[C044/SQP320] History Advanced Higher Contents NATIONAL QUALIFICATIONS Page Course Assessment Specification 2 Specimen Question Paper 7 Specimen Marking Instructions [C044/SQP320] 1 42 © Course Assessment Specification History (Advanced Higher) The purpose of this document is to provide: details of the structure of the Course Assessment guidance on how to use information gathered from the Question Paper and the Dissertation to estimate candidate performance in the Course Assessment. Part 1 This part of the Course Assessment Specification details the structure of the Course Assessment. The Course Assessment: consists of a Question Paper and a Dissertation has a total mark allocation of 140 – the Question Paper has a mark allocation of 90 marks and the Dissertation has a mark allocation of 50 marks The Question Paper has a time allocation of 3 hours and will: assess knowledge and understanding and analysis and evaluation use language appropriate to the reading age of Advanced Higher candidates in any question, stimulus or source The Dissertation produced by the candidate will be on a question of the candidate’s choice drawn from his/her chosen Field of Study. It will be produced within the 40 hours allowed for the History: Historical Research (Advanced Higher) Unit. It will assess the candidate’s ability to plan and execute an original piece of research in terms of: devising suitable lines of enquiry analysing and evaluating evidence gathered relating evidence to historiography drawing valid conclusions. Question Paper The Question Paper contains eleven Fields of Study. The candidate chooses one of these. The Fields of Study are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. Northern Britain from the Romans to AD 1000 Scottish Independence: 1286 to 1329 The Renaissance in Italy in the Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries Georgians and Jacobites: Scotland 1715-1800 ‘The House Divided’: USA 1850-65 Japan: From Medieval to Modern State 1850s-1920 Germany: Versailles to the Outbreak of World War Two South Africa 1910-84 Soviet Russia 1917-53 The Spanish Civil War: Causes, Conflict and Consequences 1923-1945 Britain at War and Peace 1939-51 [C044/SQP320] 2 Page two The layout of each Field in the Question Paper is the same and is in two parts: Part 1 contains five essay questions; Part 2 consists of four sources and three related questions. Guidance on the content of each Part is given below: Part 1: This part contains five essay questions on each Field of Study Candidates will be required to answer two questions from this part. Each question is worth 25 marks. The essay should include an introduction, development and conclusion. Each essay should: - ask for an explanation or evaluation - have at least 8 points of recall/areas of content relevant to the particular question listed in the Marking Instructions - have reference to a selection of historiography in the Marking Instructions Part 2: This part will contain three questions based on a set of four sources relating to each Field of Study. The sources will relate to the italicised areas of the Expanded Descriptors for each field. In each field at least one source will be a primary source and at least one source will be a secondary source. Sources may be written or pictorial. Candidates will be required to answer one contextual, one source evaluation and one twosource question in each field. Contextual questions will: - be worth 12 marks - have the stem “How fully …” - - be based on a source which is primary or secondary and for which the authorship and date are stated include a pictorial source or a written source of 6-13 lines (approximately 80-150 words) which will comprise: o at least 3 points which allow interpretation of the “content” of the source have points on content in the Marking Instructions have at least 8 points of recall in the Marking Instructions have references to the views of historians in the Marking Instructions; for a secondary source, points on authorship will be credited under historiography [C044/SQP320] 3 Page three Source evaluation questions will: - be worth 12 marks - have the stem “How useful is Source X as evidence …” - be based on a source which is primary or secondary and the authorship and date are stated - include a pictorial source or a written source of 8-11 lines (approximately 80-150 words) which will comprise: o at least 2 points which allow interpretation of the “content” of the source - have points on origin, authorship, possible purpose, content and content omission in the Marking Instructions; points of bias/exaggeration will be included where appropriate - have at least 8 points of recall in the Marking Instructions - have references to the views of historians in the Marking Instructions Two source questions will: - be worth 16 marks - be based on two sources which are primary or secondary and for which the authorship and date are stated - include pictorial sources or written sources which will comprise 8-11 lines (approximately 80-150 words); there will be a maximum of one pictorial source in each question include two sources, each of which will comprise: o at least 3 points which allow interpretation of the “content” of the source have stems such as “How helpful are the differing interpretations in Sources X and Y as views on …” or “How much do Sources X and Y reveal about…” or “How well do Sources X and Y illustrate differing viewpoints on…” have points on content and content omission in the Marking Instructions; points of bias/exaggeration or, for a primary source, origin, authorship and possible purpose, will be included where appropriate; for a secondary source, points on authorship will be credited under historiography have 8 points of recall in the Marking Instructions have references to the views of historians in the Marking Instructions - - - The ‘added value’ of the Course Achieving success in the Course requires some skills and abilities over and above those involved in passing individual Units. These are detailed in the Assessment section of the Course Arrangements and include: retaining knowledge and skills over time, retaining knowledge and skill in greater breadth and depth than in the Units, demonstrating these in response to two essay questions, rather than one as in the Unit assessment demonstrating the ability to apply and integrate knowledge and understanding, analysis and evaluation in researching and producing a dissertation. [C044/SQP320] 4 Page four Part 2 This part of the Course Assessment Specification provides guidance on how the components contribute to the Course award. It also indicates how to use the assessment information gathered from these components to estimate candidate performance. The Course Assessment is based on the Question Paper and the Dissertation. Component Question Paper Dissertation Total Marks Mark Range 0 – 90 0 – 50 0 – 140 In the Advanced Higher History Course, cut-off scores are set at approximately 70% of the total marks for grade A and 50% for grade C, with B grade falling midway at between 60% and 69%. The following table gives an indication of appropriate cut-off scores: Grade A A B B C C D No Award No Award Band 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Mark Range 119 – 140 98 – 118 91 – 97 84 – 90 77 – 83 70 – 76 63 – 69 56 – 62 0 – 55 The cut-off scores may be lowered if the question paper turns out to be more demanding than intended. Alternatively, they may be raised if the question paper turns out to be less demanding than intended. Worked example In a centre’s own prelim, a candidate scores a total mark of 56/90; this is combined with an estimate of progress in the Dissertation of 30/50, giving a total mark of 86/140. The centre’s view is that their prelim is slightly less demanding than the SQA examination. Using the mark range, a realistic estimate will be band 5 rather than band 4. [C044/SQP320] 5 Page five [C044/SQP320] 6 Page six [C044/SQP320] History Time: 3 hours Advanced Higher Specimen Question Paper NATIONAL QUALIFICATIONS Candidates should answer two questions from Part 1 and all the questions in Part 2 of their chosen field of study. Field of Study Part 1 Page 3 Part 2 Page 14 (1) Northern Britain from the Romans to AD 1000 (2) Scottish Independence: 1286–1329 4 16 (3) The Renaissance in Italy in the Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries 5 18 (4) Georgians and Jacobites: Scotland 1715–1800 6 20 (5) “The House Divided”: USA 1850–1865 7 22 (6) Japan: From Medieval to Modern State 1850s–1920 8 24 (7) Germany: Versailles to the Outbreak of the Second World War 9 26 (8) South Africa 1910–1984 10 28 (9) Soviet Union 1917–1953 11 30 (10) The Spanish Civil War: Causes, Conflict and Consequences 1923 –1945 12 32 (11) Britain at War and Peace 1939–1951 13 34 [C044/SQP320] 7 © [C044/SQP320] 8 Page two (1) Northern Britain from the Romans to AD 1000 Part 1 Answer TWO questions. Each question is worth 25 marks. 1. How far does the evidence support the view that Iron Age society in North Britain was hierarchical? 2. How important was the part played by tribal resistance in the Roman failure to conquer North Britain? 3. How valid is the claim that the Romans had no lasting impact on native society in North Britain? 4. How important was the part played by the Scots in the disappearance of the Pictish kingdom? 5. How important were factors such as geography and topography in attracting the Vikings to the Northern and Western Isles? [C044/SQP320] 9 Page three (2) Scottish Independence: 1286–1329 Part 1 Answer TWO questions. Each question is worth 25 marks. 1. How well established was royal authority by the death of Alexander III in 1286? 2. “The real significance of the decision of 1292 in favour of John Balliol lies not with the judgement itself but in how it was made.” How justified is this view of the Great Cause? 3. How far were William Wallace’s achievements more political than military? 4. How successful were the Guardianships between 1298 and 1304? 5. Why did it take so long for England and Scotland to make peace after the Battle of Bannockburn? [C044/SQP320] 10 Page four (3) The Renaissance in Italy in the Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries Part 1 Answer TWO questions. Each question is worth 25 marks. 1. How prosperous were the great Italian cities in the early fifteenth century? 2. What factors best explain why Florence and Venice developed distinctive cultural experiences during the Renaissance? 3. How important was the role of classical antiquity in the development of Renaissance humanism in the fifteenth century? 4. How significant was the role played by Lorenzo de Medici in the cultural development of Florence in the period 1469–1492? 5. How justified is the view that the Renaissance Papacy was more concerned with politics than religion? [C044/SQP320] 11 Page five (4) Georgians and Jacobites: Scotland 1715–1800 Part 1 Answer TWO questions. Each question is worth 25 marks. 1. How far was hostility to the Treaty of Union the main cause of the 1715 rebellion? 2. To what extent was there a distinctive Highland society before 1745? 3. How much did the development of Glasgow, up till the American War of 1776, owe to the tobacco trade? 4. To what extent did urban living conditions improve in eighteenth-century Scotland? 5. “The maintenance of order was the only aim of government as far as Scotland was concerned.” How accurate is this judgement with reference to the period 1715–1800? [C044/SQP320] 12 Page six (5) “The House Divided”: USA 1850–1865 Part 1 Answer TWO questions. Each question is worth 25 marks. 1. To what extent did the Compromise of 1850 merely store up trouble for the future? 2. “Lincoln was forced into issuing the Emancipation Proclamation due to the actions of others.” How justified is this view of Lincoln’s actions over emancipation? 3. How far did the war change social and economic conditions in the North and the South? 4. How significant were the attitudes of foreign powers in influencing the course of the American Civil War? 5. To what extent was Confederate military strategy doomed to failure? [C044/SQP320] 13 Page seven (6) Japan: From Medieval to Modern State 1850s–1920 Part 1 Answer TWO questions. Each question is worth 25 marks. 1. How significant a role did religious beliefs play in shaping Japanese society in the second half of the nineteenth century? 2. To what extent did nationalism undermine the Bakufu rule? 3. How valid is the view that women’s place in Japanese society had improved significantly by 1920? 4. What factors best explain the successful modernisation of Japan? 5. How great an impact did military and naval reforms have on Japanese society? [C044/SQP320] 14 Page eight (7) Germany: Versailles to the Outbreak of the Second World War Part 1 Answer TWO questions. Each question is worth 25 marks. 1. Was hatred of the Versailles Treaty shared to the same extent by Germans of all social classes and political beliefs? 2. What factors best explain why political life was so violent and unstable in Germany between 1919 and 1923. 3. “His foreign policy steered Germany to a remarkable recovery.” How accurate is this view of Stresemann’s diplomacy? 4. How great was the impact of the Depression of 1929–1932 on German economic and political life? 5. What factors best explain the success of the Nazis in consolidating their control of Germany between 1933 and 1936? [C044/SQP320] 15 Page nine (8) South Africa 1910–1984 Part 1 Answer TWO questions. Each question is worth 25 marks. 1. How important a part did the demand for cheap labour play in the development of segregationist policies in South Africa, 1910–1948? 2. What factors best explain why African resistance to government policies achieved so little in the years 1910–1948? 3. Why were Hertzog and Smuts able to overcome their apparent political differences and agree to Fusion, and the formation of the United Party in 1934? 4. What factors best explain why opposition to apartheid was “relatively muted” during the 1960s? 5. How important a part did the Black Consciousness movement play in causing increased militancy among black Africans in the 1970s and early ’80s? [C044/SQP320] 16 Page ten (9) Soviet Union 1917–1953 Part 1 Answer TWO questions. Each question is worth 25 marks. 1. To what extent can the decline of the Provisional Government be dated from the July Days? 2. How far had the ideals of the October Revolution been betrayed by the time of the Tenth Party Congress in March 1921? 3. To what extent did NEP solve the economic problems experienced during the period of War Communism? 4. How far had a new Soviet society been created by the end of the 1930s? 5. Which factors best explain the victory of the Soviet Union in the Great Patriotic War? [C044/SQP320] 17 Page eleven (10) The Spanish Civil War: Causes, Conflict and Consequences 1923 –1945 Part 1 Answer TWO questions. Each question is worth 25 marks. 1. To what extent was royal incompetence the main reason why a Republic was established in 1931? 2. To what extent were the actions of the government during the “Bienio Negro” of 1933 to 1936 responsible for the eventual outbreak of the Spanish Civil War? 3. What factors best explain why neither side was able to achieve immediate victory in 1936? 4. “The supreme farce of our time.” How valid is this assessment of the policy of nonintervention during the Spanish Civil War? 5. “We must be generous comrades, we must have a great soul and know how to forgive.” (General Yagüe, 19th April, 1938). To what extent was there still the possibility of a negotiated peace by 1938? [C044/SQP320] 18 Page twelve (11) Britain at War and Peace 1939–1951 Part 1 Answer TWO questions. Each question is worth 25 marks. 1. “Marching into war backwards with their eyes tightly closed.” How accurate is this assessment of the government’s preparations for war? 2. To what extent was naval power more important than air power in Britain’s ultimate victory in the Second World War? 3. “The war had a profound and lasting impact on the daily lives of British women.” How valid is this view? 4. “Only the Lend-Lease programme prevented the collapse of the British economy.” How valid is this view of the impact of the war on the British economy? 5. How successful was the foreign policy of the Labour Governments in the period 1945–1951? [C044/SQP320] 19 Page thirteen (1) Northern Britain from the Romans to AD 1000 Part 2 Study the sources below and answer the three questions which follow. SOURCE A taken from Tacitus’ The Agricola, Chapter 25 (c85AD) In the summer in which his sixth year of office began, Agricola enveloped the tribes beyond the Forth. Fearing a general rising of the northern tribes and threatening movements by the enemy on land he used his fleet to reconnoitre the harbours. It was first employed by Agricola to increase his striking-power and its continued attendance on him made an excellent impression. The war was pushed forward simultaneously by land and at sea; and infantry, cavalry and marines, often meeting in the same camp, would mess and make merry together. They boasted, as soldiers will, of their several exploits and adventures, and matched the perilous depths of woods and ravines against the hazards of storms and waves, victories on land against the conquest of the ocean. SOURCE B [C044/SQP320] photograph of Dunrobin 1, a Pictish symbol stone 20 Page fourteen SOURCE C from Warlords and Holy Men by Alfred P. Smyth (1984) Iona had been founded by Columba within Dal Riata, a territory ruled by a dynasty of kings whose immediate ancestors had migrated across the North Channel from County Antrim to settle in South West Scotland in the post-Roman era. This dynasty took charge of a Gaelic population which had already infiltrated Argyll from perhaps as early as the third century. Up until the Convention of Drumceat in 575 the kings of the Scottish colony ruled the territory of their Ulster homeland direct. SOURCE D from Saints and Sea-kings by Ewan Campbell (1999) If the inhabitants of Dal Riata migrated from Ireland, there should be Irish types of object and forms of settlement in Argyll, but this does not appear to be the case. The commonest form of settlement in Ireland at this time were small circular enclosures with earth banks, known as ringforts, which were probably used for keeping cattle as well as living accommodation. No ringforts are known in Argyll, although there are suitable locations for them . . . In fact there is almost no archaeological evidence to support the traditional view of migration from Ireland . . . this new version of history sees the “Scots” of Dal Riata not as immigrant Irish settlers, but as “Irish” speakers who had always lived in Scotland, and who shared a common language with their Gaelic neighbours. Marks 1. How useful is Source A as a description of Agricola’s campaigns in North Britain? 12 2. How fully does evidence such as Source B explain Pictish social and cultural life? 12 3. How helpful are the different interpretations in Sources C and D as views on the origins of Dal Riata? [C044/SQP320] 21 Page fifteen 16 (40) (2) Scottish Independence (1286–1329) Part 2 Study the sources below and answer the three questions which follow. SOURCE A from Robert the Bruce’s Rivals: The Comyns by Alan Young (1997) John Balliol’s inexperience and naivety must have become more and more obvious from the outset of his reign when he was no match for Edward I’s forcefulness. He had shown himself vacillating and weak in his relationship with the king of England and with regard to the greatest internal threat to the Scottish government, the Bruces. In the summer of 1294 King John failed to prevent Master Thomas Dalton of Kirkcudbright, Robert Bruce the elder’s candidate, from becoming bishop of Galloway. Balliol’s favours to Anthony Bek, Edward I’s chief adviser on Scottish affairs, must also have caused concern. SOURCE B from Scotland, The Later Middle Ages by R. Nicholson (1978) Balliol set out to be no less a king than his predecessors: his family had had links with Scotland since the twelfth century; there was nothing to hold back the development of the new dynasty, particularly since it was backed by the Comyns, not only the most powerful baronial family, but one with the best claim to be regarded as patriotic . . . Between 1293 and 1294 at least four parliaments were held. On one occasion parliament was to be the seat of “the dispensing of justice which may have been unprecedented in Scotland” . . . In general there is remarkable evidence that King John and his council were determined to secure the possessions and authority of the Crown. SOURCE C from The Bruce by John Barbour, written c1375 The castle of Forfar was then garrisoned by Englishmen. But one of King Robert’s men took some of his friends with him, and hurried to the castle with ladders, secretly, climbed over the stone wall and took the castle thus, by the failure of the guard with little difficulty. Then he killed all that he found and handed the castle over to the king, who gave him a very good reward. Then the king had the castle wall broken down, and destroyed the well and the whole castle. When the castle of Forfar and all its towers had been cast down to the ground, the wise, strong and bold king, who expected to make everything north of the Forth free, went to Perth with his army and soon set siege to it. But as long as it could have men and food it could not be taken without a great effort, for the walls were all of stone. [C044/SQP320] 22 Page sixteen SOURCE D from the Summons to Parliament of 1328 The King to the Sheriff, greeting. We order that, having seen these letters, you cause to be summoned bishops, abbots, earls, barons, freeholders and six suitable persons from each of the communities within your bailiwick . . . to be at Edinburgh on the second Sunday of Lent next coming and on subsequent days for the holding of our parliament there on various matters affecting us and our kingdom. And because, among other things to be dealt with in the business, with God’s inspiration, there is to be discussed a final peace to be re-established forever between us and our kingdom and the king of England and his kingdom, warn in advance the bishops and the rest of the prelates to bring with them their authentic seals. Marks 1. How helpful are the differing views in Sources A and B as interpretations of the reign of John Balliol? 16 2. How useful is Source C as evidence of the military strategy and tactics of King Robert? 12 3. How fully does Source D illustrate the importance of the role of Parliament in the government of Scotland between 1306 and 1328? [C044/SQP320] 23 Page seventeen 12 (40) (3) The Renaissance in Italy in the Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries Part 2 Study the sources below and answer the three questions which follow. SOURCE A from City States in Renaissance Italy by Lauro Martines (2002) The importance of the princely courts is in the fact that they were centres for the union between power and privileged culture . . . in their patronage of letters and the arts, the courts made a marriage, occasionally a brilliant one, of power and imagination. Arms and politics were fused together for princes like shoulders and head. Throughout the Renaissance period all the Sforza, Este and Gonzaga lords—and most of their brothers—were trained in swordsmanship and mounted combat . . . A serious effort was also made to fire the children at court with the learning of humanism; but horses, hunts, arms and luxurious display soon overwhelmed books. SOURCE B from a letter from Isabella d’Este to Leonardo da Vinci (1504) Master Leonardo, hearing you are staying in Florence, we have conceived the hope that something we have long desired might come true: to have something by your hand. When you were here and drew our portrait in charcoal, you promised one day to do it in colour. Since it would be inconvenient for you to move here, we beg you to keep your good faith with us by substituting for our portrait another figure. If we are gratified by you in this strong desire of ours, you shall know beyond payment, which you yourself shall fix, we shall remain so obliged to you that we shall think nothing else but to do you good service, and from this very moment offer ourselves to act at your convenience and pleasure. SOURCE C (1988) from Painting and Experience in Fifteenth Century Italy by M. Baxandall A fifteenth century painting is the deposit of a social relationship. On the one side there is the painter who made the picture, or at least supervised its making. On the other side there was someone else who asked him to make it . . . The better sort of painting was made on a “made to order” basis, the client asking for manufacture after his own specifications. Ready made pictures were limited to such things as run-of-themill Madonnas on marriage chests painted by run-of-the-mill artists in slack periods . . . The one general point to be insisted upon is that painting was still too important to be left to the painters. [C044/SQP320] 24 Page eighteen SOURCE D from Machiavelli’s The Prince (1513) Cesare Borgia was accounted cruel; nevertheless, this cruelty of his reformed the Romagna, brought unity, and restored order and obedience. So a prince must not worry if he incurs reproach for his cruelty so long as he keeps his subjects united and loyal. By making an example or two he will prove more compassionate than those who, being too compassionate, allow disorders which lead to murder and rapine. These nearly always harm the whole community, whereas executions ordered by a prince only affect individuals. 1. How fully does Source A describe the concerns of Renaissance Courts? 2. How helpful are Sources B and C in revealing differing views over relationships between artists and patrons during the Renaissance? 3. How useful is Source D in explaining the political control of Renaissance states? [C044/SQP320] 25 Page nineteen Marks 12 16 12 (40) (4) Georgians and Jacobites: Scotland 1715–1800 Part 2 Study the sources below and answer the three questions which follow. SOURCE A from a memorandum from Sir Archibald Grant of Monymusk to his tenants (1756) Your misfortune is not the want of good soil but your mismanagement of it. People in other countries are at expense to enclose, to raise trees and to drain, but you neglect this and even destroy what I do for you and will not do anything yourselves, and you don’t so much plant what you are bound to do, nor preserve and train them once planted. I desire forthwith and ask it as a favour that you enclose some ground by a half fence . . . and plant it with firs, ten or twelve rows all round, and if you cannot be at the expense of enclosing, I will advance it, if you will add 6% of the money to your rents. SOURCE B from Bonnie Prince Charlie by Susan Maclean Kybett (1988) It irked Charles the most that Lord George Murray, not he, had the confidence of the entire body of fighting men. The latter’s common sense placed a brake on the Prince’s impetuosity. Charles kept unsavoury gossip circulating about Lord George’s loyalty. Lord Elcho claimed that one of the Irishmen had said he had orders to assassinate Lord George if he made a move to betray the Prince. He pointed out that men of noble birth who had risked their all were never invited to dine at the Prince’s table, and if the Prince should happen to pass them by, they were given disdainful looks, as if they were no more than “common dragoons”. SOURCE C from The ’45 by Christopher Duffy (2003) It is true that Prince Charles’s military experience was confined to having been a spectator of the siege of Gaeta in Naples in 1734, but for the rest he stands out as a young man who had thought deeply about war, who had a strong strain of that essential attribute of luck, who kept himself in excellent physical condition, and who knew what was needed to motivate the ordinary men . . . A leader of conventional upbringing would have been unlikely to have generated the unique style of the Jacobite army, with its elan [spirit], impudence and opportunism. SOURCE D from the Reverend John Bonar’s proposals for a new Academy in Perth (1761) The surprising difference which we observe between one man and another is not so much owing to any natural superiority as to a more careful cultivation . . . This plainly shows that the proper education of youth ought to be a principal object of attention in every society, so that the person whose mind has been enlarged by instruction will fill any station to more advantage than he could otherwise have done . . . In these times men of learning have employed their skill in making the knowledge contribute to the improvement of the merchant, mechanic and farmer. Must it not be then of importance to enable persons in these stations in life to reap the advantages of these improvements? [C044/SQP320] 26 Page twenty Marks 1. How useful is Source A as evidence of the state of Scottish agriculture in the mid-eighteenth century? 12 2. How well do Sources B and C illustrate the differing interpretations of Charles Edward Stuart’s abilities as leader of the ’45? 16 3. How fully does Source D explain the motives for educational reform in Scotland 1715–1800? [C044/SQP320] 27 Page twenty-one 12 (40) (5) “The House Divided”: USA 1850–1865 Part 2 Study the sources below and answer the three questions which follow. SOURCE A from an account of a visit to slave quarters in Virginia in 1851 by a Polish visitor We entered some negroes’ huts—for their quarters cannot be called houses. They are far more miserable than the poorest of the cottages of our peasants. The husband and his wife sleep on a miserable bed, the children on the floor. They receive a peck [16 pints] of Indian corn every week, and half of it is for the children, as well as twenty herrings a month. They receive a cotton jacket and a pair of breeches [trousers] yearly. SOURCE B from Time on the Cross by R. Fogel and S. Engerman (1974) The belief that the typical slave was poorly fed is without foundation. The slave diet was not only adequate; it actually exceeded modern [1964] recommended daily levels of the chief nutrients. The 1860 census data show that on average there were 5.2 slaves per house on large plantations. The number of persons per free household in 1860 was 5.3. Thus, like free men, most slaves lived in single-family households. The sharing of houses by several families was uncommon. Occasionally, on very large plantations, there were dormitories for unmarried men and women. But these were exceptional. The single-family household was the rule. SOURCE C from Lincoln’s Inaugural Address, 4 March 1861 I have no power, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. The property, peace and security of no section are to be in anyway endangered by the now coming Administration. The power confided in me will be used to hold, occupy and possess the property and places belonging to the government; but beyond what may be necessary for these objectives, there will be no invasion. One section believes that slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes that it is wrong and ought not to be extended. That is the only substantial dispute. In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict, without being yourselves the aggressors. SOURCE D from Lincoln and Civil War Politics, edited by J.A. Rawley (1969) Abraham Lincoln took an active interest in the minutiae of politics. With a talent for speaking, he spoke on every occasion. With an intimate knowledge of the precepts and practice of politics, Lincoln found it easy to deal with experienced politicians like Simon Cameron. Lincoln’s primary task was to create a national Republican Party. He was not the pliant tool of the radical faction. He yielded to political necessity but was apt in evading the demands of the politicians. [C044/SQP320] 28 Page twenty-two Marks 1. How helpful are the differing views in Sources A and B as interpretations of the condition of slaves in the ante-bellum South? 16 2. How useful is Source C as evidence of the tensions that existed in American society by 1861? 12 3. How fully does Source D illustrate Lincoln’s political abilities as a wartime leader? [C044/SQP320] 29 Page twenty-three 12 (40) (6) Japan: From Medieval to Modern State 1850s–1920 Part 2 Study the sources below and answer the three questions which follow. SOURCE A from The Making of Modern Japan by Tim Megarry (1995) But to what extent was Japan ever really a feudal society? If a feudal society is defined simply as one comprising a land-based economy grounded on the labour of a subservient peasant, whose subordination was exemplified by legally binding ties to the soil; by weak and shifting monarchical government with frequent lapses in central control which necessitated strong social bonds between lords and their armed retainers; and by the granting of landed estates for this military service, then Japan and Europe do at times exemplify two different varieties of feudalism. SOURCE B from Japan 1868–1945: From Isolation to Occupation by John Benson and Takao Matsumura (2001) The political system established by the Imperial Constitution of 1889 remained oligarchic rather than democratic, patriarchal rather that participatory. A small group of the samurai who had been active in the Restoration acquired a leading role in the government after the Restoration, and retained their influence until well into the new century. These elder statesmen or genro as they were known, rotated power among themselves and their apprentices, providing seven of the nine prime ministers who held office between 1885 and the end of the First World War. SOURCE C from Japan: A Short History by Mikiso Hane (2000) The first order of business was the transformation of the political order. The initial step was the elimination of the existing feudal domains [han] where the clan chiefs still retained administrative authority . . . At national level a council of state with three branches was established and remained in effect until the cabinet system was introduced in 1885. At the local level, towns and village administrative units were established. Political authority extended from the centre to the governors and to the local leaders. SOURCE D Okubo Toshimichi’s response to Saigo Takamori in 1873 The treaties our country has concluded with the countries of Europe and America are not equal, there being many terms in them which impair the dignity of an independent nation. The restraints they impose may bring some benefit but there are, on the other hand, harmful aspects of these treaties. Britain and France for example, on the pretext that our country’s internal administration is not yet in order and that it cannot protect their subjects, have built barracks and stationed troops on our land as if our country were a territory of theirs . . . The ministers in the present government, by giving their zealous and thorough attention, must evolve a way to rid the country of its bondage and to secure for our country the dignity of an independent nation. This is an urgent matter of the moment. [C044/SQP320] 30 Page twenty-four Marks 1. How fully does Source A illustrate the structure of society in mid-nineteenth century Japan? 12 2. How helpful are the differing viewpoints in Sources B and C as interpretations on the political development of Meiji Japan? 16 3. How useful is Source D in illustrating Japan’s foreign policy aims in the Meiji era? [C044/SQP320] 31 Page twenty-five 12 (40) (7) Germany: Versailles to the Outbreak of the Second World War Part 2 Study the sources below and answer the three questions which follow. SOURCE A from the Spartakist Manifesto, first published in The Red Flag, 26th November 1918 The revolution has made its entry into Germany. The masses of soldiers, who for four years were driven to the slaughterhouse for the sake of capitalist profits, and the masses of workers have revolted. Prussian militarism lies broken, the Kaiser has fled. We do not say that all the power has really been lodged in the hands of the working people. There still sit in the government all those Socialists who for four years betrayed the German working class. Germany is pregnant with the social revolution, but socialism can be realised only by the workers of the world. SOURCE B from The Coming of the Third Reich by Richard J. Evans (2003) At its height the hyperinflation seemed terrifying. Money lost its meaning almost completely. Families on fixed incomes started selling their possessions so that they could have something to eat. Germany was grinding to a halt. Businesses and municipalities could no longer afford to pay their workers or buy supplies for public utilities. The consequences were momentous. Yet its long-term effects on the economic situation of Germany’s population are hard to measure. It used to be thought that it destroyed the economic prosperity of the middle class. Hyperinflation added to the feeling of the more conservative sections of the population of a world turned upside down, first by defeat, then by revolution, and now by economics. SOURCE C from a statement made to the Nuremberg Tribunal after 1945 by Otto Meissner, State Secretary in Hindenburg’s office Despite Papen’s persuasions, Hindenburg was extremely hesitant, until the end of January, to make Hitler Chancellor. He wanted to have Papen again as Chancellor. Papen finally won him over with the argument that the representatives of the other right wing parties which would belong to the government would restrict Hitler’s freedom of action. In addition Papen expressed his misgivings that, if the present opportunity were missed, a revolt of the National Socialists and civil war was likely. SOURCE D from Hitler’s Thirty Days to Power by Henry Ashby Turner Jr. (1996) It was a remarkable political comeback. A mere month earlier, Hitler had appeared finished. His party had suffered a staggering set-back in the last national election, as two out of three voters rejected it. Discussion and rebellion had broken out among his disappointed followers. Signs of improvement in the economy threatened to deprive him of one of the issues he had so successfully exploited. Yet now the president who had repeatedly rebuffed him had duly appointed him head of the government. [C044/SQP320] 32 Page twenty-six Marks 1. How valuable is Source A in helping us to understand the nature of the German Revolution of 1918–1919? 12 2. How fully does Source B explain the effects of the inflation of 1922–1923 on the German people? 12 3. How well do Sources C and D illustrate differing viewpoints on the process whereby Hitler became Chancellor in 1933? [C044/SQP320] 33 Page twenty-seven 16 (40) (8) South Africa 1910–1984 Part 2 Study the sources below and answer the three questions which follow. SOURCE A from A History of Inequality in South Africa 1652–2002 by Sampie Terreblanche (2002) By overemphasising the alleged injustices done to Afrikaners by British imperialism and foreign capital, and exaggerating the dangers of swart oorstroming (“black swamping”), Afrikaner ideologues succeeded in creating a “syndrome of victimisation” ie, the idea that the existence and interests of the Afrikaner volk were endangered by other population groups. In this way the NP succeeded in mobilising Afrikaners as the wrongful victims of a double onslaught: the first was their exploitation “from above” by British colonialism and foreign capitalism and the second the danger “from below” of Afrikaner culture being swamped by an “uncivilised African majority”. SOURCE B from South Africa: the Rise and Fall of Apartheid by Nancy Clark and William Worger (2004) The leaders of the Broederbond, most of them teachers, lawyers and other professionals, . . . sought to mobilise Afrikaners socially, economically and politically. In 1929 the Broederbond had formed the Federasie van Afrikaner Kultuurorganisasies (Federation of Afrikaner Cultural Organisations, FAK), to develop a sense of pride and accomplishment in Afrikaner culture . . . The FAK organised Afrikaans music examinations, collected folksongs, set up Afrikaner art exhibitions, and called on people to remember their past . . . Language—Afrikaans—stood at the centre of this emphasis on ethnicity, distinguishing Afrikaners from other whites, especially English speakers . . . With language as the unifying base, the Broederbond encouraged Afrikaans speakers to invest in the organisations—SANLAM/SANTAM—formed after the First World War to encourage Afrikaner business, and focused on gaining political power to achieve their social and economic goals. SOURCE C from a speech by Hendrik Verwoerd, Minister for Native Affairs, to the Natives Representative Council, December 1950 [The present government] believes in the supremacy (baasskap) of the European in his sphere, but then it also believes in the supremacy (baasskap) of the Bantu in his sphere. For the European child it wishes to create all possible opportunities for its own development, prosperity and national service in its own sphere; but for the Bantu it also wishes to create all the opportunities for the realisation of ambitions and the rendering of service to their own people. There is no policy of oppression here, but one of creating a situation which has never existed for the Bantu; namely, that taking into consideration their languages, traditions, history and different national communities, they may pass through a development of their own. [C044/SQP320] 34 Page twenty-eight SOURCE D from a speech by Robert Sobukwe at the Inaugural Convention of the PanAfricanist Congress (PAC), April 1959 We reject both apartheid and so-called multi-racialism as solutions of our socioeconomic problems. . . .We take our stand on the principle that Afrika is one and desires to be one and nobody, I repeat, nobody, has the right to balkanise [divide up] our land. Against multi-racialism we have this objection, that the history of South Africa has fostered group prejudices and antagonisms, and if we have to maintain the same group exclusiveness, parading under the term of multi-racialism, we shall be transporting to the new Afrika these very antagonisms and conflicts. Further, multi-racialism is pandering to European bigotry and arrogance. It is a method of safeguarding white interests. We aim, politically, at government of the Africans by the Africans, for the Africans, with everybody who owes his loyalty to Afrika and who is prepared to accept the democratic rule of an African majority, being regarded as an African. Marks 1. How well do Sources A and B illustrate differing explanations of the rise of Afrikaner nationalism before 1948? 16 2. How useful is Source C as an explanation of the apartheid policies of the 1950s? 12 3. How fully does Source D explain the appeal of Africanist ideas at the time of the PAC split from the ANC? [C044/SQP320] 35 Page twenty-nine 12 (40) (9) Soviet Union 1917–1953 Part 2 Study the sources below and answer the three questions which follow. SOURCE A from a telephone call from Rodzianko to General Ruzskii, 5.00 a.m., 3 March 1917 Unexpectedly for all of us, a mutiny of the soldiers has broken out [in Petrograd], the like of which I have not seen. Of course they were not soldiers but simply peasants taken from their ploughs, who found it useful to announce their demands now. All that could be heard in the crowd was “Land and Freedom”, “Down with the dynasty”, “Down with the Romanovs”, “Down with the Officers”, and in many units the massacre of officers had begun. Workers joined this movement and anarchy had reached its climax. SOURCE B from Lenin’s Political Testament, December 1922 Comrade Stalin, having become general secretary, has unlimited authority concentrated in his hands, and I am not sure whether he will always be capable of using that authority with sufficient caution. Comrade Trotsky, on the other hand . . . is perhaps the most capable man in the present Central Committee, but he has displayed excessive self-assurance and shown preoccupation with the purely administrative side of the work. I shall just recall that the October episode with Zinoviev and Kamenev was, of course no accident, but neither can the blame for it be laid upon them personally, any more than non-Bolshevism can be laid upon Trotsky . . . Stalin is too rude and this defect becomes intolerable in a general secretary. I suggest that the comrades think about a way of removing Stalin from that post . . . from the standpoint of a safeguard against a split . . . SOURCE C from Stalin’s Russia by Chris Ward (1999) Molotov’s long harangue against wreckers painted a lurid picture of spies and saboteurs at large in the State Bank and the commissars of light and heavy industry, food production, forestry, agriculture and communications. Ezhov, now styled “General Commissar for State Security”, drew the necessary conclusions. After repeating Stalin’s assertion that the NKVD was “four years behind” (maybe it was then that Yagoda turned on his tormentors and snarled that he could have arrested the lot of them six months earlier), he accused Bukharin of concealing knowledge of Trotsky’s treasonable activities. Bukharin struggled hopelessly against the encroaching darkness: “I’m not Zinoviev or Kamenev and I won’t lie about myself!” he shouted. [C044/SQP320] 36 Page thirty SOURCE D from Molotov Remembers; inside Kremlin conversations with Felix Chuev (1993) politics, a collection of Given all the shortcomings of the leadership of that time, [Stalin] alone coped with the tasks then confronting the country . . . Stalin was of course distinguished by his rudeness. But if not for his harshness I don’t know how much would have been accomplished . . . otherwise there would have been even greater vacillation and irresolution . . . 1937 was necessary. Bear in mind that after the Revolution we slashed right and left; we scored victories but tattered enemies of various stripes survived, and as we were faced by the growing danger of fascist aggression, they might have united. Thanks to 1937 there was no fifth column in our country during the war . . . It’s unlikely those people were spies, but they were definitely linked with foreign intelligence services. The main thing, however, is that at the decisive moment they could not be depended on . . . Marks 1. How fully does Source A explain the causes of the February Revolution? 12 2. How useful is Source B for understanding the leadership struggle in the 1920s? 12 3. How much do Sources C and D reveal about the differing views on the Purges? [C044/SQP320] 37 Page thirty-one 16 (40) (10) The Spanish Civil War: Causes, Conflict and Consequences 1923 –1945 Part 2 Study the sources below and answer the three questions which follow. SOURCE A from The Spanish Labyrinth by Gerald Brenan (l950) The purpose of the Socialist party in organising strikes and mass meetings in the country districts was evident: they wished to bring to bear on the Republican parties the greatest possible pressure to grant a wide measure of agrarian reform. For the first time in their history they had grasped the importance of the “campo”. The object of the Anarcho-Syndicalists . . . was revolutionary. The RAT saw the increase of liberty given by the Republic as a convenient weakening in the power of the Government which would enable them, at some not very distant date, to bring it down. Their tactics of armed putsches, acts of sabotage and guerrilla warfare with the police were intended both to make the work of the Government as difficult as possible and to rouse the whole of the working classes to the necessity for revolution. SOURCE B from an article by Peter Anderson in History Today issue 48 (March 2004) Meanwhile, in the parliament the agrarian and Catholic groups did all they could to slow the passage of the mild agrarian reform bill. Consequently, there was an explosion in left-wing union membership in the countryside as the peasants sought to force the Republic to bring about meaningful change . . . The landowners’ refusal to change received strong support from the Catholic Church. For years the Church had been developing its own political organisations. The foundation of the Republic highlighted the Church’s intransigent attitude. The future leader of the Catholicbacked political party, the CEDA, Jose Maria Gil Robles, declared his “unyielding repugnance” to the new Republic. Such views were born from long-term conflict over the role of the Church. SOURCE C from the farewell address by Dolores Ibarruri (La Pasionaria) in November 1938 It is very difficult to say a few words in farewell to the heroes of the International Brigades, because of what they are and what they represent . . . when the capital of the Spanish Republic was threatened, it was you, gallant comrades of the International Brigades, who helped save the city with your fighting enthusiasm, your heroism and your spirit of sacrifice. And Jarama and Guadalajara, Brunete and Belchite, Levante and the Ebro, in immortal verses sing of the courage, the sacrifice, the daring, the discipline of the men of the International Brigades. Comrades of the International Brigades: political reasons, reasons of state, the welfare of that very cause for which you offered your blood with boundless generosity, are sending you back, some to your own countries and others to forced exile. You can go proudly. You are history. You are legend. [C044/SQP320] 38 Page thirty-two SOURCE D from The Spanish Civil War by Hugh Thomas (1977) Franco’s army was better organised, all things considered, than that of his enemies. Political unity gave him unity of command. Nationalist forces were more disciplined than their opponents and their logistical arrangements were excellent, as seen in the ease with which reserves were moved from one front to another. German technical training, particularly in signals, played a considerable part there. But equally important was the availability of so many middle class young men as provisional lieutenants, whose education made them more effective than the junior republican officers. Marks 1. How helpful are Sources A and B in illustrating differing viewpoints on the problems facing the Spanish government between 1931 and 1933? 16 2. How useful is Source C as evidence of the role and effectiveness of the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War? 12 3. How fully does Source D explain the reasons for Nationalist victory in the Spanish Civil War? [C044/SQP320] 39 Page thirty-three 12 (40) (11) Britain at War and Peace 1939–1951 Part 2 Study the sources below and answer the three questions which follow. SOURCE A from The Gathering Storm by Winston Churchill (1948) I have had many important interviews in my public life, and this was certainly the most important. Usually I talk a great deal, but on this occasion I was silent. Mr Chamberlain evidently had in his mind the stormy scene in the House of Commons two nights before . . . As I remained silent a very long pause ensued . . . Then at length Halifax spoke. He said he felt that his position as a Peer . . . would make it very difficult for him to discharge the duties of Prime Minister in a war like this . . . He spoke for some minutes, and by the time he had finished it was clear that the duty would fall upon me—had in fact fallen upon me. SOURCE B from High Tide and After: Memoirs 1945–60 by Hugh Dalton (1962) Here was a Labour Government, supported for the first time in British history by a great and secure majority at Westminster which, in the lifetime of a single Parliament, beat all past records of legislative output, completed the whole very wide-ranging programme on which it had been elected, and brought in changes which, in the total, so changed the social and economic life of Britain that, at the end of those five years, a new Britain was emerging, not static, not finished, but an immense improvement on pre-war Britain and containing many seeds, sowed by us innovators, of future growth. SOURCE C from The Audit of War by Correlli Barnett (1987) And so it was that, by the time they took the bunting down from the streets after VE-Day and turned from the war to the future, the British in their dreams and illusions and in their flinching from reality had already written the broad scenario for Britain’s postwar descent to the place of fifth in the free world as an industrial power, with manufacturing output only two-fifths of West Germany’s, and the place of fourteenth in the whole non-communist world in terms of annual GNP per head. As that descent took its course the illusions and the dreams of 1945 would fade one by one—the Imperial and Commonwealth role, the world power role, the British industrial genius, and, at the last, New Jerusalem itself, a dream turned into a dank reality of a segregated, sub-literate, unskilled, unhealthy and institutionalised proletariat hanging onto the nipple of state maternalism. [C044/SQP320] 40 Page thirty-four SOURCE D from The Attlee Government by Douglas Jay, quoted in Contemporary Record (1988) It was the most fiercely fought, passionate, neck-and-neck, exhausting Parliamentary election I ever contested . . . But the Labour Party had almost everything in 1951 against it: the redistribution of seats, the Bevanite quarrel only six months before, the loss of Bevin and Cripps . . . and the steady swing back of votes due to the revival of anti-Labour propaganda in the post 1945 press . . . In all these circumstances the result was as surprising as it was ironic. It was indeed a close-run thing. Labour won more votes than ever before, or since, more than the Conservatives, and more than any political Party ever had. But the Conservatives won more seats in the Commons . . . Marks 1. How useful is Source A in explaining why Churchill became Prime Minister on May 10th 1940? 12 2. How well do Sources B and C illustrate the differing views on the domestic achievements of the Labour Governments in the period 1945–1951? 16 3. How fully does Source D explain the reasons behind the Conservatives’ election victory in 1951? [END OF SPECIMEN QUESTION PAPER] [C044/SQP320] 41 Page thirty-five 12 (40) [C044/SQP320] History Advanced Higher Specimen Marking Instructions [C044/SQP320] 42 NATIONAL QUALIFICATIONS © Northern Britain from the Romans to AD 1000 Part 1 Each question is worth 25 marks Question 1 How far does the evidence support the view that Iron Age society in North Britain was hierarchical? The candidate is expected to demonstrate awareness of the alleged evidence for Iron Age society in North Britain being hierarchical and to assess its worth. The candidate may refer to both literary and archaeological evidence. The candidate might be expected to use such evidence as: the people at the top displayed their power, prestige and wealth by the sheer size of their dwellings, by personal adornment and adornment of horses, chariots and weapons and probably by possession of slaves massive dwellings whose construction involved huge amounts of labour, implying coercion, were built to dominate the landscape and display their owners’ power and included brochs, surrounded by broch villages, crannogs, round houses and ring-ditch houses as well as mighty forts like the Pictish one at Burghead large, impressive underground structures, such as wheelhouses and souterrains (for storage), also emphasised their owners’ wealth highly skilled craftsmen made for the powerful ornate jewellery, weapons and horse trappings as well as chariots votive offerings of precious metal goods indicate surplus wealth, no doubt owned by the mighty there appear to have been itinerant broch builders working for the powerbrokers of society pictish symbol stones were also possibly the work of itinerant craftsmen and appear to have been erected for those with power and authority; they contain scenes of hunting and fighting, aristocratic pursuits literary evidence: Caesar’s Gallic Wars, Tacitus’ Agricola, the early Irish law texts analysed by D. A. Binchy, all identify Celtic society, which obtained in North Britain, as hierarchical: an upper tier of warriors/nobles/leaders, a middle tier of free peasants, craftsmen and a lower tier of unfree and slaves – no doubt war booty, as well as a class of seers/Druids/religious experts. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Ian Armit: Celtic Scotland, particularly good on the role of dwellings in society Stuart Pigott: especially good on swords, scabbards and the carnyx-war trumpet Nick Aitchison: The Picts and the Scots at War, emphasises the military nature of Iron Age society and the role of musters and war bands David Breeze: The Northern Frontiers of Roman Britain Smyth: Warlords and Holy Men: argues that the names of barbarian magnates as found in Roman authors’ works and on Roman inscriptions, prove there was a warrior elite in North Britain, eg Calgacus = The Swordsman and Argentocoxus = Silver Leg. [C044/SQP320] 43 Page two Question 2 How important was the part played by tribal resistance in the Roman failure to conquer North Britain? The candidate is expected to analyse, critically, the factors behind the (alleged) failure of the Romans to conquer North Britain and to come to a measured conclusion about the importance of the role of tribal resistance in that failure. An awareness of recent historiography questioning the difficulties facing Agricola’s invasion is important. The candidate might be expected to use such evidence as: the evidence for tribal resistance is all literary, by classical authors Tacitus, Dio Cassius and Herodian, who never set foot in Britain and had a pretty obvious agenda, to highlight military glory and make the Roman advance look impressive. Tacitus makes much of the native night time attack on the Ninth Legion and the heroic native resistance at Mons Graupius but recent work on the dating of the Gask Frontier suggests there was probably a walkover by Agricola; even that part of North Britain was already still occupied after earlier peaceful incursions. Dio Cassius and Herodian describe guerrilla warfare against Severus and Caracalla but it did not stop two massive campaigns and the reinstatement of the Roman fort at Cramond which, along with the building of a massive vexillation legionary fortress at Carpow on the Tay, showed North Britain had been conquered and could have been occupied for as long as the Romans wished or were able to afford out of limited imperial resources all the archaeological and factual literary evidence is that the Romans were able to penetrate as far North as they wished, whenever they wished, in Flavian, Antonine and Severan times the Romans clearly failed to conquer North Britain and occupy it continuously but tribal resistance was not the reason for the failure: besides the points above, the ways in which Roman goods found their way to non Roman sites demonstrate peaceful relations it was imperial considerations which doomed continuous Roman occupation: Agricola’s successor had to send reinforcements to the Continent and so abandon the legionary fortress at Inchtuthill; Antoninus Pius’ successor had no interest in maintaining his predecessor’s largely personally motivated advance into North Britain; Caracalla, after murdering his father, had other business in Rome and did not for long maintain his and his father’s joint conquest North Britain had no valuable economic resources such as Welsh lead or Cornish tin so there were no economic imperatives for occupation Tacitus, Dio Cassius and Herodian made much of the geographical and topographical obstacles to campaigning (although they had never seen them) but Breeze points out that equally apparently insuperable obstacles were overcome elsewhere in Europe with ease by the Roman army Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: in the JRSAI Breeze has a long article “Why the Romans failed to conquer Scotland” which examines all the factors examined above and concluded the fly in the ointment was lack of consistent Imperial policy: the Empire had the resources to pacify the whole island, and could then have reduced the size of the garrison, but the will was simply not there. The Rhine and Danube frontiers naturally loomed larger in the Imperial mind. David Wooliscroft and Birgitta Hoffmann’s work on the Gask Frontier and the Agricolan invasion. Internet Tacitus, Dio Cassius and Herodian, all to be found in S Ireland’s Roman Britain, a Sourcebook Hanson and Maxwell: in The Antonine Wall, Rome’s North West Frontier, have a discussion on Roman success and failure in N Britain Breeze, The Northern Frontiers of Roman Britain Smyth: all three invasions were eventual failures. [C044/SQP320] 44 Page three Question 3 How valid is the claim that the Romans had no lasting impact on native society in North Britain? The candidate is expected to discuss, critically, what impact, if any, Roman contact had on native society in North Britain. The candidate might be expected to use such evidence as: the gradual evolution in Roman and sub Roman times of a diminishing number of tribes and their evolution into kingdoms/states: Ptolemy recorded sixteen tribes in Flavian times, Tacitus added a seventeenth. By 200AD the twelve or thirteen tribes North of the ForthClyde Isthmus had apparently been subsumed into two, the Caledones and the Maeatae. By 297 the Picts apparently ruled the whole area, except perhaps Argyll, though the tribes apparently lingered on as sub kingdoms. In the Lowlands the Votadini became the Gododdin, the Damnonii the Britons of Strathclyde while the Selgovae and the Novantae gradually faded from history. It would appear the Romans through their presence, pressure and example had had a profound impact on society from the point of view of state-building christianity spread to Whithorn in Galloway, after the Romans had left what we call now Scotland, but before 410 AD, and endured after that date. Niniavus was sent from Carlisle to Whithorn to administer to a Christian community as a Bishop literacy: the point above implies it and at Traprain Law, a Votadini stronghold tolerated by the Romans, a piece of mudstone was found with ABC and the down stroke of D on it as well as IRI on a fragment of pot before Roman contact, society was rural, tribal, hierarchical, familiar, pagan, heroic and nonliterate. Post Roman society was not much different but for the dawnings of Christianity and perhaps of literacy the eventual Roman decision to have a defended frontier on the Tyne-Solway rather than the Forth-Clyde influenced profoundly the evolution of a Scottish medieval kingdom with a frontier near there Romanitas. A feeling or memory of the might and grandeur of Rome lingered on. When the genealogies of early British kings were written down many of the early rulers were given Roman names: the first king of the Manua Gododdin was allegedly Paternus Pesrut, Patern of the Red Cloak on the other hand, there was no urbanisation, no endurance of the Roman vici, no adoption of coinage or any other aspects of Roman material society. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Breeze: on the Mediaeval genealogies above Breeze: in Chapter 8, Roman and Barbarian, in The Northern Frontiers of Roman Britain Smyth: in Warlords and Holy Men emphasises how fully fledged Celtic kingdoms sprang up or rather re-emerged as Roman power ebbed Anna Ritchie and Breeze in Invaders of Scotland Nick Aitchison points out that the proximity of Rome’s NW frontier and the wealthy province beyond provided an incentive for raiding while the loot supported socio-political elites, the emergence of kingdoms and a society organised for war. [C044/SQP320] 45 Page four Question 4 How important was the part played by the Scots in the disappearance of the Pictish kingdom? The candidate is expected to be familiar with a range of factors which contributed to the disappearance of the separate Pictish kingdom and to evaluate how important among these was the part played by the Scots of Dal Riata. The candidate might be expected to use such evidence as: the Picts and Scots had in essentials a common Celtic background (though not a common Celtic language), social order, military organisation, way of life, beliefs kingship of the Picts and Scots had been interchangeable: several Kings of the Picts had been simultaneously Kings of the Scots and vice versa thus Kenneth MacAlpin’s accession to the Pictish throne as well as earlier to the Scots’ one was precedented both peoples were Christian and Christianity had come to the Picts mainly from the Scots in post-Columban times. Both peoples followed the Columban church model the Church did not favour disunity. In fact the destruction of the Picts by Kenneth MacAlpin was attributed to divine punishment for the wickedness of their liturgy and ecclesiastical laws. before the 9th century AD the Scots were colonising the lands of the Picts as they moved gradually East: the spread of Gaelic place names shows this the agricultural wealth of Pictland was an enormous temptation to the power-hungry warlords of Dal Riata seaborne Viking pressure on the Scots also put them under pressure to move their power base to the East. Interestingly the part of Dal Riata not taken over by the Vikings did not become part of Alba, the new United Kingdom. It became known as Gall Gaidel and eventually became part of the Lordship of the Isles. In a sense it was the Kingship of the Scots which disappeared, not that of the Picts at the same time, Viking pressure on the Picts, taking from them the Northern and Western Isles and Caithness and Sutherland, weakened them in particular, in 839 the Vikings wiped out many of the Pictish nobles: the tradition that Kenneth MacAlpin was personally responsible for massacring the Pictish nobility at a feast at Scone is now doubted by some historians Kenneth was an experienced warrior, a leader of a war band, and must have had some claim to the Scots’ throne he may also have had a claim to the Pictish throne through his mother. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Sally M Foster in Ch 7 of Picts, Gaels and Scots discusses this very question, emphasising long term factors and alas debunking the massacre at Scone, an excellent story Alfred P Smyth in Warlords and Holy Men covers the same ground but highlights the genius of Kenneth MacAlpin himself Nick Aitchison in The Picts and The Scots at War points out the role of the Church Barbara Crawford in Scandinavian Scotland, Ch 2, assesses the role of the Vikings in Pictland and Dal Riata. [C044/SQP320] 46 Page five Question 5 How important were factors such as geography and topography in attracting the Vikings to the Northern and Western Isles? The candidate is expected to discuss a wide range of factors which attracted the Vikings to the Northern and Western Isles and to decide upon the comparative importance of the geographical and topographical ones. The candidate might be expected to use such evidence as: geographically the Northern Isles were unmissable: Shetland was 70 miles and 24 hours from Norway and the long chain of Shetland, Fair Isle, Orkney and Caithness was bound to yield a landfall the coastlines were in some areas similar to fjords the Vikings who came to North Britain were from Norway in the main and were pastoral farmers whose life-style was based on the raising of cattle and sheep with a little growing of oats and barley where possible; the Northern and Western Isles, as well as looking like home, were ideal for this. The Norwegian Vikings also lived in isolated farms, not in village communities: once again the Isles were ideal for this island settlements were safe from native attack. They were also ideal bases for raiding the prevailing winds blew the Vikings West in the Spring and East in the Autumn plenty of safe anchorages: eg Scapa Flow could shelter hundreds of longships possession of the Northern and Western Isles opened up the whole of the Irish Sea and the Western Approaches topographically the Isles provided a multitude of the type of settlement sites the Vikings wanted: ease of access to the sea; grazing land for livestock; plenty of drinking water; fuel and building materials; Orkney has very good soil and plenty of sandstone for flags for building; Shetland has patches of good soil; the machair on parts on the Hebrides, both Inner and Outer, is good for farming; plenty of shelving beaches; the lie of the ground favoured portages; conditions were ideal for fishing, both pastoral and arable farming and for fowling climatically the winters were warmer than in Scandinavia, mild enough to outwinter stock, especially sheep raiding: abbeys had treasure in the form of communion plate, adornment of Gospels, Reliquaries, Vestments and Psalters with gold, silver and precious stones native settlements yielded slaves and livestock in abundance. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Barbara Crawford, Scandinavian Scotland, devotes the whole of Ch 2 to “The Geographical Framework,” which includes topography and explains the Viking preference for the Isles Anna Ritchie and David J Breeze in Invaders of Scotland discuss the settlements in the Isles Alfred P Smyth in Warlords and Holy Men examines and identifies the Viking preference for the Isles. [C044/SQP320] 47 Page six Northern Britain from the Romans to AD 1000 Part 2 Question 1 How useful is Source A as a description of Agricola's campaigns in North Britain? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded a total of 5 marks for the quality of their evaluation of the provenance of the source AND for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. This may be split 3/2 or 2/3. At Advanced Higher, provenance is a form of contextualisation where candidates locate the source in history . . . why was it that that person saying it?, why did it matter?, why then and in that way?, was it the same as previous or later views? It is answers to these sorts of questions which help locate the source and establish its usefulness. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s value. The candidate offers a structured consideration of the usefulness of Source A in describing Agricola’s campaign in North Britain in terms of: Provenance: Appropriate and relevant comments will earn credit. These may include: Primary Source. Tacitus was alive at the time of the campaigns, was a top Roman, an historian and the son-in-law of Agricola, though he had never been in Britain he wrote his book eight years after last seeing Agricola however he proclaimed his book about his father-in-law was intended to “honour” him and it pertains more to hagiography than rigorous biography the book is a curious mixture of biography, eulogy, history, geography, panegyric and an apologia for top Romans who kept their heads down under the tyrant Domitian style takes precedence over substance recent archaeological work suggests Agricola’s campaigns may have been a walkover. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Agricola advanced his forces North when the campaigning season began in the Summer of his sixth year as Governor and Commander-in-Chief. He used the fleet to leapfrog up the East coast to counter the enemy’s strength on land and inhibit a general rising by the tribes. His forces were confident and boastful of their progress. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Agricola was Governor of Britain for seven years and fought, or more accurately led, five campaigns in North Britain: Year III: Tyne to Tay; Year IV: Consolidation in the South and on the Forth Clyde Isthmus; Year V: Advance into Dumfries and Galloway – plans for Ireland; Year VI: Advance NE of Forth; Year VII: Alleged great victory at Mons Graupius. The style and statements in the source are what Tacitus’ audience of top Romans, who probably had the book read to them after dinner, expected to hear. The dual advance is supposed to have driven the tribesmen to resist by first attacking forts and then at night time the camp of a battle group built round the Ninth Legion. Agricola saved the day of course. [C044/SQP320] 48 Page seven Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the view(s) in the source: Agricola is the subject, in either the strict grammatical or the actual sense, in the first three sentences – typical of the book. Tacitus claims further on in the account of Year VI that captured Britons were dismayed by the appearance of the fleet: this seems very unlikely, rather it’s an example of Tacitus writing about what a good Roman would have expected. The Gask frontier, which nowadays covers part of the ground from the Forth to the Tay and may have covered it all originally, used to be attributed either to Agricola’s successor or to Agricola’s year IV but has now been dated to perhaps a decade before him – which probably renders redundant all the heroics of ‘The Agricola’. The Romans were in North Britain in Flavian times (archaeological evidence) but it was probably a walkover. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate Historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: David J Breeze: The Northern Frontiers of Roman Britai: Conventional view of Agricola WS Hanson: The Antonine Wall: Rome’s North West Frontier: More sceptical view Work by Birgitta Hoffmann and David Wooliscroft: is uncovering extensive pre-Agricolan contacts with N Britain. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the usefulness of Source A in describing Agricola’s campaigns in N Britain. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument, showing a clear understanding of the views of the source. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 49 Page eight Question 2 How fully does evidence such as Source B explain Pictish social and cultural life? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded up to 3 marks for his/her ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s fullness in explaining/analysing the issue. The candidate offers a structured explanation of Source B in terms of: Provenance: Appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit under historiography. These may include: This is a splendid example of what we call a Class I Pictish symbol stone, an undressed boulder or stone slab with a number of symbols incised on it. Class I stones are presumed to post-date 500 AD and appear to have originated around the Moray Firth and they predominate to the North of the Mounth, including Orkney and Shetland, whereas Class II stones are predominant to the South. Class I stones such as the one in Source B, from Sutherland, have been found in association with burials, Pictish cairns and barrows. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): The source is a Class I Pictish symbol stone, a free standing boulder with four figures incised on it, a fish, tuning fork or sword, mirror or patera and a comb. The two “ors” show what a minefield the interpretations of the symbols are. Since we do not understand the Pictish language and in any case only a few words survive in king lists, we do not know what the Picts called these designs. The second from the top used to be called a tuning fork, though as far as is known, no Pictish tuning fork has ever been excavated, but is now called a sword. The bottom left one is usually called a mirror, but may have been a patera, a Roman dish with a handle on the side. [C044/SQP320] 50 Page nine The source is not a Class II stone as it is not dressed, has no Christian symbols or rather designs – with these there is no ambiguity about what they represent – and no scenes of hunting and battle or intricate zoomorphic designs. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: There are at least fifty different symbols used on Class I stones, cave walls, rock outcrops and silver jewellery and possibly on wood, leather, textiles and perhaps on people’s skins. Some are naturalistic, fish, eagle, snake eg, others are abstract, crescent and v rod, double disc and z rod, rectangle. The crescent, double disc and Pictish beast are the most common symbols. Designs are almost always paired and in about a quarter of cases are accompanied by a mirror/patera and comb, often at the foot of the stone under the other symbols. Class I stones may be memorials to the dead, testimonies to marriage alliances between matrilineal clans, statements of tribal affiliation or stone charters but being used over several centuries and on different materials it seems unlikely. The same symbol may have meant different things in different contexts but all of them may have demonstrated shared and widespread beliefs. They may make most sense when looked at in the light of Celtic religious beliefs and practices. Animals were carved because of their religious and symbolic value. About 17 other designs may be abstract representations of high-status objects such as sword, harness-ring, cauldron, anvil, tongs; many of these were used in votive offerings. Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the view in the source: Symbol stones like this one show the Picts were a cultured and artistic people who carried out designs which are masterpieces by world standards. Art, religion and symbolism were obviously important to them. Whatever the stones and symbols signify they were erected by the powerful and wealthy, proof of a hierarchical society. The regularity of design suggests a class of itinerant carvers who carried patterns with them on parchment or even on their skins. The designs show contacts with Ireland and Northumbria: the Picts were in that sense cosmopolitan, open to outside influences. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Sally M Foster: Picts, Gaels and Scots: This is one of the most recent works on the Picts: much of the above is taken from it Anna Ritchie: Picts (1989) a very sound work: similar views to Foster; both Foster and Ritchie: also look at Pictish life in general as well as the part played in it by the symbol stones K H Jackson: thought the stones recorded marriage treaties Charles Thomas: thought they were memories of late Iron Age weapons, equipment and symbols of rank: plausible Ian Armit: in Scotland’s Hidden History conjectures that the stones and symbols may have been painted cf illustrated manuscripts, which do have designs in common the study of Pictish symbol stones produces all sorts of theories, none of which, in the nature of things, are provable. WA Cummins, a geologist, thinks they are a type of alphabet, spelling out the names of kings. [C044/SQP320] 51 Page ten The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, as to how fully Source B explains Pictish social and cultural life. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument, showing a clear understanding of the views of the source. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 52 Page eleven Question 3 How helpful are the different interpretations in Sources C and D as views on the origins of Dal Riata? (16 marks) Interpretation (Maximum 6 marks) The candidates may be awarded up to 3 marks for his/her ability to establish the views of each source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source Contextual and Historical interpretations (Maximum 10 marks) These 10 marks will be awarded for: the quality and depth of the contextual recall the quality and depth of the wider perspectives the range and quality of historians’ views provenance comment-if appropriate. The candidate considers the views in Sources C and D on the origins of Dal Riata in terms of: Source C Provenance: Appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. These may include: accurate comment on Smyth will be credited as historiography Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Argyll, once Pictish, was colonised by Dal Riata Scots from Co Antrim in Ireland. The historian Bede believed the Picts gave Iona to St Columba, a prince of Dal Riata in Co Antrim. In the post Roman era some of the settlers in Argyll established a new dynasty of kings which ruled the people who had migrated across the Irish Sea from the 3rd century AD. Until the late 6th century AD the rulers of Dal Riata in Argyll still ruled their homeland in Co Antrim. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Dal Riata, the Kingdom of the Scots, though they called themselves Goidil (Old Irish) = Gaels, was in Argyll. The king lists claim that the first king, Fergus Mor (and his sons) crossed from County Antrim to Argyll about 500AD. However, beware, king lists were compiled after the event and often to bolster dynastic claims: the genealogies in the Senchus Fer nAlban were re-written in the 10th century AD to incorporate the Fergus story. Bede can not be relied upon so far as the origin of Dal Riata in Argyll is concerned. [C044/SQP320] 53 Page twelve Source D Provenance: Appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. These may include accurate comment on Ewan Campbell which will be credited as historiography Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Challenges the traditional view, as expressed in Source C. Argyll does not have Irish types of artefacts and settlements, as it should if its people came from Ireland, eg no ringforts. No real archaeological evidence for a migration. Actually the people of Dal Riata in Argyll were indigenous to North Britain and shared a common language with their Gaelic neighbours across the Irish Sea. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: The people of Dal Riata in Argyll obviously knew they spoke the same language as the people of Ireland. Equally they knew they did not have the same language as their neighbours to the East, the Picts. They therefore naturally concluded they originated in Ireland. However Irish and Dal Riata brooches and dress pins are different. There are hundreds of Ogham pillars in Ireland: two only in Argyll. Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the sources: All the evidence points to a continuity of population in Argyll from the early Iron Age through to the Mediaeval period and away from a migration from Ireland. The Dal Riata people in Argyll thought they came from Ireland since they could speak to the people there and therefore invented a migration theory to fit this. They could not speak to the Picts or Britons whose languages had developed differently: the Highland massif was a barrier to travel and contact: the Irish Sea was not. When there was, for a time, not unnaturally, a joint rulership of Dal Riata in Argyll and Dal Riata in Co Antrim, an origin legend which showed a migration of kings from West to East helped the Argyll Dal Riata claim sovereignty over the Irish Dal Riata. [C044/SQP320] 54 Page thirteen Candidates may bring a range of appropriate Historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Smyth and Campbell above have diametrically opposed views and make more points than are in the sources Ritchie and Breeze still refer to a migration or rather a gradual settlement of Scottish from Co Antrim over two centuries before 500 AD they refer to imported artefacts, imported to Scotland from Ireland, but that does not necessarily imply migration: a lot of china was imported from China in the 18th century but no Chinese came! they think the best evidence is of Scottish fighting alongside Picti against the Romans: surely they were more likely to be living there than to have rushed over Sally M Foster in Picts, Gaels and Scots rather sits on the fence; while claiming that the Dal Riata of Argyll originally came from the Antrim tribe of the Dal Riata she concedes there is no archaeological evidence for such a migration she does attest to a long tradition of contact between NE Ireland and W Scotland, which is Campbell’s point really; however she points out there is evidence for Irish settlements in Scotland, Wales and England Nick Aitchison: a recent writer on this controversy (2003) reviews all the points above and concludes that the Scots/Scottish/Gaels were descended from the indigenous inhabitants of the region. The strong contacts with and influences from Ireland may be satisfactorily explained by trade, religious activity and perhaps even a ruling class asserting its authority over neighbours. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of the two sources is helpful in offering a full perspective on the origins of the Scottish/Gaels of Dal Riata. Marks 1-4 vaguely written, merely re-describing the sources, not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the sources. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 5-7 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the sources, and a weak sense of content. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 8-11 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several points and shows an understanding of the views of the sources, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians. 12-16 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the views of the sources and their value as interpretations on the issue. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 55 Page fourteen Scottish Independence (1286-1329) Part 1 Each question is worth 25 marks Question 1 How well established was royal authority by the death of Alexander III in 1286? The candidate is required the analyse the characteristics and nature of royal authority under Alexander III and come to a balanced judgement about the degree to which it could be claimed that Alexander’s royal authority was well-established by 1286. Relevant areas for discussion might include: Success in establishing royal authority Reduction in the threat of baronial faction as the reign progressed, especially after the threat from the Durwards and Bissets had been removed. The victory at Largs and the Treaty of Perth brought the Western Isles under the authority of the Scottish crown. Alexander III attempted to continue the ‘feudalisation’ of the kingdom begun by his predecessors; attempted to set up a separate sheriffdom in Argyll. Government increasingly operated through the great offices of state: Chamberlain, steward, chancellor, marischal, justiciars, sheriffs. Alexander was free to establish his authority without having to face a serious English threat following the Treaty of Northampton (1244). The emergence of the ‘Community of the Realm’ in the period may suggest the beginnings of a notion of ‘national’ identity and of the nature of government being a ‘compact’ between king and magnates. Limitations in establishing royal authority Faction during the minority of Alexander III highlighted the fragility of royal authority. The Western Isles were never really under royal authority; emergence of powerful local magnates in that area. Galloway and Moray were always resistant to royal control. Alexander’s close relationship with the Comyns meant that the re-emergence of faction was always possible; the emergence of the Bruce threat. Edward I’s claims to overlordship seem to undermine the sense of the development of the Scottish kingdom as a separate entity. Failure to secure the succession. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Geoffrey Barrow: argues that a Scottish ‘Community of the Realm’ was emerging by the 1250s and was strengthened during Alexander III’s reign AAM Duncan: is more cautious about the emergence of a ‘Community of the Realm’, seeing continuing faction Alan Young: emphasises the crucial role of the Comyns in the period. [C044/SQP320] 56 Page fifteen Question 2 “The real significance of the decision of 1292 in favour of John Balliol lies not with the judgement itself but in how it was made”. How justified is this view of the Great Cause? The candidate is required to make a balanced judgement about the underlying issues at stake during the Great Cause. Candidates are required to consider the view that the choice of John Balliol as King was less important than the consequences for Scottish independence of the way that decision was made. Candidates may interpret the phrase very broadly – either with reference only to the events of 1292, or perhaps including the whole background of the succession crises going back to 1286. Relevant areas for discussion might include: Evaluation of the choice of John Balliol as King Balliol was the correct choice according to the law of primogeniture and Scottish precedent over the previous 200 years. The nature of Bruce’s claim and reasons for its failure. Balliol’s claim was better supported by the ‘Community of the Realm’ than Bruce’s. Rejection of the claims of Florence of Holland and John Hastings. Edward’s possible motives in choosing Balliol – close adherence to Scottish law, or selecting a ‘puppet’ ruler? Evaluation of how the judgment was made No immediate indication of Edward’s intention to press overlordship following the death of Alexander III. Debate over the Treaty of Birgham; respect for Scottish independence as against the significance of Edward I’s “reserving his rights”. Appointment of Anthony Bek; annexation of Isle of Man. Edward’s demands at Norham. The Scots’ reply to Edward’s demands at Norham. Edward’s demand of recognition from the contenders. Edward’s ‘reappointment’ of the Guardians. Significance of ‘judgment’ at Berwick as opposed to arbitration. Significance of the choice of legal system. Composition of the Court and the role of Edward’s council. Edward’s sasine of Scottish royal castles. The impact of the Process of Norham on Scottish Independence. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: FM Powicke: argued that Edward acted with proper regard to Scotland’s traditions throughout the proceedings at Norham and during the Great Cause Geoffrey Barrow: views Edward’s involvement as designed to undermine Scottish independence, although the choice of Balliol as King was correct Caroline Bingham: has been more inclined to accept the legitimacy of Bruce’s claim, in line with a more traditional interpretation of the period Michael Penman: argues that Edward required sasine of royal castles in order to be able to enforce his judgment; sees the distinction between judgment and arbitration as critical in the case. [C044/SQP320] 57 Page sixteen Question 3 How far were William Wallace’s achievements more political than military? The candidate is required make a balanced judgement about whether or not William Wallace’s achievements were more political than military in order to arrive at a conclusion. Relevant areas for discussion might include: Political achievements The possible political motivation for Wallace’s uprising; his absence from the Ragman’s Roll, the murder of Heselrig. Early success in galvanising resistance; possible associations in his uprising with the Stewart and Wishart. Possible political motivation for the attack on Scone. Political significance of Stirling Bridge. Wallace’s resurrection of the notion of guardianship. The Lubeck Letter. The election of Lamberton to the See of St. Andrews. His role in ‘keeping the cause alive’ after the defeat at Dunbar. Wallace’s role in redefining the ‘Community of the Realm’ to include commoners. Wallace as a ‘feudal conservative’; supporter of Balliol. Wallace’s later diplomatic efforts in Paris and Rome. Military achievements Speed and success of the rising in spring/summer 1297. Victory at Stirling Bridge. Raids into Northern England. Evaluation of the reasons for the defeat at Falkirk. Revived attempts to lead military resistance in early 14th century. Wallace’s political role was largely dependent on his military success. Ultimate failure of Wallace to achieve his political ends by military means. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Geoffrey Barrow: Sees Wallace as a ‘feudal conservative’ whose main achievements were the result of the tacit support of sections of the nobility Andrew Fisher: has argued that Wallace operated largely independently of the nobility and that this makes his achievements all the more impressive Michael Penman: argues that Wallace may have been more successful had he been supported by the Balliol-Comyn faction after Stirling Bridge; criticises Wallace’s decision to fight at Falkirk Fiona Watson: has argued that William Wallace’s campaigns showed the nobles what could be achieved when ‘unorthodox’ tactics were used Ranald Nicholson: has argued that whilst Wallace may have been ‘under the tutelage’ of Wishart and the Stewart before the surrender at Irvine, he operated as a free agent after that; argues that Wallace’s tactics foreshadow those that would be used by Bruce in later years; argues that Wallace’s significance in promoting the ‘national’ cause outlasted his defeat. [C044/SQP320] 58 Page seventeen Question 4 How successful were the Guardianships between 1298 and 1304? The candidate is required to make a balanced judgement about how successful the Guardianships were between 1298 and 1304. Candidates should make a judgement based on their own definition of ‘success’. Relevant areas for discussion might include: Successes of the Guardianships Continued existence of Scottish government in the face of repeated English invasions. Appearance of a more unified ‘political community’ during the Bruce/Comyn guardianship. Stabilisation of the Bruce/Comyn guardianship with the inclusion of Lamberton. Continued harrying of English forces, especially in the border areas. Military successes of the De Soules guardianship. Failure of English invasions after 1298. Baldred Bisset’s mission to Rome. Possibility of a Balliol restoration. Limitations of the Guardianships Changing nature of the guardianship indicates continued factionalism amongst the nobility. The dispute at Peebles. Bruce’s resignation and the appointment of Umfraville. Bruce’s defection to the English. The ultimate failure of Bisset’s mission to secure a Balliol restoration. The failure to secure a ‘tripartite peace’ in 1303. Military defeat and surrender in 1304. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Geoffrey Barrow: has identified a consistent level of noble leadership for the national cause in the period Alan Young: stresses the continuing importance of the Comyns Fiona Watson: argues that the Scottish resistance survived due to the superficiality of the English occupation as well as the determination of the political community Norman Reid: has suggested that De Soules did not represent the Community of the Realm, but Balliol personally. [C044/SQP320] 59 Page eighteen Question 5 Why did it take so long for England and Scotland to make peace after the Battle of Bannockburn? Candidates are required to analyse and evaluate the reasons why it took so long for peace to be achieved between England and Scotland after the Battle of Bannockburn in order to arrive at a balanced conclusion. Relevant areas for discussion might include: Bannockburn not decisive in military terms Edward II consistently refused to acknowledge either Bruce as King, or Scotland’s independence Edward II continued to view himself as overlord Scots were not strong enough militarily to force a decision on the battlefield after 1314 Bruce’s raids into the north of England brought the English to the negotiating table, but no lasting peace resulted truces did not result in a comprehensive peace settlement the failure of the Scots to renew the French alliance before 1326 Edward II was also not strong enough domestically to ensure a decisive victory on the battlefield the failure of English campaigns in 1319 and 1322; the defeat at Old Byland failure of the Scottish campaign in Ireland papacy favoured the English case after 1314; Bruce’s excommunication failure of the Harcla rebellion Bruce faced domestic difficulties; the De Soules plot. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Geoffrey Barrow: has emphasised the intransigence of Edward II as a major obstacle to peace; argues that neither the English nor the Scots were strong enough to force a decision on the battlefield; praises Robert I for his willingness to pay a high price for peace in 1328; Emphasises the growing need for peace on both sides Colm MacNamee: has studied the economic impact of the wars on the ability of both sides to continue fighting Michael Penman: has argued that the Wars of Independence can be viewed largely as a Scottish civil war, and that this was an important factor in the peace settlement. [C044/SQP320] 60 Page nineteen Scottish Independence (1286-1329) Part 2 Question 1 How helpful are the differing views in Sources A and B as interpretations on the reign of John Balliol? (16 marks) Interpretation (maximum 6 marks) The candidate may be awarded up to 3 marks for his/her ability to establish the views of each source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. Contextual and historical interpretations (maximum 10 marks) These 10 marks will be awarded for: the quality and depth of the contextual recall the quality and depth of the wider perspectives the range and quality of historians’ views provenance comment (if appropriate). The candidate considers the differing interpretations of John’s reign in Sources A and B, offering a structured critique in terms of: Points from Source A Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. These may include: accurate comment on Alan Young will be credited under historiography. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): John was weak and naïve in the face of Edward’s forcefulness. John’s failure to prevent Bruce’s candidate becoming Bishop of Galloway. Concern that John was dominated by Anthony Bek. John appeared dominated by Bek at a time when Scottish nobles were preparing to make an alliance with France. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Balliol was forced to accept Bruce’s candidate as Bishop of Galloway – his own lordship! John forced to pay homage three times to Edward I. John forced to give way over the ‘test cases’ when appeals were heard in England. John’s reputation in later sources as ‘toom tabard’. The Creation of the Council of 12. [C044/SQP320] 61 Page twenty Points from Source B Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. These may include: accurate comment on R Nicholson will be credited under historiography. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Balliol set out to be a ‘real’ King. Family had long had links with Scotland. Representative of the ‘patriotic’ faction. 4 parliaments held – did an unprecedented amount of work. Aimed to secure the authority of the Crown. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: John did attempt, initially at least, to stand up to Edward during the test cases. John’s parliaments pursued the traditional aims of the Scottish Crown, eg the creation of a sheriffdom in Argyll. The Council of 12 may not have removed power from Balliol, but may rather be a symbol of the unity of the Community of the Realm. John’s decision not to hand over castles to Edward. John’s homage was made under ‘extreme coercion’. John’s renunciation of homage. Our view of Balliol largely comes from pro-Bruce writers attempting to emphasise King Robert’s legitimacy and therefore are at pains to denigrate John. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Fiona Watson has been keen to rehabilitate John’s reputation Barrow inclined to see John as a victim of circumstance Alan Young has questioned whether the Council of 12 was acting independently of Balliol. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of the two sources is helpful in offering a full perspective on the reign of John Balliol. [C044/SQP320] 62 Page twenty-one Marks 1-4 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the sources; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the sources. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 5-7 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the sources, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 8-11 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the sources, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 12-16 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the views of the sources and their value as interpretations on the issue. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 63 Page twenty-two Question 2 How useful is Source C as evidence of the military strategy and tactics of King Robert? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded a total of 5 marks for the quality of their evaluation of the provenance of the source AND for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. This may be split 3/2 or 2/3. At Advanced Higher, provenance is a form of contextualisation where candidates locate the source in history . . . why was it that that person saying it?, why did it matter?, why then and in that way?, was it the same as previous or later views? It is answers to these sorts of questions which help locate the source and establish its usefulness. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s value. The candidate offers a structured evaluation of the usefulness of Source C as evidence of the military strategy and tactics of King Robert in terms of: Provenance: Appropriate and relevant comments on provenance will earn credit. These may include: An extract from a biography of Bruce, written some seventy years after the events it describes. Barbour was Archdeacon of Aberdeen, a well informed, but very biased ‘proBruce’ writer. He was writing during the reign of Bruce’s grandson, King Robert II, and clearly aimed to support the Bruce/Stewart dynasty. ‘The Brus’ is largely hagiographical and was intended as a poetic comment on chivalry rather than as a ‘history’ in the modern sense. Most modern historians, notably AAM Duncan, regard Barbour’s general account of the facts to be largely reliable, however. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Use of ladders to take castles by stealth. Overpowering the guard to capture the castle. Castle razed and the well filled in, to deny future use. Use of siege methods to try to capture Perth. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Other castles also captured by ‘stealth’, eg Perth, Edinburgh. Ladders often made of rope, used in conjunction with grappling hooks. Lack of siege engines made use of other tactics for taking castles inevitable. Treachery and deceit sometimes used to take castles as well, eg Aberdeen. Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the view(s) in the source: The source does not mention: the ‘Secret War’; use of guerrilla tactics in the South West and the avoidance of pitched battle Bruce’s strategy of isolating and destroying the Comyns before moving on his English enemies the development of Bruce’s tactics in pitched battle; Methven, Bannockburn the herschip of Buchan the role of Bruce as a charismatic leader as seen in Carrick, at Oldmeldrum and Bannockburn. [C044/SQP320] 64 Page twenty-three Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: many historians have commented at length on Bruce’s strategy and tactics. Most commend his skill, though there is also a tendency to emphasise the role of luck and chance in his success Barrow has described Bruce’s campaign against castles as “one of the great enterprises in British military history” Colm MacNamee has provided a detailed account of the ‘Secret War’ Aryeh Nusbacher has written a detailed account of the Battle of Bannockburn Michael Penman has emphasised those elements of the conflict of 1296-1329 which show it to be a ‘Scottish Civil War’. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of Source C is useful in offering a full perspective on the military strategy and tactics of King Robert. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument, showing a clear understanding of the views of the source. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 65 Page twenty-four Question 3 How fully does Source D illustrate the importance of the role of Parliament in the government of Scotland between 1306 and 1328? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded up to 3 marks for his/her ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s fullness in explaining/analysing the issue. The candidate offers a structured analysis of how fully Source D illustrates the role of Parliament in the government of Scotland in terms of: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit under historiography. These may include recognition of the authority of the summons (see below) Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): The King had the power to summons parliament. Details of who was entitled to attend parliament. Details of dates and location of Parliament. Called to discuss a final Peace Treaty with England. Need for bishops and prelates to bring seals. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: A king’s right to summon parliament had been established for some time. King John held four parliaments. More detail about the composition of parliament; the addition of representatives of the burghs was new since 1300. Parliament was peripatetic. Others in Robert’s reign were held at St Andrews, Cambuskenneth, Scone and Rutherglen, for example. Parliament had the power to negotiate foreign treaties, such as the alliance with France. Need to bring seals indicates that Parliament could give assent to law – the King was not an ‘absolute monarch’. Points from recall which provide a wider contextualisation of the views in the source: the other functions of Parliament legitimising King Robert’s rule (St Andrews 1309) disinheriting enemies (Cambuskenneth 1314) securing the succession (tailzies agreed in Parliament 1315, 1318, 1326) passing legislation (amendments to the criminal law, 1318; laws concerning details of military service) the origins of Parliament – a word not used in Scotland until 1286 the role of Parliament in appointing Guardians in the absence of a capable monarch (1286 and 1297-1306) the unicameral nature of the Scottish parliament. [C044/SQP320] 66 Page twenty-five Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Geoffrey Barrow has seen the role of Parliament as a crucial manifestation of the existence of a ‘Community of the Realm’ in the period. Parliament became one of the ‘national’ institutions which, in his view, makes it wrong to see the conflict in purely feudal or dynastic terms Others, such as Alan Young, have argued that Parliament and the Community were only strong at times when the Crown was weak Nicholson and Duncan have been more inclined than Barrow to see the emergence of parliament as a product rather than a cause of the wars with England. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of Source D is helpful in offering a full perspective on the importance of the role of Parliament in the government of Scotland between 1292 and 1328. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument, showing a clear understanding of the views of the source. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 67 Page twenty-six The Renaissance in Italy in the Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries Part 1 Each question is worth 25 marks Question 1 How prosperous were the great Italian cities in the early fifteenth century? The aim of the essay is to enable the candidate to make a judgement on the prosperity of the great Italian cities during the Renaissance and critically to assess the different factors that had an effect on that prosperity. The candidate may use evidence such as: the forms of commercial activity that existed across the Italian states, including the wool trade and banking in Florence the links between successful commerce and economic prosperity the link between economic prosperity and the political dominance of certain cities the link between wealth and ability to hire mercenaries to wage war the link between Venice’s naval power and her growth as a sea and land based power the importance of a range of factors which influenced prosperity in the Italian cities, such as: internal and external trade; the outmanoeuvring of rival cities (eg Sienna by Florence or Genoa by Venice); the impact of plague and natural disasters on urban and rural economies; the sponsorship of cities by wealthy courts (eg the Dukes of Urbino); the influence of the papal court on the prosperity of Rome. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: P Jones on the emergence of the despotic states over republican governments Goldthwaite on the role and significance of commerce on Republican economies, especially Florence Martines in relation to the links between commercial life and political power Robert Hole on the wealth of Florence and Venice Alison Brown on the strength of the Florentine economy. [C044/SQP320] 68 Page twenty-seven Question 2 What factors best explain why Florence and Venice developed distinctive cultural experiences during the Renaissance? The question asks candidates to develop a profile of Renaissance cultures in both cities and offer insight on similarities and differences. The candidate may use evidence such as: the art and architecture in each city, referring to Donatello and Titian, Brunelleschi and Sansovino literary studies and the development of humanism the distinct artistic styles of the two cities, as seen for example in the use of light and environment the causes of difference in the cultural experiences of the two cities a consideration of why many aspects of Renaissance culture are seen to develop later in Venice than in Florence a consideration of factors such as: physical geography; the political climate; social openness; innovation; proximity to other centres of learning; the strong influence of Byzantine culture from an early date in Venice. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Bruckers/Hay/Cronin/Graham-Dixon’s analysis of Florentine culture Norwich/Chalmers/Fortini Brown’s analysis of Venetian culture. Robert Hole for comparison of the Renaissance in Florence and Venice. [C044/SQP320] 69 Page twenty-eight Question 3 How important was the role of classical antiquity in the development of Renaissance humanism in the fifteenth century? The question asks candidates to develop their understanding of the main themes in humanism covering the periods described as ‘civic humanism’ and ‘neo-platonism’, and relating their origins to the concept of the Renaissance as the rebirth of classical antiquity and values. The candidate may use evidence such as: the interest in civic humanism and neo-platonism within Florence some of the key scholars associated with humanism, such as Salutati, Bruni, Ficino and Pico the interests of humanist scholars in the ‘studia humanitatis’ a consideration of the “Ladder of Being” as a drift from conventional Christian thinking the influence of classical works, writers and histories on the humanists humanist interest in histories and textual criticism, through the works of Lorenzo Valla, Poggio Bracciolini and Niccolo Niccoli the different phases of humanist development and why these phases occurred the evolution from the Roman-based preoccupation to the increased interest in Greek works and the writings of the neo-platonists a consideration of the active life of the civic humanists and the link with defence of liberty against the strong association with Republican Rome the role of Greek studies in fuelling developments. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Hans Baron on the early century and the dominance of civic humanists and the active life Kristellar and Garin on the debate over the moral philosophy element of humanism Burckhardt on the shift from conventional Christian belief Peter Burke on the influence of Greece and Rome Robert Hole on the ever-present influence of antiquity. [C044/SQP320] 70 Page twenty-nine Question 4 How significant was the role played by Lorenzo de Medici in the cultural development of Florence in the period 1469-1492? The question asks candidates to assess the overall significance of Lorenzo de Medici to the cultural life of Florence. The candidate may use evidence such as: the link between the cultural developments of the time and Lorenzo de Medici Lorenzo’s personal contributions in language and design the role of Lorenzo as a mediator for the arts and artists in terms of commissioning Lorenzo as a setter of taste and fashion the works of Botticelli and the young Michelangelo the humanist circle of neo-platonists and the patronage enjoyed by them under the Medici, with particular reference to Poliziano art as propaganda and the manipulation of art for political purposes the wider cultural experiences of the period, such as the festivities and carnivals commissioned by Lorenzo the development of the villa style of residence at Poggio a Caiano the declining financial position of the Medici bank under Lorenzo and the limitations on his impact that this had. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Hale on the impact of the Medici on Florence Brown on the specific dealings of Lorenzo on the city and his lasting impact De Roover on Lorenzo’s declining financial base upon which to influence the period Alison Brown on the power of Lorenzo de Medici. [C044/SQP320] 71 Page thirty Question 5 How justified is the view that the Renaissance Papacy was more concerned with politics than religion? The question asks the candidate to define their understanding of the nature of the Renaissance Papacy, selecting examples from a range of characters. The candidate may use evidence such as: the collective identity of the Renaissance papacy and its religious role the balance of demands that the Papacy faced between temporal and spiritual concerns across the Renaissance period the interdependence of the political and religious roles played by the papacy the need to be seen as having a worldly role to retain credibility among the other Italian states the broad acceptance of the dual role of the papacy at the time Martin V’s ending of the Papal Schism and the need to re-establish both political and spiritual control over the Church and Church lands the attempts of Sixtus IV and Alexander VI to expand papal territory. The campaigns of Caesare Borgia and the success of the 1500 Jubilee Year the challenge to the papacy represented by Savonarola and the handling of the crisis the collapse of papal authority in the hands of foreign powers (eg France, Spain, Luther) Julius II and his use of patronage to further his own political claims to greatness, as exemplified by the commissioning of Michelangelo for his tomb. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Partner on the role of the papacy in establishing Rome as a political and religious capital Graham-Dixon on the use of art to manifest the Papacy as both a spiritual and political power Levey on the achievements of the later Renaissance under the papacy linked to the political struggles at the time Robert Hole on the Renaissance in Rome. [C044/SQP320] 72 Page thirty-one The Renaissance in Italy in the Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries Part 2 Question 1 How fully does Source A describe the concerns of Renaissance Courts? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded up to 3 marks for his/her ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s fullness in explaining/analysing the issue. The candidate offers a structured evaluation of Source A in terms of: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. These may include accurate comment on Martines, which will receive marks under historiography. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Centres of the union between power and privileged culture. Patronage of letters and arts. A marriage of power and imagination. Arms and politics were fused together. Sforza, Este and Gonzaga lords were trained in swordsmanship... effort made to fire the children at court with the learning of humanism...horses, hunts,... overwhelmed books. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise the views in the source: The fusing of political and cultural activity at Court. The rarefied elitism of Court life. Patronage of the arts. The need for mastery of warfare in political leadership at Court. The semi-military structure of Courts with their commander and soldiers at arms and rest. The importance of hereditary succession of political power and the skills needed for this. The interest in humanist learning found at Court. The ultimate enduring strength of the military element of Court life over the intellectual. Points which offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the sources: The fusion of political and cultural activity at Court can be exemplified across a wide range of centres. The use of mercenary Lords interlinked with Court life, the clearest example being in Urbino. The setting of Castiglione’s Courtier sheds light on the interests of a Renaissance Court and the pursuit of intellectual debate. There is strong support for the need to be well versed in arms to serve the lord. Renaissance Courts were very varied in their intellectual interests and this is not reflected in the source. The preoccupation of the Gonzaga family with schooling their children resulted in the Vittorino da Feltre Gymnasium which was heavily sponsored and highly successful. Prestige and status could be enhanced by the pursuit of education. The source does not develop the wider patronage aspect of Court life with many being major centres for the commissioning of art and the development of distinctive schools and innovations. There is insufficient recognition of the role of women in Court life and the concerns that they brought to bear. [C044/SQP320] 73 Page thirty-two Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Cole and the development of distinctive patterns of Court culture Hollingsworth on the patterns of cultural activity seen at Renaissance Courts Grendler on schooling in the Renaissance and the value placed on literacy and learning. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of the Source A is helpful in offering a full perspective on the concerns of Renaissance Courts. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument, showing a clear understanding of the views of the source. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 74 Page thirty-three Question 2 How helpful are Sources B and C in revealing differing views over relationships between artists and patrons during the Renaissance? (16 marks) Interpretation (maximum 6 marks) The candidate may be awarded up to 3 marks for his/her ability to establish the views of each source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. Contextual and historical interpretations (maximum 10 marks) These 10 marks will be awarded for: the quality and depth of the contextual recall the quality and depth of the wider perspectives the range and quality of historians’ views provenance comment (if appropriate). The candidate considers the views in Sources B and C and offers a structured evaluation of how helpful they are in showing different views of the relationship between artist and patron, in terms of: Source B Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit under historiography. These may include recognition that the writer was a distinguished patron. The letter is personal and designed to entice the artist into service. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Master Leonardo... we have long desired... to have something by your hand... you…drew our portrait in charcoal... inconvenient for you to move here... we beg you to keep your good faith with us... payment, which you yourself shall fix... we shall think nothing else but to do you good service... offer ourselves to act at your convenience and pleasure. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise the views in the source: The Master status of Leonardo as an artist. The clear desire to obtain a full work by his hand whatever the subject matter. The previous work done by the artist and the mobile nature of his employment. The deferential tone taken to entice the artist to work for the patron. Financial reward will be big and set by the artist. The ‘carrot’ is offered of preferment by the support offered if willing to do the commission. [C044/SQP320] 75 Page thirty-four Source C Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. These may include accurate comment on Baxandall which will receive marks under historiography. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): A fifteenth century painting is the deposit of a social relationship.... On the one side there is the painter... On the other side... someone else who asked him to make it... painting was made on a made to order basis... the client asking for manufacture after his own specifications... Ready made pictures were limited... painting was still too important to be left to the painters. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise the view(s) in the source: Art in the Renaissance was not solely the work of an individual. The artist and patron relationship was of defining importance. Prestigious art was commissioned and only low quality was done without a direct commission. Artists were required (by contract) to produce art as directed by the patron. Patrons retained a decisive hand in their involvement in the creative process. Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the sources: The Sources account for part of the range of relationships which occur. Able candidates will be able to develop recall which suitably discusses the evolving status of the artist over the period of the Renaissance and in terms of the individual reputations of artists. This later point is also variable over the career of the artist. The limitations of the sources lie in the lack of development on the differing relationships which exist between artists and the sources of their patronage. Different groups such as Guilds, confraternities, church authorities, government bodies and individuals could all by their nature develop differing styles of dealing and negotiating with artists. The use of contracts applied for all but wealthy individuals could afford looser terms than collective, accountable bodies commissioning art eg: Isabella D’Este was an avid collector of art works. She collected the artists rather than their works eg correspondence with Perugino the Gonzaga of Mantua illustrated the benefit of patronage at a Court through their appointment of Mantegna who is financially rewarded but is also given honours at Court the contractual nature of the relationship between artist and patron was common during the period and it is rare to find such a loose offer of employment although the great artists achieve the elevated status addressed by Source B it was much more common to see the retention of financial control by the patron until delivery of the final piece the assertion of an increasing independence of the artist vis-à-vis the patron can be charted from an earlier Renaissance period. Vasari, if accepted, illustrates this growth of independence from Giotto onwards many patrons took an active artistic interest in their commissions, eg Rucelli prestige of association with a great artist is replicated for patrons across the Renaissance period distinctions can be drawn between the different forms of patrons, corporate, lay, ecclesiastical and individual. Each was bound by different pre-occupations in the purpose of their commissioning. [C044/SQP320] 76 Page thirty-five Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Baxandall on the interplay between the arts and the patron Hollingsworth on the value placed on artists by patrons Stephens on the ultimate determining effect that the artist has on the artistic works of the period. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of the two sources is helpful in offering a full perspective on the relationship between artists and patrons during the Renaissance. Marks 1-4 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the sources; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the sources. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 5-7 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the sources, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 8-11 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the sources, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 12-16 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the views of the sources and their value as interpretations on the issue. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 77 Page thirty-six Question 3 How useful is Source D in explaining the political control of Renaissance states? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded a total of 5 marks for the quality of their evaluation of the provenance of the source AND for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. This may be split 3/2 or 2/3. At Advanced Higher, provenance is a form of contextualisation where candidates locate the source in history . . . why was it that that person saying it?, why did it matter?, why then and in that way?, was it the same as previous or later views? It is answers to these sorts of questions which help locate the source and establish its usefulness. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s value. The candidate provides a structured evaluation of the value of Source D in explaining the key features of the political control of Renaissance states, placing it in perspective and in the context of an overview of political management, in terms of: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on historiography will earn credit. These may include: recognition of Machiavelli as authority on this topic primary Source: detailing the manipulation of power by a Prince in the Italian States during the Renaissance controversial in advice offered. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Cesare Borgia...cruelty of his reformed the Romagna... brought unity, and restored order and obedience... must not worry if he incurs reproach for his cruelty... so long as he keeps his subjects united and loyal... disorders which lead to murder and rapine... Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Borgia is seen as a model for strong princely leadership the Papal States are finally subdued by Cesare but not solely due to his actions, the ground had been laid by previous popes through their use of mercenaries unity of action within the body politic of Italian states is seen as a common goal among many writers of the period but was seldom achieved the importance of unity and loyalty is seen by Machiavelli as critical for success among the Italian states, cited by others as well as a reason for Italian weakness in the face of foreign invaders the issue of cruelty being accepted as part of political power was commonly understood as a political reality during the Renaissance but it was not commonly described as a virtue over the Christian tradition of compassion and forgiveness [C044/SQP320] 78 Page thirty-seven Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the points in the source: Machiavelli is writing during the period of the Italian Wars when Italy is weakened and seen as enfeebled by the failure to contain foreign armies and their rampage through the peninsula murder and rapine were common place in the face of this warfare Borgia is praised by Machiavelli for his decisive action but is also later heavily criticised for his lack of political insight in supporting his rival in the elevation of Pope Julius II the political advice offered by Machiavelli is far from universally accepted and his work is heavily criticised after publication. Thus the contents are suspect as a clear illustration of accepted political control during the period the rule of princes is only one expression of political power during the Renaissance city states and republics remained a potent political reality and there was clear evidence of communal political decision-making with less room for arbitrary execution although based on the presumption of princely rule, Machiavelli’s own favoured political expression was republicanism under which he served most of his career for a contrasting expression of political leadership, see Castiglione through his work ‘The Courtier’. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: M Johnson on the use of power by the Borgia family Skinner on the insights made by Machiavelli on his society Martines on the uses of power within city states as contrast to princedoms. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of the Source D is helpful in offering a full perspective on the political control of Renaissance states. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument, showing a clear understanding of the views of the source. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 79 Page thirty-eight Georgians and Jacobites: Scotland (1715-1800) Part 1 Each question is worth 25 marks Question 1 How far was hostility to the Treaty of Union the main cause of the 1715 rebellion? The aim of this essay is to allow the candidate to analyse the causes of the 1715 rebellion and to evaluate the extent to which hostility to the Union was the main cause. The long term causes of the 1715 rebellion inevitably stretch back to a time before the dates specified in the conditions and arrangements. No candidate should be penalised for lack of evidence of this earlier period, though credit should be given for appropriate use of earlier material. Narratives of the origins of Jacobitism will detract from the quality of the essay. Better responses will show awareness that causation is not necessarily simple, and that causes may be interlinked. The candidate might use evidence such as: Points suggesting that hostility to the Union was a significant cause: Use of the anti-Union message in Mar’s proclamation of the rebellion in 1715. Anger of many Scots magnates as they found themselves excluded from the House of Lords. They had expected the Union to gain them access to London patronage, whereas in fact it did so only for a minority. Anti-Union demonstrations, riots and writings from 1707 onwards. Evidence that, unusually, even members of the Kirk became sympathetic to Jacobitism because of the Union. A perception that Scotland’s economic problems were caused by the Union (Historians are still arguing about the facts of the matter, but in this case it is the perception that is important.) The abortive 1708 rising clearly had a lot to do with the Union. There was an element of “unfinished business” about 1715. Points suggesting that the causes were not to do with the Union: Discontent at the accession of George of Hanover. Genuine ideological commitment of the Episcopalian Church to divine right. Obligations felt by certain individuals and families (eg Robertson of Struan). Having pledged support to James VII they were reluctant to desert his son. Higher taxes as a result of the War of the Spanish Succession. The personal ambitions of the Earl of Mar. The tensions in the Highlands, especially between the Campbells and their neighbours in Lochaber. Failure of the government to manage Scotland properly. For example the rapid running down of the armed forces after Utrecht and the disbanding of the Scottish Privy Council in 1708. The existence of significant Jacobite activity in England, especially in Northumberland. [C044/SQP320] 80 Page thirty-nine Candidates may bring a range of appropriate commentary from historians to bear upon the problem. These might include: Lynch: More than three quarters of Scots disliked the Union Prebble: “A common detestation of the Union imposed some extraordinary alliances” Lenman: Demolishes the idea that the rebellion had anything to do with Highland against Lowland, and stresses the importance of the Episcopalian community in the North East. He also says that “the main Jacobite recruiting agent was clearly widespread discontent.” Whatley agrees that the Fifteen owed a lot to popular dissatisfaction with the Union, but also argues that one can go to far in dismissing the otherness of the Highlands as a factor: after all, the Highlands always provided over half the Jacobite armies Szechi’s recent life of Lockhart of Carnwath is a reminder that some lairds simply stuck to their principles with loyalty and sincerity – and self-destructive obstinacy. [C044/SQP320] 81 Page forty Question 2 To what extent was there a distinctive Highland Society before 1745? The purpose of this essay is to encourage candidates to analyse the nature of Highland society before the 1745 rebellion and, by comparison with Lowland society, come to a valid conclusion about the similarities and differences between the two. The word “before” in the title could be taken to mean “immediately before” or “from 1715-1745”. Candidates would not be penalised for concentrating on the shorter time period, but the longer period would be likely to allow a more substantial analysis. The problem is so complex that no particular approach should be expected. A candidate might, for example, make good use of local knowledge or of a particular clan history. The candidate might make use of such evidence as: Ways in which the Highlands seem to have been distinct The widespread use of Gaelic The clan structure: paternalistic, authoritarian chiefs with “hereditary jurisdictions”; strong clan loyalty; traditional lands; bards who handed down and developed a clan mythology; the tacksmen, whose tenancies were based more on kinship than on economic rents The separate Highland dress Different geography created different economics: cattle the main branch of agriculture; the lack of any urban environment; comparative poverty Ability of chiefs to raise private armies whose regiments were organised according to the clan hierarchy The concept of duthchas, the collective right to land, kept commercial exploitation of estates in check Points that suggest that the problem is complex The familiar simple view of clan structures was largely invented in the early nineteenth century, notably by Walter Scott in time for George IV’s visit to Edinburgh. Highland society not static during these decades. One notable change was the replacement of tacksmen with tenants paying an economic rent on the Argyll estates. There was enormous diversity between different clans and the life-style of different chiefs. A brigand like Macdonald of Keppoch and a magnate like the Duke of Atholl ought not to be lumped together. Many of the greatest families in Scotland had estates and life-styles that spanned Highland and Lowland (for example the Gordons). There were still, outside the Highlands, elements of lordly authority, family loyalty and the ability to force retainers to “come out” in warfare. [C044/SQP320] 82 Page forty-one There is a wide range of historians’ views that candidates could bring to bear upon the issue. These might include: Michael Lynch: Stresses the divisions within clans and the lawlessness arising from broken clans. Christopher Duffy: The clan system is still a valuable concept “at the heart of the Highland culture” Bruce Lenman: Emphasises that there was no “system”, that many chiefs were embracing commercialism before 1745 (for example Lochiel) and that Highland society was of “labyrinthine complexity” Christopher Whatley: The dismantling of the clan system by the chiefs began as early as the seventeenth century T C Smout: More and more chiefs were giving their sons a Lowland education before 1745 T M Devine: Ties of blood rarely extended beyond the immediate family, but bards, feasts and genealogy did help preserve social cohesion. As late as 1724 it was reported that 26 chiefs could raise 18,890 warriors. [C044/SQP320] 83 Page forty-two Question 3 How much did the development of Glasgow, up till the American War of 1776, owe to the tobacco trade? No one disputes that the development of Glasgow had a very great deal to do with the tobacco trade. The purpose of this essay is to encourage the candidate to analyse closely the causes of the development and to consider how much was due to tobacco. The more broadly the word development is defined by the candidate the more interesting points it will be possible to make. The candidate might make use of such evidence as: Points that emphasise the importance of tobacco Tobacco provided one third of Scottish imports and two-thirds of exports in this period. Numerous small manufacturers (of buckets, crockery etc) were feeding the needs of the tobacco growers. The money and the interest of the “lords” – Glassford, Bogle – helped stimulate and direct Glasgow’s cultural development. Points which suggest that tobacco was not the unique cause of Glasgow’s development The West Indies sugar trade was also growing. By 1776 there was the beginning of an export trade in and a domestic demand for manufactures that were no longer dependent on tobacco eg the Smithfield Iron Company. The foundation of reliable banks enabled all aspects of economic life, not just tobacco, to take advantage. Note: Candidates might well argue that most of these and other developments began with the stimulus of tobacco trade and money. By 1776 Glasgow had definitely gone beyond a “one commodity city”. The University had a status that no longer required the patronage of tobacco lords. The Forth-Clyde Canal, begun in 1768, widened the domestic market. Cotton wool imports quadrupled between 1755 and 1770. There is no marked historiographical dispute, but candidates should be able to refer to the work of a range of historians, including, for example: T M Devine: Several books, of which the most recently and easily accessible to candidates is “Scotland’s Empire” 1600-1815” in which he writes: “The tobacco trade transformed the social and cultural world of Glasgow” Arthur Herman’s “The Scottish Enlightenment” makes similar points and argues that Adam Smith learned about business by observing the tobacco trade Christopher Whatley in “Scottish Society 1707-1830” deals more with the development of the trade than with the development of Glasgow. He does remind readers of the existence, and growing importance, of other sectors than tobacco eg linen. T C Smout in “A History of the Scottish People” argues that Glasgow’s middle classes were unusually enterprising and innovative, in contrast to those in other Scottish cities. Even ones whose main trade was tobacco were quick to see the possibilities of other commodities – leather, soap etc. [C044/SQP320] 84 Page forty-three Question 4 To what extent did urban living conditions improve in eighteenth century Scotland? The purpose of this essay is for candidates to weigh up evidence for and against the improvement of living conditions. It also allows more thoughtful candidates to consider whether change necessarily followed a steady path. There may have been decades of rapid change and other years of set-backs. Different sectors of society may have had different experiences. Candidates may, of course, bring examples from any Scottish towns: well used local knowledge would be welcome The candidate might use such evidence as: Points which suggest conditions improved Planned urban development: Craig’s New Town in Edinburgh and Barry’s George Square in Glasgow are only the two most famous. Most towns had a planned Georgian extension. Immigrants moved to the cities because conditions here were better than in the rural squalor of their birth. For the middle classes with purchasing power conditions certainly improved. They could take advantage of new houses, wider streets, and fresher air. Between 1750 and 1790 wages tended to increase in proportion to prices, which made most workers better off. Points which suggest conditions did not improve The death rate was higher in the towns than in the country. After 1790, with bad harvests and a foreign war, prices tended to rise faster than wages. The pressure of population overwhelmed the capacity of structures to cope: housing, sewerage, water supply, education all at times suffered. (For example, Paisley grew from 6,800 in 1755 to 31,200 by 1801.) The creation of new towns tended to make conditions worse in the old towns, as the middle classes took their education, purchasing power and political influence elsewhere. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to bear upon the issue. These may include reference to: T C Smout’s classic “A History of the Scottish People” contains a wealth of material, emphasising the impact of population growth. His conclusion on this topic is as follows: “The question should be whether or not those for whom the Industrial Revolution came as a blessing outnumbered those to whom it brought deterioration. This, however, is unanswerable.” Christopher Whatley frequently reminds readers of regional variations and the dangers of generalisation. He also emphasises the importance of the relationship of wages to prices, mentioned above T M Devine’s “The Scottish Nation” devotes a chapter to urbanisation which includes emphasis on the public health issues. However, the dates of his survey (1760-1830) illustrate a common problem candidates may find in relating their reading on this particular topic to the dates of the syllabus. Markers should be aware that evidence from the first decades of the nineteenth century may be relevant to this title as illustrations of trends any history of an individual town; these are too numerous to list. [C044/SQP320] 85 Page forty-four Question 5 “The maintenance of order was the only aim of government as far as Scotland was concerned.” How accurate is this judgement with reference to the period 1715-1800? The purpose of this essay is for the candidate to review the motives of the government when it came to dealing with Scotland during the century. Essays should show an ability to analyse these motives and to weigh up points for and against the quotation under discussion. Although candidates should review the whole century they should not be penalised for concentrating primarily on particular decades. Better responses will consider whether the aims of government changed during the period. The candidate might include such evidence as: Points in favour of this judgement The comparative neglect of Scotland by Westminster in the first half of the century unless there was a public order crisis (Porteous riots, Jacobite rebellions). The Disarming Acts and other repressive measures after the Jacobite rebellions. The huge sums spent on Fort George. The fact that the Wade Roads had a military rather than commercial purpose. The political trials of the 1790s. The time and energy expended by Ilay and Dundas on political management on behalf of Westminster. Points which suggest that the government had other considerations in mind The way in which Dundas in particular used his patronage to bring money, jobs and significance to Scotland. The stimulation and protection of linen manufacture in the decades after the Union. The commissioning of Telford to revive the infrastructure of the Highlands at the very end of this period Candidates may discuss a range of historical commentary in arriving at their conclusion. This might include: Michael Fry: Walpole’s ideal ruler of Scotland was someone who “could do as he liked provided he kept the country quiet”. But Fry is also more sympathetic than many to Dundas’s motives. He also considers the removal of heritable jurisdictions as a prelude to improvements in local government Bruce Lenman: Inclined to be cynical of the motives of governments and calls Scotland “a machine politician’s paradise” Christopher Whatley: Emphasises the extent of disorder, and the efforts made by the state (with the support of the Kirk) to maintain order. “The main function of paternalism was to defend authority.” But he also argues that the authorities could be quite sophisticated in their approach and saw economic developments as part of the process A J Durie: has calculated that government intervention was responsible for as many as 100,000 jobs. [C044/SQP320] 86 Page forty-five Georgians and Jacobites: Scotland (1715-1800) Part 2 Question 1 How useful is Source A as evidence of the state of Scottish agriculture in the mideighteenth century? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded a total of 5 marks for the quality of their evaluation of the provenance of the source AND for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. This may be split 3/2 or 2/3. At Advanced Higher, provenance is a form of contextualisation where candidates locate the source in history . . . why was it that that person saying it?, why did it matter?, why then and in that way?, was it the same as previous or later views? It is answers to these sorts of questions which help locate the source and establish its usefulness. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s value. The candidate offers a structured consideration of the usefulness of Source A in terms of: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance will earn credit. These may include: Grant of Monymusk was a well known improver, author of, for example “The Practical Farmer’s Pocket Companion”. he also had lived as an MP in England and studied crop rotation there. he is said to have planted 50 million trees on his estates in Aberdeenshire. the tone of the passage is one of frustration. Words such as “mismanagement”, “neglect and “forthwith” show that this is not a calm survey of facts but has the purpose of expressing irritation. Points from the source which show that the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Scottish agriculture suffers from poor drainage. Drawbacks of the open field system and from the lack of trees. The main problem on his estates is obstructive, conservative, ignorant and improvident tenants. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Importance of drainage and tree planting for all the improvers – eg on the Atholl estates. Views of other improvers – Lord Kames and Cockburn of Ormiston. Grant’s estates were only one region of Scotland. The relatively prosperous East Lothian and the mountainous Highlands – to give two examples – were in a very different state. When Grant says “people in other countries” he will be thinking of English improvers such as Townshend and Cooke. Also possible of the innovative Dutch. Explanation of what the “open field” and “enclosed” systems involved, their merits and demerits. Improvement, when it came, involved massive rural depopulation. It may have been selfpreservation not “mismanagement” that made tenants inclined to stick to labour-intensive practices. [C044/SQP320] 87 Page forty-six Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the source: The gradual introduction of crop rotation. The black cattle trade. The gradual introduction of lime and manure. The fact that in the mid-century there were still bad years when marginal land became entirely unprofitable – as happened to Burns at Mossgiel. Candidates may discuss a range of historian's commentary to reach their conclusion. This could include: James Handley’s traditional view (followed in simpler text books) that takes the improvers at their own evaluation Bruce Lenman’s more sceptical view of Improvement as “a rich man’s non-paying hobby” T C Smout makes a similar point quoting one of Kames’s tenants: “My Lord, to hear you talk of farming you would think you were born yestreen” the consensus at present (Christopher Whatley, T M Devine as well as those already mentioned) is that real improvement only came towards the end of the century, made possible by the rising prices that accompanied the French Wars. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which Source A is useful as evidence for the state of agriculture in Scotland in the middle of the eighteenth century. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context. Candidates may make relevant and appropriate provenance comments. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and little if any sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may make relevant and appropriate provenance comments. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate provenance comments and the interpretation is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the provenance of the source and the views in it. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 88 Page forty-seven Question 2 How well do Sources B and C illustrate the differing interpretations of Charles Edward Stuart's abilities as leader of the '45? (16 marks) Interpretation (Maximum 6 marks) Candidates may be awarded up to 3 marks for their ability to establish the views of each source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. Contextual and historical interpretations (maximum 10 marks) These 10 marks will be awarded for: the quality and depth of the contextual recall the quality and depth of the wider perspective the range and quality of the historians views provenance comment (if appropriate). The candidate considers the interpretations in Sources B and C of Charles Edward Stuart’s abilities as a leader and offers a structured evaluation of them in terms of: Source B Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. comment on Susan Kybett will be credited under historiography. Accurate Points from the source which show that the candidate has interpreted the significant view: Charles was “irked” by the popularity of his subordinate commanders Charles was impetuous He tried to undermine Lord George Murray by spreading gossip There is a claim that he had ideas of assassinating Murray He treated “men of noble birth” discourteously. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Charles’s tendency to moods of irritation inappropriate in a leader can be illustrated by his sulky demeanour and words after Derby. Examples of Charles’s “impetuosity” might include the decision to invade England, the famous “I am come home” speech and the decision to launch the rebellion at all. He notoriously favoured the Irish (Sheridan, O’Sullivan) over the Scots in the later stages of the campaign. Various exchanges of letters between Charles and Murray, which are published in books to which the candidates may have access, can be used to exemplify the ill feeling between them. Lord Elcho, the source of some of Source B’s most damaging claims, was not an impartial witness. Having lost everything for the cause, he wrote memoirs very hostile to Charles and he is said to have described him, at Culloden, as “a damned cowardly Italian”. [C044/SQP320] 89 Page forty-eight Source C Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. Accurate comment on Christopher Duffy will be credited under marks awarded for historiography Points from the source which show that the candidate has interpreted the significant view: Charles was inexperienced. Charles had thought deeply about war. He was blessed with luck. He kept himself physically fit. He was a good motivator. If he had had conventional leadership qualities he could not have “generated the unique style of the Jacobite army...élan, impudence and opportunism”. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: “Luck” may seem an unscientific quality to rely upon – but Napoleon, for one, thought it a vital attribute in a leader. Charles’s luck may be exemplified by his dodging the Royal Navy, by the atrocious weather that kept Wade on the wrong side of the Pennines, and by the feebleness of the government’s arrangements in Scotland in the summer of 1745. Numerous examples of his ability as a motivator: persuading Lochiel to join against his better judgement; numerous eye-witness accounts of his charisma; his walking with his men in all weathers. This point may, however be challenged with reference to the number of his followers who were forced to fight by chiefs and landlords, and by the fact that Lochiel’s “motivation” was the result of hard financial bargaining. His physical toughness was never more apparent than in the flight in the heather, but equally none of his detractors deny that he always kept pace with the army, sharing the hardships of the troops. The “unique style” of the Jacobite army can be exemplified by their rapid march on Edinburgh from Lochaber, by their crossing of the swollen Esk as they withdrew from England, by their use of the Highland Charge and by their secret outflanking march before Prestonpans. Points which offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the sources: Charles’s wrong assumptions that the French would invade to support him and that there were thousands of English Jacobites ready to rise as soon as they crossed the border. Charles’s contribution to the mishandling of Culloden – including indecision when the order to charge should have been given, giving too much responsibility to the incompetent O’Sullivan. Charles’s failure to attempt any negotiation after Culloden. His total capitulation left his followers doomed to submit to whatever punishments the government chose to apply. [C044/SQP320] 90 Page forty-nine Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Jeremy Black and others argue (as does Duffy) that it was a mistake to retreat from Derby Bruce Lenman, on the other hand, agrees with Kybett that the whole enterprise was by then bound to fail. T M Devine says it was doomed from the start for lack of support, even in Scotland Most historians are hostile to Charles: Daniel Szechi says that, on the question of whether or not the French would invade and the English rise, he was not even being naively optimistic, he was telling lies. He also, however, thinks that an advance from Derby might have worked every account of the “Forty-Five” has a view on this question. Traditional romantic histories emphasised Charles’s charisma. Then a new orthodoxy developed in the 1970s which took for granted Charles’s deficiencies and Murray’s brilliance as a soldier. Now this is being challenged by historians (such as Duffy) who try to take a balanced view without committing themselves to extremes. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which Sources B and C illustrate differing views of Charles Edward’s abilities as a leader. Marks 1-4 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the sources; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the sources. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 5-7 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the sources, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 8-11 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the sources, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 12-16 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the views of the sources and their value as interpretations on the issue. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 91 Page fifty Question 3 How fully does Source D explain the motives for educational reform in Scotland 1715-1800? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded up to 3 marks for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s fullness in explaining/analysing the issue. The candidate offers a structured evaluation of Source D as an adequate explanation of the motives for educational reform in Scotland, in terms of: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. These may include: genuine proposals from the 1760s, so clearly accurate statement of at least some of the motives for educational reform, probably the writer’s own, but certainly ones which he believes his readers will respond to the writer is trying to persuade his readers that the new Academy is worth supporting, so this source will only include creditable and convincing motives. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Lack of education causes unnatural distinctions between persons An educated person will be “better able to fill any station to more advantage” Educated people can give practical advice to “merchant, mechanic and farmer” Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: The idea that social distinctions were not based on “natural superiority” was radical for 1761, but certainly such radicals existed. This is only a few years before the American Revolution. Diderot’s “Encyclopaedia” in France had been dedicated to the link between learning and practical improvement, as was the “Encyclopedia Britannica” which was being compiled in Edinburgh at this time. The agricultural improvers believed that learned men could give practical advice to farmers The “Academy movement” was based on the ideas expressed in the source, which shows it was typical of one section of opinion. There were also Mechanic Institutes being set up. Navigation was introduced into the school curriculum in Dunbar. Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the view in the sources: Dugald Stewart, for example, thought that education's main purpose was to improve public morality. Adam Smith saw education as a way of ameliorating the lives of those in unskilled drudgery. The SPCK, who provided a great deal of education in practice, saw education as a way of promoting the Protestant religion and the House of Hanover. Edinburgh, for example, had plenty of new private schools whose main attraction was training in fashionable arts for social climbers: fencing, dancing and English elocution. [C044/SQP320] 92 Page fifty-one Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historian's commentary to help them reach a conclusion. These may include reference to: Bruce Lenman: “Dutch influence was still important (to university reform) for most of the eighteenth century in Scotland” Donald Withrington: Points out that the attempt by Perth Academy to rival the Scottish Universities only lasted about 40 years, and its methods were not adopted by any public institution (though by many private ones) T C Smout: Emphasises how educational reform in the towns was confined to the middle classes. The growth of towns swamped the parish system (Edinburgh had roughly one in three of its population illiterate) and money was not spent remedying the deficiencies Arthur Herman: Argues that the process in Glasgow was more or less the reverse of the one suggested in Source D. Merchants had made money wanted to spend it on education, for they valued learning for its own sake, as a source of general moral and cultural enrichment. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which Source D fully explains the motives for educational reform in eighteenth century Scotland. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context. Candidate may make relevant and appropriate provenance comments. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and little if any sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may make relevant and appropriate provenance comments. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate provenance comments and the interpretation is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the provenance of the source and the views in it. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 93 Page fifty-two “The House Divided”: USA (1850-1865) Part 1 Each question is worth 25 marks Question 1 To what extent did the Compromise of 1850 merely store up trouble for the future? The aim of the essay is to enable the candidate to assess the impact of the Compromise of 1850 and to place it in its historical context in the decade of the 1850s and to assess its impact through the 1850s. The candidate could view this as “an armed truce” between North and South. The candidate may use evidence such as: the Wilmot Proviso the terms of the Compromise impact on national politics unease over the Fugitive Slave Law need for a new policy on admission of states – popular sovereignty the issue of Kansas-Nebraska impact of 1856 presidential and congressional elections the collapse of the Whigs/rise of Republicans Personal Liberty Laws in North to circumvent Fugitive Slave Law success of Republicans in 1856/1858 elections analysis of Dred Scott decision the senatorial campaign in Illinois in 1858 (Lincoln-Douglas debates) analysis of voting patterns for Democrats showing dominance of Southern minority in the Party explanation of why compromise was achieved in 1850 but not in 1860. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: McPherson: compromise averted a great crisis but only postponed the trauma Wilson: manifest destiny and expansion of territory would bring a renewal of sectional controversy Collins: 1850 Compromise was an armistice and a dress rehearsal for the show-down of 1860-61 Reid: Compromise had few genuine supporters who would ensure its defence. Settlement merely glossed over a deep-seated dispute over the territories acquired from Mexico. It was a truce between politicians Brock: few were prepared to defend the Compromise against attacks from North and South Potter: Compromise constituted an armistice. [C044/SQP320] 94 Page fifty-three Question 2 “Lincoln was forced into issuing the Emancipation Proclamation due to the actions of others”. How valid is this view of Lincoln’s actions over emancipation? N.B. Candidates may tackle this essay in one of two ways: a chronological approach or a thematic approach to the question, looking at the case for and against the quote. Either approach is acceptable and candidates should be given credit for the way they tackle the question. The aim of the essay is to enable candidates to discuss the pressures that surrounded the President over this issue and to assess whether he was the driving force or reacting to the actions of others. The candidate may use evidence such as: inaugural Address as official view of the Administration annual message to Congress in December 1861 plan of March 1862 attempts to persuade Border Slave states into taking the lead decision of July 1862 to assert the War Powers of the President need to await a favourable military moment actions of September 22nd 1862 and 1st January 1863 actions of Congress: First/Second Confiscation Acts; the Militia Act actions of the Generals: Butler, Fremont and Hunter actions of individuals like Charles Sumner (state suicide theory) and Horace Greeley (‘The Prayer of Twenty Millions’) need for Lincoln to carry public opinion with him transform Union war aim from ‘Union as it was’ to ‘Union as it should be’ role of the abolitionists in keeping up pressure on Administration assessment of actions of Generals and Congress would show that few slaves had been freed. war powers of President and the 13th Amendment could ensure equal treatment for all. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Fields: Lincoln forced into freeing the slaves due to the actions of the Blacks themselves Tulloch: Lincoln had been fighting for the Union but was forced to change his mind due to the exigencies of war. The Emancipation Proclamation was justified not only on the grounds of necessity but also because it was just Stampp: Lincoln was a reluctant emancipator La Wanda Cox: Lincoln’s actions looked towards long-term racial equality McPherson: Congressional acts lacked the impact of a general emancipation proclamation Reid: act justified as an exercise of the presidential war powers. [C044/SQP320] 95 Page fifty-four Question 3 How far did the war change social and economic conditions in the North and the South? Candidates may choose to include a brief analysis of the socio-economic structure of North and South before the war or to compare the situation during the war with the ante-bellum structure in order to assess the degree of change. Either approach is valid and candidates should be given credit for their approach. However, an answer that concentrates on the ante-bellum period is not answering the question and should be marked accordingly. The candidate may use evidence such as: rise of big business in North to supply army demand expansion of existing manufacturing centres eg in Pittsburg development of new industries eg canning industry of Swift and Armour increasing mechanisation of farming and industry to meet civilian/military demands introduction of the ‘Greenback’ currency army as a vehicle of social mobility rise of entrepreneurial classes and age of ‘new money’ examination of thesis that war retarded growth of Northern economy wartime experience of Swift, Carnegie etc set US on a new economic path and laid the foundations for the rise of ‘American capitalism’ loosening of restrictions on the role of women eg Clara Barton development of Tredegar Iron Works in Richmond need for change in use of plantations from cotton to food production need for direction of various economic activities by Confederate government use of taxation to fund war army as a vehicle of upward social mobility in the South analysis of make-up of Confederate officer corps where, with the exception of Nathan Bedford Forrest, the members were drawn from the plantation aristocracy southern dependence on women to keep the home front going challenge to domination of planter class by new businessmen new economic activity assessment of permanence or temporary nature of much of the change in both areas. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Batty: Southern resentment at imposition of conscription led to friction between Congress and the ordinary white voter Parish: complaints (on both sides) of a “rich man’s war but a poor man’s fight.” Southern people could not adapt quickly or efficiently enough to new ways thrust upon them. Confederacy, despite upheavals of war, remained a predominantly rural and agricultural society McPherson: southern wartime taxation exacerbated class tensions and caused growing alienation of the white lower classes from the Confederate cause. Northern economy more adaptable to demands of war. War speeded up mechanisation of industry due to tight labour market. Great increase in the employment of women Ashworth: war years were ones of increasingly severe economic dislocation and for most of the Southern white citizens, of severe economic hardship. Southern agriculture was pauperised by the war. Southern capitalism was severely damaged by war. Negative impact of ending of slavery on Southern economy. In North, the war produced institutional changes that were beneficial to Northern capitalism Thomas: Ante-bellum agrarian inertia proved a formidable obstacle for the South during the war. Southern economic dependence on women. Transformation of Southern political economy was a temporary response to demands of war. Planters dominated Confederate officer corps. [C044/SQP320] 96 Page fifty-five Question 4 How significant were the attitudes of foreign powers in influencing the course of the American Civil War? The aim of this essay is to enable the candidate to assess the nature of foreign intervention in the Civil War and to assess whether or not this affected the outcome of the war. The candidate may use evidence such as: foreign policy aims of both North and South calculations of European self-interest, particularly on the part of Britain eg national priority of defence of Canada contradictory policies of Napoleon III – support for North as a bulwark to British dominance yet supportive of the Mexican adventure impact of incidents like Trent Affair, Laird Rams, Cotton Embargo British hope that Union paper blockade would be recognised and used by Britain in any future conflicts selling of goods to both sides by European powers impact of the Emancipation Proclamation on European attitudes conflict viewed in Europe as struggle between an aristocratic oligarchy and a true democracy role of US ambassador to Britain Charles Francis Adams and his role in keeping Britain neutral. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Owsley: bitterly anti-British, arguing that war profits for British industries outweighed any genuine sympathy for the South Crook: predominantly diplomatic considerations dictated Britain’s neutral stance Ellison: little evidence of overwhelming working class support in Britain for the Union Hurnon: strong anti-Northern, anti-democratic and pro-Southern currents in Britain Jenkins: British foreign policy was motivated by a cool calculation of benefits to Britain Boaz: using Cotton Embargo to coerce Europe into recognising the Confederacy was doomed from the outset Commager: Britain saw an opportunity to humiliate her US rival by supporting the South. [C044/SQP320] 97 Page fifty-six Question 5 To what extent was Confederate military strategy doomed to failure? The aim of this essay is to enable the candidate to discuss the merits or otherwise of the strategy and tactics adopted by Confederate politicians and generals in fighting the war. The essay is not about the reasons for Southern defeat in the war and if an answer is based on the latter, it should be marked accordingly. The candidate may use evidence such as: focus on the military achievements of the South eg First and Second Bull Run, Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville but candidate needs to explain why such victories did not lead to Southern victory assessment of the odds that were stacked against the South eg military, economic and demographic and how these influenced Southern strategy explanation of why the war still lasted for two years after Northern successes at Vicksburg, Gettysburg and Chattanooga analysis of Southern strategy viz the offensive/defensive and East/West arguments need for candidate to challenge the Current thesis to explain why South was able to hold out for so long contribution of individual Southern generals eg Bragg, Jackson, Lee and Longstreet and explanation of their role in shaping and executing Southern military strategy role of Lee: eg the merits of his invasion of the North after Second Bull Run in that even if victorious, withdrawal would have been likely due to the inability of his army to forage and maintain an army in enemy territory during the winter and that such a withdrawal (as again in 1863) would be seen as a defeat in Southern eyes analysis of idea of Southern cordon defence. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Parish: Southern demand that every square mile of the Confederacy should be defended. War was won by a policy of attrition, by the stronger side wearing down its opponent. Lee was too focused on Virginia to take overall strategic view. Lee and Jackson won the type of battles which did not decide this kind of war McPherson: critical of South’s cordon defence as it spread men too thinly, allowing Union forces to break through at will. South adopted a policy of waiting to be attacked. Strategy of offensive/defensive was never defined in any systematic way – it emerged as a result of a series of campaigns in 1862 Jones: need for generals to be aware of political effect of military actions. Maintenance of Confederacy’s territorial integrity had important effect on Southern morale Gallagher: Lee was unable to confront the broader dimensions of a modern war Fuller: Lee unable to comprehend the immense scope of the conflict McWhinney and Jamieson: Lee’s reckless devotion to the offensive bled the South of manpower and sealed its fate Tulloch: Southern military divided over strategy. Beauregard thought Confederate war effort was too defensive whilst Joseph E Johnston thought it was too offensive and ultimately selfdefeating. [C044/SQP320] 98 Page fifty-seven “The House Divided”: USA (1850-1865) Part 2 Question 1 How helpful are the differing views in Sources A and B as interpretations of the condition of slaves in the ante-bellum South? (16 marks) Interpretation (maximum 6 marks) Candidates may be awarded up to 3 marks for their ability to establish the views of each source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. Contextual and historical interpretations (maximum 10 marks) These 10 marks will be awarded for: the quality and depth of the contextual recall the quality and depth of the wider perspectives the range and quality of historians’ views provenance comment (if appropriate). The candidate considers the views in Sources A and B on the conditions of slaves in the antebellum South, and offers a structured evaluation of the two perspectives in terms of: Source A Provenance: accurate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit under historiography. These may include reference to a secondary work based on slave and white primary sources with the aim of illustrating the daily lives of slaves in the ante-bellum South. Points from source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): poor living conditions Lack of furniture Limited and boring diet Lack of appropriate clothing. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: details of slave work use of discipline to enforce rules threat of slave sales hierarchy of jobs not same as career structure. [C044/SQP320] 99 Page fifty-eight Source B Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. Accurate comments on the work of cliometricians using statistical data to reach a conclusion on issues arising from slavery in the ante-bellum South will earn credit under historiography. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Slaves not poorly fed – better than 1964 recommended levels. Most slaves lived in single-family homes. Little sharing of homes by several families. Some barracks for unmarried men and women. Poor medical care – not deliberate – due to primitive nature of medical knowledge and practices. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Slaves received the equivalent of 90% of their labour. Rate of whippings exaggerated. Hierarchy of slave jobs which was equivalent to a free person’s career structure. Slavery was a profitable business. Slave clothing was coarse but durable and good quality footwear was issued. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Gutman and Sutch: critical of methods of Fogel and Engerman eg assertion that whipping was limited to 0.7% is based on records kept over a period of two years on a single plantation and this still equates to a public whipping every four days. Concentration on whipping as means of control overlooked other punishments – jail, death threats, humiliation available to master. Punishment was given for bad work. Slave sale at only 1.92% per year still meant that every slave during their lifetime had a 50% chance of being sold Phillips: slaves benefited from an uneconomic but benign institution Stampp: slavery was profitable but cruel Genevose: saw slavery in a paternalistic light but the slave was psychologically handicapped; however, the slave did enjoy comparatively good material standards Elkins: slave crippled by all-encompassing nature of the institution. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of Sources A and B is useful for interpreting the conditions of slaves in the ante-bellum south. [C044/SQP320] 100 Page fifty-nine Marks 1-4 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the sources; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the sources. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 5-7 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the sources, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 8-11 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the sources, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 12-16 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the views of the sources and their value as interpretations on the issue. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 101 Page sixty Question 2 How useful is Source C as evidence of the tensions that existed in American society by 1861? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded a total of 5 marks for the quality of their evaluation of the provenance of the source AND for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. This may be split 3/2 or 2/3. At Advanced Higher, provenance is a form of contextualisation where candidates locate the source in history . . . why was it that that person saying it?, why did it matter?, why then and in that way?, was it the same as previous or later views? It is answers to these sorts of questions which help locate the source and establish its usefulness. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s value. The candidate offers a structured consideration of the value of Source C in providing an adequate explanation of the reasons for tensions in American society in 1861 in terms of: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance will earn credit. These may include: Taken from the first Inaugural Address of the sixteenth president of the United States. Seven states had already left the Union prior to Lincoln’s inauguration with the Upper South adopting a policy of ‘wait and see’. Aim was to re-assure both North and South by outlining events and to show that the South had nothing to fear from the Republican Administration Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Aim is not to interfere with slavery. No right/desire to do so. Will use power of Federal government to defend Federal positions in seceded states. Has no plans to attack South. Democracy and people’s acceptance of it (win or lose) is the only way to guarantee freedom. Issue is whether slavery should/should not be extended. Warns that if attacked, North will respond. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Problems created by acquisition of new territory in the period 1850-1860. Southern annoyance at Northern abuse of Fugitive Slave Law through personal ‘Liberty Laws’. Democratic Party now dominated by Southern wing which will disrupt the Union if not given all their demands. Issue of defence of states’ rights. Fear of South becoming a minority within the Union. Fear of eventual amendment abolishing slavery due to point above. Impact of abolitionists on Southern defence of its peculiar institution. [C044/SQP320] 102 Page sixty-one Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Schlesinger: protection of states’ rights offered South the chance to retain slavery. More important than the doctrine itself Randall: real issue was the significance of territorial extension Ramsdell: slavery was already on road to ultimate extinction Craven: highly critical of the abolitionists who heightened sectional tensions with their illtempered attacks on Southern slavery Owsley: argued that essentially it was a clash of values and that the moral issue of slavery was a red herring Nevins: emphasis on the moral issue of slavery McPherson: both sides claimed to be acting defensively in 1860/1861. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of Source C is useful for explaining the tensions in American society before 1861. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context. Candidate may make relevant and appropriate provenance comments. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and little if any sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may make relevant and appropriate provenance comments. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate provenance comments and the interpretation is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the provenance of the source and the views in it. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 103 Page sixty-two Question 3 How fully does Source D illustrate Lincoln’s political abilities as a wartime leader? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded up to 3 marks for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context, recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s fullness in explaining/analysing the issue. The candidate offers a structured evaluation of Source D as an adequate explanation of Lincoln’s political abilities as a wartime leader in terms of: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. comment on Rawley will receive marks under historiography. Accurate Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Good speaker. Good knowledge of the political system. Would not be out-manoeuvred by experienced political engineers etc. Followed his own policies in building up a national party. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Details of his dealings with Seward over eg Fort Sumter and the political crisis of December 1862. Lincoln’s role as Commander-in-Chief and dealings with his generals as exemplified in his letter of appointment to Hooker as Commander of the Army of the Potomac. His handling of the issue of emancipation. His re-election campaign of 1864. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Tulloch: Lincoln as a consummate politician McPherson: Lincoln was flexible and pragmatic Thomas: Lincoln as a cautious and conservative politician Carwardine: Lincoln adept at reading public opinion Paludan: Lincoln inspired and explained and guided soldiers and civilians to continue the fight. Effectively defined events and shaped public opinion. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of Source D is useful for understanding Lincoln’s political abilities as a wartime leader. [C044/SQP320] 104 Page sixty-three Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context. Candidate may make relevant and appropriate provenance comments. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and little if any sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may make relevant and appropriate provenance comments. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate provenance comments and the interpretation is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the provenance of the source and the views in it. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 105 Page sixty-four Japan: From Medieval to Modern State (1850’s-1920) Part 1 Each question is worth 25 marks Question 1 How significant a role did religious beliefs play in shaping Japanese society in the second half of the nineteenth century? The aim of this essay is to examine how important the various religious beliefs were in influencing the direction and shape of Japanese society. The candidate may use evidence such as: details of Shinto, Confucian, and Buddhist beliefs with an awareness of the relationships of these beliefs to obedience not only within the family but in society and to the Emperor details of Shinto, Confucian and Buddhist beliefs in terms of giving family, community and civic stability and direction within society the importance of Shinto in shaping society especially during the Meiji era the influence Confucianism has on the values of Japanese society the impact of the Meiji restoration on the status of Shinto beliefs particularly amongst the samurai, and on the role of Confucian values the values and beliefs promoted during the Meiji era through religion and the connection between state control and religion the stance on Christianity. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Hunter – ‘the ruling class had long viewed both religion and education as vehicles for furthering the purposes of the state’ H D Harootunian – ‘the believers sense of joy would make him feel obliged to tend to his household and state duties’ Waswo – ‘neo-Confucianism stressed the ethical nature of the government, stressing obedience to one’s superiors’ Hane – ‘Christian missionaries also began to arrive with the lifting of the ban against Christianity’ (in Meiji era) Pyle – ‘Shinto as adopted by the Japanese state was largely an invented tradition’ Beasley – ‘samurai values and religion played a significant part of modern Japanese life’. [C044/SQP320] 106 Page sixty-five Question 2 To what extent did nationalism undermine the Bakufu rule? The aim of this essay is to examine the reasons for the overthrowal of the Bakufu and specifically assess the importance of nationalism in contributing to it being undermined. The candidate may use evidence such as: Nationalism Details of nationalist thinking with reference especially to Shozan and ‘Eastern ethics: Western science’ and how this encouraged a sense of national pride and a devotion to the Emperor. Role of nationalism as a contributing factor due to the Unequal Treaties uniting nationalist anger which produced violent outbreaks which the Bakufu could not contain. The humiliation of the Unequal Treaties caused many Japanese to think nationally in terms of their country rather than their domain. Complexities of Japanese society in the early nineteenth century which contained a range of tensions and that nationalism was only one of the pressures that the Bakufu could not suppress or contain. The nationalistic role of the Sonno Joi movement of revere the emperor; expel the barbarian, illustrating many now looking to the Emperor rather than Edo and the Bakufu for leadership. Other Factors Giving in to foreign pressure stirred increasing resentment of the Bakufu. Some background evidence will be given to illustrate the position of the Bakufu; like the failure of the Tempo Reforms as they did not have the administrative power to enforce their policies. The resentment of lower ranking samurai also caused difficulty for Bakufu, who followed Yoshida Shoin and his preaching anti foreigner and anti Bakufu slogans. Lower status samurai were also beginning to demand a greater say in the running of political affairs as they were domain bureaucrats. The Bakufu’s position was fatally flawed by having little economic or political power. This will be balanced by analysing details like the economic troubles caused by upwardly mobile merchants, economy becoming money-orientated away from rice as their own debts rose, A Daimyo who were becoming increasingly independent and harder to control. Foreign pressures brought to a head the weak position internally of the Bakufu. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Wall – ‘arrival of Perry in July 1853 brought the whole complicated debate to a head’ Beasley – ‘exemplary action by ‘men of spirit’, putting conscience before calculation’ Storry – ‘a school of thought aggressively nationalistic in tone’ Kornicki – ‘it is therefore more appropriate to see the pressures upon Japan as international in nature’ Bolitho – ‘open deteriorations in relations between the Daimyo domains and the Tokugawa government’ Storry – ‘Tokugawa system of government might have continued essentially unchanged had it not been for the forcible opening of the closed door’. [C044/SQP320] 107 Page sixty-six Question 3 How valid is the view that women’s place in Japanese society had improved significantly by 1920? The aim of this essay is to explore the political, social, legal and economic reforms and analyse their effects on women. The candidate may use evidence such as: some of the implications for women and girls in Japan, like women being submissive and obedient to the wishes of their fathers and husbands, having no legal right of property and no divorce rights end of feudalism and its impact on women the limited changes in Japanese society for women factory working conditions details of rural life, where women’s status was not so low due to their labour being essential to the family/village the role of women as concubines, prostitutes and geishas being treated as a minor by the law employment of married women scarce, even in factories they were released upon marriage the working and living conditions in rural and urban areas and that small numbers of women went from textile workers and domestic service to become typists, telephone operators and store assistants educational reforms and the role in enforcing traditional values exclusion of women from the political process, showing an appreciation of women’s rights movements and that it took until 1911 to limit their working day to twelve hours, although enforcement was scant politically they were denied the franchise and prohibited from joining political parties; they were even forbidden to attend public political discussions The Blue Stocking Society which was established in 1911, a pioneer effort to try and combat ingrained customs there may be reference to prominent figures like Ito Noe and Hiratsuka women under Meiji era being expected to be good wives and wise mothers and even when factories were ‘womanned’ no interference of this ideology was allowed. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Totman – ‘Japanese society does not resist the active participation of women in its activities so much as it has difficulties seeing any need for women to become active when their husbands are already taking part’ Pyle – ‘great lifelong duty of a woman was obedience’ Hunter – ‘only when a wife became a mother-in-law could she in turn enjoy a brief heyday of influence’ Waswo – ‘women were to be good wives and wise mothers’ Beasley – ‘initiatives by bureaucrats to limit factory hours met with determined opposition from employers’ Benson & Matsumura – ‘the new educational system treated boys and girls very differently’. [C044/SQP320] 108 Page sixty-seven Question 4 What factors best explain the successful modernisation of Japan? The aim of this essay is to explore the multifaceted explanations surrounding Japan’s success in modernising in such a short period of time. The candidate may use evidence such as: the effects of the Unequal Treaties in shaping Japan’s modernisation and the pressure to change to be accepted as an equal the international environment led to Japan expanding and adopting the new industrial technologies which helped her to catch up cultural borrowing like ship building, iron and steel mills, banking and commerce, textiles (the silkworm disease in Europe being advantageous for Japan as the revenue from exports were vital to pay for modernisation) using foreign experts then dismissing of them once Japanese were confident to continue Japanese society had highly developed agriculture with inter-regional trade and good communication infra-structure to build upon role of the state in the process and that the policies they implemented, like placing orders for British gunboats and munitions factories inherited from the old regime, being further developed to become self-sufficient the value of the Tokugawa legacy as providing the sound basis for modernisation, in that Japan had potential for industrial development Japan had an abundance of human labour who were well educated and loyal especially as large burdens were borne by the peasantry government having limited reliance on foreign loans and taking firm control over expenditure to ensure capital being available for modernisation by partial funding of large scale private enterprises in areas like the generation of electricity Iwakura mission – forward planning political and military reforms. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Maddison – ‘there was a heavy emphasis on education and the creation of a situation in which the rate of investment ultimately became very high’ Nakayama – ‘stability of the social structure served as a general foundation for modernisation’ Hane – ‘modernisation would depend heavily upon the adoption of western science, technology and industrialisation’ Wall – ‘for a short period the government attempted to stimulate modernisation by subsidising private enterprise’ McPherson – ‘the role of the government was crucial’ Hiromatso – ‘foundations of Japan’s modernisation were to a large extent laid during the years of peaceful isolation’. [C044/SQP320] 109 Page sixty-eight Question 5 How great an impact did military and naval reforms have on Japanese society? The aim of this essay is to examine how great an affect the military and naval reforms actually had on the Japanese people. The candidate may use evidence such as: details of the military and naval reforms that took place and that they were moulded from French then German for the army and Britain for the navy the introduction of conscription eg three year service for 20-year old men followed by four years subsequent service in the army reserve with exemption from conscription being very limited therefore it impacted on all families the controversy surrounding the introduction of conscription in January 1873 commentating that it effectively ended the samurai monopoly on warfare and undermined their warrior status conscription was unpopular especially as it deprived families of their sons for labour Land Tax paying for the reforms – farming families worked hard for long hours and little remuneration which saw them as benefiting little from the government’s plans for the military and navy the powerful role of Yamagata Aritomo in the reforms military priorities meant women were important as the bearers of sons who would fight in future wars importance of the armed forces in shaping Japanese society and that after the Meiji reforms the Emperor was the Commander-in-Chiefs with military chiefs having direct access to him the cost of these reforms on the population especially the long hours, low wages and working in very bleak conditions eg coal mining, for the good of the nation’s military an appreciation of the arduous industrial task to execute these reforms and the toll they took on the people industrialism in Japan was inextricably interwoven with military reform. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Beasley – ‘in an attempt to devise some kind of official ideology a precept was issued in 1882 and addressed to the country’s soldiers and sailors emphasising obligations to the nation and its monarch’ Hane – ‘common soldiers came from the lower classes but the officers, especially the generals, came from the Satsuma and Choshu clans’ Wall – ‘the importance attached to the armed forces is shown in the fact that in the 1870s the Japanese government invested as much in the navy and twice as much in the army, as in industrial enterprises as a whole’ Hunter – ‘military priorities meant that women were important as the bearers of sons who would fight Japan’s wars’ Waswo – ‘military service intensified the impact of basic education on many young Japanese males’ Pyle – ‘Taxes were progressively raised as military expenditures more that tripled in the decade 1893-1903.’ [C044/SQP320] 110 Page sixty-nine Japan: From Medieval to Modern State (1850s-1920) Part 2 Question 1 How fully does Source A illustrate the structure of society in mid-nineteenth century Japan? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded up to 3 marks for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s fullness in explaining/analysing the issue. The candidate offers a structured evaluation of the completeness of the evidence in Source A, as to how fully it illustrates Japanese society in the mid-nineteenth century in terms of: Source A Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. These may include: accurate comment on Megarry will receive marks under historiography. Points from the source which show that the candidate has interpreted the significant views(s): The argument presented by Megarry illustrates factors like: a land based economy subservient peasantry who were tied to the soil importance of strong bonds between lord & armed retainers the latter having landed estates as a reward for their services. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Illustrations to complement Megarry’s outline, namely: - Farmers 80% of population who grew rice by shared labour, obligations of peasants – not allowed to leave land or country and their sole job was to produce rice from which a tax was levied. - They supplied men and horses for the country’s courier service. Country divided into domains controlled by various lords called Daimyo who were further split into Fudai (lords supporting Tokugawa) and Tozama (independent Daimyo). The armed retainers were the samurai who were sword bearing, numbered 2 million and were attached to different lords. Role and position of women. [C044/SQP320] 111 Page seventy Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the source: Society was essentially a caste system not class system. Samurai borrowed heavily from the caste below to sustain their lavish lifestyle leading to debt. Position of peasants varied – some diversified into sugar and pottery whilst others on bare subsistence. Artisans, who were not a large group, supplied fine goods for samurai and lords. Merchants were bottom of caste system yet despite this they flourished as they bought rice from the samurai, stored it, then re-sold for a profit, they also provided loans for the samurai. Lower classes like the eta worked as in prostitution, life of 7 eta = 1 citizen. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Waswo states that ‘Conditions in Japan most closely resembled those of high feudalism in Europe’ Hane is of the belief that ‘in order to ensure political and social stability the Tokugawa Bakufu set out to fix a rigid class system’ Hunter states that ‘a rigid hierarchy of hereditary caste continued to prevail both in theory and to a larger extent in practice’. Candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion using a range of evidence about the structure of Japanese society in the mid-nineteenth century to evaluate Megarry’s stance. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument, showing a clear understanding of the views of the source. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 112 Page seventy-one Question 2 How helpful are the differing viewpoints in Sources B and C as interpretations on the political development of Meiji Japan? (16 marks) Interpretation (maximum 6 marks) Candidates may be awarded up to 3 marks for their ability to establish the views of each source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. Contextual and historical interpretations (maximum 10 marks) These 10 marks will be awarded for: the quality and depth of the contextual recall the quality and depth of the wider perspectives the range and quality of historians’ views provenance comment (if appropriate). The candidate considers the views in Sources B and C on the political development of Meiji Japan and offers a structured explanation of the value of these two perspectives in terms of: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. Accurate comment on Mikiso Hane or Benson and Matsumura will receive marks under historiography. Points from the sources which show that the candidate has interpreted the significant views: Source B’s view is that Political changes were oligarchic not democratic. Political changes were not participatory but patriarchal. Political power in the Meiji era lay with the samurai. Source C’s view is that Post feudalism the local power of administration was in the hands of the clan chief. Nationally a council of state with three branches was created. A cabinet system was created but not until 1885. Political authority was deferred from the centre to governors and then to local leaders. Sources B and C both highlight the changes in the political structure of the Meiji era with Source B offering a judgement as to the reality against the ideal. [C044/SQP320] 113 Page seventy-two Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the sources: The Diet was made up of two houses an upper and a lower. The upper being the House of Peers could veto legislation from the lower house. The lower being the House of Representatives which was elected by well-to-do property owners, all male. It met for three months a year. Half a million voters out of a population of 40 million. Ito Hirobumi was Japan’s first Prime Minister. 1888 – A Privy Council was set up to consult on matters like constitution and matters of law. Population were assured of their rights – freedom of speech and writing however rights were in reference to their duties and for the need for peace and order. Nevertheless the pace of change was remarkable even though political rights were limited. Women were excluded from voting. Points from recall that offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the sources: New government lacked income and in 1871 Japan was turned into a series of prefectures directed by prefects appointed from Tokyo. Ex-samurai and ex-Daimyo paid off by awarding them interest-bearing government bonds. This structure gave control to Tokyo and the growing bureaucracy gave some former samurai positions. Western style political parties did not sit comfortably with a centralised constitution – main political parties were – Liberal Party and Progressive Party. 1884 – A House of Peers established, 500 peers created with western titles like Viscount and Baron. 1885 – Cabinet system was established with a Prime Minister usually from clans of Choshu or Satsuma. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Jansen reference to the samurai is that ‘a modernising elite had emerged, a group firmly committed to making their backward country a modern nation-state’ Beasley on the Japanese leaders of the Meiji period ‘in founding a bureaucracy and shaping a governing elite they offended many who were left outside the newly drawn boundaries of power and influence’ Buruma on the Meiji oligarchs states that they ‘wanted to be modern and invoke ancient traditions at the same time. This was achieved by grafting German dogmas onto Japanese myths’. Candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of the two sources reveals differing perspectives on the political progress of Meiji Japan. [C044/SQP320] 114 Page seventy-three Marks 1-4 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the sources; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the sources. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 5-7 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the sources, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 8-11 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the sources, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 12-16 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the views of the sources and their value as interpretations on the issue. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 115 Page seventy-four Question 3 How useful is Source D in illustrating Japan’s foreign policy aims in the Meiji era? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded a total of 5 marks for the quality of their evaluation of the provenance of the source AND for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. This may be split 3/2 or 2/3. At Advanced Higher, provenance is a form of contextualisation where candidates locate the source in history . . . why was it that that person saying it?, why did it matter?, why then and in that way?, was it the same as previous or later views? It is answers to these sorts of questions which help locate the source and establish its usefulness. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s value. The candidate offers a structured answer on the usefulness of Source D in illustrating Japan’s foreign policy aims in terms of: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenence will earn credit. These may include: A contemporary figure who was a leading reformer from the Satsuma clan. He co-operated with the Choshu and the radical factions at court to bring about an imperial restoration by force. He was regarded as one of the architects of the restoration. In 1871 he went on the Iwakura mission. Points from the source which show that the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Treaties with Europe and America were not equal and Japan has lost her dignity. Britain and France setting up barracks as if Japan their territory. Desire expressed for Japan to evolve and rid herself of bondage and become independent again. This was seen as the urgency of the moment in 1873. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Japan’s relationship with foreign powers had been changing as she aimed to rid herself from the Unequal Treaties and sought to control nearby territories. Unequal Treaties ended in 1893. Long term resentment over the Unequal Treaties. Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the source: Examples of Japan’s dealings with countries in her sphere of influence as she built up her credibility: Victory over China in a war in 1894-5 provided European countries with proof of Japan’s rise to power (Sino-Japanese War) Treaty of Shimonoseki: Japan gains Taiwan, as well as rights in Korea and economic privileges in China (1895) Japan contributes troops to international force sent to China to deal with the Boxer Rising Anglo-Japanese Treaty of Trade and Navigation with Britain in 1894 Alliance with Britain 1902 Victory over Russia 1904-05 and the resulting Treaty of Portsmouth. [C044/SQP320] 116 Page seventy-five Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Awareness of debate over whether foreign policy aims were planned or evolved as opportunities arrived. B Oh is of the belief that ‘it is inconceivable that Japan became an empire and a world power in forty four years without long-range goals and plans’ Harrington is of the stance that ‘a combination of opportunity and capability spun the web we know as Meiji imperialism’ Duus states that ‘all the evidence to build an empire came fairly late in the Meiji period’. Candidate is therefore able to come to an evaluation using a variety of evidence to reach a conclusion on the usefulness of Source D in illustrating Japan’s foreign policy aims in the Meiji era. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument, showing a clear understanding of the views of the source. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 117 Page seventy-six Germany: Versailles to the Outbreak of the Second World War. Part 1 Each question is worth 25 marks Question 1 Was hatred of the Versailles Treaty shared to the same extent by Germans of all social classes and political beliefs? The question’s aim is to enable candidates to review the terms of the Versailles Treaty and the responses of the Germans towards this imposed peace settlement. In displaying their knowledge of the treaty, both as a thing in itself and in its component parts, candidates should be able to review and analyse the range of responses to Versailles and show an understanding of historical debate. The candidate might be expected to use evidence such as: Widespread expectation that the Fourteen Points (9 January 1918) accepted as a basis for the Armistice (11 November 1918) would lead to a fair peace. An illusion shattered by the Diktat of Versailles. Terms: Territorial Economic Military Article 231 Confiscation of colonies Reparations to be paid (finally agreed in 1921. Cash and kind) Demilitarisation of Rhineland The ‘War Guilt’ clause – the basis for reparations. Army reduced to 100,000 Article 232 did have some conciliatory promises but ‘many German political leaders .. turned Article 231 into an act of national humiliation..’ (Paul Bookbinder) Returned Alsace-Lorraine to France Internationalised the Saar for 15 years Creation of Polish Corridor -high level and long time scale of payment Navy’s strike potential removed Airforce disbanded Responses: of individuals such as Hitler, Kessler, Preuss, Rathenau, Stresemann shared hatred across the political spectrum from the predictable loathing of the German Nationalists of all stripes, to the KPD on the extreme left denouncing Versailles as an imperialist peace while hatred of the Diktat was universal, a variety of strategic responses emerged. On the one hand there were advocates of ‘fulfilment’ (such as Wirth) who wanted to demonstrate their good will towards the Allies while making it clear that in practical terms, Versailles was unworkable, and might thus endanger the new democracy. At the opposite extreme were nationalists, inflamed and outraged, bent on revision and restoration of German pride the punitive peace settlement as a potent factor ensuring Germans remained a nation at war, with itself and the rest of the world. [C044/SQP320] 118 Page seventy-seven Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Hite and Hinton: ‘Most Germans, as late as 1918, had expected victory and to make major gains.’ Stephen Lee (1998): ‘Versailles created a deep and widespread resentment (which) was increasingly targeted against the republic (and) revived the cause of the conservative right.’ Widespread acceptance of the ‘stab in the back’ and of Versailles as a dictated peace afforded Hitler and NSDAP a bridgehead into business, conservative circles. Richard Bessel (1990): argued that in the 1920s, German society suffered from a collective unwillingness to accept defeat and its consequences. Paul Bookbinder: argued that ‘many German political leaders turned Article 231 into an act of national humiliation.’ Richard Evans (2004) ‘Germany failed to make the transition from wartime back to peacetime after 1918.’ The shock of the Treaty united virtually every part of the political spectrum.’ Eberhard Kolb (1984): ‘In Germany between the wars the great national trauma… on no political question were the parties and groups so unanimous. But Kolb differentiates between the left and centre who saw Versailles ‘as one of the main reasons for the desperate state of the German republic.’ and the right who strove to undermine the republic ‘by agitating against fulfilment’, the ‘stab in the back’ and the ‘November Criminals’. Detlev Peukert: writes of an inflamed nationalist sense of outrage and the emergence of what he labels as ‘katastrophenpolitik’, ‘defiance to the point of confrontation’. By contrast, the emergent subtleties of ‘erfullungspolitik’ (fulfilment) failed to project itself ‘as a superior form of revisionism in the eyes of the German people.’ [C044/SQP320] 119 Page seventy-eight Question 2 What factors best explain why political life was so violent and unstable in Germany between 1919 and 1923. The aim of this question is to enable candidates to review and evaluate the nature and form of German politics in the period, while revealing awareness and understanding of historical debate on the discrete characteristics of those years. The candidate might be expected to use evidence such as: The catalogue of violence, of putsch and assassination, the prelude to which was the nature of the Republic’s birth in November 1918, viz. Spartakist Rising in Berlin –suppressed by Freikorps Soviet Republic declared in Bavaria. Red republic overthrown; 606 dead. 1919 Kapp Putsch led by 5000 strong swastika-wearing Ehrhardt Brigade thwarted by general strike in Berlin. KPD revolt in the Ruhr crushed by Reichswehr – 1250 dead. 1920 Ultra-left period of the KPD. Risings in Merseberg, Hamburg and the Ruhr. 1922 Economic collapse spurs KPD to organise a German ‘Great October’ in Saxony. Abortive KPD rising in Hamburg KPD-SPD coalition overthrown. Munich: Beerhall Putsch in November. 1923 1921 Hite and Hinton record 376 political assassinations in this period. Over 90% were by right wing terrorists. 10 left wing terrorists were sentenced to death, none from the right. Extreme leftists carry out campaigns of armed robbery and expropriations. Walther Rathenau, protagonist of fulfilment, assassinated by rightwing terrorists. Finance minister, Matthias Erzberger, assassinated. Political instability in part stemmed from an insufficiently large democratic bloc inside the Reichstag. Pro-Weimar parties (SPD, DDP, Centre (and to a lesser extent) DNVP), were squeezed between the vocal and large national conservative right and the revolutionary left. Peculiar features of the Weimar constitution and in particular, proportional representation. An apparent failure of stable governing coalitions to emerge. Failure of the republic to win the hearts and minds of most Germans. Notion of ‘trahison des clercs’; the alienation from the Republic of those who ought to have been its loyal servants; civil servants, judiciary, educationists, Army officers (von Seeckt). [C044/SQP320] 120 Page seventy- nine Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Paul Bookbinder: has isolated the ingredients making political life violent and unstable, viz., - hatred and violence generated by the Great War, - the trauma of unexpected defeat, - the universally reviled peace treaty, - economic and political chaos (cf stability of Kaiserreich), - bitterness, insecurity and an adversarial view of the world. He argues that ‘The breakdown of human values and legal objectivity contributed to the eruption of the political violence which became one of the hallmarks of Weimar Germany’. Piers Brendon: ‘A lost war and a cruel peace poisoned the atmosphere.’ Richard J Evans: ‘Fear and hatred ruled the day in Germany at the end of the First World War.’ Eberhard Kolb: ‘In particular sections of the population and elite professional groups there was still a massive reservoir of anti-republicanism and anti-democratic feeling.’ Stephen Lee: encapsulates the first four years of the Weimar Republic thus: ‘it seemed... to be poised between survival and collapse.’ Military defeat made Germany additionally vulnerable at a time of unprecedented and seemingly irreversible inflation accompanied by ‘a political malaise’ with the republic facing hostility ‘from both political wings.’ Detlev Peukert: In these years, ‘The Republic on the defensive’, He argues that ‘the exceptionally severe check to Germany’s economic growth’ post -1918 severely damaged the Republic’s innovations, political and welfare.’ Thus, ‘social fragmentation and polarisation became more pronounced.’ Kershaw: argues that ‘Acceptance of a high level of political violence was a hallmark of the political culture of Germany between the wars.’ Society had been brutalised. [C044/SQP320] 121 Page eighty Question 3 “His foreign policy steered Germany to a remarkable recovery.” How accurate is this view of Stresemann’s diplomacy? The question’s aim is to provide candidates with the opportunity to review the evidence for and against the glowing reputation achieved by Stresemann both before and after his death in 1929. In doing so, candidates can be expected to discuss the component parts of his diplomatic strategies and evaluate his reputation as views by a range of historians. The candidate might be expected to use evidence such as: August 1923: Stresemann becomes Chancellor for a brief time in Weimar’s darkest period. He was to remain as Foreign Minister until his death on 3rd October 1929 the core strategy under-pinning Stresemann’s diplomacy, viz., pursuit of the long-term goal of revision of the hated Versailles system, while at the same time seeking rapprochement with the victors of 1918 the limited means at his disposal. With German military clout hugely reduced postVersailles he could only pursue his ends through negotiation and open-diplomacy, though post-Dawes the stabilised, resurgent economy was a potent factor his inheritance as Chancellor (albeit briefly) in 1923; the economic chaos wrought by hyperinflation key features of diplomatic activity 1923-29 and evidence for and against its success, viz., ‘astonishingly successful.’ (Kolb) ‘from the longer term perspective… he achieved very little.’ (SJ Lee) Liberation of the Ruhr [after all, the French had achieved in 1923 what they had failed to do in 1918]. Territorial terms of Versailles remained intact. The plight of ‘Ausland deutschen’ remained unsolved. The early evacuation of allied troops from the Rhineland. Rhineland remained demilitarised. A business-like and realistic settlement of reparations. Stabilisation of the German economy after the catastrophe of 1923, enabling it to become an active participant in the growth of the European and world economy 1924-29. Admission of Germany to the League of Nations and membership of its council. Normalising Germany’s relations with the victors of 1918 [but without surrendering revisionist aims] in the Locarno Treaty. Removal of the threat of French hegemony over Germany. 1923: Germany lay vulnerable and isolated. 1929: USA, the world’s greatest economic power, had been wooed and won to assist German recovery. [C044/SQP320] 122 Page eighty-one Germany’s military, naval and aerial capacity was well below that of France and UK. The Young Plan mortgaged future generations of Germans. Payment would have continued up to mid 1980s. This enraged the nationalist right, Hugenberg (DNVP) bankrolled Hitler. Peukert has argued that by 1924 the goal of revisionism was not being scored through the tactic of rapprochement. Brüning’s tougher methods brought quicker success. Stresemann’s own cautious realism: Germany is ‘dancing on a volcano’ acutely dependent on USA and global market stability.’ Candidates might also examine Stresemann’s ‘Ostpolitik’, continuing and developing the Rapallo relationship between Germany and USSR, use of this by him as a bargaining counter in his dealings with France, UK and Italy. Stresemann’s subterfuge: his clandestine overtures to the former Crown Prince. Candidates might bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These might include reference to: John Hite and Chris Hinton: ‘Stresemann transformed Germany from being a distrusted outcast to being actively involved in European diplomacy. However, the concrete gains from his diplomacy were not great.’ Eberhard Kolb: ‘The central objective of Stresemann’s foreign policy was the restoration of Germany as a sovereign ‘great power’ with equal rights’ and in this he was astonishingly successful. Marshall Lee and Wolfgang Michalka: crucial to Stresemann’s strategy was the development of close German-American co-operation, which benefited Germany’s revisionism against French desire to maintain the status quo. Thus ‘Stresemann’s foreign policy, based largely on confrontation and co-operation, bequeathed to Brüning a situation in which, for the first time since 1918, Germany enjoyed a significant degree of diplomatic maneuver (sic)’ Arthur Rosenberg: ‘This lonely man, who had neither armed force nor a reliable mass organisation behind him, was nevertheless able to set his stamp on the development of Germany ... He was able in foreign policy to achieve for defeated Germany more or less what he considered necessary.’ HA Turner: has labelled him ‘a pragmatic conservative.’ As Foreign Minister he had to pursue the long-term goal of revision for the hated Versailles system while at the same time seeking rapprochement with the victors of the Great War. Jonathan Wright: (2002) argues that Stresemann was ‘Weimar Germany’s greatest statesman.’ He lets Stresemann speak for himself: ‘There is no doubt that today we command a position of respect in the world which no one would have believed it possible to achieve within five years.’ Three days after this speech Stresemann died. Detlev Peukert’s: note of caution that: ‘Germany was more dependent on the American economy and more vulnerable to the instability of world markets.’ And, ‘for all the realism of the process of rapprochement in the West… these difficulties in the East were never dealt with constructively.’ [C044/SQP320] 123 Page eighty-two Question 4 How great was the impact of the Depression of 1929-1932 on German economic and political life? In this question the candidate is being asked to assess the nature and significance of the economic catastrophe that struck Germany, evaluating the resultant social, economic and political consequences and showing an understanding of the range of historical commentary and analysis of this subject. The candidate might be expected to use evidence such as: The integral relationship between economic and political factors may be exemplified by two sets of figures. Many answers may use and comment on this evidence: Unemployment in Germany 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1.4 million 1.8 million 3.1 million 4.5 million 5.6 million Nazi party in Reichstag elections May 1928 12 seats Sept 1930 107 seats July 1932 Nov 1932 230 seats 191 seats The corollary of the above: the rise of support for the KPD on the extreme left and the squeezing of the votes cast for parties of the conservative right. Key features of the German economy were especially significant: even before 1929 the agrarian sector was struggling badly. Ominously the Nazis made their first meaningful gains among the sorely pressed farmers of northern Germany Dawes Plan 1924: American loans assisting German economic recovery. Many short-term investments were essentially long-term projects. Withdrawal of American loans post-Wall Street Crash proved disastrous the economy had a weak consumer spending base as compared to heavy industry if unemployment escalated the Weimar welfare state would hit the wall in the weeks preceding the Wall Street crash the interplay between economic factors and German political life was apparent. A nationalist front, including the Nazis, campaigned against the Young Plan which aimed to reduce and re-schedule (but not abolish) reparations payments thus, the economic depression when it came, in effect detonated Weimar’s political structure the first political casualty of the Depression was the Grand Coalition with Chancellor Muller (SPD) at its head. Muller and his SPD comrades were unwilling to cut welfare benefits. This angered one of its coalition partners, the DVP (People’s Party), who quit the coalition. On 27th March 1930 Muller resigned. The SPD, the Republic’s largest party and its mainstay, never returned to government the period of ‘Presidential Cabinets’ began under the leadership of Chancellor Brüning. The slide to authoritarianism begins before September 1930 elections September 1930 elections: Nazis leap the credibility gap failure of Brüning’s economic prescriptions. Brüning increasingly resorts to rule by Emergency Decree, Article 48 growth of political extremism, alarm of the mittlestand at KPD surge the phenomenal growth of the Nazi vote: who voted Nazi? Success of Nazis in becoming the catch-all party of social protest Hitler as the main beneficiary of the Depression; his millenarian appeal the eclipse of Brüning; the emergent politics of intrigue. [C044/SQP320] 124 Page eighty-three Candidates might bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These might include reference to: John Hite and Chris Hinton: ‘The massive impact of the Great Depression on Germany is the essential context for the collapse of the Weimar republic and the rise of Hitler.’ They quote William Carr: ‘It is inconceivable that Hitler could ever have come to power had not the Weimar republic been subjected to the unprecedented strain of a world economic crisis.’ Stephen Lee: argues that ‘The Depression did not start the process of decline… (rather) it was a catalyst or accelerator.’ ‘A multiplicity of factors were involved which upset the Republic’s equilibrium and made it vulnerable.’ Lee argues that it is essential to be aware of a set of circumstances which made the Republic ‘uniquely susceptible’. D Evans and J Jenkins: ‘By mid 1932 four out of every ten Germans were without jobs… the economic crisis which created armies of unemployed was also going to have major political consequences.’ Michael Burleigh: ‘Chronic unemployment was as likely to lead to a day in bed as to seeking the overthrow of the Weimar constitution.’ KD Bracher: in his ground-breaking The German Dictatorship – ‘To be sure, the Depression offered the partially submerged destructive forces of an anti-democratic radicalism a major opening. But the political development that culminated in the overpowering of the republic by National Socialism was by no means inevitable.’ Piers Brendon: ‘The Depression struck Germany harder than anywhere else except the United States. In part this was because the German economy relied so heavily on short-term foreign loans, which soon dried up after the stock market collapse.’ ‘For other countries the Depression was primarily an economic crisis, for Germany the crisis was primarily political.’ AJP Taylor: ‘only the depression put wind into Hitler’s sails’. Ian Kershaw: ‘Economic crises frequently unseat governments. It is much rarer for them to destroy systems of government… Hitler and his party were the beneficiaries of this systemic crisis of the Weimar state. They were not its primary cause.’ Detlev Peukert: ‘Even before the onset of the world slump, the political system of the Republic had reached a point of crisis, evidenced particularly by the sustained decline in support for old liberal and conservative parties’, while, ‘the protracted crisis 1930-33 gave the Nazi movement a prime opportunity to project itself as a dynamic modern totalitarian mass party.’ Conan Fischer: ‘The worsening economic situation triggered the slide towards some form or other of authoritarian government.’ Richard J Evans: The KPD ‘was the party of the unemployed par excellence’. The upward surge of support for it alarmed many of Germany’s middle class, a layer of society which suffered far more during the Depression than did its British counterpart. ‘The chances of the Weimar Republic surviving were very small after the Depression began in 1929.’ Eberhard Kolb: ‘No-one disputes that the appointment of a ‘Hindenburg Cabinet’ under Brüning was a far-reaching and dangerous transformation of the system of government.’ ‘The fragility of the political system and the increased potential for social conflict combined to produce fertile conditions for radicalisation of the left and right.’ David Welch: ‘By means of an efficient propaganda apparatus… the (Nazi) Party was in a strong position to make a highly effective response to the growing sense of crisis and through its propaganda to appeal to both the interests and the ideals of the mittlestand.’ [C044/SQP320] 125 Page eighty-four Question 5 What factors best explain the success of the Nazis in consolidating their control of Germany between 1933 and 1936? The aim of this question is to enable candidates to review and evaluate the manner in which the Nazi Party imposed its power structure on the German people, thereby creating a qualitatively new form of state power over civil society. Such a scrutiny might hope to review the range of explanations and models advanced by historians. The candidate might be expected to use evidence such as: Hitler’s Chancellorship begins with him heading a coalition; the peeling away of his coalition partners: The chronology of terror and intimidation, viz., − 27th February 1933: Reichstag Fire − 28th February: emergency Decree − 22 March Dachau concentration Camp opens − 24 March Enabling act − April: Goring sets up Gestapo − 14 July: Law against formation of new parties (KPD and SPD already banned) − 30 January 1934: Law for the reconstruction of the state (Gaus, Gauleiters) − 30 June: Night of the Long Knives − August: Death of Hindenburg: Hitler becomes head of State. Gleichschaltung (Co-ordination) of Society: May 1933: free trade unions abolished, replaced by DAF, the German Labour Front Qualitative alteration in Church: state relations July 1933: Concordat with Vatican November 1933: ‘German Christians’ church established Non Nazi youth movements abolished; replaced with Hitler Youth Education: Party control over curriculum, ‘coordination’ of teachers Professional and institutional groups lose identity eg lawyers coordinated into German lawyers’ front. Ministry of propaganda: Party control over the media The continuing development of The Hitler Myth. Propaganda coups culminating with the bloodless re-militarisation of the Rhineland. Economic policies: The Nazi inheritance: an acutely depressed economy March 1933: Schacht was appointed Reichsbank President then Minister for Economics Schacht’s successes: − Trade surplus − Decreased unemployment − Increased industrial production − Mefo bills: fiscal policy − Rearmament (rather than production for the consumer market) − Popular responses to dictatorship − The consolidation of power at the local level − Nazism at the local level: coordination of the fabric of localities (choirs, sports clubs) [C044/SQP320] 126 Page eighty-five Candidates might bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These might include reference to: Hite and Hinton: ‘Within 18 months of being appointed Chancellor, Hitler had turned himself into a dictator. He had the power to issue decrees and there was no legal way to replace him… The process by which Hitler gained control of Germany was called Gleichschaltung. Hitler skilfully increased his power legally from above, combining this with arbitrary violence from below. Hitler mixed fierce repression of his potential opponents with conciliation towards the elite. He ensured the government had control of all key aspects of society,’ Richard J Evans: ‘Nazi propaganda was able to build on existing beliefs and values and create a new consensus that may well have encompassed a majority of German people… the Nazi spin on specific events (eg The Reichstag Fire) could usually convince people if it appealed to their existing fears and prejudices.’ D Evans and J Jenkins: ‘(Gleichschaltung) aimed at a complete unity of political, social and economic life with the application of terror as a deterrent to resistance… there is evidence that it [terror] was also begun by the rank and file. It was often unplanned and uncontrolled by the Party’s leadership.’ Robert Gellately: ‘Hitler wanted to create a dictatorship, but he also wanted to support the people. The most important thing he could do to win them over was to solve the massive unemployment problem… In the short term, Hitler conveyed a sense of strong leader who was in charge… after the years of upheaval that marked the Weimar Republic…he soon won patriotic acclaim.’ Neil Gregor: ‘The early years of Hitler’s rule were characterised by a substantial degree of cooperation between the Nazis and the conservative establishment which did much to stabilise the regime in the initial period.’ Franz Neumann (1942): in a pioneering study of the charismatic function of Hitler as leader; ‘who is not the organ of the state, but who is the community, not acting as its organ but its personification.’ Richard Overy: in Stalin’s Russia and Hitler’s Germany; ‘broad sections of the German and Soviet public supported the dictatorships, often with enthusiasm and devotion, or at least with a general approval… the extent to which that enthusiasm was the product of genuine ideological identification, or the product of political education and self interest remains open to conjecture.’ Ian Kershaw: ‘underpinning Hitler’s unchallenged authority in spring 1936 was the adulation of the masses. Large sections of the population simply idolised him… revelling in the national pride that Hitler had restored to the country.’ Laurence Rees: producer of ‘The Nazis: a Warning from History’, writes; ‘almost everyone we talked to emphasised the Nazi’s achievement in reducing unemployment and clearing the streets of the desolate-looking jobless.’ WS Allen: in his pioneer study (1965) of the consolidation of power at the local level in Northeim: ‘What was predominant on the part of leaders and townspeople was mutual accommodation to make daily life tolerable.’ He notes the upsurge of apathy in the Non-Nazi Northeimers after 1935 – ‘their only non-dangerous form of escape.’ David Welch: ‘The so called ‘Nazi Revolution’ was essentially compounded of three elements, viz ‘utilising the legal authority of the state, terror and coercion, propaganda.’ [C044/SQP320] 127 Page eighty-six Germany: Versailles to the Outbreak of the Second World War. Part 2 Question 1 How valuable is Source A in helping us to understand the nature of the German Revolution of 1918-1919? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded a total of 5 marks for the quality of their evaluation of the provenance of the source AND for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. This may be split 3/2 or 2/3. At Advanced Higher, provenance is a form of contextualisation where candidates locate the source in history . . . why was it that that person saying it?, why did it matter?, why then and in that way?, was it the same as previous or later views? It is answers to these sorts of questions which help locate the source and establish its usefulness. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s value. The candidate provides a structured evaluation of the value of Source A in explaining the key features of the German revolution, placing it in perspective and in the context of an overview of the revolution, in terms of: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. These may include: a primary source from the time of the outbreak of the German revolution (fall of Kaiser, installation of new democratic government) in November 1918. possible role of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht as authors. polemic, offering a Marxist analysis of the German revolution’s key features so far. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Reference to the ‘masses’ who have revolted.. viz soldiers and workers. Refers to end of the Kaiserreich… Prussian militarism and Kaiser are no more. Authors’ comment on the nature of the new state power. Not yet a people’s revolution. Source is very critical of those who have betrayed the workers. The text reveals the socialist internationalism of the Spartakists. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: The tension between reformist and revolutionary socialism. The crisis of German (and European) social democracy in August 1914 and throughout the war… leading to splits. MSPD pro war USPD centrist Spartakists wanted to transform the war into a people’s revolution. Spontaneous revolt in October 1918; mutinies and political strikes. Emergence of the councils (broadly imitative of Soviets) Tension between reformist and revolutionary socialists, especially evident after rival proclamations of the Republic. Role of Ebert, Scheidemann and Noske. [C044/SQP320] 128 Page eighty-seven Points from recall that offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the source: The unfolding of the revolution from the Ebert-Groener pact to the crushing of the Spartakist Revolt in January 1919. Driven by their Marxism and inspired by the Bolshevik’s seizure of power in October 1917, the Spartakists demanded not what they would have termed a ‘bourgeois democratic republic’ but a dictatorship of the workers’ and soldiers’ councils. Candidates might bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These might include reference to: Historical scholarship on the German Revolution and its nature has over the decades remained remarkably constant in its analysis and evaluation of the nature of the German Revolution and the tensions that lay at its heart. Luxemburg herself commented on the political immaturity of the insurrectionists who thus gave Ebert and his comrades their chance to smuggle themselves into the revolution (in the phrase of one radical) and pose as its leaders. Generations of German historians from the Weimar Republic’s first historian Arthur Rosenberg through to later scholars such as Kolb and Peukert have commented on the ‘revolution that ran aground’ (Kolb) AJ Ryder (1959) in a pamphlet six times reprinted, pioneered British scholarship, seeing the revolution as ‘half completed’. Eschewing any misplaced romanticism about Red Rosa, Richard J Evans (2004) refers to the German revolution ‘not resolving the conflicts that had been boiling up in the country in the final phases of the war.’ The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of Source A is useful in offering a full perspective on the causes of the German Revolution. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context. Candidate may make relevant and appropriate provenance comments. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and little if any sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may make relevant and appropriate provenance comments. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate provenance comments and the interpretation is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the provenance of the source and the views in it. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 129 Page eighty-eight Question 2 How fully does Source B explain the effects of the inflation of 1922-1923 on the German people? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded up to 3 marks for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s fullness in explaining/analysing the issue. Candidate offers a structured evaluation of the completeness of Source B, in terms of: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. These may include accurate comment on Richard J Evans which will be credited under historiography. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Short term effects Long term effects ‘at its height.. terrifying’ ‘are hard to measure’ ‘money lost its meaning’ ‘used to be thought that it destroyed the economic prosperity of the middle class.’ ‘families on fixed income’ forced to sell possessions on German conservatives; feelings of ‘a world turned upside down’. ‘Germany .. grinding to a halt’ effects on business effects on municipalities Candidate should be able to bring recall to bear to illustrate and contextualise the author’s viewpoint, and to point up any omissions/limitations of the source extract. 1923 is rich on anecdotage. [C044/SQP320] 130 Page eighty-nine Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: The question is on the effects of the hyper-inflation, but the candidate could give some analysis of the origins and development of the inflationary crisis to help explain the scale of the impact…. 1914-18 1919 1919 onwards. January 1923 Kaiserreich’s failed gamble on victory leading to huge fiscal deficit. Germany is ‘made to pay’ whilst its economic resources and domestic market shrink. With currency not pegged to gold and collateralized paper, galloping inflation becomes a stampede. Ruhr crisis. Government’s passive resistance policy – rising unemployment falling production – dropping tax revenues – refusal to raise taxes – resort to the printing presses – hyper inflation results. Exchange rate Mark/dollar 1914 1:4 1918 Dec 8:1 1919 47:1 Nov 1921 263:1 July 1922 493:1 Dec 1922 7000:1 July 1923 353000:1 Oct 1923 25260000000:1 Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of those in the source: Effects of inflation: Economic Social Political Cultural Soaring price of staples (eg bread) Hoarding Looting Break down of public utilities Bartering Cartelisation Destitution of many Post-stabilisation effect on savings Crime rate rises Increase in suicide rates Food riots Malnutrition Upsurge in extremism Exemplified by Nazi’s Munich putsch and KPD’s Hamburg rising Erosion of ‘solid’ bourgeois values Fear Alienation ‘criminal chic’ Hugo Stinnes is the best known (notorious) beneficiary of inflation. Inflation and popular memory. 1923, ‘the year money went mad,’ seared German consciousness. Perhaps inevitably the crisis had political effects creating further crises for the already troubled Republic. Recognition of those who did well. Candidates may refer to a range of similar evaluations from contemporary chroniclers to textbook writers to academic historians on the insidious effects of the inflation on all layers of society. Candidates might bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These might include reference to: Effective answers should reflect on the complex and frequently contradictory nature of the inflation’s effects, both in the short term and the long term, viz: ‘there were winners too’ Erma Pustau eg (initially at least) in the short term borrowers and currency speculators. ‘Landowners actually benefited, often paying off their mortgages in depreciated marks. So did industrialists, especially if they sold abroad.’ (Piers Brendon) [C044/SQP320] 131 Page ninety Richard J Evans in Source B notes that ‘it used to be thought that it destroyed the economic prosperity of the middle class.’ But the middle class was a very diverse group in economic and financial terms. Individuals were often both savers and borrowers. Evans proceeds to point out how the post-stabilisation effect of inflation affected all social groups. Like Evans, Paul Bookbinder, while describing the beneficiaries (eg underlying trend towards cartelisation process was consolidated during, and continued after the period of inflation) notes the corrosive impact of the great inflation. ‘The ruin it brought to many contributed to undermining confidence in the Republic for broad segments of the population.’ A candidate might note that despite the short term benefits for some, by autumn 1923 inflation’s de-stabilising impact affected all layers of German society. Hence Brendon’s argument that ‘here was a revolution as sweeping as that of the Bolsheviks.’ It can be argued that the redistributive effect of the inflation was more significant than the Revolution of 1918. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of Source B is helpful in offering a full perspective on the effects of inflation on the German people. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the provenance of the source. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 132 Page ninety-one Question 3 How well do Sources C and D illustrate differing viewpoints on the process whereby Hitler became Chancellor in 1933? (16 marks) Interpretation (maximum 6 marks) Candidates may be awarded up to 3 marks for their ability to establish the views of each source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. Contextual and historical interpretations (maximum 10 marks) These 10 marks will be awarded for: [i] the quality and depth of the contextual recall [ii] the quality and depth of the wider perspectives [iii] the range and quality of historians’ views [iv] provenance comment [if appropriate] Answers which refer only to provenance and content merit a maximum of 7 marks The candidate considers the views on the process whereby Hitler became Chancellor, found in Sources C and D and offers a structured review and evaluation of the two perspectives in terms of: Source C Provenance: appropriate and relevant points may be given credit under historiography. These may include: high ranking government official who served first Hindenburg, then Hitler (tried before Military tribunal No 4 post-war. Acquitted) with inside knowledge of the manoeuvres for power, 1932/33 Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): The role of Papen and his powers of ‘persuasion’ over Hindenburg. Hindenburg as ‘extremely hesitant’ in accepting Hitler rather than von Papen as Chancellor. Source located in January 1933, a month of intensive intrigue in the Chancellery and President’s office. ‘the other right wing parties..’ especially role of Hugenburg and DNVP in the creation of a Nationalist coalition with Hitler at its head. ‘a revolt of the National Socialists and civil war was likely..’ tense political atmosphere. [C044/SQP320] 133 Page ninety-two Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Von Papen, aristocratic, Catholic, ex-Reichswehr officer, powerfully connected; on extreme right of Centre Party, lacking mass support, was forced to win over Hitler in his attempt to fend off his bitter rival, General von Schleicher. Hindenburg, 85 years of age, head of state since 1925; increasingly feeble and open to manipulation by members of his immediate circle such as son Oskar, Meissner and von Papen. Parliamentary rule in the Reichstag in flux, replaced by intensive manoeuvring within the Presidential Camarilla by January 1933. The ambitions of the nationalist media tycoon, Hugenburg; along with von Papen he thought that he might use Hitler to win political power. Public disorder widespread throughout Germany, especially the brawls between Nazi and Communist organisations; the SA and Rotfront. Source D Provenance: appropriate and relevant points may be given credit. These may include: accurate comment on Ashby Turner which will receive marks under historiography. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): ‘A remarkable political come-back…’ Hitler and the Nazi Party had appeared on the slide. ‘A staggering set back’ Nazi losses in the November 1932 elections. ‘Discussion and rebellion.’ Splits within the NSDAP; Gregor and Otto Strasser as rivals to Hitler’s leadership. ‘the economy’ indicators that the Great Depression had bottomed out with ‘signs of improvement’ Field Marshal von Hindenburg’s active dislike of (ex-corporal) Hitler. But, 30 January 1933, the President appoints Hitler as Chancellor. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: November 1932 Reichstag elections; though NSDAP remains largest political party, the number of its deputies is reduced to 191. NSDAP finances weak after the huge political campaigns of 1932. General von Schleicher, briefly Chancellor in December 1932, attempted to split the Nazi movement by wooing Hitler’s chief rival within the NSDAP, Gregor Strasser. Evidence of recovery of the economy. The aristocratic President’s contempt for his social inferior, Hitler; he had earlier (30 August 1932) offered Hitler a cabinet post in an administration led by von Papen. Hitler had refused. January 1933; having prevailed upon the President to dismiss von Schleicher, von Papen and Oskar von Hindenburg persuade the old man to appoint Hitler as chancellor; heading a nationalist coalition. [C044/SQP320] 134 Page ninety-three Points which offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the sources: Source C describes one level of a complex process, focusing on von Papen’s role as archintriguer, an aristocratic fop whose huge ambition was in inverse proportion to his political skills and judgement (ie ‘we’ve engaged him (Hitler) for ourselves” – his hopelessly mistaken view of the 30th January deal). The collapse of parliamentary democracy in Germany from 1930: the inability of the democratic parties to rule, the upsurge of revolutionary extremism on the left and on the right; burgeoning civil disorder. Its corollary; the advancement of ‘saviours’, first Brüning, then von Papen and von Schleicher, each seeking a return to authoritarian rule. The emergence of ‘presidential cabinets’, and of intriguing rivals for power is only a partial explanation. Hitler, as leader of Germany’s largest political party and supported by the paramilitary bands of Brownshirts, the SA, was the ultimate arbiter. Hitler’s charisma as leader of the Nazi mass movement and his huge self-belief as Germany’s messiah. The shallow roots of political democracy in Germany contrasted with the prevalent authoritarian ethos. The political fallout from the Great Depression, the destruction of Weimar democracy. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These might include reference to: KD Bracher in The German Dictatorship (1969) was one of the first German historians to burrow beneath the layers of intrigue, uncovering the worsening structural problems of Weimar political life. Likewise Hans Mommsen who placed blame for 30th January 1933 on the conservative elites, and saw Hitler’s appointment as only partly being the product of a backstairs intrigue: ‘The complex and opaque process… gave the appearance of a palace coup, but they occurred within a broader social context.’ Detlev Peukert talks of ‘the old elites, all too successful in destroying the Republic but too feeble to restore the pre-war order.’ Thus the intriguers had to seek a Faustian compact with the man they despised, Hitler. Michael Burleigh: contrasts Papen’s ‘effete, drawing room Machiavellianism’, with Hitler’s ‘rat-like cunning’. Papen’s tragic over-estimation of his ability to manipulate Hitler. Richard Bessel: on German society’s collective unwillingness to accept reality, to accept the Republic. Richard Overy: ‘Hitler came to power only because a group of conservative nationalists… judged reluctantly, that Hitler was essential to carry on the broader national revolution..’ Ian Kershaw: his encapsulation is of Hitler ‘levered into power’ while ‘the elites had proven themselves incapable of establishing a viable authoritarian alternative of the old type and without mass support.’ For all the weakening of his power base in November 1932, as indicated in Source D, Hitler could not be ignored. Richard J Evans emphasises the importance of von Papen’s deposition of the SPD-led state administration of Prussia in summer 1932. He thereby ‘dealt a mortal blow to the Weimar republic.’ The only alternatives were a conservative authoritarian regime or a Nazi dictatorship. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of the two sources is helpful in offering a full perspective on the process whereby Hitler became Chancellor in 1933. [C044/SQP320] 135 Page ninety-four Marks 1-4 Vaguely written; not answering the question or showing understanding of the particular views in the sources; minimal explanation; little sense of context; merely re-describes the sources 5-7 Fairly well-written and some relevant points of explanation made. Shows a limited understanding of the particular views in the sources. Shows a basic sense of context but lacking clear structure; points made randomly, indicating little real grasp of significance. 8-11 Clearly written and sensibly structured; explanation ranges over several relevant points; sets material in context fairly accurately; good factual grasp of topic and a reasonable review and evaluation of relevant issues within the sources, which may include reference to historians’ views. 12-16 Well written, soundly structured and wide-ranging, with a clear and convincing argument. This answer offers detailed explanations which range over many relevant points within the sources, with a solid grasp of context and significance. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 136 Page ninety-five South Africa (1910-1984) Part 1 Each question is worth 25 marks Question 1 How important a part did the demand for cheap labour play in the development of segregationist policies in South Africa, 1910 – 1948? The candidate is being asked to assess the relative significance of the demand for cheap labour in the development of segregationist policies between 1910 and 1948, while also evaluating other possible factors that should be taken into consideration. The question requires the candidate to reach a conclusion about the relative importance of cheap labour as a factor in the development of segregation. The candidate may use evidence such as: Evidence relating to the cheap labour explanation of segregationist policies: ways in which segregation met the needs of industry and white farming the links between segregation and migrant labour the apparent advantages of migrant labour for mining and agriculture the continuing concerns of the mining industry relating to cheap labour the ‘alliance of gold and maize’ the reserve-subsidy theory of migrant labour the ways in which segregationist policies made cheap labour more accessible the 1913 Land Act and the way in which this benefited white farmers the creation of Native reserves and migrant labour the introduction of the colour bar and civilised labour policies. Evidence relating to other possible explanations of segregationist policies: migrant labour did not suit the growing needs of manufacturing industry the traditional ‘racial’ explanation of segregation emphasising Afrikaner assumptions about race the contributions of Anglophone communities in the early twentieth century as a basis for further segregation the sanitation syndrome of the early twentieth century the growing fear of the ‘black peril’ in the 1920s the fears of ‘miscegenation’ and ‘white degeneration’ the views of ‘liberal segregationists’ and the desire to protect Africans from the dangers of over-rapid urbanisation the migrant labour system was significantly shaped by the dynamics of African societies. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: the traditional explanations put forward by Liberal historians, emphasising Afrikaner values the revisionist arguments of the 1970s put forward by Legassick and Wolpe, emphasising the economic arguments Saul Dubow’s study Racial Segregation and the Origins of Apartheid in South Africa, which challenged the revisionist view by placing greater emphasis on the fear of the black peril and contemporary racial ideology William Beinart’s argument that the dynamics of African societies contributed to the development of migrant labour. [C044/SQP320] 137 Page ninety-six Question 2 What factors best explain why African resistance to government policies achieved so little in the years 1910 – 1948? The question asks the candidate to analyse the reasons why African resistance achieved so little between 1910 and 1948. Answers should not be limited to comments on the ANC during this period, but should include reference to other forms of African resistance. The candidate may use evidence such as: the diversity of African resistance movements and the lack of agreement about aims and methods the nature of white rule in southern Africa after 1910 and the political, social and economic difficulties of resistance the extension of state and employer control made resistance harder the aims and leadership of the ANC throughout the period the ANC played a secondary role throughout much of the 1920s and 1930s the revival of the ANC during the 1940s under Xuma the radicalism of the Youth League and its criticism of traditional ANC approaches the greatest challenge came from organised labour eg after WW1 and again after WW2 the ICU and its short lived successes in the 1920s the failure of the ICU to identify with the every day problems of ordinary Africans the financial scandals and internal disputes which destroyed the ICU the influence of Garveyism and those who favoured a more co-operative approach and opposed Garvey’s ideas the failure of the CPSA to create a mass movement the failure of the All-Africa Convention to reach agreement about how to act in the face of Hertzog’s legislative attack on African rights: Petition and deputation versus mass action. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Tom Lodge: ANC leaders were middle class men who feared ‘being thrust back into the ranks of the urban and rural poor’ Nigel Worden: African protest was less successful (than the protests of white workers) and lacked the link with political mobilization’. Dubow: assesses the early ANC more leniently than many other historians: ‘The resort to oral suasion was a pragmatic strategy that had to be exhausted before being abandoned’. Nevertheless, Dubow describes the ANC as ‘moribund’ by 1936 James Barbour: The ICU was the ‘first effective black movement’ which was ‘less important for promoting new ideas than for demonstrating the power of a mass black movement’. Worden (following Bradford): the ICU ‘had given a sense of unity to diverse local struggles and had briefly combined urban and rural issues into a national movement... It had achieved an unprecedented level of support throughout the Union and its memory was maintained for many decades afterwards, but nothing more tangible was achieved’. Odentaal: The early ANC mistakenly pursued a policy of ‘hopeful reliance on the common sense of justice and love of freedom so innate in the British character’. Clark and Worger emphasise the considerable achievements of organised labour before 1948 : the African Mineworkers Union had 25 000 members by 1943 Candidates may also be aware of the hagiographical approach of Meli ( South Africa belongs to us!) and of the Marxist interpretation of D T McKinley in The ANC and the Liberation Struggle. [C044/SQP320] 138 Page ninety-seven Question 3 Why were Hertzog and Smuts able to overcome their apparent political differences and agree to Fusion, and the formation of the United Party in 1934? This question invites candidates to consider both the immediate and longer term circumstances (social, political and economic) which led to the formation of the Hertzog-Smuts coalition in 1933 and the formation of the UP a year later. The candidate may use evidence such as: Immediate reasons for Fusion By 1931 the Great Depression was having a serious impact in South Africa. The rest of the world could not afford to buy South Africa’s main exports. Diamond exports fell in value from £16.5 m in 1928 to £1.4 m in 1934. The world price for wool fell from 16.6 pence per lb. to 4.4 pence per pound in 1931-2. Between 1928/9 and 1931/2 national income dropped by 19%. By 1933, approximately 22% of whites and coloureds were unemployed . ‘For God’s sake, General, forget the language and gives us bread!’ The Carnegie Commission, investigating the problem of poor whites, found that 30% of all families could not feed or house their children adequately. In December 1932 the government abandoned the gold standard and the SA pound fell to parity with the pound sterling. Many personal fortunes were made. Although the economy began to recover after SA abandoned the gold standard, Smuts and Hertzog agreed to start talks about forming a coalition government to guide SA through the depression. Hertzog’s fear that the NP might be defeated at the next election and that this could destroy what he had achieved for Afrikanerdom. Smuts saw Fusion as the Great Experiment: a way of countering the emergence of fascism in Europe by emphasising common ground. Longer term reasons for Fusion The differences which had separated Hertzog and Smuts in the 1920s. These differences may have been exaggerated . Both believed in white supremacy and supported the creation of a white nation drawn from the two white cultures. Issues about the SA position within the Empire appeared to have been resolved by the Balfour Declaration of 1926 and the subsequent Statute of Westminster. Hertzog no longer feared Imperial or British cultural domination. Economic changes, such as the greater degree of state intervention which had taken place since 1924, would be safeguarded. [C044/SQP320] 139 Page ninety-eight Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Davenport argues that Fusion was intended to settle imperial, economic and native issues which had previously divided the white community Giliomee points out that Fusion was a way of safeguarding the interests of English voters. Demographic problems militated in favour of Fusion. There was a rough ratio of 55:45 between Afrikaner and English voters and, additionally, the electoral system favoured Afrikaners. Barber: The crisis of 1933 underlined the common ground between Smuts and Hertzog. ‘Past disputes appeared to be of emphasis rather than direction, of means rather than ends’ CFJ Muller: quotes Hertzog as saying: ‘We will suffer defeat and it will be the end of Afrikanerdom’ Davies, Kaplan, Morris and O’Meara: Hertzog had replaced ‘imperial’ mining capital with ‘national’ capital after 1924 (ie the government paid more attention to the interests of white commercial farmers and local manufacturers) through state intervention and this economic change continued after Fusion. [C044/SQP320] 140 Page ninety-nine Question 4 What factors best explain why opposition to apartheid was “relatively muted” during the 1960s? The aim of the essay is to enable the candidate to consider and evaluate the range of factors which contributed to the relative quiescence of the 1960s. The candidate would be expected to reach a conclusion about the relative importance of political factors, including the power of the state and the weakness of the resistance movements, and socio-economic factors such as the rapid growth in the SA economy. Some candidates may recognise that relatively muted is not the same as silenced and that there may have been developments taking place that would be of significance in the future. The candidate might be expected to use evidence such as: The government response: the banning of resistance organisations increased government control over the press and personal mobility urban removal policy. Economic stability: a decade of unprecedented economic growth GNP grew at 5% pa while white South Africans gained the most, black unemployment fell to less than 10%. The weakness of the resistance movements: the banning of the ANC and PAC drove African opposition to direct action divisions in both the ANC and PAC The Rivonia Trial led to the imprisonment of the most significant ANC/MK leaders the problems facing the exiled organisations the difficulties of co-ordinating guerrilla campaigns lack of international support. The international response: the UN was highly critical of the SA government by the end of the 1960s OAU set up a Liberation Committee but the new African regimes lacked influence SA government made effective propaganda use of the alleged link between the SACP and the ANC the West continued to invest in the South African economy. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Leonard Thompson: ‘Quiescence did not mean acquiescence’ Dale McKinley (Marxist-Leninist) blames the ANC: ‘the reactive armed struggle was born of a historical failure to organise and mobilise around the actual and potential militancy of the masses.’ As a result, McKinley argues that ‘The ANC was no closer to seizing power than it had been in the late 1950s’ Francis Meli finds encouraging signs of continuing resistance: ‘The ANC concentrated on heightening the political consciousness of its cadres and keeping up their morale’ Tom Lodge: “Despite the frustrations and apparent triviality of much exile political activity, the experience of exile and the fashion in which South African political movements survived was an important phase of the history of South African resistance. It was a rite of passage.” [C044/SQP320] 141 Page one hundred Question 5 How important a part did the Black Consciousness movement play in causing increased militancy among black Africans in the 1970s and early 1980s? This question asks the candidate to evaluate the relative significance of the Black consciousness movement’s contribution to the increased militancy among black South Africans in the 1970s and early 1980s. Candidates are expected to evaluate both the part played by black consciousness and the other possible factors involved. The candidate may use evidence such as: The nature of the Black Consciousness Movement: the ideology of Black Consciousness the leadership of Steve Biko the influence of the American Black Power movement the formation of SASO in 1969 and subsequently of SASM 1972 student strikes on university campuses 1975 SASO banned The Black Communities Project encouraged self-help schemes Biko rejected policies of violence adopted by ANC/PAC in early 1960s the impact of Black Consciousness on a generation of Africans The ideological and political vacuum created by the banning of the ANC/PAC Black Consciousness influenced the student leaders in Soweto as well as students elsewhere the impact of Biko’s trial 1975-6. The limitation of Black Consciousness: the limited influence of the Black Peoples’ Convention vague and undefined political and economic policies Black Consciousness failed to penetrate into working class or peasant communities students in Soweto had no formal links with worker organisations. Other factors: the related ‘liberation theology’ in church circles, as well as a vigorous movement in the arts, with works such as Bloke Modisane’s Blame me on History taking a liberationist message to the townships the rebirth of African trades unions with a consequent series of strikes 60 000 African workers were on strike in the first three months of 1973 the great unpopularity of Afrikaans-medium instruction in the Bantu schools, poor living conditions and simple reaction to oppression. developments in other African countries, especially the liberation of Angola and Mozambique the international oil crisis and the subsequent recession which halted the long period of industrial/economic success in SA the increased size of the African urban workforce, including skilled and semi skilled workers the increased class-consciousness of that workforce the growing unpopularity of the homelands policy of the NP. [C044/SQP320] 142 Page one hundred and one Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: S. Dubow emphasises the influence of the Black Consciousness movement on the Soweto uprising Robert Price has shown that the students in SASO were influenced by developments in Mozambique and Angola. Hirson in Year of Fire, Year of Ash highlights increased worker militancy as an explanation of the revolt in the townships Nigel Worden: describes Black Consciousness as ‘an important part of the renewed conflicts’ of the 1970s Adrian Guelke: How far the Black Consciousness movement actually extended beyond intellectuals and students remains a matter of debate Robert Ross: ‘The leaders of the Black consciousness movement had little immediate affinity with the working class of the cities’ Beinart argues that the Black Consciousness movement extended the bounds of possibility and that anger and the symbols of resistance survived the death of Biko and the banning of BC. There remained “a strong belief amongst politicised black youths that ‘the system’ was so unjust that it could not last”. [C044/SQP320] 143 Page one hundred and two South Africa (1910-1984) Part 2 Question 1 How well do Sources A and B illustrate differing explanations of the rise of Afrikaner nationalism before 1948? (16 marks) Interpretation (maximum 6 marks) Candidates may be awarded up to 3 marks for their ability to establish the views of each source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. Contextual and historical interpretations (maximum 10 marks) These 10 marks will be awarded for: the quality and depth of the contextual recall the quality and depth of the wider perspectives the range and quality of historians’ views provenance comment (if appropriate). The candidate considers the views in Sources A and B, and evaluates the extent to which they illustrate differing explanations of the rise of Afrikaner nationalism in terms of: Points from Source A: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit under historiography. These may include recognition that this is a recent history of South Africa, written by a leading Afrikaner academic. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Afrikaner intellectuals deliberately exaggerated both the effects of British imperialism and the fear of being overwhelmed by the black drift to the cities Afrikaners were encouraged to see themselves as ‘victims’ They were being exploited both from above (by the British) and from below (by the uncivilised African majority) Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: the longstanding Afrikaner hostility to British Imperialism the anti-capitalist stand of Afrikaner politicians, especially Hertzog in the 1920s Hertzog’s determination to restrict Imperial authority Afrikaner fears of the African majority, especially in towns, and the impact of ‘the Black Peril’ in the 1929 election the efforts made by extreme nationalists to create a sense of identity among Afrikaners by playing on these prejudices and fears candidates who are able to provide content detail and analysis on any of these aspects are showing that they can offer support for the wider picture of the view expressed in Source A. [C044/SQP320] 144 Page one hundred and three Source B Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. These may include accurate comment on Clark and Worger which will receive marks under historiography. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): the leadership of the Broederbond was drawn largely from the intelligentsia the FAK was established to promote Afrikaner culture ethnic identity was promoted through Afrikaner culture and especially the use of Afrikaans the Broederbond fostered ethnic identity through economic activity the Broederbond saw political power as a means to establishing social and economic goals. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: information about the origins and role of the Broederbond the Broederbond was based largely in the Transvaal the relationship between the Broederbond (established 1918) the FAK (established 1929) the role of the Broederbond in the Eeuwfees celebration of 1938 Isobel Hofmeyr has emphasised the role of language, and Afrikaner publications, in creating a sense of national identity. (‘Building a nation from words: Afrikaans language, literature and national identity’). Points which offer a wider contextualisation of the view in the sources: Earlier ‘Liberal’ views also argued that Afrikaner nationalism was a product of fear. Others have seen the rise of Afrikaner nationalism as a response to the problems of the poor whites. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Dunbar Moodie’s emphasis on the role of ‘civil religion’ in the Rise of Afrikanerdom (1975) O’Meara’s emphasis on the creation of an Afrikaner economic movement to counter what were seen as the interests of English capital. (Volkskapitalisme: O’Meara (1983) The significance of the Cape, where, as Giliomee has shown, a Nationalist bourgeoisie (farmers and intelligentsia) had emerged as early as 1915. The significance of Die Burger and the Nasionale Pers – Cape publications – in promoting Afrikaner national identity Giliomee has questioned the significance of the Broederbond and the Transvaal in the rise of Afrikaner nationalism The candidate is therefore able to reach a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which Sources A and B illustrate differing explanations of the rise of Afrikaner nationalism. [C044/SQP320] 145 Page one hundred and four Marks 1-4 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the sources; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the sources. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 5-7 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the sources, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 8-11 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the sources, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 12-16 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the views of the sources and their value as interpretations on the issue. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 146 Page one hundred and five Question 2 How useful is Source C as an explanation of the apartheid policies of the 1950s? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded a total of 5 marks for the quality of their evaluation of the provenance of the source AND for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. This may be split 3/2 or 2/3. At Advanced Higher, provenance is a form of contextualisation where candidates locate the source in history . . . why was it that that person saying it?, why did it matter?, why then and in that way?, was it the same as previous or later views? It is answers to these sorts of questions which help locate the source and establish its usefulness. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s value. The candidate offers a structured evaluation of the usefulness of Source C as an explanation of apartheid policies after 1948 in terms of: Provenence: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance will earn credit. These may include: A contemporary source from the Nationalist politician who became known as ‘apartheid’s master builder’ justifying National Party policies to the (advisory) Natives Representative Council, the only body representing Africans, after the disenfranchising of Cape Blacks in 1936. One African representative described the Natives Representative Council as a ‘toy telephone’. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): The government advocates baasskap apartheid. Verwoerd presents this as supremacy for whites in white areas, and for Africans in African areas. There will be opportunities for prosperity and development in each ‘sphere’. NP policies will ensure the development of the Bantu peoples, taking into account their languages, traditions, history and ethnic differences. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Reference to the content of the Sauer report of 1948. Verwoerd had been appointed Minister for Native Affairs in October 1950. Verwoerd was instrumental in the passing of the Bantu Education Act (1953) which provided a separate – and inferior – education system for Africans, preparing them for a future determined by whites. Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisaation of the views in the source: Comparison of Verwoerd’s beliefs here with the theories developed by Afrikaner academics in 1940s (eg Geoff Cronje, Piet Cillie). Key aspects of baasskap apartheid such as the attempts to restrict those Africans who could live in white-designated areas ( those who had section 10 rights) and the tightening of the Pass Laws for Africans; the ‘removal’ of non-whites from areas designated white , most notably at Sophiatown; separate development after 1959 with passing of Bantu Self Governing Act. [C044/SQP320] 147 Page one hundred and six Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Possible reference to the historiographical debate about how far apartheid was a single, defined ideology in the 1950s, with reference to Posel’s work on ‘practical’ apartheid The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of Source C is useful in explaining the apartheid policies of the 1950s. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context. Candidate may make relevant and appropriate provenance comments. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and little if any sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may make relevant and appropriate provenance comments. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate provenance comments and the interpretation is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the provenance of the source and the views in it. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 148 Page one hundred and seven Question 3 How fully does Source D explain the appeal of Africanist ideas at the time of the PAC split from the ANC? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded up to 3 marks for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s fullness in explaining/analysing the issue. The candidate offers a structured evaluation of Source D as an explanation of the appeal of Africanist ideas, in terms of: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit under historiography. These may include recognition of who Sobukwe was and why his views mattered. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Africanists reject both apartheid and the multi-racialism of the ANC. Multi racialism encourages ethnic particularism. Multi-racialism is effectively a means of protecting white interests. All Africans – throughout Africa (hence Afrika) should stand united . All whose first loyalty is to Africa, and who accept black majority rule, are to be considered as ‘Africans’. PAC slogan was ‘Africa for the Africans’. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Africanists rejected the Freedom Charter and its advocacy of multi-racialism. Africanists were suspicious of the white Congress of Democrats, and the involvement of the SACP. Originally strongly influenced by Garveyism. Africanist views were present in the Congress Youth League (1943) and in Anton Lembede in particular. Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the source: Under Luthuli’s leadership, the ANC had co-operated with other organisations opposed to apartheid: this led to conflicts between Charterists and Africanists. PAC appealed to the alienated in the townships, particularly on the Rand but also in the Western Cape. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Dubow suggests that the Treason Trial, and the power vacuum it created within the ANC, led to dissent and internal problems which weakened the ANC and played into the hands of the PAC Lack of clarity about what Sobukwe meant when he attempted to define an ‘African’. Worden suggests that the appeal of Africanism was part of the ‘wider African assertiveness in this period’, and the growth of African nationalism throughout the continent, as evidenced by the 1958 Accra Conference. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of Source D is helpful in explaining the appeal of Africanist ideas at the time of the PAC split from the ANC. [C044/SQP320] 149 Page one hundred and eight Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context. Candidate may make relevant and appropriate provenance comments. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and little if any sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may make relevant and appropriate provenance comments. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate provenance comments and the interpretation is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the provenance of the source and the views in it. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 150 Page one hundred and nine Soviet Union (1917-1953) Part 1 Each question is worth 25 marks Question 1 To what extent can the decline of the Provisional Government be dated from the July Days? In an account and an analysis of its failings, factors within the Provisional Government itself should be analysed and compared to external events and the impact of alternative groups. There should be a sense of continuous debate and an awareness of the players involved. Personalities, policies, actions and miscalculations will inform the piece. Discussion should include the key policy issues – social reform, land, economy, national minorities and war. Relevant areas for discussion might include: The Provisional Government itself: the weaknesses inherent in the government divided government (Dual Power and the Petrograd Soviet), the composition of the Provisional Government and the Soviet the positive achievements at the outset in the ‘honeymoon period’ of the first month. the constitutional problem (the Constituent Assembly) different groups with conflicting demands which were difficult to meet, and the resulting splits (eg over the national minorities) the undermining of authority in the army by Order No 1 and why the Soviet did not take power at this time should be examined the policies, the land question and the food crises. The external factors which served to exacerbate the problems: the impact of the war, the more sophisticated line of argument leading with the underestimation of the social revolution in 1917, citing desertions from the army after the June Offensive and looking at the July Days as a catalyst for more addressing the fact that in the July Days the threat of Bolshevism could have been arrested a consideration of the right (Kornilov) and the role of Kerensky. The question of the Bolshevik challenge: the significance of Lenin’s return, the April Theses and the radicalisation of the workers in this acute situation the July Days are evidence of limited Bolshevik commitment to revolution and Kerensky’s actions served only to bring the Bolsheviks back in the aftermath of the Kornilov affair discussion about the seizure of power in October and the roles of the main leaders, Lenin and Trotsky the issue of the popular revolution as evidence of the complete failure of the Provisional Government, the coup d’etat by the Bolsheviks as further evidence of limited opposition. [C044/SQP320] 151 Page one hundred and ten Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Robert Service’s view that ‘for most of the year the Provisional Government survived on guile and rhetoric’ M Howard contends that it collapsed ‘under the immense stress imposed by an industrialised war’ Rabinowitch states that the long term causes of unrest made ‘the desire for an end to the coalition government very nearly universal’ Kowalski noted that the system was also victim to ‘a number of unpredictable accidents and improbable coincidences… such as, for instance, the attempted coup by General Kornilov’ Robert Service noted that ‘the timing of the collapse of the Provisional Government was more of his (Lenin) work than the consequence of the socio-political environment, or of the actions of the Soviets’ Richard Pipes states that ‘it was only a question of time before Kerensky would be overthrown by someone able to provide firm leadership’. [C044/SQP320] 152 Page one hundred and eleven Question 2 How far had the ideals of the October Revolution been betrayed by the time of the Tenth Party Congress in March 1921? The relationship between the Party and government should be central to this answer as an analysis of events as they link to ideals or as a pragmatic response to circumstance are discussed. They will consider the evolution of the party over the government and over the Party membership. These answers will be likely to discuss democratic centralism as a justification of the extent of control alongside the idea of the earlier signs of dictatorship of the Party. Relevant areas for discussion might include: The main promises made by the Bolsheviks: sweeping away the ‘pillars of Tsarism’ rejecting liberal democracy, as represented by the Provisional Government moving towards the ideal of proletarian democracy as embodied by the Soviets and introduced by the leadership of the Party ideology may be considered by referring to the main works (eg ‘What is to be done’, ‘April Theses’, ‘State and Revolution’, ‘War and Revolution’). Contrast this with events and actions taken to create a one-party state: the political impact of the Civil War on the Party the change in membership, more peasant based after the purge in 1919 and more to do with self-interest than Marxism the loss of the proletarian base discussion of the relationship of the government to the Communist Party. In the latter the roles of the Politburo, the Central Committee, the Congress, the City and provincial parties and the local parties should be included. In the former the Sovnarkom, the Central Executive Committee, the all-Russian Congress of Soviets, the provincial and city soviets and the local and district soviets should be considered the ban on factions in 1921 and its impact a discussion of the nomenklatura and their role in the development of authoritarian government. The RSFR (January 1918), the assertion of the urban and proletarian dictatorship and the relationship with ‘non- Russian’ areas (given varying degrees of autonomy), which some may contend was reminiscent of the tsarist empire a consideration of the roles of Lenin and Trotsky the activities of others eg Kamenev, Zinoviev. Justification for this phase should be presented: harsh measures and strong leadership being vital to contain the situation post – Civil War to prepare for the ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’ this democratic or bureaucratic centralism would ensure that the tight knit group in Moscow would control and dictate to the country the best answers may refer to the French Revolution (even the period of the Directory) and the path to Stalin. [C044/SQP320] 153 Page one hundred and twelve Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Sheila Fitzpatrick notes that the changing circumstances of the Civil War meant that to ‘cope with a desperate situation’ they turned to a more centralised government control For Alec Nove War Communism was both a response to war needs and a leap towards all out socialism. Furthermore he points out that if the market were to be abolished the creation of centralised bureaucracy was ‘a functional necessity’ Kowalski points to the undeniable fact that ‘a democratic form of socialism was unlikely to emerge’. He further states that there was ‘an even greater centralisation of power in the hands of the Sovnarkom and its spawning bureaucracy at the expense of the power of the local soviets’ James White notes that in industry central boards had been appointed to run different industries. [C044/SQP320] 154 Page one hundred and thirteen Question 3 To what extent did NEP solve the economic problems experienced during the period of War Communism? Answers should demonstrate knowledge of what War Communism and the New Economic Policy were. The evaluation of success should include a consideration of why each policy was introduced. Relevant areas for discussion might include: War Communism: Handing over control to peasants and workers and the subsequent chaos. The adoption of War Communism in 1918 to ensure the economy would be sustained and the Army would be fed. Key features eg grain requisitioning, the banning of private trade, state controlled industry, the introduction of single managers to replace workers’ committees, internal passports, fines and rationing. NEP: Restrictions removed, ‘tax in kind’ introduced, and private trade – small businesses re-opened and rationing abolished. The principles which drive the debate: War Communism faithful to the cause. NEP almost a return to tsarist economic structures. The success of each in economic terms should be considered: There is little doubt that NEP resulted in economic recovery, which was much better than expected. Details should be given. Industry did benefit. However candidates might also consider the role of ‘Nepmen’, the growth of ‘capitalist’ ideas, corruption and property speculation. That progress was uneven should be discussed eg the ‘scissors crisis’. Peasants also benefited and candidates should provide evidence of rapid recovery. Candidates might note that the liberalisation of the economy was beneficial to the country as a whole. The political success should be considered including: The link to the aims of the revolution. The reason for political expediency. The long-term impact on the USSR. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Sheila Fitzpatrick and Orlando Figes both agree that NEP was introduced as ‘an impoverished response to desperate economic conditions’. Alec Nove and Geoffrey Hosking contend that it was through political expediency – a fear of being overthrown, thus taking the sting out of popular discontent . Chamberlin, Shapiro and Figes note the detrimental effects such as the rise in unemployment, class tension. Katrina Clark states that it allowed the intellectuals to flourish. Shapiro cites this period as a golden age in intellectual life. [C044/SQP320] 155 Page one hundred and fourteen Question 4 How far had a new Soviet society had been created by the end of the 1930s? Here it might be expected to see some assessment of the nature of the ‘new society’. Candidates may compare developments with Lenin’s Russia in order to see progression, or may be more critical and note the totalitarian model and the emergence of ‘Stalinism’ as distinct from earlier periods. Each aspect should contain a detailed explanation of the changes and should assess the extent of their impact. There should be some sense of balance in the piece and some awareness of the criticisms of the regime. Relevant areas for discussion might include: Changes in society (in education, the family, religion, and Socialist realism in the arts) The Cultural Revolution should be addressed with its vision of new cities, communal living spaces, and emergence of ‘homo sovieticus’. The agents of change and their impact would include the Komsomol, Shulgin and the influence of similar in education, RAPP, Association of artists, cinema makers. The success this brought to this ‘new society’ should be assessed alongside its impact on the family. Upheavals, homelessness and crime by the mid-thirties saw a move to more rigid censures on society, called by some the ‘Great Retreat’ because it was a return to the values of pre-Communist days. So the candidate might evaluate the Family Code of May 1936, cite the example of Pavlik Morozov, the Stakhanovite movement, and may also comment critically on this. Consideration of the changes in education with the move from the abstract and the class struggle to that of the heroic and the imperial, using terminology like ‘motherland’. The creation of the new society, perhaps mentioning Zamyatin, highlighting the limitations in its success. Opposition to the Stalinist ideal did exist and was not eradicated. Although at this stage ‘career communists’ did seize their chance and did change society, the ordinary people still held to their own beliefs. Changes in politics (centralisation, the Stalinist cult, the totalitarian state) The interpretations of the extent of ‘Stalinism’ and the imposition of codes, rather than the acceptance and participation by the ordinary people, might be considered. The conflict of ideas and the shadow culture may be discussed. The political changes and the imposition of policy from the centre may be debated alongside the evidence of acceptance at local level. Changes in the economy (in agriculture and industry) Discussing the impact of industrialisation and the ‘quicksand society’, and collectivisation. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Kowalski states that propaganda, education and cultural developments were central to building socialism Beryl Williams notes that the traditional gender roles were maintained Sheila Fitzpatrick states that family came first at this time Robert Service notes that there was a very positive response of the youth to the Komsomol Richard Stites notes the negation of all existing culture because it is better to have no culture rather than bourgeois culture Sheila Fitzpatrick notes the difficulty of ‘spontaneously’ creating this Proletkult, to be proletarian and distinct from the formerly dominating bourgeois culture and that it was halted in its infancy, its idealism and aspirations smothered by the desire to control on the 1930s. [C044/SQP320] 156 Page one hundred and fifteen Question 5 Which factors best explain the victory of the Soviet Union in the Great Patriotic War? Answers may include background to the Nazi invasion; the ‘shock’ of Barbarossa and a consideration of the unpreparedness in light of the expected alliance of the two powers. Candidates may refer to a range of basic military factors from Barbarossa to Stalingrad, to the Leningrad Blockade to Kursk. Relevant areas for discussion might include: Candidates may consider the negative factors: Huge loss of life and its impact on the war machine should be highlighted as evidence of the potential outcome. Problems caused by the Red Army purge in the 1930s. Initial economic dislocation (eg loss of agricultural lands). Diplomatic context (Nazi-Soviet Pact to buy time?). Candidates should note the reasons for victory: The War for the Russian Motherland… now not the USSR… Role of propaganda and the Orthodox Church, turning the negatives around of rationing, conscription, loss of homes; eventual efficiency of war economy as a result of 1930s policies… and loyalty to the Motherland and to Stalin . The relocation of industries to beyond the Urals (evacuation of approx 10 million people) The scorched earth policy. The role of Stalin in rallying the people. Geo-strategic issues (size of the country, climate etc, making it difficult for the Wehrmacht) Russian strengths might include the economic stability attained allowing the supply of the military with adequate materiel; the constant upgrading of the Red Army; opening up new fronts and Allied support; Kursk, evidence of Russian military development enough to beat the Germans in tank battles. Stalingrad may be discussed in terms of the type of fighting required; suiting the Russians; the use of snipers; manipulating the war zone. Stalingrad is seen at this level as ‘a matter of prestige between Hitler and Stalin’, which alongside the ‘dogged, rugged, Siberian obstinacy’ and ‘the stamina of Soviet soldiers was incredible’ shows the determination involved. Enemy weaknesses (dealing with Russian climate, land mass meaning Germans overstretched and cannot apply same tactics as in France; effects of Allied bombing of Germany; Allied invasion in the West). [C044/SQP320] 157 Page one hundred and sixteen Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Richard Overy notes the strengths and the weaknesses of the Soviet forces as reasons for the outcome. He also highlights the ‘uneasy symbiosis’ of the ‘efforts of the people in defiance of the system they inhabited’ and the role of the state and the leader. Roy Medvedev criticises the Generalissimo as being ‘short-sighted and cruel, careless of losses’ Chris Ward notes the economic, military and the political, but also points out the importance of the social factors – the people’s ear. He also notes Hitler’s blunders. Richard Sakwa notes that Stalin ‘appeal(ed) to Russian pride rather than Marxism or Leninism as inspiration for resistance’. John Laver highlights the establishment of a command economy and authoritarian rule and the appeal to patriotism in order to galvanise support for ‘Mother Russia’. Richard Sakwa notes that there were two wars being fought simultaneously, ‘against the Nazi aggressor and the continuing war of the Stalinist regime to stay in power’. John Laver notes the suitability of Russia economically to the demands of total war and Geoffrey Hosking stresses that productivity was impressive in terms of military output. Reconciliation with the Church and religions is highlighted by many historians including J N Westwood, Richard Overy and Geoffrey Hosking… Roy Medvedev notes the special ‘united front’. [C044/SQP320] 158 Page one hundred and seventeen Soviet Russia (1917-1953) Part 2 Question 1 How fully does Source A explain the causes of the February Revolution? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded up to 3 marks for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s fullness in explaining/analysing the issue. The candidate offers a structured evaluation of Source A as an adequate explanation of the causes of the February revolution in terms of: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit under historiography. These may include: Recognition of Rodzianko’s role in those revolutionary times and therefore his authority as witness. Recognition of Ruskii as Commander-in chief of the Northern front Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): The events were spontaneous The mutiny is from the ranks… from peasant soldiers Aims reflect peasant causes – for rights to land and freedom The failure of the Tsar and autocracy The failures in the War because of the officers The revolt is substantial but not organised, and not in essence political… not Bolshevik Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise the views in the source: Key leaders of the revolt were in fact the women but not by design, built on the International Women’s day, and then the soldiers. Industrial discontent, increased number of strikes, (Putilov) but this does not necessarily mean they were ready for revolution. Might refer also to Tsarina Alix’s views on the nature of the unrest on the streets of Petrograd. The original cries were for bread (shortages and queuing and inflation Figes) but then this moves to criticising autocracy. Evidence of war weariness, an international situation by 1917. The Army units joined the rioters from 25 February onwards (Volinsky regiment), also the role of the Petrograd Garrison. The abdication of the Tsar on the 2nd March as ‘instructed’ by the generals at Pskov, the notion of the military plot… Guchkov and the Generals, and Alexeyev having a draft of the abdication document in his pocket. This is part of the line of argument where Nicholas is betrayed by the upper elites. [C044/SQP320] 159 Page one hundred and eighteen Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the sources: Some consideration of the workers’ organisations… Schliapnikov and the Petrograd Bureau, shop stewards, the Viborg workers etc. As Corin and Fiehn state ‘the main push came from the workers in the cities’. Some consideration of the impact of the revolutionary movement. Lenin abroad but influence felt. Influence of mutinies abroad. Sukhanov’s views and accurate description of events. Whether this is a consideration of revolution from the people or whether this is actually revolt from the centre itself… Trotsky’s analysis that it was the revolution from below. Richard Pipes contends that it was not a worker revolt at all, rather it was the Generals and the politicians who really brought about the downfall of Tsarism, and here are two in correspondence. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Robert Service contends that February was complex, that there was no certainty that this would be the end of the Romanovs, that the abdication was instigated by the Duma politicians, not the revolutionaries. Dimitri Volkogonov states that war weariness was a main factor, particularly after 1916 when Nicholas became Supreme Commander. So it is the war and the weakness of the regime. Tsuyoshi Hasegawa contends that the War stopped the process of modernisation and in a way ‘cemented all sections of society together’ and then the same War tore it apart. Richard Pipes states that this was no workers revolution, but that the Tsar yielded to generals and politicians out of a sense of duty and Peter Kenez confirms this as he states that it was not a workers’ revolution, but because of the soldiers refusal to obey. Orlando Figes claims that ‘it all began with bread’. Chamberlin notes it as spontaneous and anonymous. Kowalski cites the ‘dithering of the Council of Ministers’. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of Source A is helpful in offering a full perspective on the causes of the February Revolution. [C044/SQP320] 160 Page one hundred and nineteen Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument, showing a clear understanding of the views of the source. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 161 Page one hundred and twenty Question 2 How useful is Source B for understanding the leadership struggle in the 1920s? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded a total of 5 marks for the quality of their evaluation of the provenance of the source AND for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. This may be split 3/2 or 2/3. At Advanced Higher, provenance is a form of contextualisation where candidates locate the source in history . . . why was it that that person saying it?, why did it matter?, why then and in that way?, was it the same as previous or later views? It is answers to these sorts of questions which help locate the source and establish its usefulness. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s value. The candidate offers a structured consideration of the usefulness of Source B in understanding the events surrounding the leadership struggle of the 1920s in terms of: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance will earn credit. These may include: Note dictated by Lenin, late December 1922- early January 1923, for the 12th Party Congress (April-May 1923). Background on state of mind when writing it. Lenin already ill. Purpose – to express concern about in-fighting among the Party’s leadership; to suggest that Stalin be removed as General Secretary Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Lenin’s views on several Party leaders, including Trotsky, Stalin, Zinoviev and Kamenev. Evaluation of the critical points made. Concern about the use of power / abuse of power. Stops short of endorsing anyone as a successor, but succession is likely on his mind. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: That this is written at the end of the Civil War. Lenin’s illness is obvious by now. Detail on other communist figures mentioned in testament (Bukharin, Pyatakov etc). That each of the players may be jostling for succession. Lenin’s differences with Stalin (especially over nationalities issue, Georgia in particular). Stalin’s manipulation of the situation and posts attained eg 1922-3 general secretary of the Central Committee and up until then a party leader, a specialist on the nationalities (commissar) and a major trouble-shooter (head of inspectorate)… but not in positions in the first rank. Stalin’s use of positive and negative patronage, roles of Molotov and Kaganovich. The role of the Party in the localities. The power struggle in the Politburo, factional infighting and personal rivalries. How the opponents were removed and disgraced. [C044/SQP320] 162 Page one hundred and twenty-one Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the view in the sources: Attempts to keep the ‘Testament’ a secret. Politburo fails to remove Stalin. Lenin recognises Stalin’s ambition (and dangers?). Lenin’s views of his comrades, and not just of Stalin. Is Lenin warning of a struggle, or is he creating a struggle? This can be seen as the beginning of the leadership struggle ie before Lenin dies. Complicated issues are being highlighted, policy as well as personality. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Christopher Ward states that Stalin’s policy of ‘socialism in one country’ made sense to many. Deutscher states that Trotsky did not attack Stalin because he felt secure. Conquest highlights Stalin’s ability as he manoeuvred the political situation. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of Source B is useful in offering a full perspective on the leadership struggle in the 1920s. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument, showing a clear understanding of the views of the source. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 163 Page one hundred and twenty-two Question 3 How much do Sources C and D reveal about the differing views on the Purges? (16 marks) Interpretation (maximum 6 marks) Candidates may be awarded up to 3 marks for their ability to establish the views of each source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. Contextual and historical interpretations (maximum 10 marks) These 10 marks will be awarded for: the quality and depth of the contextual recall the quality and depth of the wider perspectives the range and quality of historians’ views provenance comment (if appropriate) The candidate considers the views in Sources C and D and evaluates the extent that they reveal the motivations for and actions taken during the Purges and the Terror. Source C Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. These may include accurate comment on Chris Ward which will be credited under historiography. Points from source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): There were ‘spies and saboteurs’, hence the political motivation for the Purges In all aspects of life ‘at large in the State Bank and the commissars of light and heavy industry, food production, forestry, agriculture and communications’, noting the criticism of the Five Year Plan and collectivisation. Motivation may be to please Stalin, to fulfil quotas: ‘the NKVD was “four years behind”.’ Actions were a result of those placed in power, and their place was equally fragile (Yagoda) Reasons given were merely excuses – ‘fascist hireling’ Machinery set up at this level to focus on process rather than rationale – setting up a subcommittee. [C044/SQP320] 164 Page one hundred and twenty-three Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: The lies that were told to get rid of others, candidates may mention Kirov (Dec. 1934) the popular alternative to Stalin at the Seventeenth Party Congress, and the Show Trials. That opposition first emerged with the launch of the Five Year Plan and collectivisation in 1928, Kirov being conciliatory. Detail on what happened to Kamenev and Zinoviev, as they were linked to Kirov’s assassin, tried and imprisoned as part of the Left Opposition and accused of being Trotsky’s agents. They confessed to crimes which they could not have carried out, not the least of which was conspiracy to murder Kirov. Bukharin was implicated by Zinoviev and Kamenev along with Tomsky and Rykov, as leaders of the Right Opposition, accused of forming a ‘rightist bloc’ – did they confess? There is no evidence of a plot, but Bukharin did criticise Stalin’s economic policies in ‘Notes of an Economist’. The numbers involved as the Terror escalates. The extent to which others were responsible – from Yagoda to Ezhov to Beria. The appointment of Beria to stop the over zealous Ezhov and the coining of the period as ‘Ezhovschina’. Source D Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. These may include recognition of Molotov’s role in the Bolshevik party and through the Purges. These conversations allow him in 1993 to explain and to justify his actions. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view (s) Only Stalin alone could have coped with the magnitude of the task. He therefore is responsible. These actions did in fact prevent further instability, stopping ‘vacillation and irresolution’. He prevented fascist aggression from the remnants of the ‘tattered enemies of various stripes (which) survived’ the revolution. One justification could be that there was no fifth column…and links to foreign intelligence. He does admit that there were mistakes, but that they were necessary – for the greater cause, as it were. Certainly Bukharin is not highlighted as a mistake. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source Links to Source C in the over-stating of the threat of war and link to foreign powers, although this may have been the case for some after Rapallo, the real criticism is over collectivisation. Development of the ‘cult’, and Stalin’s demands for results. Detail on the numbers involved in the Purges, that Gulag inmates rose by half a million between 1937-39: that two thirds of the 1.3 million inmates in 1939 were described as ‘political criminals’ or ‘socially harmful’. [C044/SQP320] 165 Page one hundred and twenty-four Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the sources: The problems of division and factionalism had to be controlled and these methods were not new in Russia. The mood of the old Party workers and the Purging of them: officials like Radek and Pyatakov accused of working for Trotsky and foreign governments to undermine the Soviet economy… but in reality they were critical of the Five Year Plan The move then to the Army leadership: 1937-8, 3 of 5 marshals, 14 of 16 commanders, 37,000 officers shot or imprisoned, Navy lost all admirals. Here pushing again the foreign links, but while it may have been true for some it was also to control the peasant rank and file. The step to the totalitarian regime and getting rid of all elements linked to ‘class’ – kulaks, bourgeois NEPmen etc. Purging the Secret Police not traitors but those now having too much power. Stalin’s megalomania and paranoia Denunciations and the spread to the ordinary people… and the Terror… for everyone. That this spread to every aspect of society and perhaps could be justified in that it aims to produce ‘vintiki’ Source C does not acknowledge any mistake in action or purpose whereas Source D does Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: J Arch Getty contends that obsession with Stalin’s personality has dominated Western historians’ views and the political and institutional nature is lost S Cohen and A Bullock both highlight personality Roberta Manning contends that scapegoats were sought out and blamed for difficulties in industry and the economy from 1934-41 Alec Nove states that it was Stalin’s decision to purge the party and society of what he thought were unstable elements Robert Conquest thinks the main drive was to strengthen his own position. Robert Service sees Stalin’s personality as important, the purges being a pre-emptive measures against a fifth column, but there was no master plan as such Christopher Read notes the random nature of the denunciations as do Roy Medvedev and Conquest The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of the two sources is helpful in offering a full perspective on the reasons for the Purges. [C044/SQP320] 166 Page one hundred and twenty-five Marks 1-4 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the sources; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the sources. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 5-7 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the sources, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 8-11 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the sources, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 12-16 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the views of the sources and their value as interpretations on the issue. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 167 Page one hundred and twenty-six The Spanish Civil War: Causes, Conflict and Consequences 1923-1945 Part 1 Each question is worth 25 marks Question 1 To what extent was royal incompetence the main reason why a Republic was established in 1931? The candidate is asked to explain Spain's transition from monarchy to Republic in 1931 and the extent to which Alfonso XIII was responsible for his own downfall. The candidate may explain both the reasons for the fall of the monarchy and the former political system, and the specific decision to form a Republic. The candidate may be expected to use evidence such as: Long term factors which led to discontent with the monarchy: The agrarian problem The relationship with the church The relationship with the army Regional differences. More immediate factors: The Dictadura (discrediting dictatorships) Incompetence of the King Pact of San Sebastian Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Carr: Brenan: [C044/SQP320] ‘The Republicans rejected monarchy as an illegitimate and outmoded form of government; the Carlists rejected the Alfonsine branch... The Socialists considered (it) reactionary... The anarchists rejected it in toto. To the regionalists it... strangled local interests... the radical regenerationists believed (in) root and branch reform...’ ‘The destruction of the historic provinces and their replacement by ‘artificial entities’... was at the root of the regionalist movements.’ ‘(it was) the personal unpopularity of the king himself (which brought down the monarchy).’ ‘the conservative classes, during 1930, lost confidence in the monarchy.’ Agrarian problem: “Over half of Spain goes to bed hungry.” ‘Unlike England and France there was no upward movement from one (class) to another.’ ‘...the corruption of all the upper layers of society.’ ‘The ease with which the dictator had been brought down encouraged the middle classes... to think that Alfonso could be got rid of too.’ ‘Since 1788 not a single Spanish sovereign had had a natural reign.’ ‘The Army had become increasingly sensitive to any criticisms...’ 168 Page one hundred and twenty-seven ‘(The church) was weakest in the great latifundia lands... where a rural proletariat lived in desperate circumstances.’ ‘...the large domains were managed without initiative or imagination...’ Callachan: Malefakis: Esenwein and Shubert: Fraser: Beevor : Preston: Thomas: [C044/SQP320] ‘Where rapid industrialisation and massive immigration (took place) traditional culture and identity were seen as seriously threatened.’ ‘A state within a state, (the Army) came to see itself as the incarnation of national will.’ “Alfonso treated the ruling of Spain as little more than a fascinating hobby.” “Sanjurjo made it clear he could not maintain the King in power.” “The Spanish Church was said to have owned up to one-third of the total wealth of Spain.” “(The Latifundias’) subjects were treated almost as a subject race.” “loss of Imperial power coincided with emergence of left wing movements.” ‘(the monarchy) had fallen into disrepute by the time Primo seized power.’ “(Primo) left behind him no basis for a regime.” Republicanism (was) the most explicit challenge to the establishment. Municipal elections. Only 2 loyal cabinet members. A revolution of boredom with a monarch... who appeared an anachronism. The only dedicated monarchists in Spain were the Court aristocracy. For others it was conditional... on the benefits each group sought. 169 Page one hundred and twenty-eight Question 2 To what extent were the actions of the government during the “Bienio Negro” of 1933 to 1936 responsible for the eventual outbreak of the Spanish Civil War? The candidate is required to evaluate the effect of the right wing government of 1933 to 1936 and the extent to which civil war was probable by the time of its defeat at the polls. The candidate may be expected to use evidence such as: Attacks on the advances made by the previous administration Polarising effect on Spanish society and politics Robles’ use of the Radicals to implement attacks on the reforms of 31 -33 CEDA’s intolerant actions and rhetoric and their increasing portrayal of a pro-Fascist stance Robles’ frequent attempts to increase the likelihood of his own advancement, destabilising the government further Specific legislation attacking the poor and the left Re-establishing the domination of the Catholic Church Robles’ personal role as Jefe Fear generated amongst the left by increasingly Fascist stance Movement away from legalist stance by both the left and right Refusal of the left (eg Asturias miners) to accept the legal right wing government Evaluation as to what extent the Asturias was ‘the first battle of the civil war’ Responsibility of the Right should be compared to that of other sectors of Spanish politics and society. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Carr: Payne: Preston: Thomas: [C044/SQP320] “Robles had declared…that socialism must be defeated at all costs.” “When it (the Asturias rising) was over the nation was morally divided between those who favoured repression and those who did not.” “The stance and rhetoric of the CEDA were often provocative and threatening.” “Some degree of electoral reform would have moderated electoral polarisation.” Increasing mimicking of Fascist tactics – “A crowd of 20,000 gathered and shouted jefe!jefe!jefe! and “Our Leaders never make mistakes!” Left also at fault – (After Right’s victory) El Socialista regularly argued that the Republic was as bad as the monarchy had been. Largo “reaffirmed his belief in the necessity of preparing a proletarian rising.” Thomas describes this as “a fatal error of judgement.” 170 Page one hundred and twenty-nine Question 3 What factors best describe why neither side was able to achieve immediate victory in 1936? This essay needs the candidate to discuss the events of July 1936 and to examine reasons why the Army coup did not immediately take control of Spain and why the Republican forces failed to crush the rebellion. The candidate may be expected to use evidence such as: The actions of the Army and some explanation why they were not immediately successful The failure of the Republican Government to completely defeat the rebels Help from Germany/Italy/Soviet Union Account of coup including the plans of the generals Need for the army of Africa Divisions within the left Rift within the armed forces Why were some places easy to take? Why others difficult? Attitude of government. How strong was resistance? Understanding of the events Reasons why coup failed in some areas – Madrid, Barcelona, Bilbao etc. Part played by Civil and Assault Guards Confusion among Generals – death of Sanjurjo, capture of Fanjul etc Decision to attack Madrid – wise? Delay caused by Alcazar, arming of workers. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Failure of the Right – Carr Salvado ‘senior officers were, on the whole, loyal to the Republic’ ‘geographical loyalty’ ‘relatively weak (until Army of Africa transported)’ Republic held industrial resources in early stages. ‘at no point had the conspirators anticipated massive popular resistance’. Preston and Ellwood concur. Failure of the Left – Ealham Bookchin ‘the old state collapsed under the impact of the military coup’. ‘the workers…viewed the Republic with almost as much animosity as did the Francoists’. Foreign Intervention. Most historians concur that the role of Germany, Italy and the Soviet Union and the policy of Non-Intervention by Britain and France are all crucial factors in the failure by either side to win quickly. Quotes from any should be credited. [C044/SQP320] 171 Page one hundred and thirty Question 4 "The supreme farce of our time" How valid is this assessment of the policy of non-intervention during the Spanish Civil War? The candidate makes a judgement on Non-Intervention during the Spanish Civil War. The candidate may be expected to use evidence such as: Why Non-Intervention was suggested and by whom The workings of the Committee Reasons why GB/France suggested the policy The obvious breaches by Germany, Italy and the USSR Arguably a cynical ploy by the UK to see Spain back in right-wing hands again Certainly the Spanish Republic blamed the policy and GB for their defeat. Significance of Nyon Stalin’s motives Non-intervention achievements Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: H Thomas: Alpert: Moradiellos: Preston: Meneses: [C044/SQP320] 172 Non-intervention graduated from equivocation to hypocrisy. Non-intervention was based on the wider aims of GB and France ie an alliance with Italy and appeasement of Hitler. GB wished Franco to win and did not wish to upset the Axis powers. GB was inclined towards Franco due to business interests it was cynical detachment. Page one hundred and thirty-one Question 5 “We must be generous comrades, we must have a great soul and know how to forgive.” (General Yagüe, 19th April, 1938). To what extent was there still the possibility of a negotiated peace by 1938? The candidate here is asked to consider the possibility of a negotiated peace in the summer of 1938 – taking into account Yagüe’s open respect for Republican forces, his attack on the Germans and Italians and Negrin’s speech laying down peace terms. The candidate may be expected to use evidence such as: Analysis of events in 1938 Opening of the French frontier Franco’s consideration of asking the Axis powers to leave Spain. When Great Britain signed a treaty with Italy, Negrin made his speech offering terms when a war was avoided over Czechoslovakia, Negrin gave up Yagüe’s speech shows unrest among the nationalist troops – but it is not an offer of peace Yagüe was worried over France’s attitude, but Blum’s government fell Negrin’s hopes were perhaps not realistic Franco had always insisted on no amnesty for communists Franco wished unconditional surrender and although suggested that Axis troops might leave, only did so to placate Great Britain and France No evidence of any desire for a compromise which could have reduced his personal standing. Negrin always hoped a European war would break out – it did not. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: H Thomas: Preston: Fraser: [C044/SQP320] “From the time that he (Negrin) had become PM.he had been attempting to achieve peace by negotiation”. On Franco – “Whoever desires negotiation serves the Reds.” Right Wing media campaign demanded “unconditional victory by Franco”. Hitler believed “a 100 per cent victory for Franco” was undesirable. Franco’s suggestion that Axis troops be removed merely “a sop to British and French sensibilities”. Mussolini predicted the defeat of Franco – “The Reds are fighters, Franco is not.” Franco feared French intervention – French frontier had reopened in March. “(Franco) wanted the Republican regime’s complete destruction, its unconditional surrender.” Yagüe described Germans and Italians as “birds of prey”. 173 Page one hundred and thirty-two The Spanish Civil War : Causes, Conflict and Consequences 1923-1945 Part 2 Question 1 How helpful are Sources A and B in illustrating differing viewpoints on the problems facing the Spanish government between 1931 and 1933? (16 marks) Interpretation (maximum 6 marks) Candidates may be awarded up to 3 marks for their ability to establish the views of each source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. Contextual and historical interpretations (maximum 10 marks) These 10 marks will be awarded for: the quality and depth of the contextual recall the quality and depth of the wider perspectives the range and quality of historians’ views provenance comment (if appropriate) The candidate considers the views in Sources A and B and evaluates the extent that they reveal the problems facing the Spanish government between 1931 and 1933. Points from Source A Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit under historiography. These may include recognition that this was a historian who lived in Spain at the time of the Civil War, seen as neutral. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): The Socialists were putting pressure on the Republic to grant wide ranging agricultural reform. The FAI were revolutionary – they saw the greater freedom of the Republic as a chance to try and bring it down. Their disruption was intended to make the government's job as difficult as possible and to awaken the working class to revolution. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Agriculture was the most pressing problem in Spain in 1931. The Agrarian Reform Bill was meant to deal with it. But to the Libertarian Left it was too moderate. However they disliked the Republic as much as any other government. Also the government got the blame for the unrest in the countryside and was even blamed by both sides for Casas Viejas. There were other problems too which are not touched on here like the Church and army. [C044/SQP320] 174 Page one hundred and thirty-three Points from Source B Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. These may include: accurate comment on Peter Anderson will be credited under historiography. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Opposition in parliament slowed down the Agrarian Reform Bill. As a result the Left gained support in the countryside. The Church supported the landowners – it help to set up a right-wing party, the CEDA which was anti-republican. This group vowed to destroy the Republic. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: The CEDA sprang from the Accion Popular – a party based on the social teachings of Leo XIII. But its leader Gil Robles became an admirer of Mussolini. The republic had gained the enmity of the Church by its reforms seen as threatening the Church's role in Spain. Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the sources: Sources A and B agree on the way in which the Left was not satisfied by the level of agricultural reform. But this was due to the fact that the government had no money. Both sources show how the behaviour of the Left caused opposition to grow which was directed at the Republic not the FAI. Neither source mentions the Army reforms or the problem of regional issues. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: De Meneses: the Republic intended to keep to the letter of the law – behaviour of the FAI/CNT de-stabilised the Republic. Preston: the media blamed the Republic, not the FM. H Browne: The Technical Commission’s solution pleased no-one. But Azana made things worse by changing the bill in 1932. Carr: agriculture was a decisive struggle – but the reform was a muddle and lack of money caused it to fail. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of the two sources is helpful in offering a full perspective on the problems facing the Spanish government between 1931 and 1933. [C044/SQP320] 175 Page one hundred and thirty-four Marks 1-4 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the sources; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the sources. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 5-7 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the sources, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 8-11 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the sources, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 12-16 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the views of the sources and their value as interpretations on the issue. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 176 Page one hundred and thirty-five Question 2 How useful is Source C as evidence of the role and effectiveness of the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded a total of 5 marks for the quality of their evaluation of the provenance of the source AND for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. This may be split 3/2 or 2/3. At Advanced Higher, provenance is a form of contextualisation where candidates locate the source in history . . . why was it that that person saying it?, why did it matter?, why then and in that way?, was it the same as previous or later views? It is answers to these sorts of questions which help locate the source and establish its usefulness. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s value. The candidate offers a structured consideration of the usefulness of Source C in understanding the role and effectiveness of the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War, in terms of: Points from Source C Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenence will earn credit. These may include: a primary source from the farewell address on November 1st 1938 in Barcelona by Dolores Ibarruri (La Pasionaria), a communist politician and journalist. She is justifying the involvement on the International Brigades, praising their contribution to the Republican side. She lauds their heroic example of fighting for the solidarity and universality of democracy. Propaganda speech. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): The military importance of the brigades in defence of Madrid The features/characteristics of their fighting (enthusiasm, heroism, sacrifice etc) Specific battles they fought in The political dimension of their role and their leaving. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Brigades were crucial in certain campaigns, including the defence of Madrid (11th Brigade under Miaja). They also gave the impression of foreign support which was lacking in any real terms for the Republic. Brigades were organised by Communists and were not universally popular with Spaniards but were better ‘drilled’ and equipped than Militias. Support deliberately withheld from POUM militias – difficult to compare their success with Brigades. Speech is made as Brigades leave and many would argue defeat was inevitable. Brigades were no real match for support given by Fascists in the shape of 100,000 Italian troops, German Condor Legions etc. Casualties high amongst Brigades (eg defending Madrid-La Coruña road). Around 60,000 Brigaders altogether, by October 1938, 12,673 still in Spain. [C044/SQP320] 177 Page one hundred and thirty-six Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the source: The importance of La Pasionaria in the Spanish Civil war; other speeches; her legendary role in exhorting the Spanish people against fascism: ‘Better to die on your feet than live on your knees’. The biased nature of many of the sources on the Brigade... “this has helped shape their view in history”. The view that their achievement is often by comparison to behaviour of the Communist Party. Debate whether they kept the war going and saved the Republic from an earlier demise. Other campaigns or features of the fighting which help ‘place’ the role of the International Brigades in a wider picture. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Preston: their part in the defence of Madrid should not be exaggerated; it was part of a heroic effort. Koestler: the rendezvous of International Leftist bohemia. Taylor: emotional experience of a life-time. H Browne: sign of international support. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of Source C is useful in offering a full perspective on the role and effectiveness of the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context. Candidate may make relevant and appropriate provenance comments. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and little if any sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may make relevant and appropriate provenance comments. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate provenance comments and the interpretation is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the provenance of the source and the views in it. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Appropriate reference to historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 178 Page one hundred and thirty-seven Question 3 How fully does Source D explain the reasons for Nationalist victory in the Spanish Civil War? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded up to 3 marks for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s fullness in explaining/analysing the issue. The candidate offers a structured evaluation of Source D in providing an adequate explanation of the reasons for Nationalist victory in terms of: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. These may include accurate comment on Hugh Thomas which will be credited under historiography. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Franco’s forces: ‘better organised’. ‘political unity’, ‘disciplined’, ‘logistical arrangements excellent’, superior training, availability of educated middle class. Militias: ‘unimaginative in attack’, ‘failure of militia’ due to not being ‘regular army’. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Divisions within the Socialists – Largo, Prieto. Communists’ domination and anger of Anarchists. Nature of Militias, democratic, poorly equipped but enthusiastic and often loyal. Description of specific campaigns. Defensive successes followed by failure to consolidate (Guadalajara, Madrid). Paradox arising for need for order and desire to secure ‘pure’ revolution. Refusal by Communists to arm POUM militias. Eventual routing of anarchists and effect on morale. Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the source: Extent to which Right were unified. Franco’s good fortune in loss of rivals (Primo, Sotello). Franco’s delaying of campaigns; sometimes argued this was to allow time to consolidate a position. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Ellwood: Browne: Thomas: Carr: Heywood: Thomas: Blinkhorn: Preston: [C044/SQP320] ‘inhibition on behalf of the western democracies, together with the active involvement of Italy and Germany, undoubtedly swung the balance decisively in favour of Franco.’ ‘Foreign aid was critical for the Nationalists from the very beginning.’ ‘the timing of certain foreign supplies was critical.’ ‘…to him (Stalin) Spain was an expendable.’ ‘Internal political conflicts…together with military and economic inferiority combined to ensure that the republic was effectively doomed.’ ‘Most importantly, and tragically, they (the republic) were often at war with themselves.’ ‘…disunity among the republicans was a prime cause of defeat.’ ‘…Soviet aid to the republic was principally calculated to prolong resistance. Axis help for Franco was aimed successfully at victory.’ ‘…the CNT and POUM militia were denied adequate weaponry (by the communists).’ 179 Page one hundred and thirty-eight The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of Source D is helpful in offering a full perspective on the reasons for Nationalist victory in the Spanish Civil War. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument, showing a clear understanding of the views of the source. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 180 Page one hundred and thirty-nine Britain At War and Peace (1939-1951) Part 1 Each question is worth 25 marks Question 1 “Marching into war backwards with their eyes tightly closed.” assessment of the government’s preparations for war in 1939? How accurate is this The purpose of the essay is to enable the candidate to discuss the arguments about Britain’s preparedness for war when it broke out and to analyse whether more could have been done in the immediate years before 1939 to enhance that preparedness. It is important to see this question in the context of 4 main areas of content, namely the degree to which preparedness had been achieved in the military, economic, diplomatic and civil defence terms. It is not enough to see this merely as a judgement of military preparedness. Relevant areas for discussion might include Military: The extent to which the armed forces were ready for war. In the case of the army it would be expected that the candidate would examine the degree to which this service branch was ill-equipped to fight a continental war with only 5 fully equipped divisions in 1939. Some analysis of the thinking behind the army as an imperial defence force would be evident and the lack of financial investment in armoured vehicles would be mentioned. The navy was still Britain’s best equipped branch of the forces but some caution would be expected over its ability to counteract German U-boats and its reliance on the French navy to secure the Mediterranean and the US navy to patrol the Pacific. Significant amounts of money had been spent on the air force and the creation of shadow factories but was the emphasis on bomber aircraft at the expense of fighter aircraft switched too late? The creation of a string of radar stations across south-east England should be noted. It would be perfectly acceptable for the candidate to view this military preparedness retrospectively in the light of the Norway campaign. Diplomatic: Here the candidate has to beware rehashing the pros and cons of appeasement but might better spend time of dissecting Churchill’s claims that we should have created a Grand Alliance prior to 1939. A review of each of Britain’s potential allies would be helpful and an analysis of Chamberlain’s failure to make common cause with the Soviets until it was too late and even then in only a half-hearted way. Economic: Perhaps the area most indicative of Chamberlain’s reluctance to commit to war preparation. Candidates should eschew a simple description of the ailing state of British industry in 1939 and concentrate more on Chamberlain’s failure to gear the economy effectively for total war. A very good answer would display a clear understanding of the ambivalence shown by Chamberlain towards state regulation of the economy and his ideological opposition to working more closely with the labour movement. Civil Defence: A review of the measure taken in terms of air raid shelter provision, gas mask distribution and evacuation schemes would be expected but in a critical as well as descriptive fashion. [C044/SQP320] 182 Page one hundred and forty Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Mowatt’s military critique of lack of spending on the armed forces and Howard’s examination of each of the armed forces capabilities. Historians such as Tiratsoo have a jaundiced view of the state of Britain’s civil defence measures, a view subscribed to by Hylton but contradicted by Roberts. Paul Addison is highly critical of Chamberlain’s economic policies up to 1940 and is reinforced in this by Mackay to some extent. [C044/SQP320] 182 Page one hundred and forty-one Question 2 To what extent was naval power more important than air power in Britain’s ultimate victory in the Second World War. Most candidates will treat this essay as a straight comparison between the relative importance of the battle of Britain and the Battle of the Atlantic in ensuring British survival and ultimate triumph in the war. However, an analysis of the importance of the part played by Bomber Command would also be a vital ingredient of a good essay. Relevant areas for discussion might include: The importance of air power in averting a potential German invasion and forcing Hitler to look east, hence ensuring his ultimate destruction. The role played by Bomber Command in hampering the Nazi war effort and in lowering popular morale within Germany. An analysis of the importance of the Royal Navy’s campaign against the submarine menace will be vital in explaining Britain’s ability to maintain her economic, industrial and military capabilities. Equally, a description of the strategic importance of the Merchant navy would enhance the answer as would some reference to the part played by the navy in other theatres of war. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Correlli Barnett might be cited as a proponent of the central importance of the navy in winning the war. Other historians like Keegan and Hastings are more likely to stress the short-term importance of averting the more immediate threat posed to British security by the Luftwaffe. [C044/SQP320] 183 Page one hundred and forty-two Question 3 “The war had a profound and lasting impact on the daily lives of British women” How valid is this view? The candidate is expected to analyse the impact of war on women’s lives and not simply describe how it affected them. The answer should cover a range of issues from the obvious one of war work to the impact of evacuation, rationing, and the blitz. Less obvious but none the less important is the psychological impact of war on women’s perceptions of their role in society in terms of sex-stereotyping at work and the issue of greater equality in marriage and in domestic decision making. The crucial question for the candidates to analyse is whether the changes to their lives experienced by women during the war were merely a temporary adjustment to extraordinary circumstances with a post-war return to normality or a significant and permanent change in the status and role of women in society. Relevant areas for discussion might include: The impact of conscription on the female workforce and the extent to which war work was an emancipating experience as suggested by Arthur Marwick. The number of new women workers as opposed to married women returning to work. The ending of the marriage bar. The empowering impact of being head of the family and chief decision maker when the male of the family was absent and the subsequent psychological impact this had on women’s perceptions of their role within marriage and society in general. The increased incidence of divorce during and after the war as an indicator of changing perceptions of marriage? The impact of evacuation on all women affected and the extent to which this led to changing class views and expectations. The post-war situation and the impact of the Beveridge Report on the status of women especially in the area of family allowance and the national insurance scheme. The Butler Education Act as an agent of restoring pre-war ideals and reinforcing the domestic position of women in society. Some summary of the position of women in British society in the early 50s would be expected as a way of rounding of the analysis of the original question. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: A critique of the revisionist school of thought which sees the war as less than an emancipating experience and indeed one which many women deeply disliked. Marwick’s 1960s thesis of war as an agent of social change for women. H L Smith and Penny Summerfield cast significant doubts on the veracity of Marwick’s view. [C044/SQP320] 184 Page one hundred and forty-three Question 4 “Only the Lend-Lease programme prevented the collapse of the British economy” How valid is this view of the impact of the war on the British economy? This question calls for a detailed knowledge of the impact of the war on the economy and hence some appreciation of the country’s finances and economic position at the beginning of the war. Central to this theme is an appreciation of how much the war cost Britain in lost exports and its impact on the industrial infrastructure of the country. The candidate would have a clear knowledge of government strategies for paying for the war and the shortfall in fiscal policies which resulted in the necessity of approaching the USA for their economic aid. Relevant areas for discussion might include: The levels of government taxation and forced savings policies. The impact of the war on the balance of payments. The extent to which demand management and state intervention regulated the economy and to what end? The origins, nature and extent of the Lend-Lease programme (£5.5 billion). Why lend-lease was needed and an explanation of the shortcomings in the British economy. The level of debt incurred by Britain and the reliance on the USA for machine tools and other essential production tools even prior to the programme. A clear examination of the argument that Lend-Lease was essential to British survival, an argument espoused by the likes of Addison, Calder, Jefferys and Mackay who argue that the government fiscal policies (even a 50% basic income tax rate) and the returns from indirect taxation and the sevenfold increase in personal savings would not as he says in the Test of War “taken together, have been sufficient to finance the protracted war in which Britain was engaged”. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Historiographically there is unlikely to be much divergence of opinion on the centrality of the importance of Lend-Lease but older historians like Cairncross and Cole may offer a different angle on the issue from Barnett and Tomlinson and in particular, Barnett’s thesis that the British economy was a rotting Victorian hulk anyway and unlikely to have stood on its own two feet for very long within a total war effort. [C044/SQP320] 185 Page one hundred and forty-four Question 5 How successful was the foreign policy of the Labour Governments in the period 1945-1951? Candidates should approach this question from the point of view of assessing the aims of British foreign policy in this period against the backdrop of the changing world circumstances deriving from the Second World War and the vastly reduced economic capability of Britain. The central theme should be an assessment of Britain’s success in carrying out its pre-war responsibilities, an interpretation of its post-war commitments and its ability to find a role that fitted in with the demands of the new superpowers, USA and the Soviet Union. The best answers will see a critique developed of Britain’s policies relating to the Empire, the superpowers and Europe and an analysis of the extent to which any withdrawal from overseas commitments was a necessary response to the financial burdens imposed on Britain by the war. Reference should be made to Bevin’s central role in developing British policy at this time and also to the familiar criticism of right-wing historian Barnett who accuses Britain of global overstretch and clinging on the dreams and illusions of power we neither had nor could afford. Relevant areas for discussion might include: An analysis of Britain’s financial situation post-45 Evidence relating to those areas Britain was forced to withdraw from eg Greece and Turkey and why. An analysis of Britain’s role between the superpowers and how successfully Bevin steered a course. The whole issue of decolonisation (particularly Indian independence) and why this came about. An examination of Britain’s contribution to the resolution of issues relating to Germany in the context of the Cold War. Bevin’s role in helping to create NATO and to tie the USA to European security for the first time Some reference to our relations with Europe and the alleged missed opportunity to participate in the Schumann plan and to further European integration. The thorny problem of the Middle-East, particularly Israel and Palestine, and the degree to which Britain pursued an acceptable policy in this area. The issue of Britain’s independent nuclear deterrent. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: An overview of the whole period and an examination of the historiography, with reference to Barnett but also Morgan and Robbins to give a more balanced view of the issue and to establish whether Bevin was a very successful Foreign Secretary in a very difficult period of adjustment. [C044/SQP320] 186 Page one hundred and forty-five Britain At War and Peace (1939-1951) Part 2 Question 1 How useful is Source A in explaining why Churchill became Prime Minister on May 10th 1940? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded a total of 5 marks for the quality of their evaluation of the provenance of the source AND for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. This may be split 3/2 or 2/3. At Advanced Higher, provenance is a form of contextualisation where candidates locate the source in history . . . why was it that that person saying it?, why did it matter?, why then and in that way?, was it the same as previous or later views? It is answers to these sorts of questions which help locate the source and establish its usefulness. The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s value. The candidate offers a structured consideration of the usefulness of Source A in understanding the events surrounding the appointment of Churchill as Prime Minister in May 1940, in terms of: Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance will earn credit. These may include: A primary source written by Winston Churchill in 1948 as the first book in his history of the Second World War. Possible bias and omission, as Churchill was central to the events described. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Reference to the debate on the Norway campaign in the Commons 7-9th May. Churchill’s tactics of making no response to Chamberlain’s questions. Halifax’s reference to his difficulties of becoming PM as a peer of the realm and his reluctance to accept the role. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise these in the source: Chamberlain’s personal failings as PM and his association with the policy of appeasement. Failure of the government to effectively gear the country’s economy for total war. The nature of the Phoney War and the fiasco of the Norway campaign as a background to the source. Rejection by the Labour Party of Chamberlain’s overtures to join a Coalition government. Churchill’s popularity within the country and the public’s perception of him as a likely war leader. Reasons for unrest within the Conservative Party. [C044/SQP320] 187 Page one hundred and forty-six Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: Addison sees the failings of the Chamberlain government as central to this issue. Adelman focuses on the political intrigue within the Conservative Party, whilst Tony Corfield concentrates on the role of the Labour Party and Trade Union movement in rejecting Chamberlain. Other writers offer a variation on these themes eg Jefferys, Morgan, MacKay, including Churchill’s own notion that he was walking with destiny. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of Source A is useful in offering a full perspective on the appointment of Churchill as Prime Minister in May 1940. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument, showing a clear understanding of the views of the source. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 188 Page one hundred and forty-seven Question 2 How well do Sources B and C illustrate the differing views on the domestic achievements of the Labour governments in the period 1945-1951? (16 marks) Interpretation (maximum 6 marks) Candidates may be awarded up to 3 marks for their ability to establish the views of each source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source. Contextual and historical interpretations (maximum 10 marks) These 10 marks will be awarded for: the quality and depth of the contextual recall the quality and depth of the wider perspectives the range and quality of historians’ views provenance comment (if appropriate) The candidate considers the views in Sources B and C and offers a constructive evaluation of how far they offer insight into the domestic achievements of the Labour governments, in terms of: Source B Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit under historiography. These may include recognition of Dalton’s role in the events of that time, and his authority as a witness. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): Labour’s tremendous legislative achievements in this period. Labour had fulfilled all of its election manifesto commitments. This legislative programme resulted in a complete social and economic regeneration of the country compared to the pre-war situation. The task was unfinished by 1951 and much still had to be accomplished. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise these in the source: Dalton’s allusion to the raft of legislation passed in this period with specific examples in the social and economic context: the creation of the welfare state and the economic policies of the Labour governments; the nationalisation programme and the policies implemented to deal with financial crises. Dalton’s theme that Britain was a completely different country by 1951 and in particular his assertion that the seeds of economic regeneration had been sown. Dalton’s theme of the unfinished business and areas which still had to be tackled. [C044/SQP320] 189 Page one hundred and forty-eight Points from Source C Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit. comment on Corelli Barnett will receive marks under historiography. Accurate Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view (s) Barnett’s assessment of the Labour governments’ policies is highly critical. Industrial and economic decline were inextricably linked with illusions of continuing to be a great power in world affairs. The extent to which economic decline and demotion in the ranks of world economies took place within this period. The folly of pursuing New Jerusalem policies which were expensive and at the cost of economic regeneration. The Labour welfare reforms created a culture of welfare dependency and low educational standards, thus creating a “nanny state”. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise the views in the source. Barnett accuses Labour of engendering an illusory image of Britain’s status in the world, committing the country to an expensive and ill-judged foreign policy which in turn had a disastrous impact on the British economy. This process of economic decline was in place right from the end of the war and was exacerbated by the economic and social policies of the Labour governments. Britain fell significantly behind the economic progress made by even defeated countries like Germany; Britain’s relative decline in GNP was attributable to misguided policies and lack of economic regeneration. The welfare policies of the Labour governments may have set in motion a progressive decline in educational standards and reliance on the state to provide, instead of fostering a spirit of self-betterment and individual responsibility; a trend perpetuated by successive governments beyond Labour in 1951. Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the view in the sources: Overall the answer would offer a critique of Labour’s domestic achievements, building on Dalton’s broad assertions, and Barnett’s counter claims but including a range of recall information which would substantiate his claims and those of historians who see this as a period of immense significance in changing the basis social and economic fabric of British society. Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: The most obvious critic is Barnett himself who poses the central theme that in its pursuit of dreams and illusions of continued world power status, successive British governments squandered a unique opportunity to regenerate British industry and upgrade the technical skills of the workforce by pursuing the goal of a welfare state and superpower status, both of which were beyond our means in the period studied. In this respect he is given some additional credence by Andrew Roberts and other right wing historians of the Thatcherite period. [C044/SQP320] 190 Page one hundred and forty-nine Perhaps the staunchest supporter of the Labour governments of this period is Kenneth O. Morgan in his book Labour in Power, 1945-1951 in which he states “the Attlee government had a clear record of achievement and competence, which acted as a platform for successive governments, Conservative and Labour.” In this respect he is ably backed up by others such as Hennessey, Jefferys, Pugh, Tiratsoo and Fielding. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of the two sources is helpful in offering a full perspective on the domestic achievements of the Labour governments 1945-1951. Marks 1-4 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the sources; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the sources. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 5-7 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the sources, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 8-11 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the sources, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 12-16 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument; showing a clear understanding of the views of the sources and their value as interpretations on the issue. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [C044/SQP320] 191 Page one hundred and fifty Question 3 How fully does Source D explain the reasons behind the Conservatives’ election victory in 1951? (12 marks) The candidate may be awarded up to 3 marks for their ability to establish the views of the source and accurately support that evaluation with comment from the source The remaining marks will be awarded for the quality and depth of the immediate and wider context recall, including historians’ views, that the candidate provides in their overall interpretation of the source’s fullness in explaining/analysing the issue. The candidate offers a structured evaluation of Source D as an adequate explanation of the reasons behind the Conservatives’ election victory in 1951. Points from Source D Provenance: appropriate and relevant comments on provenance can earn credit under historiography. These may include recognition of Douglas Jay’s role in the events of that time, and his authority as a witness. Points from the source which show the candidate has interpreted the significant view(s): That the election was a very close affair. Everything was against Labour including; the redistribution of seats under the Boundary Commission and the implications of this in electoral terms; the resignation of Bevan and others over the Health Service cuts and the loss of Stafford Cripps. The anti-Labour propaganda of the press. The ironic situation of winning more votes but losing the election. Points from recall which support, develop and contextualise those in the source: Labour’s misfortunes in the period immediately prior to the 1951 election. The impact of the press and public opinion on the austerity period and the continuation of rationing into the early 1950s. Points from recall which offer a wider contextualisation of the views in the source: The decision to enter the Korean War and the impact this had on domestic spending and the left/right split in the party. The failure of the Liberals to field more than around 100 candidates and the effect this had on voting patterns. The concept that Labour had become ideologically becalmed by 1951 and was no longer considered a crusading, reforming party. [C044/SQP320] 192 Page one hundred and fifty-one Candidates may bring a range of appropriate historians’ commentary to support their views. These may include reference to: K O Morgan who sees the roots of Labour defeat in the continued austerity and bureaucratic nightmare of officialdom which characterised this period of power. In his book People's Peace he states “It is not remarkable that Labour duly lost the October 1951 election. What is surprising is that the defeat was so narrow.” Sked and Cook suggest “The root trouble was really the wider disaffection of middle opinion (not necessarily m/c opinion) against a programme of consolidation which at best was drab and puritanical, and at worst illiberal and restrictive of individual choice”. Pearce sees the deteriorating international situation and participation in the Korean war as necessitating further unpopular belt-tightening measures and being instrumental in the philosophical Bevanit & Gaitskellite rift whilst left wing critic John Saville goes so far as to say that by 1951 the Labour Party was “morally and politically bankrupt” and that “Labour’s socialism had come to a dead end”. B Schwartz would place more emphasis on the reconstruction of Conservatism as a reason for their increased popularity. The candidate is therefore able to come to a conclusion, using a range of evidence, about the extent to which a consideration of Source D is helpful in offering a full perspective on the reasons behind the Conservatives’ election victory in 1951. Marks 1-3 Vaguely written, merely re-describing the source; not answering the question or showing understanding of the views in the source. The candidate may show minimal understanding of immediate or wider context or any historical interpretations on the issue. 4-5 The candidate’s answer shows a limited understanding of the views in the source, and a weak sense of context. Answer may lack clear structure with points made randomly, indicating little grasp of significance, although in places the candidate’s interpretation may be fairly well-written with some relevant points of explanation made. Candidate may offer relevant and appropriate historical interpretations. 6-8 The candidate makes relevant and appropriate comments of interpretation, and the answer is clearly written and sensibly structured. The explanation ranges over several relevant points and shows an understanding of the views of the source, sets material in context, shows a good factual grasp of topic and a reasonably developed analysis, which may include reference to historical interpretations or specific historians’ views. 9-12 The candidate’s interpretation offers accurate, wide-ranging and convincing argument, showing a clear understanding of the views of the source. There is a solid grasp of immediate and wider context, and well developed levels of relevant analysis. Greater awareness and development of historical interpretations and/or historians’ views will be credited highly. [END OF MARKING INSTRUCTIONS] [C044/SQP320] 193 Page one hundred and fifty-two
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