s VP-complement. On t h e
o t h e r h a n d , i f i t r e f e r s t o .the d e r i v e d o b j e c t i . e .
c t u r e c a s e a g e n t of t h e embedded S, i t
A d e t a i l e d a c c o u n t of
functions
t h e deep
as
tlP-conplanent.
such p a r t i c i p l e p h r a s e s i s t a k e n c a r e of
some o t h e r p a r t s o f t h i s
stru-
in
study.
ADVERB CXAUSES :
Besides p h r a s e s ,
function
88
as adverbs
t h e r e a r e a l s o c a s e s where f u l l
clauses
e.g.
(1.) voh i m a n d a r h a i h a l a k i v o h >(arib h a i
' H e i s h o n e s t a l t h o u g h he p o o r ' .
39 (2.) m a i z t i r u r auga a g a r apne y a d
•I will
_
farmaya
come s u r e i f you i n v i t e d m e ' .
_ _
—
'^ -
_
90 (3> 3p ne bUlaya tha Isliye mai agaya
'You called me so I came*.
91 (4.) mai f i l m dekh n e z u r u r j a u g a c a h e p i t a j i
' No m a t t e r w h a t f a t l i e r s a y s ,
92 ( 5 )
bacca ro p a r a j u h i / j a i s e h i
I will
k u c h hhi k a h e
c e r t a i n l y go t o s e e m o v i e ' .
mane usko d a t a
' T h e c h i l d began t o weep a s soon as m o t h e r
93 (6 J b a c c a r o r a h a h a i k a h i
Ichuka na ho
' '-'•'he c h i l d i s c r y i n g h e may be h u n g r y ' .
scolded
him'.
3U3
I n s e n t e n c e 1-6,
I sliye,
to
s u b o r d i n a t i n g a d v e r b s such a s h a l a k i ,
c a h e and j u l i i and bhe f o l l o w i n g
function
agar,
c l a u s e s a r e uscjd v 3 . r i o u s I y
as adverbs.
o t l i e ^ ^ e x a m p l e s of a d v e r b i a l
clauses
t h a t a r e p r o v i d e ! by t h e
s e n t e n c e s a r e s u c h a s t h e follov^ring :
94 (7 a J ram I s l i y e i j a z a r gaya hai. k l am l a e g a
b,
rim b a z a r gaya t a k i am l a
sake
'Ram went t o m a r k e t s o t h a t he c o u l d b r i n g some m a n g o e s ' .
Isliye
95 (8 a j ram^xush h a i
k l Uske d o s t a r a h e h a i
b.
ram x u s h h a i kyu]<:I Uske d o s t a r a h e h a i
c,
c u k i ram k e d o s t a r a h e h a i I s l i y e v o h x u s h h o i
'Ram i s h a p p y b e c a u s e h i s f r i e n d s
In 7a - 8c s u b o r d i n a t e c l a u s e s
are
coming'.
i n t r o d u c e d by p u r p o s i v e
adv3rb
k l / t a k i and r e a s o n a d v e r b k l / k y u J ^ X / c u k l a r e u s e d i n v a r i o u s
bial
e x p r e s s i o n o f p u r p o s e and r e a s o n
I t i s not controvercial
complement o r n o t .
c l a u s e s do f u n c t i o n
adver-
respectively.
t h a t t h e above mentioned c l a u s e s
But t h i s o f c o u r s e i s
correct that
are
these
as adverbs.
I t i s t o be notoci t h a t t h e a d v e r b i a l
c l a u s e s used i n
s u c h a s 7-8 have t h e i r a l t e r n a t e forms a s i n f i n i t i v a l
sen'.ynces
c a n o l aTi-;nts
s u c h a s below :
96 (9.) r%n am l a n e k e l i y e b a z a r gaya h a i
• Ram w e n t tw m a r k e t t o b r i n g m a n g o e s ' .
-
97
I
r-
-
0.0^ rani a p n e d o s t o k e a n e s e x u s h h a i
'Ram i s
Tats,
happy b e c a u s e of coming h i s
however,
friends'.
i s necessary' t o mention t h e f a c t t h a t
tiie
s e n t e n c e s embedded u n d e r i m m e d i a t e d o m i n a t i o n o f a d v e r b i a ]
of
h i g h e r S come t o t h e s u r f a c e a s p h r a s e s o r even f u l l
n::?!e
cliU';es.
3U4
I t i s noticed t h a t the underlying t r e e reprGsentation of phr-ises
a s well as adverbial clauses i'j not d i s t i n c t . This i s i l l u s t r a t e d
such as the following :
(
1
NP
VP
NP
s'
fv]v
AW'C
r-
However, the d e r i v a t i o n a l process t h a t y i e l d s phrases i . e .
p a r t i c i p l e s i s conditioned by subject i d e n t i t y of boch matrix -ind
c o n s t i t u e n t S, On the o t h e r hand, at ^ny p+'ag'^ -^-^ ^''=»ri''/ation, trie
p r o c e s s t h a t y i e l d s subordinate adverb clauses does not de jt^nd on
t h e subject i d e n t i t y o o n s t r a i n t .
I t i s noted t h a t the sutordinating conjunctions/adverbs
in
Urdu/Hindi, have v;ide range of meaning, however the most caainon
types alongwith t h e i r c o r r e l a t i v e forms are as follows : (i''or
d e a i l , see Kachru 1980:138)^°.
(1,) I s l i y e - kl, t a k i
'So t h a t '
(2 .) j a i s a - v a i s a , j i s t a r a h - U s i t a r a h
'3) kyu-kl, c u k i - I s l i y e / t a b h i to
' As-the same'
'Althougheven so'
'If-then'
(6.) calie/y.udih
(7.) I s l i y e , so, ateh, ateva/
aisa, itna-kl
•3) juld, j a s e h i - f a u r a n
I s s e nahle/qabl Isko,
Iskcbad,phlr
- Manner
' Because, TIT ere fore - Reason
(4.) halakl-magar/phirbhi yadyapi-tobhi
'5y yadi, agar^to
- Purpose
-
Concv-ccive
- Conditi.inal
-
Contradictor
' T h a t ' s why'
_ Result
' .-.s soon as-sudden'
before i t and
afton-zaris
~ ^'•'^^P^^^'
3u5
ouJx)rtilnate c l a u s e s refer- t o v a r i o u s a d v e r b i a l e--cprGSGion
of puroosf^, -T^anner, '-'^ar^n, c'"~nrl i t i o n e t c . , i*i c''S'= 'mr"^ n ro
i n t r o d u c e d by such a d v e r b s . Tlie follov/ing examples a r e con :•! ^arable :
98 ^ ^ vori j a l d i s o t a hai t a k i j a l d i Uth sake
' lie s l e e p s e a r l y so t h a t he could g e t up e a r l y ' .
99(12) voh p a r e s h a n h a i kyuki uska b e t a bimar hai
'He i s unhappy because h i s son i s i l l ' .
/^
_
_
_
^
^
_
200(13.) raai ne apna karn usi. t a r a h k i y a j l s t a r ^ h rnaine caha
'As I l i k e d ,
I d i d my w o r k ' .
10i(14.) rajTi f e l ho gaya
h a l a k i usne bahut
mlhnat k i
' Ram could n o t p a s s t h e exam a l t h o u g h he vrofked v e r y h a r d ' .
10 2(15^ apko saza m l l e g i a g a r ap I s k u l nahi
jate
'You w i l l be p u n i s h e d , i f you do n o t go t o s c h o o l ' ,
103(160 apne bulaya t h a I s l i y e mai a gaya hu
'You c a l l e d mo t h a t ' s why I have come'.
204(17^ mai I s k u l nahi jauga xu=h/c='^«,/T->hRi p>hi mujhe a-j khana na mile
•No m a t t e r I do not g e t food, I v d l l n o t go t o school tou.iy' .
A-
^
205(18^ apne bacce ko tanha chor d i y a hai k a h i d a r na j a e
'You have l e f t t h e c l i i l d
a l o n e (I am a f r a i d ) h e may b e ' .
S e n t e n c e 11, c o n t a i n s a d v e r b of purpose talcl,
12 c o n t a i n j
a d v e r b of r e a s o n kyukI 13 c o n t a i n s manner adverb and i t s
correla-
t i v e form s u c h a s ^ s i t a r a h . . . l i s t a r a h ^'^''"''^®"^^^ 14-15 cont-iin
a d v e r b of c o n c e s s i v e and c o n d i t i o n such as h a l a k i and a n i r
pectively.
rvs-
In 16, I s l i y e r e f e r to r e s u l t e:-cf:)ression and in 17-""^
x u a i ^ c a h e / b h a l e h i an 1 kalii-na i n d i c a t e a d v e r b i a l e x n r e s c t o n
of
0 06
of contradiction and. apprehension r e s p e c t i v e l y . I t i s to be- noted
t h a t )5urposive sub» clauses occur in the oj^ative mood. Matrix .::
with the conditional subordinate clause does not allow perfect
a spect,
A^ote t h a t I t n a - k l can b:; used for adverbial ex-]: r<r^ssion o."
r e s u l t , too, such as :
106(15) Usne Itna kara ]d.ya k l thak gaya
' Ife worked so much t h a t S why he became t i r e d ' .
Generally, j u h i / j a i seM - fauran are used for time. But, in
some cases, j u h i / s o may be used to express the action of re-^'ilt.
107 (20) bacca fauran agaya julii ma ne bulaya
'The child come a t once as soon as mother c a l l e d ' .
108(2 1) bacca xush ho gaya juhi maine b i s k i t usko diya
'After having tctken b i s c u i t , the cliild become g l a d ' .
10 9 (2 2) apne yad famiaya so mai a gaya
'You asked me to, t h a t ' s v;hy I did come' .
However, the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of adverbial
c l a u s e s i s t h a t the s u t o r d i n a t i n g adverb and tho fDllo\/ing cl'iuso
can be shifted to tlie f i r s t p o s i t i o n in the sentence anu an jptior
a l appropriate c o r r e l a t i v e of the adverb i s introduced before
or
a t any proper place of matrix clause. The follov.dng examples
illuijtrat'^ t h i s :
IIOC^) halaki voh V:irib hai maqar imandar hai
'•although he i s poor, but/even tliough he i s h o n e s t ' .
3_2j(2 4^ kyu. kl voh bimar hoi Tnliyo Iskul nahi j a t a
'He does not go to sctool because he i s i l l ' .
112(2 5 j agar apne bulaya t o nai zurar auga
"If you c?\lleu me I will
c e r t a i n l y cone'.
307
I t i s to be noted t h a t if,
however, the subject i d e n t i t y
c o n s t r a i n t i s not obligatory one in the d e r i v a t i o n of such .sent e n c e s . Even so, subject uf e i t h e r clause can be deletO'l
via
d e l e t i o n transformation, i f needed :
113 (2'^•) "^^^ imandar hai hala]:I ^ i r i b hai
'He i s honest although he is poor' .
114(27.) halaki voh iiarib hai magar imandar hai
' Occasionally e i t h e r sub*adverb or i t s c o r r e l a t i v e can !;e
d e l e t e d from e i t h e r clause by transformation e.g.
115(28} voh ^ a r i b hai cor nahi
'Airl'iough he i s poor, even s t i l l he i s not thief*.
I l 6 ( 2 9 j voh t^imar hai Ijsliye nahi aya
'He i s unv/ell, Uiex:e5~J!i-v h<.' aid not oome'.
117 (30) j a i s a mujh se ho saha mai ne kar diya
' I did, as I could d o ' .
It
should be menticned t h a t t h e r e are, however,
cas-^s
where : ^ b j e c t NP may be pronominalizev2 from e i t h e r c l a u s e , ' b y
transformation, i f needed. This i s c l e a r from the sentences such
as 9a-c.
The process of adverbial!zation,
thus involves the following
operatLng rules :
1, sub^adverb placement rule
2, Extraposition
transformation
3, -f^dverbial Clause Fronting rule
The r u l e of sub-»cidverb T)iacement/insertion applies onliqatory
on clause 2. I t introduces subordinate (sub.) idverb e i t h e r )•.•• for-c
o r ot any pirOi:)er jilace in the clause.
308
2xtr
p o s i t i o n trai)sfurination
adverb insertion.
I t moves t h e d d v a r ' o i u l
t i o n of t h e s e n t e n c e . I t i ^ ^n
i n cas<.i t h e a d v e r b i a l
It
clause occurs in
takes place,
T h i s r u l e moves t h e
after
t h e o p e r a t i o n o'^
clauae to the final
optional
The r u l e of ^ A d v e r b i a l c l a u s e
rule.
applies
rule.
I t applies
sentence final
fronting'
only
oosition.
i s al so an o p t i o n a l
j u s t a f t e r adverb placement
transfornation.
a d v e r b atid t h e f o l l o w i n g c l a u s e t o t h e
p o s i t i o n of t h e s e n t e n c e .
initial
«
The u n d e r l y i n g s t r u c t u r e of
follov/s :
jjosi-
s e n t e n c e s s u c h a s 1-6,
i s as
y
VP
i'P
r
—'
Adv.Phr.
~T—
HV
—\—
i\lp
Cbp
_S2_
NP
•fPro
-AuX'
VP
ate.
I —
NP
Aux
MV
-OV)
voh
voh
)(^^rl b
Tl'ie y i c l ' ^ e r ' . s t r u ^ t u r - o v l - '
follows
imSndar
no
' A'-'^verb P l a c a n e n t
ho
rule,
looks
on
:
VP
NP
— I —
Adv.
Adv.
NP
voh
^arib
—,—
MV
I
ho
MV
COD
VP
NP
voh h a l a k i
NP
P
Aux
imandar
ho
—r
/-vU-K
3u9
By e x t r a p o s i t i o n
sentence.
p rotation,
the
S2 i s moved t o t h e f i n a l p o s i t i o n of
A f t e r agreeanent t r ^ n s f o n n a t i o n
the surface s t r u c t u r e
and p h o n o l o g i c a ]
of s e n t e n c e
(l)
tlie
intor-
v;ould l o o k
liho
fcllov/ing;
S2
SI
:JP
MV.
i^ip
r
<
I
.
'
'
'
'
\/P
I
I
_
vch
i n a n d a r hai
I t i:j n o t e d t h a t i f ,
halaki
hov/ever,
sentence i n i t i a l position,
"
vv
voh
^ i r i b hai
an a c l v e r b i a l
clause occurs
i t i o d e r i v e d from t h e &i;niicir o^ioc.
The d e e p s t r u c t u r e of s o n t e n c e s such a s
r-
(2 3) i s
given belo\/ :
S
VP
Np
voh
+ Conc,
-Re5s.
-Cond.
-Res.
etc.
Mv.
MP
s t r u c t u r e of
_,—
MV
MP
.^u;c
cop
VP
—T—
i^P
)^arib
A f t e r t h e r u l e of
of the sentence.
Phr.
S2
voh
clause fronting
in
MV
Aux
cop
ho
imandir
'Adverb placement^
applies
ho
the r u l e of Adverbial
and moves t h e S2 t o t h e i n i t i a l
After phonological i n t e r p r e t a t i o n
(23) \-rould l o o k on f o l l o w s
position
t h e surfac---
:
S
i^2
Adv———r
NP
h a i aid
voh
31
/id v r
VP
i ^ a r i b h o i niagar
-J—
NP
im^iU^i-ir
fled.
o
n
11; can be a r g u e d t h a t tlie . s u b j e c t NP o f S2 i s d e l e t e d by •uqvLi ."F
deletion
r u l e o n l y b e c a u s e t h e s u b j e c t MPs o f
toth
sentences
are
Identical.
Tl-ie f a c t may be araerged from an
e x a m i n a t i o n of t h e a b o v e
e x a m p l e s t h a t t h e a d v e r b a a l c l a u s e s h a v e two d i s t r i b u t i o n a l
r e n c e and may t a k e o n e o f t h e s e two : e i t h e r a d v e r b i a l i s
ded or followed
by m a t r i x
occurprece-
clause.
Before the d i s c u s s i o n of adverbial
c l a u s e i s concluded,
sen-
t e n c e s s u c h as t h e f o l l o w i n g h a v e t o be examined t o d e t e r i n i n e i f
they are at all
r e l a t e d t.j t h _ t y p e s of c o n s t r u c t i o n s
discncse-'i
so far :
1 1 8 ( 3 1^ voh mar cuka t h a j a b mai p a h u c a
' He h a d d i e d v;hen I r e a c h e d ' .
1 1 9 ( 3 20 mai v a h a g a y a t h a j a h a ram r a h t a
h^i
' I went t h e r e whiere Ram l i v e s ' ,
120 fesj j a b inai p a h u c a voh mar c u k a tlia
'When I r e a c h e d h e had d i e d ' .
121 (34.) j a h a ram r a h t a h a i v a h i mai r a h t a hu
• V/here Ram l i v e s I l i v e
The s e n t e n c e s
3i-34,
there'.
tov;ev.
r, d i f f e r i n t h e i r d e r i v a t i o n
t h e s e n t e n c e s s u c h a s 1-5 and 2 3 - 2 5 . The s e n t e n c e s
t h e sentences
'•H-iesentences
1-6,
31-34,
a r e d e r i v e d t h r o u g h t h e p r o c e s s of
21 and 33 c - n t a i n
adverb of time j a b 'v;hen',
32 and 34 c o n t a i n a d v e r b of p l a c e j a h a
sentences
such a s 32-34 c o n t a i n a m a t r i x and an embedded
in
t)ie m a t r i x
clause.
unlike
suhsrltution.
sentences
t h e tline or p l a c e a d v e r b i a l
frcm
-snA
'v;hore'.
Th ^
clau.soi.e.
and t h e f o l l o w i n g c l a u s e which
e.ibccs
311
The a d v e r b of time an:i of p l a c e look very much l i k e 3u'>
a d v e r b s , llov.-ever,
tiiere
are s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n c e s .
'Itie adverb .'>f:
tijiieand of; p l a c e cannot undergo t]:ie sub. a d v e r b inuertii-'n r u l e ,
'"hus, t'-^'^ ^'-^llni.rli-in sPDt'^n'-'^-^^ -Tre unqr^imatical \7;;on v/e atteii.->t
t o ap])ly t J i i j r u l e :
r^
...
—
122 0 5.)"*^ vch mar cuka kha j a b 'nal us vaqt pahuca
123(36.)* mai us j agah r a h t a hu j a h a von us jagah r a h t a hai
The r u l e t h a t i n v e r t s t h e tv/o c l a u s e s i n a s e n t e n c e si.ich
i n 33-34, i s v e r y s i m i l a r to t h e a d v e r b i a l f r o n t i n q
z
rule.
The examples t h a t seen t o be i d e n t i c a l i n t h e i r s t r u c t u r e a r c
I
j
compared such -;s t h e f o i l ova ng :
12437} j a b mai pahuca voh mar cuka t h a
d
— —
125 O^a^ h a l i k l voh i^arib h a i m.agar imandar hai
126(38) j a h a mai r a h t a hu vah'.'. ram r a h t a hai
127 (3 9,a^ a g a r apne madu k l y a t o mai z u r z r auga
' I f you i n v i t e d me I \roxxl6. c e r t a i n l y come'.
I t i s c l e a r from an examination of e a r l i e r d d s c u s s i o n tliai- the
s e n t e n c e s 37-38 behave d i f f e r e n t l y as comfjare^ with t h e s o n r e n c e s
37a,
38a. The s e n t e n c e s 37,38
and 37a, 38a a r e d i s t i n c t in
their
d e r i v a t i o n a l base as well as i n t h e ways by which adverhi-.l,--. _Lre
i n t r j c l u c e d Ijefore t h e ro•n^'^t'V'^' OI^U^'^K.
I t i s u n n e c e s s a r y to s t u a y i n a e t a i l t h e trea-cment of a'lV'.-rb of
t i m e and of p l a c e , i n t h e p r e s e n t d i s c u s s i o n . They have 'K.Trn taken
c a r e of in a n o t h e r p a r t of t h e v/ork. In t h e s e l i n e s an attranT-t i s
made to show t h a t t h e c l a u s e s f u n c t i o n i n g as adverb of time and
o f p l a c e a r e d i s t i n c t i n t h e i r d e r i v a t i o n as v/ell as i n
i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e as cunparei ud th tJie adverb of reason,
i o n and of c o n d i t i o n e t c .
thair
i^'oncess-
3)2
The c l a u s e s which are i'ntreduced by xhe sub^adverbs or tiie
a d v e r b of time and of p l a c ; a r e r e f e r r e d t o s e n t e n t i a l aciv .:::hr-.
Thiey d e n o t e t h e a c t i o n of t h e v e r b phracae of the n o n - a d v e r b i a l
clause
i n r e s p e c t of time, p l a c e , manner, cause or any otlier aJvi.'rl)i.-T.l
ideti.
The p r e c e d i n g a d v e r b i a l s and th^ follov/ing c l a u s e s i;vi-ilch
are
governed by t h e p r o c e s s of aribedding a r e converted i n t o a.lvorbial
c l a u s e s , Prun s t r u c t u r a l p o i n t of view t h e a d v e r b i a l c l a u s e s a r e
k e p t i n t o two groups :
1.
Hie c l a u s e s f u n c t i o n i n g as adverb of reason, manner,
concessive
and of c o n d i t i o n e t c , a r e i n t r o d u c e d by the sub.adverb v/nich -jccurs
a s an e x t e r n a l u n i t of t h e c l a u s e concerned, such tvpes o^ -^.."vr^rbials c o n s i s t of two subaDmponents :
a,
Subadverb and
b . A following clause, for instance :
i
Adv.of Reason
r-
•
1
Sub»Adv,
'
Clause
-
_
kyuki
_
1
_
uska beta bimar h.ai
2 . The c l a u s e s t h a t f u n c t i o n as adverb of time and of p l a c o a r e
intiroduced by t h e s e ^adverbs through t h e p r o c e s s of su])stl t u t i ' j n .
The i n t r o d u c i n g adverb a p p e a r s t o be an i n t e r n a l c o n s t i t u e n t
in
t h e deejj s t r u c t u r e of an cimbedded c l a u s e and s h i f t e d r o t h e
fir-t
p o s i t i o n of an embedde<i clavise by s u b s t i t u t i n g an
r e l a t i v e a d v e r b (jab ' w h e n ' ,
jaha 'where' etc.)
e - v r c £ c i o n by <J t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l
rule.
ar>propri'~ito
of time a r J >-li.^c
313
The d e e p s t r u c t u r e oi: t h e f o l l o v / l n g embeclrled c l a u s e s
surf^^ce s t r u c t u r e d e r l v o d
m a i us V K}t pa^iuca:.
m':
". f O
^ri.^m trian i s a s :
^-> j a b mai p a h u c a
' I reached a t t h a t time
v/hen I
reached'
ram us j a g a h r a h t a hair.=..:^>ja]i3 ram r a h v a h a i
'Ram l i v e s
there
where Rcun l i v e s ' .
Adv. o f
_
time
clause
VP
KT
•fPro
Adv.
mai
via
MV
Phr.
pahuc
u_s v a q t
transformation:
j a b mai
^a'-;
0
i
L
1.
To sum up, m o s t c a s e s o:'' .iciverbial
gri-vna t i c a l l y q i a i t e d i f f e r e n t .
c l a u s e s t u r n o u t t c ]y::
T:;ey a r e ;lisc\is sed i n o t n . o r ' i r i -
"f
t . ' i i s \-K.)rk,
Tl'ie a d v e r b i a l c l a u s e - f u n c t i o n i n g a s a d v e r b o f t i r r o an •,
h a v e been d e r i v e d by t h e p r o c e s s of r e l a t i v i r , a t i on, o t h e r s
s i n i p l y c a s e s of i n s e r t i o n
.^.ro
transformation.
I t i s o b v i o u s from t h i s p r e l i m i n a r i ^ d i s c u s s i o n
i o n of a d v e r b i a l
')]nc.
t h a t t'ne -i\;est-
c l a u s e s i n Urdu/'ciindi n e e d s f v i r t h e r
invertigi-t-.lf-n.
314
INIOTES kl^
1. ^ ^ d h f i ,
REFERENCES :
Y. (l96«:Rn_R9) . ' S t u d i e s i n T r a n s f o n n a t i o n a i
of Hindi' .
Cro^aniGr
2. Kachru, Y. (lS7 1:78-95) . ' C a u s a t i v e s e n t e n c e s i n Hindi R i v i s t e d :
Papers on Hindi s'^.Tit^x vol-T, '-To. ?.
3 . Kachru, Y. ( l 9 6 8 : 5 8 ) . ' S t u d i e s i n a T r a n s f o n n a t i o n a i Grammar of
l-h. ndi ' .
4 . Kachru, Y. ( l 9 8 0 : 8 0 ) . ' A s p e c t s of Hindi Granmar' .
5. Kachru, Y, (l 980: 124). ' Asoects of Hindi Grammar'.
6. Kdchni, Y. ( l 9 7 1 : 8 4 ) . ' P a p e r s on ItLndi syntax, v o l - I ,
Kachru ( l 9 8 0 : 8 l ) . ' A s p e c t s of Hindi Granmar'.
'to. 2 and
7 . Subbarao, K. V. ( l 9 7 1 : l 9 9 ) . ' N o t e s on - ^ c f l i x i v i z a t i o n i n ::in.li'^
and Plattefe
(l974
) . ' A Gr-iimnar
of HLndustani Language o r Ur^iu' .
8 . Kachru ( l 9 8 0 : 8 3 ) . ' A s p e c t s of Hindi Grammar'.
9. Kachru (l980:8 4) . ' A s p e c t s of Hindi Grammar'.
10. Kachru (l980: 38) . ' A s p e c t s of Hindi Grammar'.
3J5
PART-THREKl
CLAUSEo COMBINED BY THE CuNJoINING RULES :
The o o n j o i n i n g r u l e s
c a l l e d compound)
g e n e r a t e a new complex s e n t e n c e
by c c m h i n d i n g two o r m o r e i n d e p e n d e n t
s e n t e n c e s t h a t a r e of
together,
The p r o c e s s t h a t
clauses/
g r a m a t i c a l l y e q u a l o r c o o r d i n a t e ran"^;.
c l a u s e conbinding r u l e s t h a t generate a conjoined
b i n e two c l a u s e s
(usually
are called conjoining
s e n t e n c e t o comrules.
g e n e r a t e s a c o n j o i n e d s e n t e n c e ccmbincs
o r more c l a u s e s i n s u c h a way t h a t o n e i s n o t s u b o r d i n a t e d
other.
in
The
'Ihe p r o c e s s t h a t j o i n s
the following d i f f e r e n t
tv/o c l a u s e s t o g e t h e r ,
ways :
(l)
two
to
the
can be e x a m i n a l
c o o r d i n a t i o n and
(2)
compari-
sion.
In c h a p t e r e i g h t ,
c o o r d i n a t i o n d e a l s w i t h t h e v/ays o f
two c l a u s e s t o g e t h e r t h a t a r e p l a c e d s i d e by s i d e w i t h a
conjunction
(aur 'and',
ya ' o r ' ,
lekXn ' b u t '
etc.)
joining
coordinating
between then
or
a t any n e e d e d p l a c e .
C h a p t e r n i n e c x i n c e n t r a t e s on t h e p r o c e s s o f c o m p a r l s i o n
i s m e r e l y c o n c e r n e d w i t h two d i s t i n c t t y p e s o f d e g r e e s :
and s u p e r l a t i v e .
v/hich
comparative
Both c o m p a r a t i v e a n d s u p e r l a t i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n s
d e r i v e d by c o m b i n i n g two c l a u s e s t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e h e l p of
tive joining items.
are
compara-