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Voluntary Self-Disclosure
of Information on the
Internet: A Multimethod
Study of the Motivations
and Consequences of
Disclosing Information
on Blogs
Doo-Hee Lee
Korea University
Seunghee Im
Jeonju University
Charles R. Taylor
Villanova University
ABSTRACT
As marketing paradigms have shifted toward the need to build a
relationship with consumers, marketers need to facilitate two-way
communications in order to better understand them. The ability of
marketers to glean the types of detailed information needed often
depends on the consumer’s willingness to volunteer such information. Given consumer concern about privacy as well as skepticism
about how marketers use data, it is important to understand how
consumers make decisions with regard to self-disclosure of information. In spite of the widespread concern about privacy, many consumers are willing to engage in significant disclosure of various
Psychology & Marketing, Vol. 25(7): 692–710 (July 2008)
Published online in Wiley InterScience (www.interscience.wiley.com)
© 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. DOI: 10.1002/mar.20232
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aspects of their lives in an online context, most notably on blogs.
The purpose of this study is to examine the psychological characteristics of consumers who engage in voluntary self-disclosure. Through
the use of the multimethod approach, we identify seven motivations
individuals have for voluntary self-disclosure, as well as three consequences of this behavior. We also examine the structural configurations of the relationship among motivations, voluntary self-disclosure,
and consequences. Results suggest that the motives identified help
to explain why some individuals self-disclose and that individuals
perceive that there are three major consequences of self-disclosure,
two of which are positive. © 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
INTRODUCTION
The importance of consumer information has been increasingly emphasized in
a marketing context as the marketing paradigm has changed. As transactional
marketing has been deemphasized in favor of relationship building and more customized approaches, scholars have proposed broader conceptualizations of effective marketing communications (Fournier, 1998; Peppers & Rogers, 1993).
Improving technology is making it not only possible but also economically advantageous for companies to collect consumer information using a combination of
tools including databases and information gleaned from tracking purchasing
behavior. These data have some limitations as they can show consumers’ behavior in individual transactions and purchase decisions, but typically cannot
provide detailed information on a consumer’s psychological and sociological
characteristics. As a result, in the context of relationship marketing, marketers
need to request that consumers engage in some type of self-disclosure.
In recent years, there have been numerous studies applying self-disclosure
theories developed in the psychology literature (Andrade, Kaltcheva, & Weitz,
2002; Jacobs, Hyman, & McQuitty, 2001; Moon, 2000, 2003; White, 1999). A
common feature of this research is the basic assumption that consumers are
reluctant to disclose personal information about themselves because of privacy
issues (Kelly & McKillop, 1996). Because of these tendencies, consumers tend
to disclose or not disclose personal information demanded by the company
based on their assessment of the costs and benefits associated with providing
such information.
It is ironic that in an environment where there is considerable concern about
consumer privacy, we can simultaneously observe a phenomenon in which growing numbers of consumers have created personal Web space in order to disclose
private information voluntarily. Today, voluntary self-disclosures can be seen
very easily on individuals’ Web logs (blogs). Conceptually, a blog is a private
space designed to communicate about aspects of one’s life or thoughts freely on
the Internet. Some consumers freely disclose intimate information about themselves, without any demand, on their own blog. For example, many consumers
post information about their lives through their blogs even if traditionally it is
considered private subject matter. Topics of blog postings vary, ranging from
daily schedules to profiles pertaining to personal interests to the expression of
thoughts and emotions. In this sense, blogs resemble online diaries because
they offer the unfiltered musings of the individual. Yet, unlike a pen-and-paper
diary, a blog is essentially open to view by anyone with an Internet connection.
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Voluntary blog postings are interesting from a research standpoint in that this
type of self-disclosure is different from the types of self-disclosure explored in
previous research. This voluntary self-disclosure runs counter to the basic premise that consumers are reluctant to give out personal information. This implies
that there is a domain that cannot be explained by theories developed in previous
research, and that it is necessary to apply new theory or build on existing
theory in the area of self-disclosure.
To date, relatively few studies have investigated the psychological and behavioral dynamics associated with voluntary self-disclosure on the Internet. There
have been a few studies of personal Web space that have yielded insights into
self-disclosure motivation and practices. However, self-disclosure per se has
generally not been the focus of these studies in that they have primarily dealt
with self-presentation issues (Dominick, 1999; Papacharissi, 2002; Schau &
Gilly, 2003).
The purpose of this research is to explore some of the factors that make
consumers more likely to engage in self-disclosure as well as to better understand
concerns bloggers have about voluntary self-disclosure. The specific research
questions investigated are: (1) Why do consumers disclose personal information voluntarily in the context of blogging? (2) How do consumers feel after voluntary self-disclosure? and (3) What is the relationship between psychological
factors and behavior related to voluntary self-disclosure?
We used a multimethod approach in the study in order to achieve the research
objectives. The methodology began with qualitative study, the results of which
were used to develop hypotheses. The hypotheses are then tested in a quantitative study that is analyzed using a structural equations model.
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
Self-Disclosure and Relationship Development
Self-disclosure has received considerable attention from consumer psychologists and is defined as any personal information that a person communicates to
another (Derlega et al., 1993). In general, self-disclosure research has shown
that people are reluctant to divulge information about themselves (Cialdini,
1993; Kelly & McKillop, 1996; Lane & Wegner, 1995). The one notable exception
to this rule involves the norm of reciprocity. In self-disclosure research, the norm
of reciprocity refers to the tendency for recipients to match the level of intimacy
in the disclosure they return with the level of intimacy in the disclosure they
receive. There is substantial evidence that people will engage in self-disclosure
if they first become the recipients of such disclosures from their conversational
partners (Hill & Stull, 1982; Moon, 2000; Shaffer & Tomarelli, 1989).
The norm of reciprocity has been traditionally explained by equity theory.
This theory argues that people have a tendency to maintain equity of exchange
to equalize both inputs and outputs. In the context of self-disclosure, the information disclosed by a conversation partner is an input and one’s own information disclosure is an output. Thus, disclosure seems to beget disclosure, so that
people who receive disclosures feel obligated to respond with a personal disclosure of equal intimacy because of the desire to maintain equity (Berg & Derlega,
1987). A few researchers have suggested that consumers interact with the source
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of electronic communications in the same way they interact with other people,
and showed that the norm of reciprocity is powerful enough to be applied to
nonpersonal as well as interpersonal interactions (Andrade, Kaltcheva, & Weitz,
2002; Moon, 2000).
However, disclosure does not always beget reciprocal disclosure. Rather, there
appear to be fairly strict social norms (Altman & Taylor, 1973; Caltabiano &
Smithson, 1983) governing the extent to which it is appropriate to reveal information in a given context. One of the most well-established of these norms is the
sequence norm. Disclosure is much more likely to occur if requests for such disclosures gradually escalate, so that relationship proceeds from casual exchanges
to increasingly intimate ones over time (Altman & Taylor, 1973; Berg & Clark,
1986; Collins & Miller, 1994).
Thus, self-disclosure plays a vital role in relationship development and maintenance, and self-disclosure and relationship development are “mutually transformative” (Derlega et al., 1993). Self-disclosure transforms the nature of the
relationship and the relationship transforms the meaning and consequences of
self-disclosure. That is, self-disclosure is viewed as a major factor in the development, maintenance, and deterioration of a relationship. According to uncertainty reduction theory (Berger & Bradac, 1982), through self-disclosure we
obtain predictive and explanatory knowledge about another. This acquisition
of information facilitates relationship development. There is a strong relationship between perceived risk of online activities and security of interaction, and
subsequent purchase intention. It is important for e-tailers to make online environments less risky, to translate to higher consumer confidence. If people feel
confident about judgments in shopping online, purchase intent may increase
(Park, Lennon, & Stoel, 2005).
Voluntary Self-Disclosure
While studies on self-disclosure have allowed us to learn a considerable amount
about consumer practices, there appear to be inconsistencies between theories
of self-disclosure and the practices of many people who share information on the
World Wide Web. First, self-disclosure research has found that people are sometimes reluctant to disclose personal information. Reciprocity, however, can make
consumers more involved in self-disclosure. Thus, theoretically, in order to trigger the reciprocity principle, a company would first have to reveal some information about itself to the consumer. However, many consumers are disclosing
a variety of information types voluntarily on their personal Web space without
explicit reciprocity (Joinson, 2001; Stern, 2002; Tidwell & Walther, 2002).
Second, self-disclosure depends on the perception that the information is safe
when divulged to others, based on the results of the previous research. From this
point of view, it is useful to think of a dyadic boundary involved in self-disclosure
(Derlega & Chaikin, 1977). The dyadic boundary is perceived by the individual
as the boundary within which it is safe to disclose to the invited recipient and
across which the self-disclosure will not pass; that is, the discloser believes that
the disclosure is safe with the recipient. For instance, the expectation of confidentiality is an example of a closed dyadic boundary where we expect that personal information we reveal to a friend will not be passed along to mutual
acquaintances. If the dyadic boundary is perceived as open, we will expect that
a friend will share with others the information that was supposedly divulged in
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confidence. However, personal Web space, such as a blog, is characterized by
being connected with others and serves no other purpose than communication
with known and unknown others. Thus, the dyadic boundary in this context
is open, and the discloser does not know how much the information disclosed is
spread. In this case, the theoretical perspectives on self-disclosure would suggest that consumers are reluctant to disclose personal information because they
perceive high risk in disclosing from the dyadic boundary (Derlega & Chaikin,
1977). However, consumers disclose voluntarily and actively through personal
Web space.
An additional issue is that research focused on the self-disclosure in a group
has shown that the group size influences the self-disclosure. In particular, it has
been found that the bigger the group size is, the shallower the quality of the
group size is (Solano & Dunnam, 1985). In contrast to these results, there does
not appear to be any evidence supporting the idea that group size influences selfdisclosure over personal Web space.
Finally, there is an issue related to sequence norm. Typically, self-disclosure
research has pointed out that the sequence norm is a very strict social norm,
and if sequence norm is violated, the information is not disclosed. Thus, the
information disclosed is decided by the relationship, because self-disclosure
is considered as an interactive behavior rather than an individual behavior
(Baxter, 1991; Holtgraves, 1990). Unlike these theories of self-disclosure, it is
difficult to observe the sequence norm related to self-disclosure on personal Web
space. On the Web space, commonly the recipient is not specified so that the
discloser can’t reveal information differently according to the relationship.
Thus, the discloser may reveal very intimate information to strangers at
the first communication via the personal Web space. Because of these apparent contradictions between what we know about self-disclosure in other contexts versus what is now a common practice on the World Wide Web, it is
important to study consumers’ voluntary self-disclosure at a more fundamental level.
QUALITATIVE METHODOLOGY
Sample and Procedure
A qualitative methodology was selected for the initial portion of this research
because this methodology is effective for exploratory study in areas where that
is not yet a well-established theoretical framework (Glaser & Strauss, 1970).
In-depth interviews were conducted to help better understand the psychological factors associated with self-disclosure in personal Web space.
Two blog companies in Korea were used to generate a sample of voluntary selfdisclosures on blogs. Blogging has been very popular in Korea. The results of a
recent survey indicate that 39.6% of Korean Internet users own personal blogs
(DIDA, 2006). A random sample of blogs from the two companies and researcher
judgment filters resulted in a set of 100 blogs that were owned by potential
informants. Commercial blogs were not chosen. In order to provide verification
of what was being said in the interviews, the researchers also examined the
content of both verbal and nonverbal elements of the blog, including audio,
images, icons, hyperlinks, pictures, animations, avatars, and colors.
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In-depth interviews were used to understand the underlying psychological
characteristics of the voluntary self-discloser. Two criteria suggested by Spradley
(1979) were considered for informant selection: (1) What is the informant’s acculturation on the particular topic, and (2) does the informant belong to the cultural
context now? Based on these criteria, informants who have had own their blog
for disclosing personal information for more than one year were selected. Information selection began with the set of 100 blogs. We obtained 28 e-mail addresses
of blog owners from disclosed information on the set of 100 blogs. The e-mail was
sent to them to inform them of an outline of the research and to ask for their
participation in a personal interview for this research. From this process, 10
informants agreed to participate in in-depth interviews.
Interviews regarding voluntary self-disclosure were conducted in person.
The information presented on the blog of the informant was examined before the
interview. Informants were asked questions about their motivations for disclosing personal information, consequences of self-disclosure, social norms related
to voluntary self-disclosure, and so forth. During the interviews, a computer
displayed the informant’s blog. The researcher also offered preliminary interpretations of the blog contents to the informant. Informants were encouraged
to correct, augment, or otherwise interact with the interpretation of their personal blog content (Belk, Sherry, & Wallendorf, 1988).
The data collected by these processes were analyzed for deeper meaning.
The methodology employed was guided by the systematic approach to qualitative
research aimed at building grounded theory as suggested by Glaser and Strauss
(1967). It is characterized as the constant comparative method of analysis
(Spiggle, 1994). The data was analyzed in an interactive style, taking into
account previous interviews. This technique has been labeled the hermeneutic circle of understanding (Schwandt, 1997).
QUALITATIVE FINDINGS AND HYPOTHESES
The qualitative interviews revealed seven primary themes relating to motives for
self-disclosure and three pertaining to the perceived consequences of self-disclosure
on blogs. The motives are self-presentation, relationship management, keeping
up with trends, storing information, sharing information, entertainment, and
showing off. These are detailed below, as are the informant views about the consequences of self-disclosure, which include issues related to relationship management, psychological well-being, and engaging in habitual behavior.
Motives Related to Voluntary Self-Disclosure
Self-Presentation. As exemplified by the following quote from one informant, “I express myself on my personal Web space. I can present who I am by
showing my life” (Informant #2, female, age 24, graduate school student), selfpresentation is one of the key motives identified via the qualitative analysis.
The informants revealed that they present themselves to others by disclosing personal information. Self-presentation refers to the use of behaviors to
intentionally regulate the impressions that observers have of themselves
(Goffman, 1959). Prior research suggests that the “selves” that are presented to
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others are consistent with the self-concepts that individuals privately hold of
themselves, or perhaps slightly exaggerated in favorable directions (Leary &
Kowalski, 1990). Similarly, the “selves” that voluntary self-disclosure presents
can be consistent with the self in reality, and it can be exaggerated.
An interesting point that emerged from the interviews is that the self presented in a blog context can often be totally different from the actual self. As
stated by one informant, “I feel there are some differences in self between reality and my personal Web space. On my personal Web space, I can do almost
everything that I didn’t realize offline” (Informant #5, male, age 19, college student). This exemplifies responses to the effect that to the discloser, the kind of
person they are on the Web space can be more important to them than the kind
of person they are in reality.
The interviews also revealed that self-presentation often revolves around
repressing personal information and supplanting it with modified or fabricated
details for a more congruent desired self. An examination of the Web sites also
revealed that consumers actively use alternative symbols such as avatars and
characters to represent their ideal images. Therefore, we can conclude that consumers disclose themselves for self-expression and to transform their experiences
to make a new identity on their personal Web space.
Based on the results of the qualitative interviews, we find that selfpresentation is an important motivation for self-disclosure. Thus, our first
hypothesis is suggested:
H1a:
The self-presentation motivation will have a positive influence on
voluntary self-disclosure.
Relationship Management. Developing and maintaining relationships
with people that one is close to is another motivation for voluntary self-disclosure
that emerged from our interviews. This theme is not so surprising, given that
some prior research has shown that many people who use the Internet place high
value on interpersonal relationships. For example, Schiffman, Sherman, and
Long (2003) found that people who visit chat rooms or message boards frequently tend to have personal values that include wanting to be respected and
having warm relationships with others.
As one informant who works as a doctor stated: “I got to start a blog when I
became a public health doctor. At this time, I moved into a new area, and I didn’t
have friends here. So, other public health doctors in my situation became my
friends. These friends would take pictures at our meetings using digital cameras,
and then upload the pictures onto their blogs. Then they would talk about the
blog’s content with one another at the next meeting. Then, I got to thinking that
I needed to start a blog to have a close relationship with these friends. I would
close the blog down temporarily during busy times, but then I would feel uneasy
about being estranged from my close friends. So, I would open up my blog again”
(Informant #8, male, age 32, doctor).
This motivation is consistent with previous research that suggests that relationships are the main antecedent of self-disclosure (Altman & Taylor, 1973;
Laurenceau & Barrett, 1998). However, it seems that self-disclosure can be used
for relationship management more effectively on cyberspace because of the ability to overcome spatial and time limitations.
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Our findings suggest that the formation of this motivation is often closely
related to a significant change in personal and professional status such as a
move, graduation, promotion, marriage, and parenthood. An examination of the
blogs revealed that informing others of a significant life change is a common
occurrence on blogs. Results of the in-depth interviews support these findings.
The following quotes from informants illustrate this:
“Actually, I disclose my life to send regards to my family and friends. Last
year, particularly, I had been abroad. Showing my life over the blog was a good
way to give my regards” (Informant #6, male, age 45, vice-president of an advertising agency).
“Going out with my girlfriend was the impetus to create my personal Web
space. Well, it is easier to tell what I have in mind over the blog” (Informant #1,
male, age 32, engineer).
“I became interested in blogging after giving birth. I am working for a living,
so I usually don’t have enough time to visit my husband’s parents’ house,
although his grandfather and grandmother really want to see our baby. So I
disclose my baby’s pictures and my feelings from child care to show my family”
(Informant #10, female, age 37, banker).
The results of Schau and Gilly (2003) also support this interpretation
by pointing out that triggering events such as a significant change in personal
or professional status can be the initial motivation for a personal Web site. Thus:
H1b:
The relationship management motivation will have a positive influence
on voluntary self-disclosure.
Keeping Up with Trends. Another emergent theme from our analysis is that
keeping up with trends is sometimes a motive for blogging, which can in turn
lead to disclosing personal information. Comments from the informants on this
issue include:
“People who don’t have a blog seem to be dodos” (Informant #5, male, age 19,
college student).
“These days, asking about a blog address is common, like asking for a telephone number. A few years ago, I didn’t have my own blog. During that time,
when someone used to ask my blog address, I’d say I didn’t have one and they’d
seem to think of me as unusual. But, as time went on, my close friends persuaded me to have a blog. That’s the reason why I started my blog” (Informant
#2, female, age 24, graduate school student).
These quotes illustrate that a fear that one is out-of-date or behind the times
if they do not have a blog can prompt a person to start a blog. The voluntary selfdisclosure stemming from this motivation makes the discloser feel that they have
something in common with other people. Based on this finding, we predict:
H1c:
The motivation to keep up with trends will have a positive influence on
voluntary self-disclosure.
Information Storage. The information-storage motivation for self-disclosure
involves the disclosure of daily life experiences for the purpose of recording personal
information. As illustrated by the following thoughts of informants, this motivation
views the blog as a means of recording personal information in a defined space:
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“The reason why I disclose my life on my blog is just for storing the time I pass”
(Informant #4, female, age 31, lecturer).
“I use my blog as if I were keeping a diary, and post pictures and writings about
my daily life. It’s similar to a picture diary that I kept when I was in elementary school” (Informant #9, female, age 23, office worker).”
The formation of this motivation is closely associated with information technology development, which enables the storage of quite a lot of data and uses
diverse multimedia methods for recording daily life events over the Internet.
Another result from the qualitative findings is that the information revealed as
a result of the information-storage motivation is in fact personal and in-depth
because personal Web space serves the role of a diary. Thus:
H1d:
The information-storage motivation will have a positive influence on
voluntary self-disclosure.
Information Sharing. Our interviews suggest that some consumers are
motivated by a psychological need to share one’s own information or knowledge
with other people. This motive appears to have benevolent features. The interviews show that the self-disclosure with this motivation usually involves a specialized topic:
“I generally disclose my feelings related towards my child care on my blog.
I had many problems in finding sufficient care for my child. I didn’t have any
kind of prior knowledge and experience in child care. I posted carefully, although
it is a very trivial matter, hoping that mothers who viewed my postings could
avoid the trial and error that I had to go through” (Informant #7, female, age 35,
housewife).
“I’m crazy about shopping for restaurants that serve delicious food these
days. I feel great happiness when I discover a good restaurant. I try to post
information about good restaurants, including information on things such as
menus, taste, and location. I hope that people who see my postings can be happy
about the information I shared” (Informant #3, female, age 28, secretary).
In addition, individuals who voluntarily self-disclose information generally
have special expertise or professional knowledge related to the topics of disclosure. Blogging could be considered an electronic form of word-of-mouth communication, which is an important source of risk-reducing information, as the
independent, willful nature of disclosing information in this way is thought to
reveal true insight. Thus, some people may be very comfortable disclosing relevant information on blogs to warn or make suggestions to other consumers
about experiences and products (Chen & Dubinsky, 2003).
H1e:
The information-sharing motivation will have a positive influence on
voluntary self-disclosure.
Entertainment. The informants also revealed that self-disclosure can sometimes bring personal pleasure. Consumers with this motivation enjoy voluntary self-disclosure, and think of voluntary self-disclosure as an enjoyable play
instrument:
“I just enjoy posting my pictures and writing” (Informant #2, female, age 24,
graduate school student).
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“I make my avatar in my blog reflect my emotion for the specific day. That is,
the avatar is my other self. For example, when I’m happy, I clothe my avatar with
bright colors, but when I feel sad, my avatar wears dark colors and has a crying face. Changing my avatar’s facial expressions and clothing is like playing with
my dolls when I was a child” (Informant #9, female, age 23, office worker).
The personal space on the Internet has many tools to use for disclosure such
as pictures, images, music, animation, and so on. Disclosing “selves” using these
tools apparently provides enjoyment to some consumers. Thus:
H1f:
The entertainment motivation will have a positive influence on voluntary
self-disclosure.
Showing Off. A final theme that emerged from the interviews is that some
bloggers self-disclose out of a need to display one’s own popularity, ability, and
so on, as exemplified by the following statements:
“These days, there is a trend that the number of visitors on a specific blog site
is an index of how popular the blogger is. To be frank with you, I used to post
many times to get more visitors. I felt that I became a famous man as the number of visitors increased, and I posted more eagerly to show this to other people” (Informant #5, male, age 19, college student).
“A few months ago, I had a blind date. My date asked me for my blog address
before meeting me. He wanted to know about me through contents disclosed on
my blog. When I heard about this, I was somewhat surprised. But the people said
that asking for my blog address before meeting was very common. So, I concluded that I should my blog more actively to show that I am pretty popular to
my partner or future boyfriend” (Informant #9, female, age 23, office worker).
“I was interested in taking a picture. So, I learned to take a picture and how
to use Photoshop last vacation. After that, when I posted pictures by myself,
I was really proud of my ability. Moreover, the compliments of the people who
saw my pictures made me happy” (Informant #4, female, age 31, lecturer).
Our results further suggest that there are some consumers who are motivated by showing off and becoming famous in Web space by using their blog for
commercial purposes.
“There are famous blog stars. Some of them get added value with their popularity. I’ve heard about a woman who posted her clothes, shoes, and accessories
in her personal Web space and became famous for her fashionable style. She got
to open an Internet fashion shopping mall when people increasingly inquired
about her fashion. Now, average monthly sales of her Internet shopping mall are
more than $100,000. Of course, I know it can be a really hard thing, but I have
a plan to make money by publishing my blog’s contents. I’m selling myself; I think
that [the] blog is the best space to sell myself” (Informant #3, female, age 28,
secretary).
H1g:
The motivation of showing off will have a positive influence on voluntary
self-disclosure.
Consequences of Voluntary Self-Disclosure
Findings from qualitative studies showed that bloggers perceive that the consequences of voluntary self-disclosure have both a positive and negative side.
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One positive consequence perceived by those interviewed is that voluntary selfdisclosure helped them to be more effective in relationship management.
“As a result of disclosing stories that are hard to talk about face to face with
my girlfriend, I feel our love and understanding of each other has deepened”
(Informant #1, male, age 32, engineer).
“It seems that people who have common interests can meet and share on the
Internet very easily. Actually, after disclosing my child care, many people who
have interests in child care visit my blog and see my postings. Some of them
became my friends, and I keep in touch with them both online and offline” (Informant #7, female, age 35, housewife).
This is consistent with prior studies that suggest that self-disclosure is essential for relationship development (Derlega et al., 1993). However, we did find
some unique issues that pertain to the context of the Internet. While most
previous studies have focused on the dyadic relationship between discloser
and recipient, our focus was on a relationship in which there is one discloser and
multiple recipients. Moreover, the meaning of the creation of relationship was
included in this research context, while previous research focused on maintaining and strengthening relationships. Our general finding that the respondents believe that their blogs help them to create and effectively maintain
relationships suggests that our findings expand the previous theory in this area.
Another consequence of voluntary self-disclosure identified from the qualitative interviews is related to psychological well-being. Most respondents reported
that self-disclosure resulted in positive feelings or helped them to relieve stress,
as exemplified by the following comment:
“After disclosing a stressful event on my blog, I feel like I got rid of a lot of
stress” (Informant #10, female, age 37, banker).
“When I’m in [a] depressed mood, as I decorate my avatar and write down my
feeling, it seems that my feeling is getting better unknowingly” (Informant #9,
female, age 23, office worker).
This finding is consistent with results related to the consequences of selfdisclosure. Previous research suggests that talking with someone helps people
who are faced with upsetting life events. Our finding appears to reinforce the
theory of inhibition, which argues that the inhibition of one’s thoughts and
feelings represented by nondisclosure is stressful and is expected to harm one’s
physical and psychological health (Pennebaker, 1989; Pennebaker & Hoover,
1985).
A final theme that emerged with regard to consequences is that consumers may
develop a habit of self-disclosing on their blogs that is both time-consuming and
difficult for them to stop engaging in. This was generally viewed as a negative
consequence of disclosure as indicated by the following quotes:
“I feel a sense of duty in posting. In addition, a lot of money is needed to buy
various items such as skins, music, and avatars to represent me on my personal
space. I always swear this is the last time I’ll buy these items, but I can’t keep
my word” (Informant #5, male, age 19, college student).
“As soon as I wake up, I turn on the computer and access my blog. Even when
I am doing other things, my blog is always opened in the computer. Before sleeping, I check my blog. So, I think my everyday life is hampered by blogging, but
I feel nervous when I don’t see my blog. I can’t control my blogging. This may
be a reason why blogging can be considered as disabling a person’s development” (Informant #3, female, age 28, secretary).
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“I took a picture of my daily life, thinking of posting it on my blog. My everyday seems to exist for my blog” (Informant #4, female, age 31, lecturer).
This means that voluntary behavior is transformed into the involuntary
behavior that consumers feel they can’t control by themselves. Based on these
findings, we predict that voluntary self-disclosure results in these consequences:
H2a:
Voluntary self-disclosure will lead to perceptions of improved relationship
management.
H2b:
Voluntary self-disclosure leads to perceptions of improved psychological
well-being.
H2c:
Voluntary self-disclosure leads to habitual self-disclosure behavior.
QUANTITATIVE METHODOLOGY
Figure 1 depicts the voluntary self-disclosure model that arose from our qualitative analysis, consisting of the relationship among motivations, voluntary selfdisclosure, and consequences. In order to test this model and triangulate the
data, we conducted a quantitative study to test the model.
x1
x2
x3
Selfpresentation
x4
x5
x6
Relationship
management
x7
y1
x8
x9
x10
Relationship
management
Keeping up
with trends
s1
x11
s1
x14
y5
Information
sharing
Voluntary
self-disclosure
Psychological
well-being
x15
x16
x17
y3
y4
x12
x13
y2
y6
y7
y8
Information
storage
Habitual
behavior
y9
y10
x18
x19
Entertainment
x20
x21
x22
Showing off
x23
Figure 1. Conceptual model.
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Sample and Procedure
The relevant population was defined as respondents who have their own personal Web space and report disclosing information about themselves. In addition, we included respondents who disclose personal information on that space,
but excluded people who do not disclose personal information despite having a
personal Web space. Data collection was conducted via both a survey and by
personal interviews. The subjects were students enrolled in marketing management at a University in Seoul, Korea. The surveys included a brief explanation
on voluntary self-disclosure and measured variables related to our model of
voluntary self-disclosure. As an incentive, a gift certificate equivalent to $5 was
offered.
A total of 259 completed questionnaires were collected. Just over half of the
sample population consisted of males (57.6%), 73.75% were between the ages of
21 and 25, and 94.6% were undergraduates.
Measurement
The scales that were used were derived from our qualitative data in conjunction
with previous literature. All items were measured with a 7-point Likert scale
ranging from 1 ⫽ strongly disagree to 7 ⫽ strongly agree.
The degree of self-disclosure has typically been measured in terms of both
depth and breadth in previous studies. Depth refers to the quality of the information disclosed, whereas breadth refers to the quantity of the information
disclosed (Altman & Taylor, 1973; Collins & Miller, 1994). We measured the
degree of voluntary self-disclosure based on two items used in previous studies
(Laurenceau & Barret 1998).
The motivations of voluntary self-disclosure were measured along the 7 dimensions with 23 items. The consequences of voluntary self-disclosure were measured along 3 dimensions with 10 items. All of the items related to motivation and
consequences are described in Appendix A.
Analysis and Results
Because our objective was to develop a factor structure for the motivations and
consequences of voluntary self-disclosure, we conducted an exploratory factor
analysis. For motivations, we used an eigenvalue of 1.00 as the stopping criterion
and a factor loading value of .4 as the factor interpretation. Principal component analysis (PCA) with Varimax rotation yielded 7 factors with 23 items.
Although 3 items were eliminated from exploratory factor analysis, this change
had a negligible impact on the substantive content of the affected dimensions.
Through this analysis, we found a stable factor structure that did not have
cross-loaded items, and these 7 factors explained 75.35 percent of the matrix
variance.
For consequences, we followed the same procedure. As a result, the exploratory
factor analysis revealed a 3-factor solution that accounted for 71.29 percent of
the variance. Cronbach alphas revealed that all measures were reliable (.78 for
degree of self-disclosure, .77~.91 for motivations of voluntary self-disclosure,
and .78~.83 for consequences of voluntary self-disclosure).
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In terms of the validity, our measurement shows face validity based on having been identified in the qualitative study. The survey items were further tested
via a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) that examined whether each of the
hypothesized dimensions had good measurement properties and was distinct
from the other dimensions. We used AMOS 5.0 to perform a CFA.
In the case of the motivation measures, an acceptable fit was achieved ( ␹2 ⫽
233.18, p ⫽ .04; GFI ⫽ .93; AGFI ⫽ .90; CFI ⫽ .99). The CFA provided evidence
of convergent validity in that factor loadings of all items were significant. And
we tested the discriminant validity by examining whether the correlation of all
pairs of constructs is 1 at the 95% significance level (95% ⫾ 2 ⫻ standard error)
using the approach suggested by Anderson and Gerbing (1988). Using this procedure, we found the evidence of discriminant validity.
The results of CFA on the consequences of voluntary self-disclosure also
showed that the model fit was acceptable (␹ 2 ⫽ 75.01, p ⫽ .00; GFI ⫽ .95; AGFI
⫽ .91; CFI ⫽ .96). Moreover, we found evidence of convergent and discriminate
validity by the same procedure used in the motivation validity check.
We tested the hypotheses using our structural equation model (SEM). This
model fits the data reasonably well ( ␹ 2 ⫽ 470.44, p ⫽ .56. GFI ⫽ .91; AGFI ⫽
.88; CFI ⫽ .99). In Table 1, we list the beta coefficients and t-values. With respect
to hypotheses on the motivations, the findings reported in Table 1 show that
the hypotheses H1a to H1g were all supported. From these results, this research
suggests that self-presentation, relationship management, keeping up with
trends, information sharing, information storage, entertainment, and showing
off are the significant motivations for voluntary self-disclosure.
In terms of consequences, we also find that voluntary self-disclosure has a significant influence on relationship management, psychological well-being, and
habitual self-disclosure behavior from the results of Table 1. These results confirm that hypotheses H2a to H2b are all supported.
Not only do the results of this quantitative analysis give evidence for
supporting hypotheses regarding the motivations and consequences of voluntary
self-disclosure, but they also validate the interpretation of qualitative analysis.
Table 1. Results of the Hypothesis Testing.
Motivation S SD
Coefficient
(t-value)
Self-presentation S SD
Relationship management S SD
Keeping up with trends S SD
Information sharing S SD
Information storage S SD
Entertainment S SD
Showing off S SD
.254 (4.092)**
.182 (2.411)**
.205 (4.023)***
.091 (2.042)*
.199 (2.011)*
.122 (1.823)*
.199 (3.693)***
SD S Consequence
SD S Relationship management
SD S Psychological well-being
SD S Habitual behavior
*
Coefficient
(t-value)
.586 (7.846)***
.589 (7.206)***
.567 (6.528)***
p ⬍ .05; ** p ⬍ .01; ***p ⬍ .001, SD ⫽ Voluntary self-disclosure.
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DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
This study examined motivations for, and perceived consequences of, voluntary
self-disclosure through personal Web space using both qualitative and quantitative study methodologies. Conceptually, this study reveals insights that
differ from prior research in that it examines voluntary self-disclosure and
does so in the context of a new communication medium. Our analysis uncovered seven primary motivations for willfully disclosing personal information
on blogs. Bloggers who self-disclose like to use the blog to present themselves
in a desired light and tend to believe that their blogs help them to better manage relationships. Some people also report a feeling that they need to selfdisclose on a blog to keep up with trends. An often-altruistic motive, at least
in part, of many bloggers, is to share their expertise. Using the blog as a repository of information is an important motive for some. Finally, self-disclosing
for entertainment purposes and to show off are also motives for selfdisclosure on blogs.
In terms of the consequences of blogging, our results suggest that bloggers who
self-disclose believe that doing so has direct benefits in terms of managing relationships and their own psychological well-being. However, they report that
blogging can be habit forming and that they devote too much time to it. One
important theme that did not emerge from our analysis as a consequence is fear
of marketers or employers potentially using information disclosed on blogs in
ways that the blogger might not approve of (e.g., building a mailing list or for
background checks in hiring processes). Additional research is needed to specifically address whether bloggers, when told about the potential of such concerns,
continue to engage in self-disclosure in the same manner.
We also examined the structural configurations of the relationship between
motivations, self-disclosure, and consequences. This allows us to gain insight on
the consumer’s psychological mechanisms related to voluntary self-disclosure
behavior.
Our results do need to be interpreted with caution. While we believe our model
specification and verification provides compelling evidence of the major motives
and perceived consequences of self-disclosure, we do not explore the motives of those
who do not choose to self-disclose. Since previous studies have shown that motivation and avoidance are two separate factors, it will be worthwhile to identify the
avoidance factors that prevent voluntary self-disclosure over the Web space.
Another limitation is that our study does not attempt to identify the relative
weights that consumers assign to each of the motivations and consequences of
voluntary self-disclosure. Further research should examine this question,
particularly since prior literature suggests that it may be possible to predict
that these motivations and consequences have an evolving life cycle over time.
In terms of consequences, for example, one could mainly perceive positive aspects
in the initial phase of voluntary self-disclosure and the expectations about these
positive consequences could trigger disclosing. If experiencing negative consequences over time, however, bloggers could decide to disclose based on a calculation of both the positive and negative aspects. To gain a deeper understanding
of self-disclosure on blogs, the investigation of the hierarchical model on these
motivations and consequences appears to hold considerable potential.
Our data were collected in Korea, and additional research is needed to validate
these findings in other countries. An additional limitation is that the quantitative
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component of study used a sample of student subjects. While students would
appear to be a very relevant population to study in the context of blogging, the
inherent limitations on external validity apply.
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([email protected]).
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APPENDIX A
MOTIVATIONS FOR VOLUNTARY SELF-DISCLOSURE
Self-Presentation
I disclose to present myself in a realistic way.
I disclose to present my ideal self.
I disclose to present my individual characteristics.
Relationship Management
I disclose to keep a close relationship with others.
Disclosures on my blog serve as a meeting place for me and others.
I disclose to let people know my current affairs.
I disclose to communicate with friends
Keeping Up with Trends
I disclose to keep from falling behind the times.
I disclose because it is hard to feel sympathetic to people around me unless
I participate in blogging.
I disclose because everybody does it.
I disclose in order to not to be left out.
Information Sharing
I disclose to share my information and knowledge.
I disclose to share my experience.
I disclose to share information about a certain issue.
Information Storage
I disclose to keep a personal record.
I disclose to save memorable information.
I disclose to save personal thoughts and pictures.
Entertainment
I disclose because I enjoy it.
I disclose because it is fun.
I disclose as a source of an entertainment.
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Showing Off
I disclose to show that I am popular.
I disclose to show off my ability.
I disclose to show off by commercializing and publicizing my activities.
CONSEQUENCES OF VOLUNTARY SELF-DISCLOSURE
Relationship Management
I feel intimate with others after disclosing.
I feel satisfaction in my relationships with those I am close to after
disclosing.
Trust deepens between me and someone I am close to after disclosing.
I have met new people through disclosing.
Psychological Well-Being
Disclosing helps me get rid of my stress.
I feel psychological stability after disclosing.
I feel psychological freedom after disclosing.
Habitual Behavior
I feel that I must self-disclose on my blog.
I feel uneasiness when I am not disclosing information on my blog.
I feel that I cannot control my disclosing behavior.
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