DAY LABORERS
EL PAN DE CADA DIA
By
Sarai Marcelin
This thesis is dedicated to:
Carlos Estevan Lozano
Enrique Marcelin & Patricia Marcelin
Nicte-ha, Hilda, Alejandro, and Enrique Marcelin
Y
Para todos los Jornaleros
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Table of Contents
DAY LABORERS .............................................................................................................. 1
Acknowledgement ...................................................................................................... 5
Abstract ....................................................................................................................... 7
Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 8
Literature Review.......................................................................................................... 13
Day Laborers in the Informal Labor Market............................................................. 14
Defining Day Labor .................................................................................................. 15
Informal Labor Market vs Formal Labor Market ..................................................... 16
Political Economy and Immigration Context ........................................................... 18
Bracero Program (1942-1964) .................................................................................. 18
Social and Cultural Context for Day Laborers ......................................................... 20
Media Framing .......................................................................................................... 20
Cultural Citizenship .................................................................................................. 21
Anti-Immigrant Groups- Minutemen ........................................................................ 23
City Ordinances Restricting Day Labor .................................................................... 24
Site Context for Day Laborers .................................................................................. 24
Formal Labor Sites—For Profit and Non Profit ....................................................... 24
Day Laborers’ Experiences ....................................................................................... 26
Struggles (Economic, Immigration, Health) ............................................................. 26
Experiences at Day Labor Sites (positive and negatives) ......................................... 27
Open Labor Sites....................................................................................................... 28
STANDPOINT THEORY ............................................................................................ 30
SEGMENTED LABOR MARKET THEORY......................................................... 33
Methodology ................................................................................................................. 35
Reflexivity: Situating Myself in this Research ......................................................... 36
Ethnography field notes ............................................................................................ 37
Field Research: Obtrusive vs. Unobtrusive .............................................................. 38
Gaining Entry at La Fe Agency (Protected Site) ...................................................... 38
Sampling ................................................................................................................... 41
In-depth interviews ................................................................................................... 44
Confidentiality .......................................................................................................... 47
Data Analysis ............................................................................................................ 48
FINDINGS .................................................................................................................... 49
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Day Laborer Setting .................................................................................................. 49
At La Fe .................................................................................................................... 49
La Lotería .................................................................................................................. 50
La Fe Services ........................................................................................................... 52
En la esquina (At the Corner) ................................................................................... 54
Soy Jornalero, y Que? (I am a day laborer, so what?).............................................. 56
Day Laborer’s Experiences ....................................................................................... 62
Experiences with Los Pinches Patrones .................................................................... 66
Day Laborer Perceptions of Los Patrones ................................................................ 67
Survival ..................................................................................................................... 69
Creating Agency ....................................................................................................... 70
Moral Ranking .......................................................................................................... 71
Social Capital ............................................................................................................ 71
Social Networks ........................................................................................................ 73
El Viejo y El Joven ................................................................................................... 74
New Strategic Approaches for Seeking Jales (Work)............................................... 77
How Day Laborers’ Believe Patrones View them ................................................... 81
SOCIAL CONTROL OF DAY LABORERS........................................................... 84
Local ......................................................................................................................... 84
STATE AND FEDERAL ......................................................................................... 84
Implications for Future Research .............................................................................. 87
CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 88
Turning Oppression into Opportunity....................................................................... 88
Appendix ....................................................................................................................... 92
Bibliography ................................................................................................................. 93
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Acknowledgement
SI SE PUDO! I finally completed this thesis, but I didn’t do it alone. I have
always believed individuals grow not only by personal perseverance, determination, and
individual effort, but also with the assistance, guidance, and support of important role
models in our lives.
First and for most, I would like to thank my parents Patricia and Enrique Marcelin
for their unconditional support and sacrifices. Your sacrifices including your emotional,
personal, and economic struggles, separating from us for three years, and your struggle to
re-unite our family with the American Dream in mind. Not knowing the outcome, you
both immigrated to the United States to give us an opportunity for a better education and
a better lifestyle. Your hard work, your sacrifices, and your motivation made this
possible. You have given me the tools to be a survival, to help others in need, and to be
strong to fight for social justice. I have no words to thank you enough for being my
creators.
This research was completed with the help, guidance, and support of my thesis
committee: Dr. Xuan Santos, Dr. Alicia Gonzalez, and Dr. Gary Rolison. I thank you all
for the motivation, time and support for making this possible. We did it! Dr. Santos,
thanks for your saying “A Good Thesis, is a Finished Thesis!” it was truly a reminder that
it needed to be done.
I would also like to acknowledge my role models Dr. Maria de la Luz Reyes, Dr.
John Alcon, Dr. Juan Necochea, Dr. Carlos Von Son, Dr. Zulmara Cline, Lorena
Hernandez, Leticia Silva, Carlos Alejandro Serrano, Alberto Avila, and Francisco Lozano
for believing in me and encouraging me to pursue higher education. Dr. Reyes, my
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adopted mother, has been an incredible support throughout my education career. I thank
you for your guidance, your patience, your time, your dedication, your trust, and for
every advice that you have given me. You have empowered me and motivated me in
many ways. I love you!
Lastly, I would like to thank all of los jornaleros and my grandfather for their
incredible anecdotes. Thank you for your time, trust, and sharing your lived experiences
to make this possible.
SI SE PUEDE!
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Abstract
This study examines the experiences, feelings and perceptions of day laborers regarding
their socio-economic realities, their views on their employers, and the impact of social
agencies that help them secure temporary employment and prevent employer abuse. This
research inquiry takes a humanitarian approach in exposing the social world of day
laborers, where their lived experiences and stories make visible the social injustices they
experience and reveal their agency in advocating for themselves. This study relied on the
following three-fold methodologies: ethnographic approach, in-depth formal and
informal interviews, which were conducted over a period of three months. A total of 7
Latino male participants were conveniently sampled from men who worked in a region of
South San Diego County. The workers’ reflections and insights serve as collective
testimonios (testimonies) that mirror the voices of a larger and vital, yet marginalized
community—in this case, Latino day laborers. The findings provide a nuanced
perspective, which provide a more effective and humanitarian labor policies for a vital
segment of this expandable workforce.
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Introduction
Hundreds and hundreds of day laborers stand on street corners, generally near
home improvement stores around the country in search of a job that may last a couple of
hours, a day, or –for the lucky-- a few days. These individuals, mostly men, are
voiceless workers in an “informal economy.” Typically, most perform heavy manual
labor and are often perceived by those who hire them as an expendable labor force.
Arturo Gonzales (2007) contends that these workers engage in an informal labor market
that consists of agreements between the worker and employer who are not “usually
reported to the government and do not conform to various labor regulations” (p. 1). Day
laborers undertake these jobs for a variety of reasons: they are unemployed; it is their first
job in the US labor market; they lack English fluency or legal immigration status, or they
simply need additional income (Valenzuela & Melendez, 2003).
Day laborers are part of a contingent labor market who live in the margins of
society. Their struggles include: exploitation, abuse, and humiliation. Society tends to
view them solely as cheap labor. Their lived experiences, including their social,
economic, and emotional needs are largely ignored, and at times, ridiculed (IbanezHoltermann, 2011). Day laborers encounter numerous obstacles: no payment for their
work, low-wages, unstable work, and shortage of work (Valenzuela, 2004). Day laborers
are not paid a livable wage, and the high cost of living in the South San Diego County
region makes it difficult to support themselves and their families. Therefore, they must
supplement their income, undertake low wage paying jobs and at times they must work
on multiple job tasks, which can be a day or 7 days a week. These work challenges is a
fraction of their daily struggles. The other fraction is their daily struggles with various
agents of social control, such as Immigration and Custom Enforcement (ICE).
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The Immigration and Custom Enforcement (ICE) often patrol, conduct raids, and
surveil neighborhoods with high concentration of Latinas/os. Anti-immigrant segments
of the community often push for city ordinances that control and prohibit solicitation of
day labor work (Ibanez-Holtermann, 2011). Day laborers are also harassed by nativist
hate groups, such as The Minutemen, who are community anti-immigrant and watchdog
groups that organize their own community raids to secure America’s border (Jim
Gilchrist and Jereme R Corsi, 2006). As a result, day laborers also encountered instances
of physical, sexual, and emotional abuse from employers who take advantage of their
undocumented status. Since these day employers do not provide health care and workers
are uninsured due to low wages, they have no access to medical assistance. All of these
problems constantly remind workers of their vulnerable undocumented status and poor
living conditions in the United States. Their defenseless situation often generates fear,
humiliation, and emotional instability.
Over the past decade, many day labor agencies have been created to address some
of the problems that day laborers typically encounter (Valenzuela 2009). These sites
differ in purpose—often times recreating an exploitative condition within those structured
institutions. While the exploitation may appear more covert to the world, it is obvious to
the workers. As Daniel Kerr and Christopher Dole (2005) stated, “all interviewees [day
laborers] who worked for both types of agencies, were adamant that the day-labor
agencies were significantly more exploitative and abusive” (p. 90). These obvious
conditions to the workers refer to multiple categories of grievances. For example, hours
and wage reduction, racial discrimination, gender discrimination, sexual harassment,
retaliation, violation of work safety, and barriers to permanent employment. (Daniel Karr
9
et al. 2005). This type of abuse and exploitation is not a new social phenomenon, as I
have personally heard various types of abuses during my childhood.
My personal interest in providing these workers a voice grew out of the many
anecdotes I heard throughout my childhood from family members and friends who lived
in my home. Their stories vividly described frustrating experiences of routine abuse,
humiliation, and exploitation in their attempts to find work. Their rage and pain were
often accompanied with tears in their eyes. While these quiet voices are rarely heard
outside this circle of workers, they have grown increasingly louder in my consciousness
and have evolved into my interest in conducting this research. I know from my first-hand
experience that many day laborers are here to work and support their families through
remittances, where they send monthly/weekly funds to relatives in their country of origin
or those here in the United States. Undocumented day laborers cannot return to their
native countries because there are no jobs to be found and/or because of their
immigration status will prevent them from returning to the US if they leave.
Although their invisible labor contributes to the local economy, few Americans
understand their experiences and have few opportunities to hear through their voices, or
to see their experiences from the workers’ own lens, yet this is one of many domestic
human rights issues of our time. The labor market, politicians, policy makers and
society, in general, do not acknowledge day laborers’ presence or stop to consider that
their experiences are worthy enough for research studies, economist, and for the larger
community to know. For these reasons, I believe it is important to gather comprehensive
data on the day laborers’ experiences from South San Diego County regardless of their
age, immigration status, sexual orientation, or race. It is also important to compare and
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contrast experiences from those workers who rely on organized day labor sites with those
who hustle for work on their own, using only “open-air” corners.
This study of active day laborers is both important and timely given of the current
anti-immigration climate and in light of the positive contributions that day laborers make
to the American economy. These workers harvest food for our tables, build our homes, as
well as the infrastructure--streets and bridges—surrounding them. In fact, they are the
engine that provides the majority of our service sector jobs in this region that supports,
maintains, and enhances the quality of our lives of people living in Advanced Capitalist
Nations such as the U.S.
It is also important to study and capture the experiences of currently active day
workers who must try to survive in the context of the ongoing recession crisis, antiimmigrant sentiment, and many political issues. My goal in conducting this research was
to provide a better understanding of current day laborer problems and possible solutions.
Telling their stories gives meaning to their experiences and brings to light what is
often hidden in the shadows of the labor market. Giving voice to these voiceless workers
has potential to generate solutions that can lead to social justice, protect human rights,
and give hope to a marginalized community.
The nature of this study was exploratory. This study adds to the literature on
invisible workers, immigration, informal labor market, day labor sites, and helps us better
understand some of the problems day laborers face through their lived experiences. These
findings can also assist in providing a starting point for developing and designing
programs that address and incorporate the needs of workers and attempt to bring greater
social justice to day laborers. For existing programs, this research can help alter or
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change their service delivery based on day laborers’ feedback on ways to improve
services. Increasing awareness of day laborers’ experiences helps inform public policy.
Ultimately, the marginalized, the oppressed, and the voiceless, can only be brought to
light through ground level research.
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Literature Review
This literature review revealed several contributions to our understanding of day
laborers, such as demographics, the informal labor market, political economy and
immigration context, day laborers’ experiences, and “open-air” corner sites versus the
protected day labor sites.
Currently, there is no precise statistic of day laborers in the United States due to
the informality and fluctuation of work; however, Abel Valenzuela conducted the first
national survey in 2004 of 117,600 day laborers in the country. A snapshot on the United
States’ percentage of day laborers is divided by regions: West (42%), Midwest (4%),
Southeast (18%), South (12%), and East (23%). A higher percentage of day laborers is
concentrated in the West; therefore, we can conclude that most immigrants are choosing
to stay closer in proximity to Mexico, weather is more favorable in the West compare to
the East increasing favorable conditions to work in construction, and most Western states
are democratic, except for Arizona, Utah, Montana, and North and South Dakota. At the
macro-national level, the fluctuation with the number of workers in the informal labor
market in the United States is unknown; however, based on historical trend the number of
day laborers continues to rise. At the micro-local, in South San Diego County, the
Latina/o population in the informal labor market also continues to increase as well as the
hyper-surveillance activity.
Recent immigrant raids in San Diego County have targeted this population,
increasing the vulnerability of day laborers. While Latinas/os make up 26% of the
population of South San Diego County, many cities in the country report that Latinas/os
make up nearly half their population, around 46.2%. Among these, 11.1% of Latino/a
families have incomes below the poverty level, 5.2% are unemployment, 23.7% have a
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high school education, and 14.6% have less than a 9th grade level. This region is in close
proximity, approximately 40 miles, (within 1 hour) of the U.S. Mexican border. The
Latina/o day laborers make up the largest demographic group within the informal labor
market in South San Diego County.
Day Laborers in the Informal Labor Market
Day laborers in the informal labor market are hyper-vulnerable and endure daily
abuse because they lack protection from institutions that protect the formal labor market
such as: Department of Labor (DOL), Occupational Safety and Health Administration
(OSHA), Workers Compensation, and other regulatory agencies. In most cases, day
laborers in the informal labor market lack documented immigration status, making it
challenging to obtain a job in the formal labor market; thus, making it difficult to survive
in the United States. Anti-immigrant groups and the police act as defacto immigration
officers, and conservative community members generalize that these workers are all
‘Mexicans’ who come here undocumented so workers become easy targets of racial
profiling, social discrimination and victims of human right abuse that contributes to a
hostile working environment.
Although day laborers engage in this informal labor market because of its flexible
work; these employment opportunities offer little stability, job security, and other
disadvantages. In contrast, the formal labor market may offer: medical insurance, paid
time off, compliance to labor law regulations, compliance to OSHA regulations, and
safety equipment.
Historically employers have relied on day laborers to perform heavy manual labor
such as: demolition, construction work, domestic services, moving and hauling,
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gardening and landscaping, painting, roofing, and carpentry (Valenzuela, Smith,
Theodore, Mehta, 2006). Day laborers engage in a wide variety of occupations that help
increase their employment opportunities and help nurture their human capital. Work
variations depend on the general and specialized skills possessed by day laborers
(Valenzuela, Theodore, Melendez, Gonzalez, 2006). Thus, day labor encompasses a wide
range of work categories that can include both skilled and unskilled work making this an
inconsistent and heterogeneous worker pool.
Valenzuela (2006) points out that day laborers are not a new phenomenon in
American culture or in the labor market. Historically, there have always been temporary
day workers. However, this specific group of workers who have fulfilled this niche have
changed numerous times over the years. In California and prior to the Chinese
Exclusionary Act of 1882, for example, workers used to be Chinese, Filipino, and
African Americans. Overtime, due to political and social needs this racial trend of
workers changed to Hispanics. Today, the majority of day laborers in California are
Mexicans (Valenzuela, 2003). While Mexican day laborer pool may be the largest, the
question of who is “Mexican” is commonly generalized in U.S. The job pool, in fact,
includes other Latina/o day laborers from Chile, Argentina, Salvador, Nicaragua,
Ecuador, Colombia and Panama (Turnovsky-Pinedo, 2004; Valenzuela, 2006).
Defining Day Labor
The lack of a central definition of day labor has created a diverse body of
research. In this study, day labor was defined by various characteristics. Day labor is
characterized as an undesirable type of work requiring low skilled-jobs, earning lowwages, with no health or pension benefits, no typical workplace benefits (breaks, safety
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equipment), lack of job security, and the need for a day-to-day search for employment
(Valenzuela, 2003; Osawa, 2003). Overall, day labor is part of the informal labor market
with many more disadvantages than advantages.
Informal Labor Market vs. Formal Labor Market
Economist and social researchers divide the labor market into two distinct areas:
informal and formal labor market. Each economy is described differently based on
regulatory requirements. The informal labor market is not regulated by agencies that
protect the worker. In contrast, the formal labor market is regulated by agencies such as
Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA), Labor Law, the Internal
Revenue Service (IRS), union contracts, and Immigration (E-Verify) regulations. The
formal labor market ensures various types of protections for workers, and punishes those
who violate established work regulations.
This segmented labor market is divided into various sectors of the economy. They
are known as primary, secondary, tertiary, quaternary, and quinary sectors. Day laborers
in this study fit the tertiary labor market model. The tertiary sector refers to the provision
industry that provides services to the general population and businesses. According to
Matt Rosenberg (2007), “More than 80% of the labor force is comprised of tertiary
workers [in the United States]” As Santos (2012) explained, the tertiary labor market is
comprised of individuals in society who have little to no education, lack work experience,
skills, lack English proficiency, and are unable to assert their human civil rights.
Santos (2012) argued that the informal economy is internally stratified and
involves social control regulations. He suggested that the informal economy “maintains
an army of informal laborers in their place through selective criminalization, that is,
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criminalization of classed and racialized communities who are victimized” (p. xxii). In
this case, local city ordinance, immigration raids, local police, for profit day labor
agencies, and nativist groups, such as Minutemen, tend to criminalize, discriminate, and
alienate the powerless within the informal economy to make-ends-meet. Furthermore,
Santos argued that the informal economy evolves from the demands of everyday life and
represents a necessary way of making a living.
Similarly, Valenzuela (2001) argued that many day laborers participate in this
labor market because of its freedom, level of flexibility, and the ability to negotiate a
wage or contractual price for their work. Many participate in this market for
entrepreneurial survival (Valenzuela, 2001). These entrepreneurial innovations allow
workers to achieve a sense of autonomy as they become self-employed.
Robertson and Bartley (2002) agreed with many other scholars suggesting that
individuals choose day labor as an opportunity to earn an income when laid off, or it may
be the only employment option available to them due to the worker’s substance abuse or
other social difficulties (Valenzuela, 2004) This informal job relationship offers
employers an opportunity to avoid paying employment taxes, workers compensation, and
compliance with other regulations. For workers, this relationship allowed workers to
avoid any government censuses to avoid paying taxes. The political economy and
immigration reforms have contributed to the pull of workers from Mexico into the United
States fulfilling some of the characteristics of the tertiary labor market. Historically,
people immigrate for political and economic reasons.
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Political Economy and Immigration Context
The Bracero Program (1942-1964), “Operation Wetback 1954,” Immigration
Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA), Operation Gatekeeper from the Clinton
Administration in 1994, and North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), have all
contributed to massive immigration from Latin America, better known as one of the
Third World Countries. All of these historical immigration events have not only
separated families living in poverty but also help explain the increase of the informal
labor market in the United States. Immigration to developed countries, such as the United
States, is not a new sociological concept but and it dates back even before the Bracero
Program (1942-1964). However, the Bracero Program was an important political era for
the mass immigration of Latinos/as.
Bracero Program (1942-1964)
In early 1942, agricultural growers in the U.S. grew alarmed at the prospect of
labor shortages and turned to Congress and President Franklin Delano Roosevelt for help.
Because of the US proximity to Mexico, the American government approached their
southern neighbor for workers. The Roosevelt administration negotiated a bi-national
treaty for the temporary guest worker program which welcomed Mexican farmworkers,
who became known as "braceros” (Massey and Durand, 2003). Braceros were literally
field “hands” who worked with their brazos, (arms) to harvest crops. Thus, the Bracero
Program promoted immigration and brought a large number of low-skilled manual
Mexican laborers into the United States’ labor market.
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Regional racializations of the day labor job were marked in the late nineteenth
and early twentieth-century, as the markets recruited men from subordinate racial-ethnic
groups using programs such as the Bracero Program and Guest Worker Programs. Both
programs recruited men from poorer, often colonial societies to do “men’s work”
(Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007, p. x). For example, Mexicans, Central-Americans, Filipino,
and Chinese built canals and railroads, dug deep into mines, stoked factory furnaces, laid
irrigation pipes and provided the labor for large-scale agribusiness during the
industrialization of America (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007).
As Hondagneu-Sotelo (2007) stated, “it was labor, not human beings, that was
being recruited” (xi). Even the U.S. Department of Labor officer in charge of the Bracero
Program, Lee G. Williams, described the Bracero Program as a system of "legalized
slavery.” Despite the fact that workers were being recruited with the Bracero program
and that Congress had previously extended the program several times, some researchers
claim that growers continued to fear a labor shortage. The result was that agricultural
growers took matters into their own hands and began recruiting undocumented workers
(Massey, et. al., 1987).
Michael Piore (1979) argues that, “international migration is caused by a
permanent labor demand that is inherent to the economic structure of developed nations.”
So it was the demand for workers, whether brought here documented or undocumented,
that contributed to the economic growth of the United States. According to scholars, the
bracero program gave many immigrants an opportunity to obtain legal residency
(Massey, et. al., 2003). In 1951, Congress passed Public Law 78, giving the Bracero
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Program a permanent statutory status. Despite the program’s growth, undocumented
migration continued to rise and meet labor demands.
In 1954, the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) launched “Operation
Wetback” that militarized the border, giving the INS authority to raid agricultural fields
and conduct mass roundups of undocumented migrants (Massey, et. al. 2003; Calavita,
1992). In an attempt to break agricultural growers of their practice of hiring
undocumented workers and failing to comply with the preferred social control mode of
bracero employment, the U.S. government authorized those roundups. Since the Bracero
Program was initiated to present day, employers continue to seek the day labor market for
cheap, reliable, hard-working, temporary workers (Valenzuela, 2001, 2004). All these
historical events have contributed to the increase of immigration based on demand
factors. Overall, immigration in a political economic context has given social media a
focus point to criticize, label, and negatively portray day laborers and Latinos/as.
Social and Cultural Context for Day Laborers
Media Framing
Day laborers have been the center of media attention by conservative radio talk
shows, news broadcasts, print magazine photos, and other media outlets. The mass
media fails to portray day laborers as hard working-men and women who suffer from
abuse, depression, low social-economic status, and exploitation. Instead, the media
describe them as deviants,” illegal aliens,” parasites, rapist and criminals. The media's
portrayal of day laborers as criminals, with a criminal record creates stigmatized
generalizations of the entire day laborer population.
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To add to this, many YouTube 1 videos portray day laborers as violent individuals,
with disorderly conduct who violate city codes. These portrayals cannot be generalized to
all day laborers. Negative media representations contribute to the decline of job
opportunities and incomes. Continued condemnation and negative stereotypes often lead
to day laborers’ physical abuse. In the National Day Labor Survey, for example,
Valenzuela, Theodore, Melendez, Gonzalez (2006), found, eighty-five percent of all day
laborers reported at least one type of abuse including paying them less than the agreed
upon amount, abandonment at a work site, bad checks in the form of payment, no breaks
or water at the work site, robbery and threats. Day laborers not only suffer abuse from
employers but also from merchants and police. Valenzuela et al. (2006) claimed that
“Day laborers also reported being insulted, arrested, and cited by police while they search
for employment” (p. ii). These abuses rarely make the front page of newspapers or the
opening story in broadcast news; they remain largely invisible, unaccounted for, and
unknown to the public. As a result of these negative labels, day laborers have formed
communities and support groups that defined themselves, known as cultural citizenship.
Cultural Citizenship
Cultural citizenship refers to various processes by which marginalized groups
define themselves, form a community, and claim space and social rights (Rosaldo, 1987;
Rosaldo and Flores, 1993; Flores and Benmayor, 1997, Santos, 2012). Renato Rosaldo
defines cultural citizenship as consisting of “everyday cultural practices through which
Latinos claim space and their right to be full members of society” (p. 322). Rather than
accepting the dominant ideology, cultural citizenship asserts that people have a right to
their distinctive cultural heritage based on the notions that convey human worth, dignity,
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respect and trust. “Cultural” refers to the subjective evaluations that people have of their
own personal situation. Citizenship is the legal definition or documentation, but also
refers to the extra-legal that we recognize as first-class versus second-class citizenship.
The notion of citizenship involves a process, a sense of belonging, of having a voice and
being heard, coupled with a constant struggle to achieve first-class acceptance, thus
providing access to the American Dream (Santos, 2012). Several researchers have used
alternative definitions for citizenship such as, “rights, culture, empowerment, community,
membership” each of whose meanings is amorphous (Santos, 2012).
Cultural citizenship can be described theoretically and methodologically.
Theoretically it acknowledges cultural resiliency, social reproduction, and rights claiming
of ethnic communities and marginalized groups as viable and worthy outcomes of social
injustice and alienation (Santos, 2012). Methodologically, cultural citizenship must be
approached from the perspective of subordinate groups, such as day laborers, in order to
understand the latter’s goals, perceptions, experiences, daily struggles, and purpose. It
examines the colloquial meanings of alienation, degradation, and belonging as they relate
to marginalized groups with respect to the national community. In this context,
subordinate communities, such as day laborers, react to demand social justice in acts of
self-definition, representation, affirmation, and sensibility. Specifically, marginalized
groups express aspirations for equality, respect, and dignity (Rosaldo, 1987, Santos,
2012, Flores, William and Rina Benmayor, 1997). Day laborer communities demand to
be treated with respect, dignity and in a humanized manner. However, anti-immigrant
groups—Minutemen-- dehumanize, label, and treat day laborers as third class citizens.
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Anti-Immigrant Groups- Minutemen
Nativists and other anti-immigrant groups show their repugnance towards
immigrants in various ways. For example, in the Minutemen’s front page, a day laborer
named Miguel Ortiz is described as a criminal.
Has been charged with four counts of first-degree rape, three
counts of first-degree criminal sexual act (formerly known as
sodomy), two felony counts of burglary, and terrorizing a woman
with a kitchen knife, threatening to kill her pre-teen daughter. The
victim hired the day laborer [Miguel Ortiz] to do some household
cleaning for her. 1
Anti-immigrant and anti-day laborer groups take advantage of day laborers social,
economic, and undocumented immigration status and use situations such as these to gain
support from communities and government officials, terrorizing communities and people
who hire day laborers. Day laborers are affected by such portrayal in many ways,
personally, economic, social and political.
Groups such as the Minutemen and other anti-immigrants organizations have
negatively focused on open work sites, taking action against day laborers and claiming
they are a problem to communities, to the economy, and to the country. In addition, a
majority of Americans believe that there are too many undocumented immigrants, that
they are hired at tax payer expense, create overcrowd schools, get free social services,
and take jobs away from American citizens. In addition to these, they claim that day
labor workforce draws immigrants to this country. Nativist support anti-immigration
reform and have pushed for anti-immigrant city ordinances that have affected the
Latino/a community in general. These anti-immigrant city ordinance have specifically,
1
http://daylaborers.org/
23
restricted day laborers presence in certain city location, which would otherwise be
consider public spaces.
City Ordinances Restricting Day Labor
Many counties and cities have enacted laws that prohibit workers from looking
for day labor work (Valenzuela, 2003). Despite regulated conditions of their work,
Valenzuela et al. (2006) argues that, “day labor work and formal and informal hiring sites
is not the “magnet” that draws immigrants to this country” (p.18). Despite this, city
ordinances are battlegrounds for immigration policies. These ordinances target groups
like day laborers and give rise to strong anti-immigration sentiment that fights to curtail
undocumented status immigration. As a result, all immigrants are perceived as criminals
whether they have legal status or not (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007). As Hondagneu-Sotelo
(2007) states, “Immigration status has clearly become an important axis of inequality, one
interwoven with relations of race, class, and gender, and it facilitates the exploitation of
immigrant workers” (p.13). Positioning day laborers as “immigrants” allows employers
and society to perceive them as the “other” or “outsiders” thus overlooking the
racialization of the occupation (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007, p.14). As a result of multiple
anti-day laborer city ordinances, many social service agencies and entrepreneurs have
created formal agencies. These agencies differ by the status—for profit or non-profit.
Site Context for Day Laborers
Formal Labor Sites—For Profit and Non Profit
Roberts and Bartley (2004) note variations among day labor sites, day labor
agencies, and day labor centers according to their locality, regulations, for profit or non-
24
profit status, and level of education of the individuals using these services. Different
types of organizations engage in different wage setting, cost externalization practices, and
employment practices. Several day labor agencies and day labor centers, for example,
claim to protect workers’ rights by enforcing strict compliance with regulations. In one
study, day laborers working for temporary staffing agencies had higher levels of
educations and skills (Robertson, 2002). Many day labor agencies and day labor centers
are located near informal day labor sites.
Although there are many researchers supporting the goals and missions of day
labor agencies, there are many other scholars who are critical of local day laborer sites.
Valenzuela et al. (2006) argued that day labor agencies or centers are a form of social
control, “The primary purpose of day-labor worker centers is to regulate the day-labor
market by intervening in the market and establishing rules governing the search for work
and the hiring of laborers” (p.7). Though these interventions and regulations sometimes
benefit day laborers, the workers themselves have little control over their own job
opportunities because a larger social group that imposes these regulations and
interventions from their perspectives controls the operation of day labor centers. In
addition to social control, day labor hiring sites have become, “One mechanism for
organizing the supply of immigrant laborers for the construction industry and other
sectors of the economy” thus creating an institutional labor force (Valenzuela et al.
2006). Parker (1994) claims that
…. The day labor markets is a “pure case nexus” and since skills requirements
are low and productivity relatively unimportant, workers are nothing more than
anonymous, interchangeable “warm bodies” (p. 26)
25
Findings from a study of the organizational structure and purpose of the day labor
markets in Tucson, Arizona reveal that most halls are operated for profit, and a few are
non-profit. For profit organizations fall into one of three categories: (1) franchises of
national corporations; (2) privately owned halls, and (3) local or regionally based
privately owned halls. Distinctions among the non-profit day labor organizations and
profit organizations are mostly related to human capital (wages) and employment
practices (Roberts and Bartley, 2004). Day laborers’ experiences are based on a variety of
struggles.
Day Laborers’ Experiences
Day laborers’ are face with challenges such as financial, social, and health issues.
They must navigate and create agency to be able to survive. Their experiences differ base
on location of job seeking—a for-profit-agency or non-profit, or an open corner.
Struggles (Economic, Immigration, Health)
Day laborers who perform the most difficult and dangerous jobs, mostly
minorities, are relegated to live in poverty. A national study of day labors conducted by
Valenzuela, Theodore, Melendez, Gonzalez, (2006), found that the annual income of day
laborers was extremely variable and depended largely on the seasonality of various
industries, employer demand, worker qualifications and the ability of workers to
negotiate a fair wage.
The study also found monthly earnings varied greatly and were distinguish by
“good months” and “bad months.” A good month’s earning can reach $1,400 while a bad
26
month’s earnings can be as low as $500 (Valenzuela, 2006). Valenzuela states that even
“If day laborers have more good months than bad months, it is unlikely that their annual
earnings will exceed $15,000, keeping them at or below the federal poverty threshold”
(2006, p. 20). Low monthly earnings are a result of several factors such as, underpayment
by some employers, job related injuries and illness, and weather or seasons.
In 2006, it was estimated that up to 75% of day laborers are undocumented
workers (Valenzuela et al., 2006). Due to stringent opportunities, workers are exploited
and abused in many ways (Valenzuela, 2007; Hondagneu-Soto 2007; Valenzuela, et al.,
2006; Purser, 2007; Skerry, 2008; Smith 2008). According to Hondagneu Sotelo (2007),
immigrant workers, with or without documentation, face burdens and risks such as:
criminalization of employment, denial of social entitlements, and status as outlaws
anywhere in the nation. Santos (2012) argues that people who struggled to become
gainfully employed in the formal labor market are unsuccessful because of their
undocumented status. Many day laborers are undocumented, therefore, their entry to the
formal labor market is impossible.
Overall, day laborers’ lives are filled with emotional pain because of family
separation, frustrations with immigration status, lack of financial stability, lack of
medical care and frequent experiences with injustices and discrimination (M. Cheung, et
al., 2011) at the local and national level. All these factors affect day laborers living
conditions and life styles on different personal levels.
Experiences at Day Labor Sites (positive and negatives)
Some researchers address day laborers’ experiences at various day labor sites from their
perspective. For example, a study conducted in Houston, Texas, sought to obtain practical
27
insights from twenty-five day laborers’ experiences at “stable sites.” A majority said that
they felt respected, sheltered, protected, happy and hopeful. These anonymous day labor
sites offer material needs, emotional support, and basic necessities. For example, while
day laborers wait for work, these two sites provide food, coffee, television, newspapers,
tables and chairs, and a restroom. Day laborers appreciated that their basic necessities
were addressed and the fact that they don’t have to stand under the sun, rain and cold
weather was also comforting. (Cheung, Delavega, Castillo, Walijarvi, 2011). However,
this research did not address how day laborers experience the overall services provided
by the site to help obtain work and how the bigger social concerns are being addressed.
Negative experiences at day labor sites are attributed to the operation of the day
labor site. Day laborers mainly complain about waiting time, the use of a lottery system
to decide who goes first and who gets a job, and sometimes they complain about the lack
of services offered. Overall, there are more positive experiences at the protected day
labor sites outweighed the negative. Day laborer share more negative experiences in open
sites compared to protected sites.
Open Labor Sites
Several studies report negative experiences at the open labor sites, otherwise
known as “open-air corners.” Various types of abuses include: humiliation, wage theft,
physical, verbal and sexual abuse, reporting workers to authorities (ICE), where
employers make false allegations, deprivation of meals and break times, and exploitation.
Abuses come from various employers with different racial background, but many day
laborers have also reported that abuses and wage theft come from their own people, other
28
Hispanics. Of course, not every experience is negative, day laborers have also reported
that there are people who treat them well, and pay what they agree upon.
Although, a small body of ethnographic research has tried to capture aspects of
day laborers’ lived experiences, they are limited. Day laborers’ voices remain
marginalized, suppressed, and ignored in the literature and in programs that are
attempting to address their needs. Their experiences should be described from the day
laborers’ perspectives, rather than from an outside source whose perspective may be
hampered by the lack of an insider’s perspective about this sector of the labor market. In
other words, day laborers’ views need representation and should be included in the
discussion to promote more accurate and comprehensive information when tackling
nationwide issues concerned with day labor. Is economic development possible without
human or ethical sacrifice? This study is intended to expand on the knowledge and
understanding of day laborers’ experiences from their own standpoint and to examine
how they are affected by social restrictions and immigration policies by analyzing
personally lived experiences.
29
STANDPOINT THEORY
This study draws from Patricia Hill Collin’s (1998) perspective on standpoint
theory to provide methodological and theoretical focus on the voices, needs, and
experiences of day laborers. Standpoint theory links the experiences and perceptions of
marginalized people to reveal and highlight similar experiences and insights of the world
they live in. Collins argues that shared knowledge emerges among individuals within
marginalized groups, who based upon their intersection of group membership, gender,
and social class, come to hold common standpoints, or perspectives, based upon their
shared daily life and social experiences. Standpoint theory offers a framework for
considering day laborers’ views from their unique marginalized position. Similar to
larger marginalized communities, the views and struggles of day workers are shaped by
their position within society and their common experiences come to support unique
standpoints.
Methodologically, standpoint theory draws heavily on the experiences and stories
of marginalized individuals and views these stories as legitimate and critical to our
understanding of patterns of subordination (Yosso, 2005; Gabriela, 2012). Standpoint
theory acknowledges differences in age, experience, personal background, race, gender,
and social economic status and considers how all these factors influence how we see the
world and communicate. Particular attention is given to how social inequalities are
played out, where some groups are treated better and others are oppressed, marginalized,
and or treated differently. Standpoint theorists recognize how power relations help shape
the world we seek to understand and our efforts to understand it. Our knowledge of our
world occurs as a practical and perceptual interaction with one another in shared
30
surroundings. We judge our world and justify it by what we see, say, and do. As Rouse
states,
The exercise of power and the maintenance of relatively stable alignments of
power relations affects which aspects of the world are visible, to whom, and under
what circumstances, and what kinds of education and political action are needed
to change those patterns of visibility and recognition.
Standpoint theory refocuses my research perspective as one of gaining entry into
the day labor world and giving greater importance to the words and shared experiences of
these men workers. As an outsider, I cannot place myself completely in their social
world and fully explain it because I do not share comparable daily experiences with them.
Through ethnographic methodology, however, I can consciously refocus and sensitize my
attention in order to capture important dimensions of their voice and experience within
their world. In particular, day laborers’ views may be shaped by their alienation,
marginality, immigration status, social conflicts, educational background, social
economic status and other conflicts they face on a daily basis. Farganis (1994) states,
“there is no way of seeing the world except through some specific embodied person who
brings her or his biography to the occasion” (p.24). It is through a day laborer’s
biography that we can bring to light their position in society, even when they are
oppressed and marginalized within the labor work force.
Standpoint theory serves as a framework for my study because it gives voice to
marginalized day laborers who are seen by society as vulnerable and less important. If we
want to understand day laborers’ daily lives, we must center our focus upon their voices
and their understandings of their location in the social world. While we must
acknowledge that the socially privileged elite have the power to define others and shape
31
the picture for the rest of the world, we must also recognize that the elite define the world
to others in partial truths, therefore we must always critically examine multiple truths.
We must then ask, if there are many standpoints, then which one should be preferred?
Diversity of standpoints raises other issues. The knowledge from the standpoints of day
laborers in particular offers a more complete understanding of day work. Marginalized
voices have little reason to defend the status quo and have a more holistic understanding
of their position in society and the roles they play within it. However, within their own
marginalized stance, day laborers keep others “on check.”
Day laborers’ voices are conspicuously absent in much of the labor literature but
they can substantially help improve public work policy, existing day labor programs, as
well as increase our recognition of the valuable presence and contribution of
Latino/immigrant workers in American society. Feminist standpoint theorist have failed
to address the multiple standpoints, within a marginalized group, of male dominated
segregated community. By centering this study on the perspectives of those who are on
the lower social structure of our labor force we can better see, hear, and have a richer
understanding of the our social world. While understanding their social position is
important, we must also highlight the important role they have in the segmented labor
market.
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SEGMENTED LABOR MARKET THEORY
Segmented Labor Market theory is a sociological framework which goes beyond
“decisions made by individuals and argues that international migration stems from the
intrinsic labor demands of modern industrial societies” (Hirshman, 37). Day laborers are
a good example of a population which has been pulled to cheap labor demands in the
United States in a profitable society. Immigrants, particularly Mexicans and Central
Americans, are the majority of this segmented labor market, and it is important to
highlight the racialization that occurs with this population. The segmented labor theory
attempts to address the polarized groups of the privileged and exploited based on a
hierarchy work structure. The polarized structure can be categorized by informal and
formal economies based on gender, race and age. It is important to note the difference
between immigrants who come from privilege societies in their own home town and
those who come to the US for economic reasons. Most Latin American immigrants will
automatically fall into the low skilled market and will most likely be vulnerable and
exposed to abuse. However, the segmented labor market theory fails to explain the
dimensions within the informal labor market in regards to race, gender, age and the
notion of superiority within that sector.
In conclusion, most research on day laborers and the informal economy have
taken a quantitative approach which does not necessary bring to light the daily struggles
from a day laborers standpoint perspective (micro); but instead highlight the macro
political and social context that lead to the massive migration of an “army of workers”
from underdeveloped nations to meet the demands of developed countries like the United
States. These massive migration periods have misrepresented the Latina/o community
33
creating resentment from nativist who have alarmed larger communities, thus, creating
anti-immigration social policies affecting millions of workers who only come for el pan
de cada día (the daily bread), attempting to survive with their families. In addition, local
community activism, already well under way, capable of challenging power and
attempting to protect vulnerable day laborers by demanding attention and a restructure in
policy. My research takes a qualitative approach to fill in the gaps of the literature
addressing and focusing on the perspectives of day laborers from their male vulnerable
standpoint in society.
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Methodology
Throughout my study I utilized a two-fold qualitative methodology, specifically
ethnography and semi-structure in-depth interviews. The importance of these qualitative
approaches is their ability to reveal participants’ perspectives of their worlds and its focus
on participants’ standpoints at a micro level. Qualitative approaches view this social
inquiry as an interactive process between the researcher and participants and can be both
descriptive and analytical (Marshall & Rossman, 1999). This research method provides
“information about the “human” side of an issue and the often contradictory behaviors,
beliefs, opinions, emotions, and relationships of individuals” (Mack, Natasha, Cynthia
Woodsong, Kathleen M. Macqueen, Greg Guest, Emily Namey, 2005).
Ethnographic research relies on observable behavior and on people’s words as the
primary source of data. This type of data is important because, in the case of this study, it
helps us better understand how day laborers interact, communicate, and make sense of
their social environment through obtrusive and unobtrusive observation. This allowed me
to examine their social interactions and provided contextual background to the emotional
experiences of day laborers from their own perspective as a way to examine how those
experiences play out in the current politically charged environment.
Upon obtaining Institutional Review Board (IRB) approval to carry out my
research project I set out and collected data on the experiences of day laborers on the
informal economy at both a Macro and Micro level from two theoretical lenses,
Standpoint (micro) and Segmented labor (Macro). At the Macro level, I conducted my
study on the informal economy through its structure “open sites” and in a “protected site”
where key players maintained, sustained, and continued to marginalize and oppress the
worker. At the micro level social inquiry I conducted (1) face-to-face semi-structured
35
interviews and (2) obtrusive and unobtrusive observations to examine how day laborers
interacted and negotiated the informal labor market at the corner and at the protected site.
I used pseudonyms in the study for all names of places, sites, and participants to protect
their identify and confidentiality as is custom in conducting research with human
subjects. In addition, I situated myself in the research to reduce bias.
Reflexivity: Situating Myself in this Research
In examining my position in this study, I turned to the work of Bourdieu (2000)
and his notion of “reflexivity” that focused on the relationship between participants and
the researcher’s corresponding ‘position’ and disposition within the field study. As he
stated, “To each of the fields there corresponds a fundamental point of view on the
world” (2000, p. 9). As a researcher, I am aware of my position within the field. This
awareness helped me reduce my own bias and prompted me to examine the various
points of views of participants, while, at the same time, contributing to the field of
sociology through intellectual disposition.
I shared my personal background experience with day laborers to narrow the gap
that existed between us. I believe my Latina background, my cultural awareness of
Mexican laborers, my familiarity with the problems of day laborers as described to me by
my male relatives, and Spanish language fluency provided reassurance that I am
trustworthy, and that I, too, have gone through similar vulnerabilities. However, I was
aware of the distance that lies between me and workers. My education, my ability to
blend into the dominant culture and my socioeconomic and legal status, separated me
from day laborers. These distinctions could have cause suspicion, loss of trust, and
apprehension. My counseling background and my ability to place others at ease,
36
however, created a trusting and safe environment. It was also helpful that I had made
self-help presentations—those helped to close the gap between us. I was critical in
evaluating and reevaluating my presentation of self throughout the research in an effort to
be as objective as I could.
Overtime, I learned that my gender worked in my favor and provided many
advantages, especially with Latina/o in this community, including their wives. Even
though Machismo, male chauvinism, does exist in our culture, and is very dominate in
the Latino community, many day laborers have daughters my age or younger and could
see, in me, hope that their daughters can also become educated, independent
professionals. Many day laborers realize that times have changed, and women,
specifically young women, need more tools and support to become successful. Some day
laborers admired my perseverance and determination, and asked me to talk to their young
daughters, to share my experiences, and my educational journey as a way to encourage
them to follow an educational path. Because of my background as a counselor, the fact
that I am a person of color, and the fact that I share cultural similarities with them, it was
easy to gain entry into their space, their lives and their experiences in the informal labor
market. I begin my research by taking ethnographic field notes.
Ethnography field notes
Taking ethnographic field notes is a method in which natural social processes are
studied as they happen in the field and are left relatively undisturbed. As Schutt (2012)
states, “[it is] a means for seeing the social world as the research subjects see it, in its
totality, and for understanding subjects’ interpretations of that world” (p. 287). While I
did not engaged in day laborer work, I maintained myself as an overt observer to build
37
rapport among day laborers. I used the obtrusive observation method while taking my
ethnographic notes. I used field notes to identify the: who, what, when, where, why and
how of activities in the setting, as well as most importantly, the experiences of day
laborers at the sites.
Field Research: Obtrusive vs. Unobtrusive
Gaining Entry at La Fe Agency (Protected Site)
Before I began my research, one of my professors suggested I check out La Fe, a
protected day labor site in South San Diego that provides social services and employment
opportunities for day laborers. When I visited the site, Mary, the supervisor in charge of
the program, described the program philosophy as well as the goals and services. La Fe
Agency is a non-profit independent foundation funded by a grant from The California
Wellness Foundation (TCWF). Its mission is to improve the health of the people in
California by providing grants for health promotion, wellness education, and disease
prevention programs. La Fe Agency is a neutral location where laborers connect with
employers for daily, temporary, or permanent job needs. It was opened from Monday
through Saturday at the beginning of my research. However, towards the end of the
research hours of operation changed Monday through Friday. The program coordinator
connects day laborers with employers to perform home improvement projects, painting,
moving, yard work, construction clean up, masonry, tile work and more. All La Fe
Agency day laborers receive a health screening prior to performing any job duties. La Fe
Agency also provides occupational health and safety seminars, bi-weekly walk-in
medical evaluations performed by a volunteer physician.
38
Overall, La Fe Agency serves day laborers and the community by providing: (1) a
safe, neutral pick-up/drop-off location, (2) a free employment service (3) basic health
assessments and referrals by South San Diego Health Services’ health professionals to
entities such as Neighborhood Healthcare and Palomar Hospital, (4) TB & HIV Testing,
(5) Vaccinations, (6) Cholesterol Screenings, (7) Physical Screenings, (8) Weekly health
seminars, (9) Occupational-injury prevention, (10) Behavioral health services, (11)
Information and referral, (12) Elementary and junior high education for adult learners,
(13) Addressing Limited English Proficiency (LEP) through English as a Second
Language Classes, and (14) Supportive services for the entire family. In addition to those
services, day laborers can use the facilities: restrooms, computers and lunch area.
After Mary described La Fe services, I explained to Mary my intent to do research
with day laborers at the nearby corner and asked if I could also include some day laborers
who used La Fe as additional participants for my study. At that point, I offered to
volunteer and assist Day Laborers by giving workshops in behavior modification
techniques, anger management, domestic violence, goal setting, positive and healthy
interactions with family and children--areas where I have had previous experiences
teaching. It so happened that Mary informed me that she had just lost a therapist and that
I could be of great help. First, however, she asked that my thesis chair write a letter to
the Agency’s director describing my research intent, which my chair did. I explained to
Mary the Institution Review Board (IRB) requirements, which required an approval letter
from La Fe allowing me to conduct research using their clients. Mary agreed to provide
the letter and in December I obtained IRB approval to begin my research.
39
Soon after, I began my observations. On Tuesdays and Thursdays from 8:00 AM
to 10:00 A.M I would drive to the “open site” near La Fe Agency in La Mission,
pseudonym for city. I parked my 2009 charcoal Lexus at the fast food restaurant facing
the heavy transited street. At first when the day laborers did not know me, they would run
to my vehicle as soon as I’d pull into the parking lot. They would yell with their broken
English and their heavy accents, “How many? What do you need done?” At times, I
would wave my hand to indicate that I didn’t need anyone; other times I would yell back
“No gracias, voy a desayunar” (“No thank you, I am going to have breakfast”). This only
happened a few times.
After these introductory observations and interactions, I got out of my vehicle,
walked to the restaurant, ordered my breakfast and I sat at a table with a window facing
the day laborers. As an unobtrusive observer, I began taking notes on my computer;
other times I jotted notes on a yellow lined notepad. I used this approach to effectively
and accurately record daily aspects of these social spaces. This approach minimizes
environment changes in terms of the day laborers’ behaviors and interactions, and a way
to capture their unique social space without interrupting the flow of their daily activity.
During this time, I was able to capture the various individual’s positions, their
movements, and their interactions within their own community of day laborers. This also
gave me the opportunity to observe individual’s speed of response and/or assertiveness as
a potential employer approached.
In addition to my weekday observations, on Saturdays after giving a workshop at
La Fe Agency I walked to the nearby coffee shop with my yellow notepad and my cell
phone. I did this observation and data collection for approximately 3 months. On my
40
way to the coffee shop I often met a few day laborers that routinely stood on the corner.
Saturdays was the only day that I used the obtrusive observation methodology. Besides
observing their interactions, I also chatted with them and asked questions about their
social, family, and economic realities. After a few weeks of repeating this routine, I
became familiar with most of the day laborers from the open site. Soon I realized that
some of the day laborers at the corner were also clients of La Fe Agency. After this, the
day laborers who recognized me would introduce me to those who weren’t familiar with
me as “la consejera” (the counselor). Just as I was interested in their lives and their
standpoints, they were also intrigued to know me, where I came from, and most
importantly, they attempted to get me to hire them.
Sampling
I used convenience sampling frame because it is a technique where subjects are
selected because of convenient accessibility and in close proximity to the researcher. In
this case, day laborers were conveniently accessible through La Fe Agency and the open
site. Cindy, Jenifer, and Elizabeth use a phrase to describe the convenience sample as
“narrow data base” (416). Though there are many Latinas/os in the community, they are
not all day laborers, this “narrow data base” refers to day laborers who are actively at the
corner site or using the La Fe, reduced the sample size to just this area and not
generalizing to the larger population. In addition to convenience sample, I also used
“snowball sampling” that included referrals from other day laborers at the open site that
shared similar characteristics.
While I waited for the IRB approval, I conducted weekly workshops on most
Saturdays. In preparation of the weekly topics, I asked day laborers to come up with
41
topics of interest and topics they would like to learn. After the workshops, I typically
stayed at the site for an hour, made observations and got to know the day laborers at a
personal level rather than just a professional level. In December, upon obtaining IRB
approval, after our workshop I explained my educational goals and made my first
announcement to recruit my participants.
As I made my announcement to recruit interviewees for my study, workers were
sitting down, paying close attention to the purpose of my research, the $20.00 dollar
participation incentive, safeguards and protections. Rogelio (61) asked, “Para cuando me
quieres entrevistar? Yo tengo mucho que decir. (When do you want to me? I have lots to
say.) Everyone laughed and accused him of just wanting the money. He defended
himself and responded, “No! Lo hago gratis, cabrones, para ayudarla. Ella también nos
viene a ayudar, por qué no te pagan por estar aquí con nosotros ¿verdad? (No, I will do
it for free, cabrones, to help her. She comes and helps us too. They don’t pay you for
being here, right?”). Everyone got quiet and waited for my response. I told them that I
was there as a volunteer, that I enjoy giving back to the community and anything that I
could possible do for them I would do gratis. He responded, “Ya vieron cabrones,
humanidad, humanidad.” (You see, cabrones, humanity, humanity.). We laughed and I
continued to explain my research. The following is what I said:
Mi meta es terminar un doctorado. Ahorita estoy comprometida a terminar mi
maestría en sociología en la Universidad Estatal de California en San Marcos. Mi
estudio o lo que intento hacer es darle voz a los jornaleros, contar sus experiencias
de en una manera humana, real y visible en la literatura y en un ambiente social.
Los jornaleros están en silencio, marginados en una sociedad donde hacen tanto
pero la gente no lo agradece sino los castigan y los criminalizan. Mi estudio
intenta darle importancia a sus experiencias.
My goal is to complete a doctorate. But currently, I am committed to completing a
Masters in sociology at California State University San Marcos. My study or my
42
intent is to give voice to day laborers, describing your experiences in a real,
visible, and humanistic manner in literature and in a social environment. Day
laborers are silenced and marginalized in a society that they contribute so much
but are often sanctioned and criminalized. My study intends to give importance to
your experiences.
Sr. Roberto (61) interrupted and asked, “Pues, vas a escribir un libro, ¿un libro con
nuestras vidas? (Well, you are going to write a book, a book with our lives?” with a tone
of importance and suggesting they might be special. My response was, “It’s a research
paper, with a lot of written pages that it can be a book, but it is not a book. ” Most of
them understood that it was a school project. I explained that any active day laborer was
eligible to participate.
After my first announcement, some day laborers at the site approached me and
told me they wanted to participate. There were approximately eight (8) day laborers who
wanted to be interviewed, but I ended interviewing only three from La Fe agency. All of
them preferred the interviewed be on Saturday, after the workshop. For three consecutive
Saturdays, I interviewed Roberto (61), Rogelio (43) and Andres (28) who initially wanted
to participate in the study. The number of interviewees stopped at three because of the
rich content obtained in their testimonios and their case studies emerged.
The other four interviews were obtained by use of “snowball sampling” that
includes referrals by others in study because day laborers are a small subgroup of the
Latino population. At the “open site,” or “protected site,” I interviewed four workers:
Julio, David, Pedro, and Jesus. Most interviews were conducted at the coffee shop near
both the protected site and the open site. Roberto, who also went to the corner site,
preferred he be interview at the protected site office.
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In-depth interviews
I used in-depth interviews to gain access to popular consciousness, to illuminate
their social, economic, and voiceless realities in a hyper-criminalized society where their
voice and presence is heavily marginalize and de-humanize. All interviews were
conducted in Spanish, as most day laborers are primarily Spanish speakers. Interviews
lasted about forty-five minutes to an hour. All interviews were conducted at the
participant’s convenience and in a comfortable setting for the day laborer without
jeopardizing their opportunity to work at the “open-air” corner or protected labor site.
When completed, I transcribed all interviews and later analyzed them
I explained the research to day laborers, in Spanish, it included questions that
spanned their immigration journey, their conditions in the U.S., their current needs,
conditions, and experiences in the U.S., the circumstances that led to their seeking day
labor work and their current life and experiences as a day laborer. I emphasized that their
participation was strictly on a volunteer basis, their real names would remain anonymous,
and instead pseudonyms would be used throughout the study. To safeguard their
immigration status I did not ask them if they were here undocumented or documented.
Due to their potential vulnerable immigration status, I did not provide a consent form, as
a consent form reveals name and perhaps may have intimated my participants. At the
beginning of each interview, I verbally reviewed the research information sheet in
Spanish in a manner that was not intimidating, yet understandable to all day laborers. I
covered the initial invitation, purpose of study, description of the process, risk and
inconveniences, safeguards, voluntary participation, benefits and incentive.
I interviewed all day laborers in a public setting and wherever it was comfortable
44
for them. For example, Rogelio wanted to be interviewed at La Fe’s administrative office.
After one of my workshops, he asked me, “¿Saraí, me puedes entrevistar aquí? ¿Aquí en
la oficina?” (Sarai, can you interview me here, here at the office). I responded, “Claro,
déjeme pedir permiso para usar la oficina para que nadie nos interrumpa. La entrevista va
hacer solo por 45 minutos a una hora” (Yes of course, let me ask permission so that no
one interrupts us, the interview will only be 45 minutes to an hour). I went to ask Victor,
administrator in charge, if we could use the office for the interview. He agreed, went into
the office and said to himself, “Do I need anything from here?" Then he said, “The office
is all yours.” As Victor gave us the green light, I invited Rogelio to come in the office
and suggested he seat in the black soft cushion chair right in front of the computer desk.
At first he didn’t want to take that chair, he offered it to me. I said, “No, yo quiero que se
siente ahí es más cómodo. Yo me voy a sentar aquí.” (No, I want you to seat there, it’s
more comfortable. I will seat here as I pointed to the seat on the right side of the desk).
As he sat on the chair, he rotated it left and right, resting his back and reclining a bit to a
comfortable position. He rested his elbows and arms on the side of the chair and took a
deep resting breath and in a touching voice he said, “Me siento importante.” (“I feel
important.”) I agreed and said, “Usted es muy importante, ayer, hoy y siempre señor.”
(“You are very important, yesterday, today and always.”). He chuckled and I continued,
“Sí, en serio, aunque no lo crea.” (Yes, I’m serious, even though you don’t believe it.) I
then took out my iPhone, which I used as a recording device, and an information sheet to
review prior to beginning the interview. He looked at the iPhone, and remarked “Tu
teléfono esta bonito. ¿Es caro?” (Your phone is nice. Is it expensive?”) I demonstrated
the phone and pointed out some features, as I responded, “Gracias, a la orden. Es un
45
poco caro, pero con el plan de teléfono no sale tan caro, tiene todo: cámara, video, para
grabar, calculadora, agenda, internet, calendario todo lo que se pueda imaginar.”
(Thank you, any time. It’s a somewhat expensive, but with a plan it’s not that expensive.
It has everything: camera, video, recorder, calculator, agenda, Internet, calendar,
everything that you can imagine). I let him hold it while I reviewed the information sheet
and the interview process in Spanish:
El propósito de esta entrevista es para darle luz a las experiencias de los
jornaleros por medio de mi tesis, un estudio que estoy haciendo para obtener mi
maestría en la Universidad Estatal de California en San Marcos. Su participación
es anónima, voluntaria y puede parar la entrevista cuando guste. No hay
consecuencia alguna. Esta entrevista durará aproximadamente 45 minutos a una
hora. Con su permiso, la entrevista será grabada, usando la grabadora del
iPhone, Su identidad no será revelada ni en la grabación ni en la tesis. Le voy a
dar un nombre de mentiras, o si usted lo quiere escoger también está bien. No uso
su nombre real para proteger su identidad y su persona. Los riegos de este
estudio son mínimos, es más la inconveniencia, más que nada. Por qué es su
tiempo, y tal vez haya preguntas que causen dolor, ansiedad, tristeza, o
confusión. Pero usted puede parar la entrevista en cualquier momento. Si no
quiere contestar alguna pregunta, está bien, solo dígame, “no la quiero
contestar, o “pasa a la siguiente”. Y si quiere que paremos la grabadora
también dígame y la paro. No le preguntaré preguntas de su estatus migratorio,
ni piense que voy a reportar esto a sus jefes o a migración o policía. Toda la
información obtenida será simplemente para mi estudio y para proveer
información de las condiciones o experiencias de los jornaleros en el Sur de
California, e incrementaría el conocimiento del tema. Si tiene alguna pregunta
me puede preguntar ahorita o me puede llamar a mi celular, a mi profesora o al
IRB.
The purpose of this interview is to give light to day laborers experiences through
my thesis, a study that I am conducting to obtain my masters at California State
University San Marcos. Your participation is anonymous, voluntary and can be
stopped at any time at your request. There is no consequence at all. This interview
will last approximately 45 minutes to an hour. With your permission, the
interview will be recorded, using the iPhone recorder. Your identity will not be
revealed in the recording or in the thesis. I will give you a fake name, or you can
choose your fake name. I don’t use your real name to protect your identity and
your person. The risk of the study is minimal. It is mainly the inconvenience
because I am taking your time. And perhaps there are questions that may cause
46
pain, anxiety, sadness, or confusion. But you can stop the interview at any time. If
you don’t want to answer a question, any question it is okay. Just let me know, “I
don’t want to answer” or “next question.” And if you want me to stop the
recording device, just let me know and I will stop it. I will not ask you questions
regarding your immigration status nor will I report this to your employers,
immigration or police. All of the information obtained will be for my study and to
obtain information on day laborer conditions and experiences in Southern
California. It will aid in the general knowledge of this subject. If you have any
questions, you may ask me now or contact me later. Here is my cell phone
number, my professor and IRB contact information.
As I provided the contact information, I handed him the information sheet and the $20
dollar incentive. Rogelio said, “thank you” I asked him if it was okay to turn on the
recording device, and said “Sí” (“yes”). He handed me the phone and I showed him how
the recording device is started. After turning on the recording device, I placed it on the
table and began our in-depth interview questions. After the interview was completed, I
turned off the recording device and thank him for his time. I asked him if he wanted to
see the thesis at the end of my project and he said “No.”
Most interviews were conducted consistently in the above manner; initiated with a
brief greeting, a review of the information sheet, and finalized with questions and
answers. However, all other interviews were conducted at the coffee shop at the day
laborer’s request. I assured all day laborers confidentiality and respect for their insightful
information.
Confidentiality
Day laborers names, day labor site location, and any information that can be used to
identify day laborers were given pseudonyms to protect their privacy and identity.
Transcription and any data were maintained at home. My computer had a password for
47
the protection of any data that was saved in it and only accessible to me. After the
analysis of the research is concluded, transcriptions will be destroyed.
Data Analysis
Analysis of the data included examination of emerging and common themes in the
field notes and the individual in-depth interviews. I described variation of experiences
and perspectives from day laborers that stand on the corner and from those who use the
protected day labor sites. In addition, I analyzed individual experiences and perspectives
on day labor experience. A comparison of day laborers’ perception of both protected sites
and independent open-air site can be identified to illuminate unique variables and seek
solutions to the issues facing the participant group.
48
FINDINGS
There were many similar themes to other research studies regarding day laborers’
experiences within the informal economy. However, there were also new and emerging
themes to this study. During this study, new strategic approaches emerged such as
seeking employment through technology, social networks, and shifting hours of job
seeking to the afternoon. Through day laborers’ standpoints I first describe in detail the
day laborer setting at La Fe and its services. I also describe the corner to give meaning
and essence to their space; Second, I bring to light their lived experiences from their
standpoints; Third, I explained how day laborers create their agency to survive in a
hyper-surveil environment. Lastly, I explain the social control that is constantly lived
through a day laborer lens. All of these themes emerged from their social and working
space, at La Fe and the corner.
Day Laborer Setting
At La Fe
In the early mornings, day laborers gather at La Fe Agency that is located in a
heavily transited area of South San Diego. As you enter the glass door into La Fe
Agency, there is a wooden bookshelf right in front with books in English titled, Resume
Magic, Resume Writing, and Workplace Safety. These books are accessible to anyone
who frequents La Fe Agency. Right next to the bookshelf there is a wooden round table
with many magazines and daily newspaper, in both English and Spanish, and a few
chairs. To the right, there is a desk with a computer, phone, paper and pens and a sign-in
sheet. This computer is mainly used by La Fe’s employees and volunteers. On the left
side corner, there is a long plastic table with two chairs and two computers. Those
49
computers are available to day laborers as a resource to find employment, browsing,
music, and learning computer skills.
As day laborers enter La Fe Agency between 5:00 and 5:30 AM they walk
directly to the sign-in sheet or they call out, “¿Quién tiene la lista?” (“Who has the sign
in sheet?”) If it’s not on the desk. As they walk in and wait in line to sign-in they greet
each other, “quiebole,” “hola,” “buenos días,” “otro día para jalar, “haber que cae
hoy.” Their initial greetings acknowledge each other as day laborers about to look for
employment opportunities. Others enter quietly, half awake and half sleep as they rub
their eyes and yawn a few times; Roberto, a 61year old Latino from Guerrero, Mexico,
enters the room, with a heavy black jacket and his yellowish working boots. He appears
to be cold as he rubs his hands together and brings them close to his mouth blowing
warm air from his lungs in between his hands to produce heat. Roberto comments in a
shivery voice tone, “Está haciendo un pinche frio, ¿Hoy no hay café?” (It is so fuckin’
cold, is there coffee today?) But nevertheless, follows the same sign-in routine. After
signing in he patiently sits down and starts using the computer while others stand near the
plain white walls or outside. The purpose of the sign-in sheet is for la lotería.
La Lotería
While they patiently wait for the lotería, they typically start brief conversations
among them, serve their own coffee, and use the restrooms. When it gets closer to the la
lotería time, a method used to randomly select day laborers when employers come and
ask for workers, the day laborers who were outside rush inside the room, everyone
requests complete silence and anticipation as you hear comments like, “shhhh, mi
número, mi número, hoy voy yo.” (shhh, my number, my number, today is my turn).
50
Victor, a La Fe employee, makes the announcement in a loud voice tone so everyone can
hear, “¡La lotería! ¡La lotería! ¡En 5 minutos!” (Lottery, Lottery, in five minutes)
everyone gets excited, cheers up and for those who were still half way asleep are now
fully awake and alert.
La lotería is usually conducted early at 5:30 AM, after everyone signs-in based on
first-come-first serve approach. The numbers are called and whoever has that number are
placed in 1st, 2nd, and 3rd order. For example, if Rodrigo’s number is 10 on the sign-in
sheet, and they called his number 10 first, Rodrigo would be the first employee to be
offered employment when someone arrives to ask for a worker. However, if Rodrigo
cannot perform a specific task they will alternate and move on to the second person on
the list, and so forth and so on. Not all day laborers are content with this employment
methodology. Roberto called it a system that works but it’s not fair. Even though
Roberto does not offer solutions he described the lotería process.
“Me paro muy temprano, para llegar aquí y agarrar un número, esperando que
sea el número de la suerte. Es como la lotería, así se llama esto. Pero en lugar de
ganar lana, ganas el chance de ser uno de los números para ir a jalar. Así, si
ganas el número para jalar, ganas lana. No es gratis. No me gusta esto de la
lotería, pero no hay más, ya me acostumbre. Si no soy uno de los 10 primeros
números, yo me voy, me voy a la esquina a buscar jale, o suerte. La agencia usa
la lotería por que funciona, nadie se queja, no nos gusta pero no tenemos buenas
ideas o mejores por nuestra ignorancia, no estamos muy educados.”
I wake up very early to get here and get a number. I hope to be the lucky
number. It’s like the lottery that is what this is called. But instead of winning lana
(money) you win a chance to have a number to go to work. Like that, if you win
the number to go to work, you win money. It’s not free. I don’t like this lottery
notion, but there is no more options, I have already gotten used to it. If I am not
one of the first ten numbers, I leave. I leave to the corner and seek for jale or luck.
The agency uses the lottery because it works, no one complaints and we don’t
have good ideas or better ones due to our ignorance. We are not educated.
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As Victor, a young energetic Hispanic, calls the numbers, some day laborers
appear happy and express feeling lucky because they have won la lotería and may have
an opportunity to become gainfully employed. Even though their number is selected, they
are still not guaranteed work. If there is no employer seeking employees, there is no work
for prospective workers. The “unlucky” ones are those whose numbers aren’t called but
they use alternative working sites to enhance their job prospects. While other day
laborers, whose numbers were not called, stay at la Fe Agency and take advantage of the
resources and services offered by the agency.
La Fe Services
These services include the use of the computer, health workshops, safety
workshops, medical evaluations, and English Classes. Workers try to enhance their
human capital by not wasting time and enhancing their chances for future work. Day
laborers who stay and use these services are extremely appreciative to receive free and
much needed medical care for them. Many of the day laborer expressed that they were
extremely happy with the resources available to them through La Fe. Roberto expressed,
Estoy muy contento, aquí en La Fe. Nos tratan bien, nos dan buenos servicios y
beneficios. A veces hasta nos dan almuerzo, a veces. No puedo pedir más porque
soy ilegal. Uno también tiene que ser consciente, no puedo pedir más porque no
lo merezco, algunos somos ilegales entonces estamos conscientes que no nos toca
ayuda. Y lo poquito que nos den, para mi es mucho. Lo que más uso de la agencia
es el beneficio médico. Viene un doctor atendernos, y los talleres de información
de salud son muy importantes para evitar accidentes.
I am very happy here at La Fe. They treat us well, give us good services and
benefits. At times they even give us breakfast. I can’t ask for more because I am
illegal. One must be conscious, I cannot ask for more because I don’t deserve
(more). Some of us are illegals; therefore, we are conscious that we shouldn’t get
help. And the little they give us, for me, it’s a lot. What I mostly use from the
52
agency is the medical benefit, a doctor comes to check up on us. And the health
workshops are important to avoid accidents.
Latina/o immigrants are often targeted by politicians, who claim that Latinas/os
who arrive to the United States, often use and abuse the social welfare system in my
ways. However, there are many Latinas/os that feel unworthy and ashamed of receiving
any type of assistance, including assistance that is meant specifically for them, such as
day laborers. In the above quote, Roberto’s standpoint of the services is positive;
however, from an individual who is constantly stigmatized, labeled and marginalized he
feels vulnerable and unworthy of receiving services based on his undocumented status.
Roberto mentioned with great gratitude the services that he received. While other day
laborers’ standpoints of La Fe is described as an agency that could improve their services
by providing: (1) flexible PM times for English classes; (2) implement a driver education
program for those who are eligible to drive and/or assistance throughout the licensing
process at the DMV. Several day laborers expressed that La Fe agency was much better
than other agencies because La Fe did not have any hidden and imposed fees on day
laborers. While other agencies have dues and deduction from workers’ pay checks, this
organization gives day laborers autonomy and full control for their daily earnings.
Overall, most day laborers interviewed are content with the services offered and provided
by La Fe. Day laborers whose number in la loteria were not called, and don’t use La Fe’s
services, typically leave and relocate to other informal day labor corner in the community
to wait for employers with other day laborers who do not use the agency.
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En la esquina (At the Corner)
At the corner, the informal economy unfolds as day laborers negotiate their
wages, compete among them, and struggle to obtain jobs. Pedro’s lived experiences are
described in a natural setting, at the corner. His experience unfolded as he observed the
day-to-day negotiations and tactics that hold presence in a structural social control setting
without written policy and procedure guidelines.
Pedro (26) has fair light skin, appeared to be fairly young, and sports a clean
haircut. He wore blue jeans, a multicolor checker long sleeve shirt with a black bandana
around his neck. On his feet are black working boots layered with dirt all around them.
From time to time, he glanced at his cell phone, perhaps to check the time, perhaps
waiting for a call. As he sat away from the rest of the day laborers, he glanced and
observed everything happening around him. A moving truck just pulled on the side of the
busy street, the cars behind it suddenly slammed their breaks, started honking, and drivers
rolled down their vehicle windows yelling, “Fuck you, and pull into the parking lot!”
Another driver yelled, “You wetbacks get the hell out of here! Go back to your country!”
Meanwhile, about seven day laborers pushed their way through to get access to the door
of the truck, but a person stood right next to the door appeared to be holding the door
handle as he talked to the driver. Despite the aggressive pushing and noise, he managed
to be in complete control of the situation. Day laborers have to develop thick sick to
continue to co-exist in this hostile terrain. Pedro continued to watch how the negotiating
setting unfolds; stood up for a few minutes but did not take an eye off the scene. Finally,
the day laborer who had control of the door handle opened the door and quickly jumped
in and sat right next to the driver. Two other young day laborers followed holding their
54
sack lunch. One of them accidently drops his lunch, but did not make an attempt to pick it
up. It was evident that he did not want to lose his spot if he picked it up. But, a day
laborer outside the truck picked it up and passed it to him through the window. All are
confined inside a small seating area in the moving truck. Slowly, the day laborers stepped
away from the moving truck, and returned to their space, allowing the truck to drive
away. One of the day laborers that was not able to get in, yelled at the day laborers in the
truck, “¡Cabrones!, ¡ventajosos!” (Jerks! They take advantage!) While another day
laborer told him, “Así es esto, cabron, y déjalos.” (That’s how this is, jerk, leave them
alone). Pedro continued to observe and is having difficulty hearing, as he stood up and
got a little bit closer to the scene. Pedro returned to his own space, a spot which only he
occupied, and continued to observe the scene. As I approached Pedro, he appeared to be
mistrustful and stared at me like, “Am I in trouble, or who are you?” But nevertheless, I
ease his mistrust when I introduced myself and told him that I am just observing
everything for school related purposes. He smiled and asked, “Qué estas estudiando?”
(“What are you studying?”). I answered and from that point forward, Pedro and I started
having a full on conversation. As he stared intensely at my left hand, he noticed my
yellow lined notepad. Therefore, I explained to him that I carried it with me to take notes,
a process done to capture the unique space and interactions to analyze it later. I asked his
permission to interview him and to jot a few notes as we spoke, and told him that he can
see them if he wanted to. He agreed, and we continued to talk.
He then realized that everyone was looking at us, and said, “Creo que piensan
que eres mi novia, una mujer tan bonita con un novio tan feo” (“I think, they think you
are my girlfriend, a woman so beautiful with a boyfriend so ugly?) We both laughed and
55
I said, “No, no creo” (No, I don’t think so). We continued to talk and I asked him why he
was isolated from the rest of the day laborers. Pedro shared with me that he is a new day
laborer on the block. Day laborers’ experiences are shaped by the length of time in the
day labor work and can best be described by standpoints of experienced or inexperience
day laborer, race, and age.
Soy Jornalero, ¿y Qué? (I am a day laborer, so what?)
Roberto states, “somos de todos colores, de todos sabores, de todos tamaños,
unos documentados y otros no, viejos y jóvenes, aquí nos encuentran disponibles
para trabajar”
(We are different colors, different flavors, different sizes, some documented and
others undocumented, old and young; they find us here available to work).
Roberto clearly understands that day laborers are a unique category of community
members formed by individuals with different cultural backgrounds, different level of
knowledge and expertise, undocumented or documented, and young or old. Day labor can
be for everyone, including those without experience.
Pedro recently arrived from San Luis Potosi, in Mexico. He expressed that he
does not know English, nor have competency in the day laborer tricks, and at times felt
intimidated. Throughout our conversation, it was clear that he understood the advantages
of being an experienced day laborer. Pedro inexperience standpoint,
“Soy novato por aquí. No sé mucho inglés, ni los trucos que se necesita para
agarrar trabajo. Yo observó primero y luego me aviento. Pero es difícil, porque
yo me intimido con otros que ya tienen mucho tiempo por aquí, ellos pues saben
muy bien el oficio, es una profesión, que si no sabes los trucos pues no agarras
trabajo, tienes que ser muy hábil y mañoso puede ser, para agarrar jale”
“I am fairly new here, I don’t know a lot of English, or the tricks that are needed
to obtained work. First I make observations and then a jump in. But it is difficult
56
because I get intimidated with others who have been here longer. They know the
job, it is a profession. If you don’t know the tricks, you don’t a job. You have to
be savvy and ready, may be, to obtained a job”
For Pedro, experience constitutes knowing someone and understanding how to
navigate the day laborer system, obtaining jobs rapidly and frequently, and how to
negotiate job prices as high as possible. He defined “tricks” as shoveling everyone away,
running fast enough to get to the vehicle and being the first one near the door, saying that
you know how to do the job even if you don’t, and always saying “yes, yes!” He has
learned from hours of observations, and also by listening to other experienced day
laborers. Pedro states,
“Observo y escucho. Aprendo de las dos maneras. Hay unos jornaleros que me
dicen… “tú siempre di que si sabes aunque no lo sepas. Hay tú te las ingenias
para aprender, ni que fueras burro para no darte una idea. Los patrones no saben si
sabes o no. Ya cuando te llevan, ya haber como sacas el jale, pero lo sacas.” Me
dicen…” Te sorprenderás cuando sabes sin saber que sabes.”
“I observe and listen. I learn either way. There are some day laborers who tell
me ‘you should always say you know something even if you don’t know it. Later
you can figure out how to learn it. It’s not as if you were dumb and had no idea.
The employers don’t know if you know or not. Then when they take you, you’ll
have to figure out how to do the job, but you will do it. They tell me ‘You will be
surprised when you know something without knowing that you know it.’
According to Pedro’s advisors, it is best to have knowledge or know the tricks of
the system, not necessarily the skills. While competing with the experienced, Pedro has
been obligated to lie about his knowledge and experience on particular job task. He is
conscience and fears that he would not be able to do the job or do a poor job; but if he
didn’t lie, he would never obtain a job. Survival is their priority, bringing food to the
table and feeding their family. Creating their social agency and fending for themselves,
learning how to navigate the system including, lying and cheating to get the job, is
57
acceptable within their community. Pedro has learned that he doesn’t need the skills to
do the task. His main goal is to get the job and then learn the task. Not knowing the
system and the tricks to obtain jobs keeps other day laborers at a disadvantage on the job
and within their own community. Though Pedro is fairly new to the community he is
smart enough to listen and learn from others which puts him in an advantage from many
of the other recently arrived day laborers who might not know this information. However,
there are times that other day laborers are returned by the employer to the corner because
employers notice that the day laborer lacked knowledge and skill in the required task.
This does not typically occur at this corner, but when it does, the employer drops the day
laborer off and pick up another day laborer on the same corner. Interestingly, when two
are more day laborers are picked up from the site to perform a specific task, and one day
laborer has experience and the other day laborer has minimal knowledge, they team up.
The knowledgeable day laborer typically takes a lead role, directing and teaching the
inexperienced day laborer as a form of damage control and team work. It is easier to
conceal the fact that one day laborer has no experience because the experienced day
laborer typically directs and uses other potential skills that the inexperience day laborer
may possess. In addition, it is important to recognize that in the informal economy there
is no formal training; all skills and knowledge are typically passed down from
experienced day laborers who take the time to coach and teach.
As I approached the corner and announced my thesis project to the four of the
Latinos, Julio (45) was the first to introduce himself. He didn’t hesitate to ask questions
like: “¿Y qué vas hacer cuando obtengas tu maestría?” (What are you going to do once
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you get your masters?) ¿Cuál es el beneficio del estudio? (what is the study benefit?);
And lastly, he asked ¿Para cuando me puedes entrevistar? (When can I be interviewed).
I was delighted to hear that he wanted to be interviewed, so I asked him if he would be
available at that moment. Julio immediately said yes so we both walked to a nearby
coffee shop. As we walked to the coffee shop Julio greeted everyone by their name or
nick name, “Buenos días, Don Ramón” “¿Qué pasó cabron?” “Hey Alejandro?” “Hola.”
As I begin to interview him, I immediately noticed that Pedro and Julio, both have
different experiences and perspective of what it means to be a day laborer in South San
Diego County and what it takes to get a job. Unlike Pedro, Julio feels that he has been
very blessed with a lot of work because of his experience, knowledge, and social
networks. He stated,
“Dios me ha bendecido, pues como dije llevo más de 10 años, y me ha ido muy
bien. Casi siempre tengo trabajo. A mí a veces me vienen a buscar aquí, por mi
trabajo y actitud. Trabajo bien, bien rápido y se mucho. A veces tengo trabajo
por meses, y tenido la ventaja de tener un patrón por un año, y así.”
“God has blessed me. Like I said, I have been here for more than 10 years and it
has been good for me. I, almost always have a job. Sometimes they come and
look for me here, due to my work and attitude. I work well, very fast and I know a
lot. Sometimes I have work for months, and I’ve had the advantage of having a
boss for about a year, like that.”
Staying in one particular spot for 10 years has its advantages and it is very unusual for
workers in the informal economy. Some day laborers end up finding permanent work,
while others enjoy the flexibility and make day labor a permanent job without benefits.
This challenges the labor segmented market theory because Julio uses this type of work
due to convenience and flexibility not because he is forced into this market. Since Julio
has remained in this location for over ten years he has created a social employer network,
59
stability, and a reputation that sets him apart from the rest of the day laborers who only
use this corner once in a while or for a few years at a time. According to Julio,
“Being a grass hopper is not good, you know what I mean, jumping from corner
to corner is not good, you are unstable, once you build a reputation, and people
expect you to be here. If you move from place to place, how do you expect people
to rehire you? People come looking for me, and they find me here.”
Julio’s own agency is his list of social networks, employers and other day
laborers. With a smile and almost laughing he states, “Les digo a esos pendejos, pues que
no se muevan tanto, ¿para qué? No tiene caso. No más perdiendo el tiempo.” (“I tell
those idiots not to move a lot, there is no point. They only waste time.”)
At times, and
because of his experience, Julio takes the lead role with day laborers by advising new day
laborers, like Pedro, on what do to and how to obtain jobs. Sadly, he will never enjoy a
merit increase, health benefits, or paid time off benefits. And even though Julio has a
kind of ‘tenure’ on this corner, there is no upper mobility in the informal labor market.
He might be seen as a shot caller or the charismatic leader given his expertise in
surviving the game. In the formal sector, long employment tenure is rewarded with
higher pay. Julio, on the contrary, lower pay rates may prevail because he has to stay in
the same job. The only benefit that Julio considers important and valuable in the field is
all his experience and flexibility. In addition to his stability within the informal economy,
he is considered a highly skilled day laborer who would qualify to be a supervisor in the
formal economy. As mentioned before, Julio has a high self-esteem and considers himself
a very experienced day laborer,
“Soy un jornalero chingon, sé mucho. Te sé hacer tile, construcción, pintar,
mudanzas, tubería, jardinería, plomería, carpintería, panadería, muchas cosas.
La panadería no me gusta. Y todas las aprendí aquí, agarrando trabajo aquí en
la esquina. Es lo bueno de este trabajo, nunca es el mismo, varia, y pues entre
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más sabes mejor te va. Si tienes experiencias y si sabes hacer muchas cosas,
tienes trabajo seguro.”
“I am a great day laborer, someone who knows a lot. I know how to do tile,
construction, painting, moving, pipe repair, gardening, plumbing, carpentry, baker
and a lot of other stuff. I don’t like the bakery. And all those things I learned them
here, obtaining work here, here in the corner. This is the good thing about this job,
it is never the same, it varies, and the more you know that better off you are. If
you have experience and you know a lot of things, you definitely have a job.”
As Julio verbally recited his resume, I was stunned and surprised to learn about
his extensive experience and wondered why he wasn’t participating in the formal labor
market where he could possibly earn a better pay with benefits. To my surprise, Julio
explained that he chooses not to be part of the formal economy because he does not like
to stay in one job, and he does not like to earn a minimum wage. He explained,
“I make more money here at the corner than at a restaurant. Ahí te pagan $8.00
dólares la hora, trabajas 8, ganas 64 dólares, por 8 horas, y te quitan 20, solo
haces 44 dólares al día trabajando 8 horas. Estas esclavizado a un horario. Aquí
trabajo 4 o 5 horas a veces más, pero gano 80.00 a más al día. Y trabajo menos,
tengo flexibilidad.”
([At a restaurant, they pay you 8.00 dollars an hour, you work 8 hours, make
64.00 dollars for eight hours and they take away 20.00. You only make 44.00
dollars a day working 8 hours. You are a slaved to a schedule. Here I work 4 to 5
hours, sometimes even more, but I earned 80.00 or more a day. And, I work less-I have that flexibility.)
Even though Julio could earn a consistent weekly paycheck and perhaps benefits,
he explained that it would not offer the same flexibility. Julio would rather go back and
forth to Tijuana to visit his family than to be a corporate wage slave or a small business
slave as well. Julio further explained that if he had the opportunity to establish a
handyman business license he would, but he only has a Visa and fears any future legal
implications. Julio is one of the few who has a Visa, which allows him to enjoy some
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freedom and have peace of mind compared to those who are undocumented. However,
even though Julio has a Visa he still has limitations. Julio acknowledges
Tengo visa to come and go, but I don’t have a social security or anything like that.
The only advantage I have is that when la migra comes a estos rumbos [ICE
officials come to this area] I don’t run because I am here legally. It’s sad, I see
people picked up. I wish I had a green card, to be a handyman. You know I had to
renew my Visa not too long ago, and I was afraid that they would not renew it.
But they did, I was one of the lucky ones. But I have nothing here, my family, my
home, and everything is in Tijuana, maybe that is why. For those who have things
here, they didn’t, weren’t able to renew their visa. I’m afraid that if I try to be a
handyman on my own, legally, that something will happen and they take my visa.
Only God knows why I haven’t really looked into it. But maybe one day.
The informal labor market does not require the formality of filling out forms or
other documentation to earn an income. Julio would like to be an entrepreneur, work for
himself and earn a living wage. However, he is afraid of losing his Visa based on other
people’s experience. According to him, the risk is too high and the gains would not be
enough. And based on this risk, he would rather develop a strong social network and
maintain a status quo among them. This uniqueness of the community of day laborers in
South San Diego County is strengthen by their rich stories of what it means to be a day
laborer in a hyper-criminalized community space that is often targeted and targeted by
nativist groups.
Day Laborer’s Experiences
In recent years, a new Coffee Shop and a major home improvement retailer were
constructed near the corner. These businesses have impacted the day laborer community
by increasing traffic flow, it increases their visibility in the community and could
potentially lead to more work, but it also increases the level of exploitation through wage
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theft, and abuse. In addition, the current economic recession has impacted day laborers’
lived experiences and standpoints based on social and economic stratification.
According to the Bureau of Statistics 2012, the current South San Diego County
unemployment rate is 8%, which may help explain why there are less jobs and why
employers try want to pay less for services delivered by day laborers. According to Julio,
who is in his mid-40s with a sporty look,
“Con el nuevo desarrollo, de la tienda de construcción, y el Café, hay más tráfico
y pues más oportunidad para obtener trabajo, aunque no es igual por la
economía, comparado a hace 10 años.”
“With the new development, major home improvement retailer and the coffee
chop, there is more traffic, and, thus, more opportunities to obtain work though it
is not the same as ten years when the economy was better.”
Julio compared his day laborer experience from 10 years ago to present. Even
though there is more traffic due to development, and more opportunities to possibly
obtain jobs, Julio realizes that today’s recession crisis does not work in their favor. He
compared this area, which was less transited ten years ago but it provided them with more
job opportunities and stability because the economy was better. Today’s recession crisis
has not only impacted the formal labor market but has also negatively impacted the
informal labor market in many ways, affecting the less experienced day laborers the
most. Julio noticed that even at a corner with heavy traffic, there are 1) less jobs, 2)
employers want to pay low wages, 3) the type of employers have shifted from contractors
to individual homeowners, and 4) employers are more prone to not recompense workers
their wages than in the past. Overall, day laborer experiences heightened forms of work
exploitation and a decline of labor opportunities.
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In the past, housing industry contracts were at its climax creating a high demand
for day laborers, thus creating job opportunities, and increasing employers willing to pay
livable wages for day laborers. Though there have always been homeowners who use the
corner as a hiring zone, Julio indicated that in the past there were more contractors using
this particular site as a hiring space. Some contractors would take 4 to 8 day laborers at a
time. Currently, there are a few contractors who seek 1 or 2 day laborers but often times,
don’t pay adequate wages or don’t pay wages at all.
Wage theft is extremely common in the informal labor market because there is
limited or no oversight of state and federal regulations that would otherwise protect those
involved in the informal labor market. David in his early 40s from Mexico, stated,
Hay veces que los contratistas no nos pagan. Antes no había mucha gente que se
quejara de ellos. Ahora todo el tiempo. Te prometen que te van a pagar a la
semana, porque también a ellos les pagan el contrato. Dicen que en cuanto les
paguen el contrato, nos pagan a nosotros. Pero trabajamos y no nos pagan. Nos
dan teléfonos que luego los desconectan. Durante el tiempo que estás trabajando
con ellos, sirve el teléfono, pero cuando uno los busca para que nos paguen ya no
sirve. Y ahora conocemos más gente que nos ayuda a pelear por nuestro sueldo,
para que nos paguen, pues ahora agarramos las placas de los carros y así. A
veces nos pagan y a veces no los podemos localizar.
There are times that contractors don’t pay us. In the past, there were not too many
people that complained about them. Today, [everyone complaints] all the time.
They promise to pay you at the end of the week, because they also get paid by the
contract. They say that as soon as the contract is paid, they will pay us. But we
work and then we don’t get paid. They give us numbers that they soon disconnect.
During the time that we work with them, the phone is connected but as soon as we
seek them out for payment, they don’t work. Now we know more people that will
advocate and help us seek out payment. We now get the vehicle’s license plate
number like that. Sometimes they pay us and sometimes we cannot get ahold of
them.
David clearly illustrated wage theft through his standpoint from a disadvantaged
and vulnerable position. However, day laborers have received assistance from local
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agencies, like La Fe, and from advocates in the community who assist in the recovery of
wage theft. These advocates provide general guidance on what information to request
from employers, including contractors, so they are held accountable to pay workers for
their work. The most important information obtained from employers is demographic
information that includes: name, address, contract license number if available, vehicle
year and made, license number, and license plate number. Most advocates are able to
assist and retrieve stolen wages with this type of information. However, if there is no
information it makes it difficult and impossible to demand wages due to lack of
information. Advocates do not collaborate directly with law enforcing agencies; however,
they work with individual cases, assist and represent them in the Department of Labor
which can be a lengthy and complicated process for someone who is unaware of the labor
laws and procedures to report wage theft. In addition, many immigrants rely on advocates
who have citizenship rights to request unpaid wages since they are a vulnerable army
labor reserve. Many day laborers not only report wage theft and assistance from social
advocates but they also indicate that media representation has played an important role on
how society views them.
David uses both the corner and the agency to increase his chances of obtaining
work. His experiences have been shaped by how he is treated and acknowledges that
media misrepresents day laborers creating a hostile environment. David describes the
corner as,
Mucha gente viene al café, y nos amontonamos luego. Pero ellos solo vienen por
café, entonces nosotros entendemos que es una inconveniencia para ellos. A veces
nos tienen miedo, lo único que buscamos es trabajo, no lastimar ni incomodar a
nadie. Tal vez nos tengan miedo por lo que escuchan en la tele o internet o tal vez
sean racistas.
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Lots of people just come for coffee, and we jump on them right away. But they
only come for coffee; therefore, we understand that it’s an inconvenience. At
times, they fear us, but the only thing we are doing is seeking work, not to hurt or
inconvenience anyone. Perhaps their fear us because of what they hear on TV or
internet or they are simply racist.
David understands his position in this social setting and how it impacts people who use
the coffee shop. He is conscious of his status, his position, and his disadvantage as an
undocumented worker. Nevertheless, day labor is his only means of survival and his
family. David’s interactions with people who frequent the coffee shop have not been
pleasant, but he understands that people’s misconception of day laborers are due to
distorted news coverage of them by the media, internet, or just simply a racist and nativist
individuals. David’s goal is to obtain a job and not to be a burden to anyone. He is
clearly here to work and not to make anyone’s life difficult. Day laborers’ negative
experiences do not end in social media, but also how they are treated by their patrones.
Experiences with Los Pinches Patrones (Experiences with the fuck’in patrones are… )
Many community members in South San Diego County use La Fe agency to hire
day laborers. Patrones usually from upscale communities use this agency to obtain
workers. At La Fe, patrones are required to leave their contact information, license plate
number, and pre-arranged negotiable rate for protection of day laborers. Patrones must
also agree to give day laborers their break and lunch time as required by law. On the
contrary, other patrones like to use the open site because there are no regulations or
structural oversight. Since the informal market lacks the structural legal oversight, abuse
and exploitation are frequently reported complaints in the day laborer community. Day
laborers have their own perceptions of patrones based on race.
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Day Laborer Perceptions of Los Patrones
The perceptions among day laborers regarding their patrones are similar to those
found in other research. Perceptions of patrones is described and distinguished by race
and ethnicity, and prejudice. Jesus, Felipe and other day laborers’ experiences with
different patrones is clearly defined by racial terms in regards to treatment, payment, and
consideration. However, there were exceptions, and those anecdotes were also
mentioned.
In his experience, Jesus categorized different patrones in terms of different racial
backgrounds, and in terms of how he is treated, the payment he gets for work, and the
amount of work he gets. Jesus further explained that he had pre-conceived assumptions or
expectations of how his day will turn out depending on the patrones’ racial background.
Jesus reported that has had experiences with Chinese, or Asians, Mexicans, Arabs, and
“Gringos” (whites). His bad experiences have been with Chinese (or Asians), Mexican
and Arabs. He says,
“Los Mexicanos, chinos y árabes nos tratan mal. Chinos y filipinos no se
distinguen, casi son los ventajosos, y siempre nos pagan mal”
Mexican, Chinese or Asians, and Arabs treat us bad. The Chinese or Filipinos, {I}
can’t distinguished them, are the ones that take advantage of us, and they pay us
bad.”
He further explained that there were exceptions, but those are very rare. His best
experience has been with Gringos (Whites). He described those experiences with joy and
gratitude.
“Los gringos son los mejores patrones, ellos nos pagan bien, $15 a $20 dólares la
hora, te dan tu lonche gratis y a veces chelas, y te agradecen tu trabajo con
sinceridad. Hay veces que por tres o cuatro horas nos pagan hasta $130 dolores
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y luego un lonche. Eso nos ayuda mucho, porque ya no gastamos en lonche y
libramos los 130 dólares del día.”
Whites are the best bosses. They pay us well, $15 to $20 dollars an hour. They
give you free lunch, and sometimes beer. They sincerely thank you for the work.
There are times, that for three to four hours (of work) they pay us up to $130.00
dollars; in addition, they give us lunch. That helps us a lot because we don’t have
to spend on lunch and we clear $130 dollars for the day.
This coincides with other research that reports that abuse and exploitation of workers is
common among employers from their own racial background (Valenzuela, Abel 2006;
Hondagneu-Satelo, Pierrete 2007). Approximately 50% of the day laborers shared similar
experiences with their patrones based on racial background. Though we cannot
generalize to the larger population, Latinas/os conform to white ideology which at times
leads to unfair treatment toward employees to demonstrate a high status in society. Julio
has enough knowledge and experience that he has the autonomy to choose with whom he
wants to go. He also mentioned the distinctions among races, but in his case, he stated
that he refuses to go with Mexicans or Asians, unless the job payment is pre-negotiated
and the expectations are clear.
“Debido a mi experiencia y el tiempo que llevo aquí, yo pues, escojo a mis
patrones. Yo en lo particular, no me voy con Mexicanos o Asiáticos, al menos que
me digan cuánto pagan y que es lo que debo hacer, si me conviene voy, pero si
no, no voy. Luego se quieren pasar de listos, y pagar menos.”
Due to my experience and the time being here, I choose my bosses. I don’t in
particular go with Mexican and Asians unless wages are discussed and they type
of work required. If it benefits me, I’ll go, but if it doesn’t I don’t. And sometimes
they want to take advantage of you, and they want to pay you less.
Another distinction that Day Laborers make about their patrones was the different
treatment based on language efficiency or deficiency. This can also be related to their
time in the United States and the length of time in this type of work. Julio stated,
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Yo se mas o menos el inglés. Hay otros compañeros que no saben mucho o nada.
Esos compañeros comparten más malas experiencias que buenas. Y yo creo que
es por eso, no se pueden defender con el idioma, entonces, a los patrones se les
hace fácil joderlos. A mi antes, cuando recién llegue y pues no sabía nada de
Ingles, pero poco a poco fui aprendiendo, por la necesidad….
I know some English. There are other co-workers that don’t know much (English)
or no (English) at all. Those co-workers share more bad experiences than good
ones. I believe it’s due to that (lack of English proficiency), they can’t defend
themselves with the language; therefore, it’s easier for bosses to take advantage of
them. When I recently arrived, I didn’t know much English, but little by little a
learned because of necessity.
Learning and knowing English becomes a necessity to defend one’s status quo in the
informal economy. It is evident that those who have language proficiency can defend
themselves, thus, reducing the level of exploitation. English proficiency is also view as a
social capital to enhance their living conditions. Day laborers’ standpoints are determined
by their lived experiences and often times must create agency to survive.
Survival
Day laborers’ agency, resilience, and cultural resistance was evident throughout
the research. Day laborers must create these mechanisms of social resistance to survive in
a hyper-criminalized environment, competitive work force, and the lack of benefits. For
example, Roberto uses La Fe’s services to navigate through a system and fulfill his
medical needs that otherwise would not be taken care. Pedro must learn the jobs tactics to
survive as a newly arrived day laborer, even if it includes lying and team up with
experienced day laborers. Many day laborers recite their resume, advertise their skills
verbally and take every opportunity to market their skills.
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Creating Agency
David told me point blank when I first approached him: “Si señorita, cuando
guste yo le puedo hacer la yarda, también se poner dry-wall. Si quiere hacer un cuarto,
estoy a su servicio” (Miss, whenever you need someone to do your yard, I can do it. I
also know how to do drywall, if you want to build a room. I am at your service.) Their
humble spirit, their eagerness to work and obtain a decent paying job, their cultural
awareness, and social position was evident in the conversations that took place. As soon
as David met me, he offered his services, recited his skills, and his readiness and
availability were disclosed. This typical exchange illustrates that day laborers actively
seek employment and use any opportunity to market themselves to whoever comes
across. In contrast to the formal labor market, workers in the informal labor market
aren’t able to provide business cards or any official license. What makes participants in
the informal labor market unique is their desperation for work and their humility. Their
networking and marketing skills aren’t visually graphic in business cards but they are
evident in their tone of voice, their facial expressions, and their body language as they
talk about their need for work and recite their work skills. This humble manner of
advertisement and marketing their skills illustrates their agency, demonstrates and
projects a feeling of hopefulness and confidence. Some day laborers, who are also known
as Jornalero, try to show pride and dignity with the work that they do.
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Moral Ranking
Often times the competition among day laborers is observed in the aggressive
approach to obtain a job. However, it goes beyond the physical space. Often times, day
laborers become moral entrepreneurs and judge vulnerable populations. They use a
moral/measuring rod to determine who is a good worker and who is not. They label good
workers and they also label the bad workers as “Lazy” or “No sirve para nada ese
cabron” (that jerk is worth less). Often times they described their work with respect,
value, and dignity. They refer to their work as “great work” “Te esmeras con tu trabajo”
(you shine with your work). While others believe in creating, maintaining, and building a
good reputation to enhance their earning wages, and increasing their work load.
Social Capital
Julio later explained that he liked to practice his English whenever possible but
other day laborers view it negatively and often give him a hard time about it. This is
counterhegemonic, a form of cultural preservation. They view Julio’s language skills as
superior and feel inferior and linguistically incompetent but at the same time it’s a form
of cultural preservation. Language barrier is a common theme among day laborers and
the Latino community. However, Julio understands that learning English has opened
many doors. His human capital of knowing English has increased his marketability in the
informal labor market. Julio states in Spanish,
Tengo muchísimo tiempo por estos rumbos, yendo y viniendo. Más de 10 años, no
tenía familia. Cuando vine de México, soy de Jalisco, no sabía nada de inglés, y
pues si me las veía duro. Sin saber nada, entender nada. Lo único que sabía era
“hi” “bye” y “okay.” Lo bueno es que estamos en la frontera y hay mucho
hispano bilingüe. Pero yo luego me metí a clases de inglés en la tarde, me venía
yo aquí en la mañana y luego en la tarde me iba aprender inglés. Yo creo, si estás
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aquí en este país, y el idioma es ingles pues hay que hacer el intento de aprender,
hay gente, conozco gente que tiene más de 30 años aquí y no te sabe hablar nada
de inglés, más de 30 años. Es para que ya supieran algo. No, yo me iba a la
escuela, y siempre que puedo practico, mi acento es malísimo pero me doy
entender, yo creo que si me entienden, y si no pues que me digan que lo repita. Yo
lo repito o lo explico. El buen o mal ingles que sé, me ha abierto puertas. Cuando
uno está solo y no hay nadie que te pueda traducir, es difícil. Entonces aprender
inglés fue como lo mejor, me puedo comunicar con más gente, me defiendo mejor,
negocio mejor precio, y todo. A veces vienen y buscan gente que sepa hablar
inglés, y el que sabe pues rápido se comunica. Y si uno está aquí, pues es parte de
la cultura, es una necesidad, y pues tenemos que aprender.
“I have been a long time around this area, going back and forth. For over 20
years, at that time I did not have a family. When I arrived from Mexico, I am from
Jalisco, I didn’t know any English and it was difficult. Without knowing or
understanding a word. I only knew “hi” “bye” and “okay.” The good thing is that
we are in a border region, where there are many bilingual Hispanics. But right
away, right away, I enrolled myself in English courses in the evening. I believe
that if you are here in this country, and the language is English, we must attempt
to learn it. There are people, I know people who have been here for over 30 years,
and they don’t know a word in English, more than 30 years. They should know at
least something. No, I would go to school, and whenever possible I practice. My
accent is horrible but I’m understood, I think people understand and if not they
can ask me to repeat it. I will repeat it or explain it. The good or bad English that I
know has opened many doors. When one is alone and there is no one to translate,
it is difficult. So learning English was like the best, I can communicate with more
people, I defend myself better, I negotiate a better price, and everything.
Sometimes, they come and look for people that speak English, and the person
who knows, ahh we quickly communicate. And if one is here [in US], we are part
of the culture, it’s a necessity, and so we have to learn.
Julio understands that knowing English is a form of social capital; it is part of
assimilating and acculturating to the American culture and most importantly a necessity
to survive in the United States. It becomes an ideal option to secure more employment
opportunities with monolingual speakers who do not understand. Unlike other day
laborers, Julio did not have a family when he first arrived in the United States, which
gave him the opportunity to attend school and learn English. However, he has family
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members living in Tijuana, which rests adjacent to San Diego. He already knows enough
English to get by that he does not believe that he needs to attend school any longer. For
Julio, knowing English makes him more marketable, in control of negotiating a good
wage, and also he is better known among other day laborers. English has serve as a tool
to navigate the day laborer structure freely and openly. Julio has resisted the idea of being
monolingual, as he notices that being bilingual is an important asset and people view him
differently. In the informal economy knowing English and being documented does not
necessary mean the pay is better. In addition to knowing English, Julio believes that his
many years of experience as a day laborer influences the amount of work he obtains
weekly. His seniority situation and his social network helps him land in good jobs.
Social Networks
Participants in informal labor market establish a social network with ties to
survival based on preferences. Several day laborers indicated that there are cliques among
their community. Just like any individual, they also make friends or group themselves
based on age, ethnic background, various preferences such as religion, family morals and
values, alcohol and drug use and abuse, etc. Julio described various cliques among them,
“Los alcohólicos se juntan con los alcohólicos, los drogadictos con los
drogadictos, los de la religión con la religión, pues testigos de Jehovah, jóvenes
con jóvenes, los más viejos con los viejos. Y si todos nos hablamos, pero no somos
amigos no. Nos llevamos bien y respetamos a la gente y sus preferencias. A veces
habido broncas entre nuestros grupos, especialmente con los drogadictos y
alcohólicos”
The alcoholics hang around with the alcoholics, the drug addicts with drug
addicts, the religious with the religious, Jehovah witness, youth with youth, and
old with old. And yes, we all talk but we are not friends, not friends. We get along
fine, and we respect the people and their preferences. At times, there has been
conflict among groups, especially with drug addicts and alcoholics.
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It is evident that among their day labor communities, cliques arise based on individuals’
preferences and experiences. Identity politics become central to social network affiliation.
For those without family in the United States it is necessary to create, connect, and build
strong social ties for survival and to minimize their feeling of loneliness and depression.
Julio further described a class of drug addicts as temporary workers who show up a few
days per week, perhaps one or two days, get enough money to support their drug habits
and not show up for days and sometimes even weeks. He also described the
characteristics of the alcoholic subcultures’ work schedule, “they for sure don’t work
Saturday, Sunday or Monday.” It is common for them to work Tuesday through Friday
and start drinking from Friday through Sunday and recover on Monday to be ready to
work on Tuesday. This type of behavior weaves them out for a few days a week giving
other day laborers an opportunity to obtain jobs. In addition, these drinking buddies,
oftentimes retreat from society as a coping mechanism to co-exist in the informal
economy since there is a recession crisis and life struggles. Often times, their social
networks are sources of convenience and gratitude. For example, some day laborers’
social network is based on age for convenience purposes.
El Viejo y El Joven
Roberto took a sip of his water bottle, his hands had many creases and his fingernails
were lined with black oil around them. It was evident that Roberto works very hard as the
palm of his hands were full of calluses and always had fresh oil, like those who do
mechanic work. Roberto (61) is one of the many day laborers with the ideology that he
will continue to work until he dies because his retirement plan failed. Roberto’s original
plan was to work, save money, and go back to Mexico where he would find a job so that
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he would not exhaust his savings. With teary eyes, Roberto shared that his plan was
shattered a few years ago when he had to pay for his wife’s surgery and that the current
economic recession was not in his favor. The possibility of maintaining employment in
Mexico was reduced with the globalization crisis and the North American Free Trade
Agreement (NAFTA), plus the current economic crisis impact his employment prospects.
And even though Roberto has strong family ties here in the United States, he likes to feel
independent, so, participating in la lotería at La Fe and waiting patiently has been a safe
avenue to generate some financial resource for him and his family. In addition to using
La Fe he has also created social networks with younger day laborers. Roberto
acknowledged,
Me junto con los jóvenes, como táctica, porque los patrones usualmente quieren a
un joven y pues luego a veces ellos se sienten mal por uno y nos recomiendan.
Pero muchas veces me junto con los viejos, porque tenemos más en común, y
salimos más de acuerdo. Con los jóvenes, pues a veces es difícil que nos
entiendan, nos comparan con sus padres o abuelos. Pero siempre nos respetan, y
nos admiran. También agarro más jale cuando estoy con ellos. Me ayudan
también, yo le hecho ganas pero me canso, me canso mucho (lágrimas en su
rostro)
I hang around with youth, as a tactic. Usually the bosses want a young person.
And they feel bad for us (the old), and sometimes recommend us. But many
times, I hang around with the old because we have more in common, we agree in
many things. With youth, at times, it is hard for them to understand us; they
compare us to their parents and grandparents. But they always respect us and at
times admire us. I also get more work with them. They also help me. I try my best
but I get tire, I get very tire (with tears on his face)
Roberto wiped his tears off his face and apologized. I told him he had nothing to
apologize, on the contrary, I apologized for bringing on those tears with my questions and
I told him that if he wanted to stop we could do so immediately. He said he was okay,
looked down at his white tissue that he was holding to wiped off his tears and continued,
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Sudor y lágrimas demuestran nuestros sacrificios y nuestro esfuerzo para salir
adelante. Si, somos emigrantes, indocumentados pero no estamos aquí por gusto
sino por necesidad. No venimos a robar sino a trabajar, y es doloroso que nos
discriminen, que nos señalen como criminales, que abusen de nosotros y nos
roben nuestro sueldo que bien ganado lo tenemos (lágrimas en sus ojos)
Sacrifices and hard work to improve our selves, is demonstrated by our sweat and
tears. Yes, we are immigrants, undocumented but we are here due to necessity not
because we want to. We don’t come here to steal; we come here to work. And it is
painful to see that we are discriminated against, often targeted as criminals and
abuse us by stealing our well-earned wages (teary eyes)
Roberto’s tears rolled down his face, the pain was palpable. He looked away for a minute
and stared outside the office window. He took a profound breath, and continued, “si solo
pudiéramos tener opciones, te aseguro que muchos de nosotros no estuviéramos aquí”
(If only we had options, a guarantee you that not many of us would be here).
Roberto described the source of his pain, humiliation, and difficult struggles
undocumented workers must face as they fend for themselves in a country that has little
appreciation for the sacrifices they face just to survive. Like Roberto, many immigrants
are faced with dead-end jobs and limited options in their county so they have no other
choice but to leave their country to survive. The economic situation in their country of
origin and the lack of employment there forces people out. Here in South San Diego
County, the demand for cheap labor attracts many day laborers. And even with the
economic recession, many prefer poor working conditions, and no benefits, as they feel
they are better off than they were in their country of origin. It appears that poverty is
intergenerational because the working class cannot escape oppression and continue to be
marginalized in a hierarchical society such as the United States. These workers remain
silent as they live in the shadow of a social and political structure that only caters to the
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privileged class. Day laborers are expected to survive in a nativists’ environment so they
must look for new strategies to obtain work.
New Strategic Approaches for Seeking Jales (Work)
Just like Roberto hangs out with the younger day laborers to increase his potential
to obtaining jobs, many day laborers reported other strategic techniques to find
employment. Such approaches include positioning within the corners, time variation, and
the use of technology to call a list of employer network. Jesus (30) clearly illustrates his
approach while seeking a job.
Jesus and I met at the Coffee shop near La Fe. As he entered the coffee shop he
looked down at his clothing. He was wearing baggie blue jeans, a black sweater with a
print of a skeleton in the front and yellowish-brownish working boots. He glanced
quickly at everyone around. I immediately waved at him to get his attention. As we sat at
the coffee shop and talked about how great our coffee tasted, three uniformed police
officers walked in. Jesus glanced at them and then looked at me with an angry face. His
face blushed and his eyes widen. He was trying to smile, but it was apparent that he was
nervous, as he wiped his sweaty hands a few times. I continued to talk about the coffee
and winked at him with a smile trying to ease his tension. I know there was nothing to
worry about, but he didn’t know what to expect especially since we were just beginning
our conversation and perhaps because he had been targeted in the past by these officers.
The wink helped, his facial expression relaxed and his facial color returned to normal.
After the uniform police officers left, I assured him that he had nothing to worry about
and that my research was for school purposes. I assured him that I was not affiliated with
ICE nor with the community police. He appeared at ease and we began our interview.
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Jesus explained that his strategy to obtain jobs is to stand away from the rest of the day
laborers. He shares,
“Una vez un jefe me dijo que sería mejor que todos nosotros, los jornaleros, nos
paráramos solos, solos. Porque cuando todos nos amontonamos, creamos un
desmadre, rayamos los carros, y a veces entre nosotros, entre nosotros mismos,
nos lastimamos. Para él eso era una inconveniencia. Y me puse a pensar, pensé,
si el piensa así ha de ser que otros [patrones] también. De ahí en adelante, me
paro solo, aislado do todos los demás. A veces me quiero unir con todos, porque
veo el desmadre bueno, pero pues vengo a buscar trabajo, no a comadrear.
A boss once told me that it would be better if we, day laborers, would stand alone,
alone. When we all gather together, we create a hot mess, scratch the vehicles,
and sometimes among us we get injured. For him, that was an inconvenience. And
I thought to myself, if he thinks like this, other bosses do too. From that point
forward, I stand alone, isolated from everyone else. Sometimes I want to join the
group because I see that they are having fun, but I come here to find a job not to
gossip.
Jesus’s position within the day labor corner is strictly driven by an employer’s
advice. His interpretation of this advice was that other potential employers feel the same;
therefore, he takes it upon himself to use this information to appeal to other employers
who feel the same. He further explained,
El patrón me dijo, que no importa donde me pare, de todos formas es el mismo
precio de paga. Pero el siempre agarra a la persona que está sola porque no le
gusta que le rallen su carro.
The boss told me that it didn’t matter where I stood, prices are the same. But he
always gets the person that stands alone because he does not like his car
scratched.
Jesus decided where he stands on the street corner based on advice from a formal
patron who had preconceived ideas, expectations and past experiences. This formal
patron has gotten his car scratched by day laborers who run up to his car, and also has
had a hard time driving away because everyone is pushing each other out of the way
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attempting to compete for the job. If he targets the day laborer who is standing alone, he
will avoid all “troubles.” In addition, Jesus knows that employers are aware of the
“standard rate” or they invent one. Employers know that they will make a huge profit or
save money by paying workers a cheap rate. So sometimes, they manipulate the standard
rate. Convenience for the potential employer is a great factor and according to Jesus
standing apart from the group has increased his job offers. In addition to position on the
street corners, other day laborers report extending their hours and seeking employers on
their own. But there is a point during the day that day laborers say “YA BASTA” and
they leave. Rogelio stated,
No, pues si pa’ las 11 no tengo trabajo, yo me largo y me voy a buscar. Me voy a
veces manejando o a veces en pie, depende si tengo gas y eso. Me voy como a
Rally’s o restaurantes donde vea yo a alguien trabajando, y pues les pido trabajo.
A veces me dan y a veces no, pero busco. También, si veo un viejito o alguien más
ruquito asiendo la yarda, con el poco ingles que se, les pregunto si necesitan una
mano, ¿ayuda, tú sabes? A veces tengo suerte, y a veces me va pa’ la fregada.
If by 11 I don’t have a job, I leave to go seek one. Sometimes I leave driving
others times I walk, depending whether I have gas and so. I go to Rally’s
restaurants, where I see people working, and I ask them for work. Sometimes I get
work, other times I don’t, but I continue to look. In addition, if I see an older man,
or someone older doing their yard, with the little English I know, I ask them if
they need a hand, help you know. Sometimes I am lucky, other times its horrible.
This concept is completely new to the day laborer community. Usually it is the
employers who look for day laborers, while day laborers are a labor pool readily
available to work. But in this case, Rogelio works within a certain time period standing
on the corner and if by a specific time he doesn’t get a job, he becomes the seeker of jobs
at nearby restaurants or affluent communities. He typically just asks do to handy work or
landscaping for the restaurants and asks for cash in hand. He doesn’t apply to work inside
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of the restaurant because of his immigration status and knows that he will be unsuccessful
of gaining employment as a cook. Using this strategy makes him feel that he is not
wasting time; instead he is actively engaged in seeking employment rather than just
standing on the corner all morning. He further explained, “No me doy por vencido, tiene
que haber jale en un lugar.” (I don’t give up, there has to be work somewhere). Besides
day laborers hustling for their own job, having and using a cell phone is also a way for
them to increase their chances of employment. Cell phones in this job sector is basically
a necessity to keep in touch with other day laborers or patrones.
In the past, the use of pay phones was common and workers used them. Now,
however, most day laborers with more than two years of experience know that a cell
phone is necessity for the job. Andres (28) explained it in this manner:
Antes no traía celular, ahora es necesario, rete necesario. Pues, pues, si no tienes
no puedes comunicarte con tus amigos ni con los patrones. Algunos patrones me
piden mi número y a otros se los doy para que me hablen si necesitan un
trabajador más adelante, en el futuro. Si no traes celular esta uno en desventaja.
Por qué no te puedes comunicar, ni los patrones te pueden hablar. Cuando los
patrones me piden mi número, me siento bien, porque siento que les gusto mi jale
y es una señal que tal vez me busquen después. A veces me hablan y a veces no.
Pero si, si es importante tener celular, es un gasto más pero es necesario.
También por eso es necesario echarle ganas al jale, pues pa’ que te hablen [los
patrones]. Si trabajas bien y al patrón le gusta el trabajo, es más seguro que te
hable, pero si eres huevon y mal hecho pues no te van hablar. Y así, así hago mi
lista de patrones y cuando no cae trabajo, pues uno empieza hablarles pa' ver si
hay jale.
In the past, I didn’t carry a cell phone. Now-a-days it is a necessity, very
necessary. Ah, Ah if you don’t have one you can’t communicate with friends or
bosses. Some bosses ask for my number, as do others. I just give them my phone
number just in case they need a worker in the future. If you don’t have a cell
phone, it’s a disadvantage. Because you can’t call, nor can the bosses call you.
When the bosses ask for my number, I few good because I feel they liked my
work and it’s a sign that they perhaps will look for me in the future. Sometimes,
they call me and sometimes they don’t. But yeah, it’s necessary to have a cell
phone, it’s an addition expense but it’s necessary. And that is why it is important
to work hard, so that the bosses call us. If you work hard, and the boss likes your
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work, there is more possibility that they will call. But if you are lazy they won’t
call. And like that, I make my list of bosses and when there is no work, I start
calling to see if there is work.
Exchanging phone numbers with their patrones is an ideal practice to create an employer
network. When workers are in desperate need they call los patrones to see if they need a
helping hand? Some day laborers hope that their patron will call them directly instead of
going to the corner for other day laborers in the future. For this reason, day laborers value
their work, and do the best job they can do. This way they don’t disappoint their jefe
(boss) and get more work in the future.
How Day Laborers’ Believe Patrones View them
Though there were no direct interviews with patrones, it was very clear that day
laborers knew what the patrones' perceptions were regarding work ethics, workers, cheap
labor, hard work, contingent work, age and worker’s habits. Julio describes what a boss
looks for and wants when getting a day laborer,
Los patrones vienen aquí porque saben que van a encontrar buenos trabajadores,
que le atoran a todo, y por muchísimo menos. Ellos nos prefieren a nosotros pues
no tienen que pagar mucho y obtienen un buen trabajo. El trabajo es bueno,
bonito y barato.
Our bosses come here because they will find good workers, {workers} that will
do just about anything, and for much less (money). They choose us because
(labor) is cheaper and the get good work. Work is good, nice, and cheap.
When hiring a day laborer, bosses know that day laborers will get the job completed for a
lot cheaper in comparison to what they would have to pay if they used a contractor.
Roberto describes the perceptions of los patroness according to age, youth, strong and
hardworking terms,
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Pues los patrones son medio especiales. Como todo patrón, ellos buscan a gente
joven, fuerte, más rápida, alguien que les saque el trabajo más rápido. Entonces
escogen a los más jóvenes pensando que ellos pueden más, pero a veces son más
flojos. Y uno, que es más viejo tiene que echarle más ganas, si no, no nos dan
trabajo. Yo tengo 61 años, y pues ya tengo mis añitos, no mucha gente nos da
trabajo por miedo que no les saquemos el trabajo, O nos podamos lastimar
entonces optan por escoger a alguien joven.
Well our bosses are somewhat special. Just like any other boss, they look for
young, strong and fast people, someone who will complete the job faster. So
they choose younger people thinking they can handle it, but, at times, they are
lazier. We, the older people have to prove ourselves; otherwise, we they don’t
give us jobs. I am almost 60 years old, I’m a bit old, not too many people will
give us work because they are afraid of us not doing the job. Or we can get hurt,
so they choose the younger (over the older day laborer).
While writing my ethnographic notes at La Fe, a Patron came in to La Fe and
requested three day laborers to do gardening at his home, in an upscale community. The
arrangement between employer and day laborer was that the patrón pay for gas;
therefore, it was agreed that the day laborers meet the patron at a Shell gas station. The
three day laborers, one white and two Mexicans, went to the gas station, but soon after
they returned and reported that they had been abandoned. As they were telling their story,
the patron who had abandoned them called La Fe and told the person in charge that they
had gotten lost and he still needed three workers. As they were arranging to go back, the
patron specifically stated that he did not want the White smoker who was in the van.
Later, he admitted to abandoning them on purpose because he did not want a smoker to
work for him. He explained further that if a worker was a smoker that would meant that
the worker would take frequent breaks to smoke, and would be slower than other workers
in completing the job due to his habit and health. When the supervisor in charge of the
agency heard the explanation, he told the patrón to be honest next time, and if that was
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part of his requirement, he should have indicated it, and not wasted everyone’s time. El
patrón then apologized. He took two out of the three workers that were initially tapped
for the job, but the White smoker got replaced by a non-smoker. The patrones in the
informal labor market often discriminate and abuse their power over any petty issue, such
as a smoking habit. This should not be allowed, there should be a policy at La Fe agency
that is clear to the patrones that they cannot discriminate based on race, gender, age,
sexual orientation, religious beliefs, etc. In addition, patrones should be reminded about
the labor law policies and breaks and allow their employees to take one and do as they
please with it. During a break, people are considered to be off the clock, and if workers
choose to use the bathroom or take a smoke break it should not be an issue.
After the incident, other day laborers discussed the situation, and some,
specifically non-smokers, agreed with the patrón while others stated that it wasn’t fair.
El patrón paga, es el jefe y pues él decide. Si él quiere a alguien sin vicios pues
hay que respetárselo. Hay mucho de nosotros que no tenemos vicios, estamos en
ventaja, tenemos más oportunidades. Y si hay más jefes que se ponen sus monos.
The boss pays; he is the one that decides. If he wants someone without (bad)
habits, we need to respect him. There are many of us without (bad) habits, we are
in advantage, and we have more opportunities. And yes, there are more bosses
that are picky.
Day laborers are both unconscious and conscious of their vulnerable position in society.
They have learned that elite groups, people who pay for their work, have control over
who works and who doesn’t, even if it means violating discrimination laws against
workers. And to day laborers discrimination, at all levels, is very common. Day laborers
have encounter discrimination to often that it has become normal in their realities.
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SOCIAL CONTROL OF DAY LABORERS
Local
Recent city ordinances across South San Diego County have been put in place to
attempt to decrease and eliminate the presence of day laborers in street corners. Not all
corners are completely controlled by this ordinances, however, many local stores,
restaurants, and shopping centers in South San Diego County have their own
misconceptions of day laborers. For example, when speaking to a lead staff at the coffee
shop that the workers patronize, she mentioned that she personally has nothing against
day laborers, but she said that customers often complained. Whether complaints are true
or misrepresented they include: disturbing the peace, disturbing customers and scaring
them away, customers feel discourage to shop around there due to fear of getting their
vehicles damaged, the inconvenience of having people go around the car, and simply
feeling in danger. She added, “Though we know these people are looking for work, with
everything happening, we just never know who is out to hurt you. And that is how a lot of
the customers feel.” Despite complaints, the coffee shop is always busy. Day laborers are
not only affected by local social control but also by state and federal institutions that have
partner to strengthen their power with the intention to intimidate Latinas/os.
STATE AND FEDERAL
In recent years, the social control level has risen to state and federal level. It is
important to know that in the Mission City more than 50% of the community is Latina/o.
The state and federal agencies have partner to increase “security” and hold everyone
accountable by increasing the frequency of check-points. The Mission Community Police
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and ICE have partnered to profit and maintain social control using their own interest
agenda. The state provided a grant fund of $350,000 to run the “legal” checkpoints;
however, the stipulation of the grant clearly states that they are not to make a profit from
these check points. But the Nation Institute has revealed that the community police
department has made a profit, they received more than $450,000 annually from towing
contracts, in addition to impound fees from vehicle owners. This has not only created
tension and resentment from the Latina/o community towards the police department but it
has also created a false belief in the community that this strategic surveillance improves
road safety. The reality is that this strategic plan is racially targeted at a vulnerable
population that has been scrutinized, humiliated, and taken advantage of by people in
power.
At the federal level, police have taken a militarized approach, often times acting
as federal agents, or calling upon ICE to make unnecessary arrest in the name of
“securing the city.” Police militarized approach consist of using military style weapons,
tactics, training, uniforms, and heavy equipment by civilian police departments. It is also
way to colonize Latinas/os, specifically day laborers, and maintain them in their space. In
the past, the traditional police approach had been community focus, protecting and
building strong communities. Today, with the constant statements of “War on Drugs,”
“War on Terrorism,” and “Securing our Borders” the community police is funded to
respond by a militarized approach regardless of the situation. Day laborers are frequently
harassed by police and ICE officials. The Mission Police Department is the only state
organization that shares offices with ICE, making more arrest and deportations in the last
few years than ever before. They have routine checkpoints, which are hyper-surveiled
85
and not only look for DUI offenders but also hunting unlicensed immigrants. Many
unlicensed immigrants who have worked very hard to own a vehicle lose their vehicles at
these checkpoints causing extreme financial hardships to their families. The level of
social control within the community is immeasurable because the department has failed
to provide accurate statistics regarding citations, arrest, and deportations. The only
quantifying data is the profited figure amount that was disclosed by the Nation Institute.
However, the quantifying data does not reveal the human side of the consequence.
David, an undocumented worker, has experience harassment by police officials
and in several occasions had to run away from la migra. He was a lucky run-away that
got away from la Migra. Not many escape from these raids to tell their story. David
understands that his favorite corner is highly visible and known to the community, and
perhaps the corner with more disadvantages. This is a heavily transited street and known
to be one of the most heavily patrolled by not only community police but also ICE.
David says:
Es muy común que nos pare la policía, y que corramos de la migra, aquí llega
seguido, muy seguido. Algunos optamos por irnos a otras paradas, pero esta
parada es mejor que las otras, solo que es más riesgosa. También a veces
corremos a La Fe, ahí no nos pueden hacer nada, solo que tenemos que llegar
antes de que nos agarren.”
It is very common to be stopped by the police, to run from la migra (ICE), they
come here very often, very often. Some of us choose to go to other stops, but this
is the best stop but the most risky. Sometimes we also run to La Fe, once there,
they can’t do anything to us. The only thing is that we must get there before they
get us.
In this particular area, racial profiling is very common, and police officers will use any
reason to intimate and create fear among day laborers. At times, they feel that they must
stand as rigid solders so that there is no reason to be targeted but other times it doesn’t
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matter. If you look Latino, at the wrong time and at the wrong place, you are either
undocumented, a suspect, or a drug dealer. These social dynamics place day laborers in a
fight or flight response. Overall, it is about survival, continuity and defeating this system
of social control so that a day laborer can find work another day.
Implications for Future Research
This study only targeted male day laborer experiences; no female day laborers in
South San Diego County were included. Further research is needed to explore female day
laborer experiences from their standpoint as they represent an important segment of the
population and also face unique challenges and problems that are different from those of
male day laborers. In addition, further research is needed to explore and acknowledge the
relationship among day laborers and patrones. What are the patrones’needs and their
expectations of day laborers? A comparison analysis of patrones based on racial
background and experiences with day laborers would help understand why they treat day
laborers the way they do.
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CONCLUSION
In conclusion, day laborers are constantly creative to navigate the constant
oppression of the informal labor market through the use of strategic approaches, such as
seeking out employers instead of being sought, maintaining an employer contact list, and
standing at the corner in the afternoon instead of the AM. In addition, they create and
build on their social capital to improve personal profitability by learning English. At
times, day labors are resistance to change and avoid assimilating to the American culture
as a way to feel in control. Day laborers must create agency among each other to survive
in a hyper-criminalized area by police, deal with discriminatory and abusive patrones,
and structural barriers from agencies. As Roberto states, “Me encantaría hacer algo para
la comunidad, para ayudarnos nosotros mismos a los jornaleros, para mejorar. Estar
involucrado en un movimiento social, ayudar más que nada a la comunidad hispana.” (I
would like to do something for the community to help improve the day laborer
community. I would like to be involved in a social movement, mainly to help out in the
Hispanic community. If we have people, like Roberto, who want to change their working
conditions and change how people view them, why not empower them to unite and turn
oppression into opportunity.
Turning Oppression into Opportunity
This ethnographic study has an applied significance because it can immediately
be used to review, and improve protected day labor sites, approach or create new policies
relevant to the concerns and protection needs of laborers. Day laborers’ standpoints and
feedback can contribute to an ideal labor site consisting of a multi-disciplinary one-stop
center. For day laborers, like Roberto, who want to be part of social movements or
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positive structural change this can be an initial step to feel empower to change
institutional barriers. The standpoints of day laborers can help create effective day labor
site programs that can further help them with their daily struggles. The day labor site can
become an example of progressive social policy implementation. This process has the
potential to empower day laborers by viewing their contribution as a possible shift for
positive change in their work environment and in their communities. The purpose of this
one-stop-center is to assist day laborers with time, save money, transportation, and
service deliver. The multi-disciplinary one-stop center would have licensed therapist,
physician, chiropractic, dentist, optometrist, family and immigration lawyers, mini
convenient store, a thrift store, DMV preparation classes, parenting classes and an
extensive educational program that is individualized to each day laborer. Day laborers’
need all these services to improve their living conditions. Having legal advice is essential
to day laborers because they are often victims of crime and qualify for U-Visas without
even knowing. In addition, these agencies should also extend services to immediate
family members, specifically, the medical component.
La Fe agency provides many of these services, but a few mentioned by day
laborers are missing, for example, DMV preparation classes, parenting classes, and
specialized medical treatment. However, they do make referral services to other social
service agencies when needed. Though La Fe has good services, they can also go beyond
the “army reserve of labor” and focus on developing and training day laborers to acquire
marketable skills in society while they wait for employment.
The day laborer community has leaders like Julio and Roberto who are willing to
organize and be part of organization change to overcome institutional barriers and
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attempt to de-colonize from social and constructed hierarchy power. In attempt to decolonize, from the hyper-criminalized environment, day laborers must demand from the
Mission Police Department to re-evaluate and re-structure the purpose of the checkpoints.
Latinas/os must demand that all the money profited by the checkpoints be distributed
back to the community, not the entire county. The allocation of monetary funds should
include: libraries, parks, non-profit organizations like La Fe, homeless shelters, and
perhaps additional personnel to process the U-Visa signatures that are required by the
police department. Since the Latina/o community has been affected personally, socially,
and financially, it is time that Latina/o demand transparency and equality in a city that
has more than 50% Latinas/os.
Day laborers voices are unheard of when discussing improvements, reforms, and
establishment of new programs that serve them. Day laborers are typically discussed in
terms of immigration, but in general, their voices go unheard. Esther Ibanez-Holterman
states, “the visibility of their bodies on United States corners is in stark contrast with the
invisibility of their human essence and experience” (2011, p. 3). By allowing day laborers
to voice their personal experiences, concerns, opinions, and struggles, they can feel
empowered and in control of their situation. Their concerns, suggestions and
recommendations can be implemented in day labor programs from their standpoint. Day
laborers can feel that someone is listening, that they are worthy, and that their hard work
is valued even if they are participants of the informal labor market. They can feel that
research on their lived experiences within the informal market can increase the chances
of bringing social justice, hope and a sense of belonging to a community that has been
marginalized, discriminated against, and abused. Creating immediate social change is
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difficult, but the lives impacted by this research is a step toward the right direction. Si Se
PUEDE!
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Appendix
Open-ended Interview Questions
1. How did you come to be here?
2. What is your living situation? What is your family situation? Your economic
situation?
3. Describe your experience as a day labor. (leading question)
4. How do you create more power for yourself and among other day laborers? How
has this impacted or change your situation as a day labor? Would you consider
this to be empowerment for yourself or other day laborers?
5. What are your greatest needs or concerns as a day laborer?
6. Have your needs ever been addressed by a social advocacy member or lawyer?
7. What needs have not been addressed? (Personal, local, state, or national?
8. If your needs were addressed, how would change your living conditions?
9. Have you ever visited a day labor agency? If so, what was your experience at the
day labor agency? What would you like improve at the agency? What services
would you like to see in your ideal agency? What would encourage you to use the
day labor site as oppose to the corner?
10. How has your experience been at the day labor agency?
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