The AUKANERS of Suriname and French Guyana May 2002 People Profile: Looking At The Aukan Nation From The Outside Deep in the interior of the rain forests of Suriname and French Guiana live a group of people called the Aukaners. They are the descendants of African slaves brought over from Central and West Africa in the 17th and 18th centuries by the Dutch to work the many plantations in the coastal regions. Conditions on the plantations were often cruel and inhumane resulting in escapes of slaves into the jungle interior of the country where they would not be followed. The Aukaners set up their own societies, forming a unique culture, language and lifestyle. For over 300 years the Aukaners have lived in relative isolation from the outside world. This paper will attempt to explore and document who the Aukaners are and provide at least an initial look into how they view the world. Classification/Name Slaves who escaped from their captivity to form independent people groups are known as Maroons. There are two Maroon groups in Suriname: the Aukaners and the Saramacans. Aukaners go by two different names depending largely on the location in which they live. Those Aukaners who live along the Tapanahony River and make up the ethnographic core of the people group refer to themselves as Ndjuka. Aukaners who live in the city as well as the coastal Cottica River region refer to themselves simply as Aukaners. While these two groups of individuals go by different names, they share the same cultural, historical and family background and see themselves as the same people group. There are two other related groups that speak a very similar dialect to Aukans: the Aluku, and the Paramacca. These two groups today are considered distinct. Of these the Aukan/ Ndjuka is the largest group, numbering approximately 33,000. In spite of the their common kinship and language, the Aukaner sub-groups are not friendly with each other and do not necessarily cooperate. Within the last few years, a large but undetermined number of Aukaners have migrated to French Guiana. A Brief History Because the history of the Aukaner people plays a significant role even today in their self-identity, it is important to briefly recount some of their history. As stated earlier, the Aukaners were slaves who escaped from plantations on the coastal part of Suriname in the 1600’s and 1700’s. After their escape, these freed slaves would form clans, which are the building blocks of their society even today; villages were located in the jungle interior. In an effort to free other slaves, the Maroons frequently raided Dutch plantations resulting in loss of property and some loss of Dutch lives. A protracted guerilla war ensued ending only with a peace treat with the Dutch in 1760. The Aukaners were the first of the Maroon groups to be granted semi-independence as a result of this treaty. The Aukaners were free to live in isolation and received annual payments from the Dutch government to cease their raiding of Dutch plantations. The Aukaner people remained relatively isolated until the 1950’s when the government in Paramaribo began to employ Ndjuka’s. This pace of migration continued in the 60’s and 70’s as tens of thousands of Surinamers moved to the Netherlands in the wake of Suriname independence in 1975. (About 1/3 of the Suriname population – 200,000 people – migrated to the Netherlands.) 1 In 1986 a Civil War began in Suriname between the Maroons and the Dutch government. As a result many of those who had migrated to the capital returned home to renew their cultural ties and re-establish their loyalties. The war lasted until 1990 when a new peace treat was finally signed. It is important to note that the war was responsible for a renewed commitment to their own way of life and culture for the Aukaner people. Even though today up to 50% of the population at some time or another lives in the capital (of these, 25% are permanent moves and 25% are temporary, employment moves), they still consider themselves solidly Aukaner and are proud of their history and heritage. Family Structure The primary family unit in Aukan society is the matriclan (“lo”). Matriclans originated from a particular group of runaway slaves of a specific plantation from which they derived their names. There are twelve matriclans; each matriclan contains kinsmen who are matrilineally related. These are the strongest family ties; marriage is important but does not produce as vital a family link. Each Aukan village contains three groups of people: 1.) matrilineal descendants of common ancestress (“people of the belly”) 2.) descendants of the men of the matrlineage (“fathers made them children”) 3.) those who moved to these villages as relatives by marriage; i.e. affines (“those who have come to live”) Aukaners practice polygamy (more than one wife for a man) but only if the man can afford to maintain more than one household. About 1/3 of the marriages are polygamous. Marriage in the Aukan sense consists of an official meeting held of the woman’s matriclan resulting in a verbal contract. Basically, the woman agrees to bear the man’s children; the man agrees to provide materially for his wife. Once married couples must choose where they will live. Due to the fact that 1/3 of the men have more than one wife, care is taken in making that choice! In a recent study the following was discovered: 25% couples chose to live in the village of the husband’s family 30% couples chose to live in the village of the wife’s family 28% couples chose to live in both places 15% chose to live in their own villages with only brief visits to each other It is not unusual for a man to own a house in his wife’s village, his lineage village and his father’s village. Divorce is relatively easy and frequent, some say as high as 40%. In order to obtain a divorce, the man informs his wife’s matriclan’s leaders that he no longer wants to be her husband. If the man has wronged the woman in some way, a fine is levied by the matriclan to appease the ancestral spirits. It is said that if a woman “overpowers” a man by her attitudes and actions that man should divorce his wife and go back to his own village. 2 The Role of the Woman For a woman, bearing children is her most important task. Girls tend to marry around the age of 15 and are immediately expected to bear many children. Women are responsible for growing food (especially rice) for the family. Gardens are located away from the villages. Therefore, often the women must travel to these gardens by canoe at regularly. Women can hold two positions of authority in the village: a basia and a medium/priestess. These positions will be discussed in detail in later sections. The presence of polygamy adds many stresses to family life among the Aukaners. Co-wives are notorious for their arguments and discord; in fact, a standard synonym for the verb “to fight” (feti) literally means “to make (act like) a co-wife.” A wife is completely dependent on her husband for her material possessions and is in competition with all of her husband’s wives. The Role of the Man Men in Aukan society are the providers, the hunters. They are responsible for providing their wife/wives with material possessions. It is their duty to clear the land for their wife’s garden; provide her with meat and fish; build a hut and canoe for her; and provide tools and presents (imported from the coastal regions of Suriname). The majority of men spend at least part of the year working in Paramaribo or French Guiana, earning money to take care of their families. Men are also responsible for taking care of members of his matriclan even after he departs his own village. As a result, many men go between living with his wife in her village and in his own village. As a man ages, he frequently makes his primary residence that of his matrilineage where he exerts much power and prestige. Men are not primary care-givers to children. They may or may not be emotionally bonded to their children. Often a man’s wife and children live in different villages from him resulting in the child not seeing his father very often. The Role of the Children Children are an important part of Aukan society and are highly valued. From birth gender roles are clearly defined and this is exhibited in children’s play. Little girls play at being pregnant; nursing babies; tying babies to their backs; making formal visits to their husband’s villages; and pretend to be possessed by snake gods. Little boys stalk lizards and small birds; pack imaginary suitcases for trips to the coast; “drive” imaginary motorboats; and pretend to be possessed by warrior gods. Girls are expected to help with washing dishes and caring for younger children. Boys are told to go and catch fish for the next meal. Boys sit in the rear of the canoe as soon as possible (around the age of eight) since it is more appropriate for a man to steer a canoe in Aukan society. Boys are often taken to the coast to see Paramaribo, but girls are not. If there is a school, it is seen as beneficial for boys to go but not necessary for girls. Girls generally marry around the age of 15; boys marry in their middle 20’s. The discipline of children is the responsibility of the whole village and not just the mother or father. An Aukan child’s motivation for behavior is to get by with as much as possible, to push as far as possible until absolute limits are reached. These limits are not known until disciplinary action is taken. Adults (even some teenagers) are all involved in the training of a child. Disciplinary actions are usually dramatic affairs with adults chasing after children with a switch held high in the air. The children generally scream 3 as loudly as they can as they run from the adult. In Aukan society, it is expected that some adult will intervene to prevent the whipping. This intermediary will not use reasoning or attempt reconciliation; he/she just gives mercy to the child. The intention of this discipline is to scare the child into submission rather than actually physically abusing the child. Usually it is very effective; little juvenile delinquency is present in the Aukan society. Males are seldom involved in child-rearing. However, the most influential person in a child’s life (especially a male child) is the brother of his mother (his uncle). The uncle makes many decisions for the child especially if the father does not live in the village. If a son grows up in his father’s village, the bond is very important. The son will defend the honor of his father and frequently settles in the immediate vicinity of his father’s village even after marriage. Neighbor/Village Relationships There are many family groups within each village in Aukan society. Families relate to each other on a competitive basis. Limited resources, game, fish and planting grounds lead to a competitive agenda. Most family to family meetings take place to settle disputes between the families. Friendships are few outside of the family. Aukan society is egalitarian; no social classes exist for the most part. There are positions of respect, however. The hierarchy of respect for most Aukan villages is as follows: religious practitioner gaanman captains basias storeowners/teachers matriclan leaders There is also a hierarchy in terms of levels of trust for an Aukaner. The following shows who an Aukaner would trust and in what order: Fellow villagers Fellow clan members Whole Aukan linguistic/cultural group Fellow Maroons Fellow Surinamers Foreigners (white people – bakaa) As can be seen, any white person or non-Aukaner is looked at with a certain level of distrust. Aukaners must always see themselves as being in the winning position when dealing with foreigners. They are very hesitant to reveal their true thoughts to foreigners, 4 especially in the areas of religion and folk tales. This has obvious ramifications for the missionary, and every effort must be made to gain trust and acceptance. The Authority Structure There are four groups of authority in Aukan society: elders (including the paramount chieftain – the Gaanman); the captains (kabitens); kunu (avenging spirits of ancestors); and the priests (shamans, herbalists, funeral foremen, etc.). The elders make most of the decisions that are non-religious in nature in the society. Captains are local leaders; the primary captain (like a mayor in some sense) is called the Ede Kabiten. Each captain as two male and two female assistants called basias. Male basias act as village criers, announcing the beginning of village functions as well as other news. Female basias cook and serve food for large village functions and maintain mortuary and other meeting places. In reality priests have the utmost authority in that they interpret the wishes of ancestral spirits and kunu. More detail on this will be provided in the section on religion. The principal political offices (Gaanman and kabitens) are determined through matrilineal lines. Successors of these offices are distant relatives (must belong to the next generation) of the preceding officer. Law and Order Religious taboos form the framework of law and order in the Aukan society. When a dispute arises among Aukaners, it is usually settled after an impasse is reached. Typically, there is much yelling and gesticulating. A mediator (who is usually an affine; i.e. one who has married into the family) is called in to keep grievance from escalating to the point of angering the matriclan’s ancestors. In settling disputes, both sides must feel that they have achieved a cumulative gain in the decision-making process. The fear of kunu generally acts as a strong motivation to settle the dispute. If the kunu become angry, there will be sickness and/or death in some member of the village (not necessarily the disputing parties). As a result, it is in the best interest of the entire village to make sure that disputes are settled before matters escalate. Physical abuse is uncommon; striking each other is a very strong taboo. The exception to this rule is a wife caught in adultery – in this instance the husband has the right to beat the wife within certain parameters. (He must not use a stick or other weapon; the fight cannot take place on river or in the fields.) Citizens in this case are expected to intervene and stop punishment (much like the intervention of adults in the discipline of children). Unfortunately, in recent times there have been higher levels of physical abuse, perhaps resulting from the negative influence of gold miners in the area. If a member of a village refuses to settle a dispute, the common punishment is ostracism. It is important to realize, however, that the overarching theme of Aukan law is a pursuit of mercy over justice. If, however, the ancestral spirits demand justice, punishment is carried out swiftly out of fear. Times of Celebration The biggest annual holiday in Aukan society is held to mark the end of the one year period of mourning (Bokode). Another holiday is celebrated in July to commemorate the end of slavery (Masipasi). Other celebrations center around cyclical 5 family events. For example, women are required at each menstruation to be separated from the rest of society. Special menstrual huts are available for women to use during this time. When women return to their own homes following menstruation, there is a time of happy celebration. Also, three months after a woman gives birth, a woman and newborn are no longer believed to be ritually unclean and are released back into village life. A time of celebration and presentation of the infant ensues. Aukan Art Aukaners enjoy producing art in a variety of ways, all of which are gender specific. Men make elaborate wood carvings including boat oars, trays, canoes, and houses. They frequently brightly paint the doors of their homes as well as their boat oars. Men are considered to be the master artists of the Aukan people. Women, on the other hand, downplay their own artistic abilities. Women carve out calabash bowls, ladles, and containers. Women also sew and cross-stitch designs on their husbands’ camissa (a togatype of garment thrown over one shoulder and caught with a knot). The giving of artistic gifts having carefully been made are important expressions of love between spouses. Aukan Access to Media Most Aukan villages have diesel powered generators. Often these generators are in disrepair, but when they are working, electricity is available to up to 90% of the village population. Radios are accessible to most people. There is no television reception in the villages along the Tapanahoni, but some store owners and bar owners do have television and VCR’s. Radio has been said to be an excellent medium for communication to the Aukan people. There is no radio in the Aukan language reaching the interior. Education and Literacy In the 1960’s there was only one elementary school that existed in the Tapanahoni region due to Ndjuka opposition to missionaries. However, demands of civil life and opening of government schools made opposition disappear. Sadly, all schools closed during the Civil War from 1986-1991. At present the national school system tries to educate all children, but most children will only go through the third or fourth grade. There are Moravian schools in one or two villages; government schools are located in Manlobi, Stoehlman’s Island and other villages. Children are often pulled out of school to plant and harvest crops. More boys attend school than girls as the Aukan people see education more profitable for boys who will eventually work in the capital than girls who will stay on the River. It is not surprising, therefore, that Aukaners are oral communicators. About 3040% of the Aukaners who live in the capital can read some; they read in Dutch (which is what is taught in schools). The Suriname government statistics estimate that the literacy rate among all Aukaners is 66%. Literacy for the government is defined as the recognition of some Dutch words. The Summer Institute of Linguistics whose missionaries have lived among the Aukaners for many years and have done extensive research estimate the literacy rate to realistically be about 15%. It is important to note that this is literacy to Dutch which is obviously not the heart language of Aukaners. The lifestyle of the Aukan people who live on the river is not conducive to literacy training as they are frequently working in agricultural fields, etc. 6 Language The heart language of the Aukan people is Aukans. The majority of this language is derived from West and Central African languages. The grammar in Aukans resembles African models.The other influences on Aukans are as follows: *30% derived from English (language of original colonists in Suriname) *10% derived from Portuguese (language of many Suriname plantation owners) *10% derived from Amerindian and Dutch Among coastal residents there is considerable bilingualism (Aukans and Sranan Tongo). Sranan Tongo is closely related to Aukans. Some coastal residents are trilingual (with Aukans, Sranan Tongo and Dutch). The heart language of even these coastal inhabitants, however, is Aukans. Dress The Aukan people have a very typical style of dress which distinguishes them from Western society. Aukan women often go topless or wear a bra only. The upper thigh, buttocks and pelvic area are always covered with a pangi – a one piece wrap around cloth. Aukan men often go topless or wear the camissa (a toga-like cloth thrown over one shoulder and caught with a knot). There are times when Aukan men wear a mixture of traditional Aukan dress and Western dress (especially hats) to formal occasions. There is a trend toward the wearing of more Westernized clothing especially among the young. Economy Agriculture is the main focus of the Aukan economy. Items grown, however, are for the personal use of those who grow them (as well as a small group of related family members). There are no markets. The main crop is dry rice; other crops include cassava, taro, okra, maize, plantains, bananas, sugar cane and peanuts. Hunting and fishing are also significant contributors to the overall economy of the region. Again, game and fish are shared with a small group of kinsmen; none are purchased in a market-style economy. Also contributing to the Aukan economy today are items purchased in Paramaribo by Aukan men employed there. These items are then brought into the interior and include shotguns, tools, pots, cloth, hammocks, salt, soap, kerosene, rum, outboard motors, transistor radios, and tape recorders. Aukaners are also emplyoyed in the areas of forestry and gold mining. Gold mining is now employing many Aukaners , especially in the are of Sella Creek (a tributary of the Tapanahoni). Religious Structure Religion plays an extremely important role in the life of the Aukaner. The religious structure is one of animism and ancestral spirit veneration. There is a three tiered hierarchy of gods (see p. 11) which plays a crucial role in every aspect of Aukan life. Some of the most significant gods are now discussed. The creator, the god who is most powerful, is called “masaa gadu.” One of the most powerful spirits is “father god” (“papa gadu”) which is an incarnation of the boa constrictor. This is a god of mayhem 7 and evil and is invoked in witchcraft. Because Aukaners are polytheistic, they are often willing to add Jesus to their pantheon of gods, probably in the second tier. Superstition plays a major role in the life of an Aukaner. Individuals live in fear that they will commit some sin that will upset their ancestral spirits. Avenging, ancestral spirits are called “kunu” and must be appeased (through libations and sacrifices) when a wrong is committed. All sickness (especially serious illness) is seen to be the result of kunu action. In sickness or death, the ritual of divining is undertaken to determine the cause of the illness (i.e., who is to blame for the sickness by their sin). This is accomplished through the use of oracles (often hair of the deceased) tied in a bundle and attached to a long plank. Two men hold the plank on their heads and then questions are put to the oracle. The way the plank moves, answers the questions. Aukaners also use charms, amulets, and fetishes to protect them from evil. Witchcraft is a reality in the Aukan society and is to be feared. Priests make decisions on whether someone is a witch. Frequently, when someone dies of unknown reason, the priest will mark them as a witch. There is a definite sense of good and evil in the Aukan mind set. Evil is associated with great danger, so it is to be avoided as much as possible. When a sin is committed, atonement is made quickly as directed by religious practitioners (priests and mediums). The concept of salvation by faith is foreign to Aukan thinking. There is the concept of mercy in their system of justice, but atonement must always be made to cover sin. Aukan mindset would be equivalent to a salvation by works. Converts to any religion (including Christianity) are seen as a definite threat to the Aukan way of life. Often, new converts move out of their houses into new homes away from the traditional village. Aukaners will intially listen to converts and try to add this new belief into their own religious world view. Syncretism is a real possibility and steps must be taken to ensure that true Christianity is presented. The Aukaner sees God as stern, far-removed and a deity to be feared. The belief is that God became disgusted with mankind (especially the Aukan people) and removed himself from their presence. Prayers center around pleas for mercy for any accidental sins they may have committed. Religious leaders hold an important place in society and have a great amount of power. Often the spiritual leaders are chosen by the ghost of a deceased ancestor or one of the gods to be used as a medium. The individual will then become possessed to give a message to the matriclan. The more this individual is possessed, the more of a spiritual leader he becomes. Eventually, after years of serving his clan as a medium, the person will be elevated to the position of priest. It is significant to note here that men alone can be possessed by the most important spirits. Women do act as mediums of the snake gods. Ancestral shrines are important to Aukan ritual life, and, in fact, must be present for a settlement to be a true Aukan village. The two ancestral shrines of most significance are the mortuary (“Kee Osu”) and the ancestor pole/flagpole (“Faakatiki”). As stated earlier, Aukaners are mistrustful of foreigners and resistant to true Christianity. They are a strong-willed people who are very proud of their heritage. They are especially proud to be the descendants of runaway slaves whom they see as their brave and defiant ancestors. Acceptance of Christianity, in the Aukan mind, would involve turning away from their ancestors and rejecting their way of life. Pentecostal churches have made some breakthroughs in Aukan society. It is estimated that there are about 3000 Aukan Christians, the majority of whom live in Paramaribo or the Cottica region. Worship is led in Sranan Tongo. There are very few Christians in the interior. 8 Ndjuka God Pantheon Three Tiers I MASAA GADU - The Lord God -The fountainhead of all Creation FOR ALL HUMANKIND II GAAN Gadu-Great God or OGII-Danger GEDEONSU-Protector GAAN Tata-Great Father -Defender against Ndjuka enemies -King of forest Sprits -Shielding,comforting deity such as witches “Wisimen” -Ambivalent toward humans -Offers solace -Led Ndjukas out of slavery -Very Destructive unless appeased -Medicine Men “Obiaman” -Defends traditional values/culture assoc. with this deity (taboos & persecutes thieves, immoral) THESE ARE TRIBAL / NATIONAL GODS OF AUKANERS III Yooka Ancestor Spirits Papa Gadu or Vadu Reptile Spirits Kumanti Celestial Spirits Birds, thunder/lightning Bakuu – Demon Spirits Helpful then turn destructive -Depicted as humans with special powers -Control particular domains and have particular interests and frailties -Are able to procreate -Except for Kumanti, all can turn into Avenging Spirits (Kunu) THESE ARE MINOR DEITIES OR INVADING SPIRITS 9 Ampuka Bush Spirits Religious Bridges There are many bridges to the gospel in the Aukan religion. Bridges identified thus far include the following: Belief in mercy and merciful intervention Belief that God is the creator Belief in sin Belief in sacrifice to make atonement Concept of “You reap what you sow.” Concept of ancestors – presenting Old Testament characters as ancestors of faith (one specific story – Joseph) Belief in the after life No trouble believing Jesus did miracles and was son of God Belief in the spiritual world These bridges can be used as points of agreement in sharing the Gospel of Jesus Christ. Recommended Approaches for Gospel On the basis of our initial research, we feel that the best approach for evangelism to the Aukan people to be multi-faceted. Human needs ministries will be conducted first for two reasons: (1) to follow Christ’s incarnational model of meeting physical as well as spiritual needs, and (2) to gain the trust of the Aukan people and their leaders. Volunteers will be used extensively. Chronological storying should be employed both to present the Gospel as well as to provide the Old Testament foundational principles necessary to fully understand the Gospel. Team members should be taken from the Aukan Christian population and the Great Commission Christians already working in Suriname (and others to come). Initial evangelism should take place in three or four key villages in the ethnographic core of the Tapanahoni region. Items for Prayer A prayer network for the Aukan people has been established and is continually adding new participants. The main items of prayer at this time in the Aukan ministry are as follows: That God will continue his work among the Aukaners That the Holy Spirit will soften the hearts of the key Aukan leaders who greatly influence their villages and clans. That our hearts and minds be protected from Satan as we engage in spiritual warfare for the souls of of Aukaners. That we will quickly learn Aukans to equip us to evangelize. That we will know God’s will in the choosing of stories to chronologically relate for the purpose of salvation. 10 BIBLIOGRAPHY *Bilby, Kenneth M. (1990). The Remaking of the Aluku: Culture, Politics, and Maroon Ethnicity in French South America. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, Dissertation Information service (2 volumes). de Groot, Sylvia (1988). Maroon Women as Ancestors, Priests and Mediums in Surinam. Taken from: Identitdad y Transformacion de las Americas. Bogota, Columbia: Editorial Presencia Ltda. de Groot, Sylvia (1975). A Short History of the Djukas. Suralco, March, 1975; pp. 1217. Grimes, Joseph (1972). Languages of the Guianas. University of Oklahoma: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Huttar, George (1971). Around a Djuka House. Parmaribo: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Kahn, Morton C. (1931). Djuka. New York: Viking Press. *Kobben, A.J.F. (1967). Unity and Disunity: Cottica Djuka Society as a Kinship System. Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde 123 (1): 10-52. *Lenoir, J.D. (1974). The Paramacca Maroons: A Study in Religious Acculturation. New York: New School for Social Research (Ph.D. Thesis). *Pakosie, Andr (1976). Het Onstaan van de Bosnegerstam, de Lo, de Bee, Mamaosoe Pikin of Wosoedendoe. Paramaribo: Volksboekwinkel. Palmie, Stephen (1995). Slave Cultures and the Culture of Slaves. Knoxville: University of Tennessee. “Dangerous Ancestors: Ambivalent Visions of Eighteenth and NineteenthCentury Leaders of the Eastern Maroons of Suriname.” H.U.E. Thoden van Velzon. Park, Jim (1999). E-mail Interview. Park, Jim. Some Aspects of Power Exertion in Tapanahoni Djuka Society. Paramaribo: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Price, Richard ( 1973). Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Price, Richard and Sally (1999). Maroon Art. Boston: Beacon Press. Price, Richard and Sally (1994). On the Mall: Presenting Tradition-Bearers at the 1992 Festival of American Folklife. Bloomington: University of Indiana. Price, Sally (1984). Co-wives and Calabashes. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press. 11 Shanks, Louis (1986). Aukan Political Community and Regime. Paramaribo: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Shanks, Louis (1987). Characteristics of Aukan Social Structure. Parmaribo: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Shanks, Louis; Koanting, Evert; & Velanti, Carlo (1994). A Buku Fu Okanisi Anga Ingiisi Wowtu (Aukan-English Dictionary). Paramaribo: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Shanks, Louis (1999). Oral interview. Shanks, Louis and Lisa (1999). Written answers to worldview questions. Stedman, John G. (1992). Stedman’s Surinam: Life in an Eighteenth-Century Slave Society. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. *Thoden van Velzen, H.U.E. (1995). Revenants That Cannot Be Shaken: Collective Fantasies in a Maroon Society. American Anthropologist 97 (4): 722-732. *Thoden van Velzen, H.U.E. & W. Van Wetering (1988). The Great Father and the Danger: Religious Cults, Material Forces, and Collective Fantasies in the World of the Surinamese Maroons. Dordrecht: Foris. Unknown. Notes on Ndjuka Family Discipline. Parmaribo: Summer Institute of Linguistics. *Vernon, Diane (1980). Bakuu: Possessing Spirits of Witchcraft on the Tapanahony. Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 54 (1): 1-38. *Van Wetering, Wilhelmina (1992). A Demon in Every Transistor. Etnofoor 5 (21): 109-127. *denotes bibliographical ittems from the following web site: ehraf.hti.umich.edu/bin/her…e=html&rgn=FILEGUID&byte=102730795. 12 Supplemental Bibliography Note: These items are further study articles which need to be investigated but were not used in the writing of this People Profile. Dunning, Jennifer (1982). Forest Tribes of Suriname “Settle In” at Museum. The New York Times. January 8, 1982. Section C; p. 20. Evans, Anna Marie (1995). A Journey of Cultural Discovery: Visiting Suriname’s Bush Negroes. The Miami Times, vol. 73; no. 8; p. 8a. Miami, FL. Franszoon, Adiante (?). The Suriname Maroon Crisis. Cultural Survival Q 12(4): 32-35 Hayward, Susana (1989). War Uproots Isolated Bush Negroes in South America. The Associated Press. July 10, 1989, pm cycle. Kidron, Pamela (1992). The Dance of the Maroons: Historic Tradition Comes to Folklife. The Washington Post. June 28, 1992: G2. Lagace, Robert O. (1999). Obia Oso: An Ndjuka Maroon Shrine from Suriname. web site: http://www.peabody.yale.edu/exhibits/maroons/ Leymarie, Isabelle (1994). The Maroons, Musicians of Freedom. September, 1994. p. 46. Unesco Courier, Palmie, Stephen (1995). Slave Cultures and the Culture of Slaves. Knoxville: University of Tennessee. “Dangerous Ancestors: Ambivalent Visions of Eighteenth and NineteenthCentury Leaders of the Eastern Maroons of Suriname.” by H.U.E. Thoden van Velzen Price, Sally (1994). The Curse’s Blessing. Frontlines 14(2): 123-? Thoden van Velzen, H.U.E. (1984). The Djuka Civilization. Sociologia Neerlandica 20 (2): 85-97. Thoden van Velzen, H.U.E. (unknown). On the Political Impact of a Prophetic Movement in Surinam. Pye, Michael (1990). Travel: A Lament for a Lost South American Love. The Independent (London): 40. Rubin, Eric (1982). A Tribal King Visits Yale. The New York Times. October 24, 1982: Section 11; p. 3. 13
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