Trinity College
Trinity College Digital Repository
Senior Theses and Projects
Student Works
Spring 2016
"I Began To Realize That I Had Some Friends:"
Hardship, Resistance, Cooperation, and Unity in
Hartford's African American Community,
1833-1841
Evan Turiano
Trinity College, Hartford Connecticut, [email protected]
Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses
Part of the African American Studies Commons, American Studies Commons, and the History
Commons
Recommended Citation
Turiano, Evan, ""I Began To Realize That I Had Some Friends:" Hardship, Resistance, Cooperation, and Unity in Hartford's African
American Community, 1833-1841". Senior Theses, Trinity College, Hartford, CT 2016.
Trinity College Digital Repository, http://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses/594
“IBeganToRealizeThatIHadSomeFriends:”Hardship,
Resistance,Cooperation,andUnityinHartford’sAfrican
AmericanCommunity,1833-1841
EvanA.Turiano
25April2016
AmericanStudies
TrinityCollege
Hartford,CT
Advisor:ScottGac
SecondReader:CherylGreenberg
Turiano2
TableofContents
Acknowledgements………………………...……………………………………………………………………3
MapsandIllustrations.………………………………………………………………………………………...4
Introduction...………………………………………………………………………………………………………9
ChapterOne:HARDSHIP….…………………………………………………………………………………16
ChapterTwo:RESISTANCE…………………………………………………………………………………32
ChapterThree:COOPERATION…………………………………………………………………………...45
ChapterFour:UNITY………………………………………………………………………………………….60
Epilogue:SACRIFICE…………………………………………………………………………………………..77
WorksCited……………………………………………………………………………………………………….86
Turiano3
Acknowledgements
FirstandforemostIowethankstomyadvisor,ScottGac.ProfessorGachas
wornmanyhats—myadvisor,myboss,myteacher,mycareercoach,andmy
psychologist—andthere’snowayIwould’vemadeitthroughthisthesiswithouthis
supportandguidance.
IalsoamindebtedtothefantasticProfessors,ResearchLibrarians,and
WritingAssociateshereatTrinitywhohadprovidedinvaluablehelpwith
researching,planning,andeditingthroughoutthisproject:ProfessorJackGieseking,
ProfessorCherylGreenberg,ProfessorChristinaHeatherton,JeffreyLiszka,Forrest
Robinette,RobertWalsh,ProfessorThomasWickman,Dr.ErinValentino,and
everyoneelsewhohasofferedadvice,guidanceandsupport.
Thisprojectwouldn’thavebeenpossiblewithoutthehelpofsomany
historians,researchers,andlibrariansinthegreaterHartfordarea.Thislist
includes,butisnotlimitedto:BarbaraAustenandeveryoneelseattheConnecticut
HistoricalSociety,YvonneMcGregor-MacauleyoftheCTFreedomTrailandthe
FaithCongregationalChurch,KimSilvaoftheCTFreedomTrailandtheFarmington
HistoricalSociety,andJeannieShermanattheConnecticutStateLibrary.
I’vealsobeensoblessedtoreceiveassistanceandadvicefrombrilliant
historiansaroundthecountry:IkukoAsaka,MichaelBellesiles,RichardBlackett,
StephenKantrowitz,JamesOakes,DavidQuigley,ManishaSinha,andMargaret
Washington.
Iowethemostgratitudetomylovedoneswhokeptmesaneandkeptthings
inperspectivethroughoutthisprocess.Thislistcouldgoonforever,butIowe
particularthankstomyfamily,mydogRuby,myhousemates,Liv,Tess,Shields,and
ofcourseKelly—thankyouforcheeringmeonwhenthingsgowellandforholding
myheadupwhentheydonot.
******
DedicatedtoTommyTuriano(1993-2016)
“Lovewillseeyouthrough.”
Turiano4
MapsandIllustrations
1842AfricanAmericanCityMap:
Turiano5
PrudenceCrandall:
JamesLindsaySmith:
(viaconnecticuthistory.org)
(viadocsouth.unc.edu)
Turiano6
DavidRuggles:
(viactfreedomtrail.com)
Cinqué:
(viathehistoryblog.com)
Turiano7
LewisTappan:
(viaohiohistorycentral.org)
AndrewJudson:
Turiano8
JamesPennington:
(viapursuitoffreedom.org)
Turiano9
Introduction
Howhardathingislifetothelowlyandyethowhumanandrealisit?Andallthislife
andloveandstrifeandfailure,--isitthetwilightofnightfallortheflushofsomefaintdawningday?Theanswerliesineachofus.-W.E.B.DuBois,TheSoulsofBlackFolk,
1903
IntheantebellumSouth,racialhierarchywasclearanduniversally
understood.Whiteswereabletoenjoythetrappingsofcitizenship;theycould
participateintheeconomy,ownland,moveaboutastheypleased,vote,andrest
withtheknowledgethatthelawprotectedthemagainstviolence.AfricanAmericans
byandlargehadnoneoftheseprivileges.Theydidnothaveagencyovertheirown
labor,couldnotownsignificantproperty,marry,moveabout,orlegallyprotect
themselvesfromviolence;theywereenslaved.Shouldachildbeborntoparentsof
differentraces,theirstatuswouldfollowthatofthemother.Theseruleswere
widelyunderstoodandlegallyencoded.
AfricanAmericansintheNorthduringthesametime,however,foundtheir
situationfarlessclearlydefined.Withafewexceptions,gradualemancipationhad
largelyrunitscourseintheNorthbytheearly1830s,leavingvirtuallynoslavesin
mostNewEnglandstates,Connecticutincluded(althoughConnecticutwouldnot
officiallybanslaveryuntil1848).However,blackNorthernerswereexcludedand
persecutedbyarangeoflegalandextralegalfactors,includingdisenfranchisement,
segregation,exclusionfrompublicamenities,aswellasintimidationandviolence
withminimalpublicprotections.Intheabsenceofpublicwelfareandprotection,
blackindividualsreliedononeanotherandestablishedcommunitiestoprovidefor
themselvesandcontributetothepublicgood.AsStephenKantrowitzwritesinMore
Turiano10
ThanFreedom,“Excludedfrompubliclifeinmanyofitsforms,[AfricanAmericans]
createdwhatsomescholarshavedubbeda‘blackcounter-public,’inwhichthey
lookedtooneanotherforsupportandaffirmation.Theypracticedcitizenshipasa
matterofsurvival.”1Thismeantthatindividualswithinthecommunitycontributed
theirtimeandtalentsinavarietyofways,takinguptaskssuchaseducation,
healthcare,employment,religiousandsociallife,andprotectioninternally.Beyond
this,however,thesecommunitiesmanagedtofightforthefreedomofthose
enslavedintheSouth,protectthosewhowerefleeingenslavement,andprotest
againsttheinjusticestheyfacedathome.TheHartfordcommunity,andother
Northernfreeblackcommunities,tremendouslyinfluencedantebellumactivism.
Thisoccurredbothlocallythroughcommunityupliftwork,andonabroadscalein
nationalabolitionistmovements.
SinceKennethStamp’s1956ThePeculiarInstitutionturnedtheimageofthe
paternalist,benevolentenslaveronitshead,academicperceptionofabolitionists
hasslowlyshiftedfromseeingthemasderangedwarmongerstoviewingthemas
theselflessheroesthatwenowrecognize.Historiansfirstcametorecognizethe
mostoutspoken,typicallywhite,antislaveryadvocates,includingWilliamLloyd
Garrison,theTappanbrothers,JohnBrown,andtheirpeers—withtheantislavery
influenceofblacksessentiallybeinglimitedtoFredrickDouglass,HarrietTubman,
andSojournerTruth.Inthe1960sand70s,however,groundbreakinghistorians
suchasLeonLitwack,WilliamandJanePease,FredrickCooper,andBenjamin
QuarlesbegantotransformtheconversationtowardafocusonAfricanAmerican
1StephenKantrowitz,MoreThanFreedom(NewYork:PenguinBooks,2012)5-6.
Turiano11
antislaveryactivismwithinthefreeNorth.2Inthelate1970sandthroughoutthe
1980shistorianssuchasJamesandLouisHorton,GaryNash,andJulieWinchbuilt
uponthisworkinanimportantway,studyingblackcommunitiesandtheactivism
withinthem.Sincethen,historianssuchasEricFoner,StephenKantrowitz,Manisha
Sinha,DavidBlight,PatrickRael,MiaBayandmanyothershavecontinuedinthis
direction,usingnewresearchtoilluminatetheimportantrolesoftheworkingclass
withinNorthernblackcommunities.
Hartfordwasinmanywaysanimportanturbancenterofthe19th-century
Northeast,andyetitsantebellumblackcommunityandantislaveryactivismhave
receivedlessstudythanBoston,NewYork,Philadelphia,NewHaven,andother
urbancenters.3HartfordwasahubofNewEngland’stradeandeconomicactivity
throughoutthecentury,andwasanimportanttransportationcrossroads.
Furthermore,inthelateantebellumperiod,Hartfordwasanimportantsiteof
antislaveryandabolitionistactivism.Thisprojectrepresentsasmallsteptowarda
deepunderstandingofHartford’santebellumblackcommunity.Theheroicand
prolificworkofindividualssuchasJamesMars,AmosBeman,andAugustus
Washingtondemandmorecompleteattention.Thefightsforenfranchisementand
fortheeventualbanofslaveryinthestateshouldalsobeasiteofadditionalstudy.
2PatrickRael,“Forward,”inAfrican-AmericanActivismBeforetheCivilWar(New
York:Routledge,2008).
3Thisismostlikelyduetothefactthat,unliketherestofthesecities,Hartfordisnot
hometoalargeresearchuniversity.
Turiano12
Hartford’sblackcommunitywassubjectedto16instancesofracialviolence
between1833and1837;4thiswillalsoneedtobetakenupbyfutureresearchers.
Thisthesisisstructuredtoinvestigatenotionsofcommunity,andthetrials
andissuesthatsurroundit,throughfourcasestudiesintheHartfordareabetween
1833and1841.ThefirstchapterofthisthesiscentersonthecaseofPrudence
CrandallandherattempttoopenaschoolforAfricanAmericangirlsin1833in
Canterbury,Connecticut,asmallvillageoutsideofHartford.ItshowshowCrandall,
awhiteQuaker,wasdrawntoblackactivismnotsimplythroughtheimmediatist
rhetoricofGarrison(ashistorianshavepreviouslyestablished),butthroughthefree
blackindividualsshecameincontactwith.Thesewomenandmentaughther,and
otherwhiteactivists,abouttheplightoffreeblacksinConnecticutandaboutthe
needsoftheblackcommunity.Thechapterwillalsoshowthetremendousprejudice
andexclusionfacedbyfreeblackcommunitiesinConnecticut.Duetothe
complicatedlegacyofgradualabolitioninConnecticut,thefearofamalgamation
amongwhites,andotherfactors,blackswereeffectivelycutofffrombroader
society.Thisexclusionwasenforcedbylegalcodes,intimidation,andviolence.Itis
undertheseconditionsthatitwasnecessaryfortheblackcommunityofHartford,
andblackcommunitiesthroughouttheNorth,tocooperateandsubsistbyany
meansnecessary.
ChapterTwolooksattheroleoftheHartfordblackcommunity,andother
similarblackcommunities,inresistancestyleactivism,specificallyimmediatist
abolitionismandUndergroundRailroadresistance.Itarguesthattheoriginof
4KimSilva,InterviewwithKimSilva,FarmingtonHistoricalSocietyandCTFreedom
Trail,March3,2016.
Turiano13
immediatismisfoundnotinevangelicalismorwhiteabolitionistrhetoric,butrather
inblackcommunities,enslavedandfree.Slaverebellions,freeblackmilitancy,and
responsestoconditionsfacedbyfreeblacksintheNorthaswellastothe
colonizationdebateallinspiredimmediatistabolitionism.Oneofthemost
importantactsofresistance—simultaneouslyrepresentingacatalystofanda
responsetoimmediatism—wasslaveflight.Theescapeofslavescreatedtension
betweentheNorthandtheSouth,illuminatedmanyNorthernersastotheplightof
theenslaved,gavetheabolitionmovementsomeofitsfinestfigures,andledtothe
FugitiveSlaveLaw—apieceoflegislationthatinmanywayssetthenationon
coursefortheCivilWar.ThischapterwilllookattheUndergroundRailroadasa
networkofdedicatedactivismlocatedinindividualandfreeblackcommunity
resistance.Itexaminesthetypicalprofileoffugitivesandthewaysinwhichnew
researchhasbroadenedthescopeofthisprofile.
ChapterTwoalsohighlightstheepicstoryofJohnLindsaySmith’sescape
fromenslavementinVirginia.Smith’sjourneytookhimbylandandbysea,
travellingattimeswithcompanionsandatothertimesalone.Hebenefittedfromthe
assistanceofmanyNorthernblacks,includingtheprolificUndergroundRailroad
“conductor”DavidRugglesandtheblackcommunityinHartford.Smith’snarrative
givesusinsightintothefactorsthatmotivatedslaveflight,thetrialsthatfugitives
facedintheirpassageNorth,andthewaysinwhichassistancefrombrave
individualsalongthewaywasindispensibleontheflighttofreedom.
ChapterThreeexaminesthecaseoftheslaveshipAmistad.Itdemonstrates
howwhiteabolitionists,activistswithinthefreeblackcommunity,andtheship’s
Turiano14
captivesallcontributedtotheeventualfreedomoftheAfricans.Thechapter
elaboratesonhowthesethreegroupsformacommunityofresistance.TheAmistad
caseisastartingpointtodiscussthebenefitsandtensionssurroundinginterracial
activismduringthistimeperiod.Thischapterwilllookatthetrialsfacedbythe
Amistadcaptivesaswellasattheircourage,poise,andwisdominthefaceofthese
struggles.LewisTappanasaleadingadvocateandorganizerintheabolitionist
supportoftheAfricansisexaminedinthechapter.Itfocusesonthetensionbetween
TappanandReverendJamesPennington—overthemovementtoutilizetheAfricans
aspartofaChristianmissiontoWestAfrica—toilluminatethedistrustand
paternalismthatoftenmadeinterracialactivismdifficult.Butitsimultaneously
highlightsthewaysinwhichinterracialactivismoffereduniqueadvantagesandwas
criticaltotheabolitionistmovement.
Finally,ChapterFourwillexaminethemotivationsandphilosophiesbehind
localizedcommunityimprovementactivism,throughthelensofReverend
Pennington’searlyworkinHartfordin1840-1841.ItattemptstoplacePennington’s
workwithintheblackactivisttraditionoftheperiod,andtoopenadialogueabout
theintegrationistversusseparationistmotivationswithinself-improvement
activismwhilesimultaneouslyplacingPenningtononthatspectrum.Pennington’s
experienceswithenslavementandhiswritingtorevealthemotivationsbehindhis
workincommunity-basedactivismarecentralevidence.Thischapterwillalso
discussthewaysinwhichtheracismandexclusionoutlineinChapterOne
necessitatedstrong,insular,self-sustainingblackcommunitiesintheNorth—often
gatheredaroundchurchessuchasPennington’sTalcottStreetChurch.
Turiano15
Thecommonthreadthatunitesthesefourmomentsisthattheyallrepresent
communityresponsestosystemicinjustice.ThecourageofaQuakerschoolteacher
inthefaceofracialfearsandintimidation,theselflessresistanceofUnderground
Railroadagentsagainsttheinstitutionofslavery,thelaboriouscooperationbetween
whiteandblackactivistsinalegalbattleagainstthefederalgovernment,andthe
tirelessworkofayoungfugitiveslavetouplifttheHartfordblackcommunityall
displaythepowerofmarginalizedcommunitiestonotonlysustainthemselvesin
thefaceofexclusion,butalsotoaffectnationalchange.
Turiano16
ChapterOne:HARDSHIP
PrudenceCrandall,Racism,andtheLegacyofSlaveryin
Connecticut,1833
“TherearethreeclassesofpeopleinHartford—therichwhites,thepoorwhites,and
theblacks…somuchforConnecticutlibertyandChristianequality.”-Anonymous,The
Liberator,26February1831
TheblackcommunityintheHartfordareafacedtremendousracism,
inequality,andviolenceduringtheantebellumperiod,toadegreethatwasinmany
waysmoreseverethanthatfacedbytheircounterpartselsewhereinNewEngland.
Thetobaccoindustryandotheragrarianpursuitshadgivenslaveryaneconomic
viabilityinsouthernNewEnglandthatcouldnotbefoundelsewhereintheNorth.
ThisdeeplycomplicatedtheprocessofConnecticut’sgradualabolition.These
factorswerepartofacomplexpuzzlethatproducedauniquelyhighlevelof
exclusionfromgeneralsocietyfortheAfricanAmericancommunitiesofHartford
andothercommunitiesthroughoutthestate.PrudenceCrandall’sdoomedeffortto
operateaschoolforAfricanAmericangirlsinCanterbury,Connecticutrevealsthe
severedegreeofracialtensionpresentinthestateinthe1830s,andalsoilluminates
thefearofamalgamationasaleadingcauseofthisracismaswellastheincredible
resolveandcourageoftheantislaverycommunityinthestate.
Canterbury,locatedabout50milestotheeastofHartford,wasawealthy,
quiet,largelyinsularvillageinthe19thcentury.Thetownwashometothriving
wheatagriculture,whichmostlikelyavailedofslaves,throughthelate1700s.5The
5HezekiahFrost,“CanterburyTownReport,1801,”inVoicesoftheNewRepublic:
ConnecticutTowns1800-1832,vol.1.(NewHaven,CT:ConnecticutAcademyofArts
andSciences,2003)395.
Turiano17
townspeopledevotedmuchconcernandmoneytowardimprovingthetown,andit
wasinthisinterestthattheyaskedPrudenceCrandall,a27-year-oldwomenof
Quakersensibilities,toopenaprivateschoolforgirlstoaddtotheroughly15
schoolsalreadyinthetown6(itwascommonlyacceptedthatpublicschoolswere
tooadvancedforgirls).7
ThegoalsofthesmalltownandthoseofCrandalldivergedhowever,whenan
abolitionistimpulsewasawakenedwithinCrandall.Onefactorinthisprocesswas
theearlycirculationofWilliamLloydGarrison’sTheLiberatorinConnecticutin
1831.ReadingGarrison’swordsandbeinginformedastotheplightofAfrican
AmericanshadaprofoundimpactonCrandall.Thepaperalsohelpedherseethe
pitfallsofcolonizationschemes,atopicthatshewasparticularlyinterestedin
becauseofitslocalconnections.SeveralprominentcitizensofCanterbury,including
AndrewJudson—whosedaughterCrandallwouldbeteaching—wereactiveand
outspokenmemberoftheAmericanColonizationSociety.8Garrison’swords
illuminatedwhatCrandallwouldsooncometodiscoverfirsthand:many
colonizationadvocatesintheNorthfoundtheirmotivationinadesiretoexclude
blacksfromfreesocietyintheNorth.Thisnewfoundknowledgeignitedafirewithin
CrandallandopenedhereyestothedeeplyseatedracisminAmericansociety.She
wrote,“Icontemplatedforawhile,themannerinwhichImightbestservethe
6HezekiahFrost,“CanterburyTownReport,1801,”inVoicesoftheNewRepublic:
ConnecticutTowns1800-1832,397.
7PhilipFoner,“PrudenceCrandall,”inThreeWhoDared,byPhilipFonerand
JosephinePacheco,ContributionsinWomen’sStudies47(Westport,Connecticut:
GreenwoodPress,1984)6
8MarvisWelch,PrudenceCrandall:ABiography(Manchester,Connecticut:Jason
Publishers,1983)22.
Turiano18
peopleofcolor.Aswealthwasnotmine,Isawnomeansofbenefitingthem,thanby
impartingtothoseofmyownthatwereanxioustolearn,alltheinstructionImight
beabletogivehoweversmalltheamount.”9
WhilehistorianshavepreviouslylookedtoGarrisonasaprimary,oreven
sole,instigatorofactivismfromindividualssuchasCrandall,itwastheblack
communitythatperhapswasmostinfluentialonher.Crandall’smotivationfor
helpingblackAmericansstemmedinnosmallpartfromherrelationshipwith
MarciaHarris(néeDavis),herhouseholdhelpandassistantinmanagingtheschool.
MarciahelpedCrandalltoseethatthehorrorsofracismandslaveryweremuch
closertoCanterburythanshe’dinitiallybelieved,andshowedhermanyoftheways
thatNorthernracismandindifferencetotheblackconditionharmsfreeblack
communities.10Garrison’swritingcouldshowanindividuallikeCrandallthe
injusticesthatAfricanAmericansfaced,butfromadetachedjournalistic
perspective.ForsomeonelikeCrandall,personaladvocacyfromwithintheblack
communitymadeatremendousdifferenceinhumanizingthestrugglesofthe
community.
GiventheimportanceofMarciatoPrudenceCrandall’scause,itisonlyfitting
thatCrandall’sbreakthroughintermsofactivismcameintheformofaletterfrom
SarahHarris,daughterofMarciaandCharlesHarris,anactivistcloselyinvolved
withTheLiberator.11SarahwasimpressedbythereputationoftheCanterbury
FemaleBoardingSchoolandexpressedagreatdealofambition;Crandallwas
9PrudenceCrandall,“LetterfromMissCrandall,”TheLiberator,May25,1833.
10MarvisWelch,PrudenceCrandall:ABiography,22.
11PhilipFoner,“PrudenceCrandall,”inThreeWhoDared,byPhilipFonerand
JosephinePacheco,9.
Turiano19
movedbyherdesiretolearnandhergoalsofsomedayservingasateacherforthe
blackcommunity.12
CrandalldidnotimmediatelyacceptHarristoherschoolasshewasawareof
thecontroversythatitwouldprecipitate,buteventuallywasmovedtoaccepting
her,tellingherthat,“IfI[am]injuredon[your]accountIwillbearit.”13Thefallout
fromHarris’admissionamongCanterburyresidentsandamongtheparentsof
studentswasascouldbeexpected,withmostwhitestudentswithdrawingwithina
semesterofHarris’enrollmentinthewinterof1833.Crandallwasnotdeterred,
however,havingcaughttheflameofabolition.Shebegantocorrespondwith
Garrison,whopledgedhissupportforhereffortstorunaschoolentirelyforAfrican
AmericangirlsinCanterbury,whichwouldbecalledtheAcademyforLittleMisses
ofColor.14
PRUDENCECRANDALLreturnshermostsincerethankstothosewhohave
patronizedherSchool,andwouldgiveinformationthatonthefirstMonday
ofAprilnext,herSchoolwillbeopenedforthereceptionofyoungLadiesand
littleMissesofcolor.Thebranchestaughtareasfollows:—Reading,Writing,
Arithmetic,EnglishGrammar,Geography,History,NaturalandMoral
Philosophy,Chemistry,Astronomy,DrawingandPainting,Musiconthe
Piano,togetherwiththeFrenchlanguage.Theterms,includingboard,
washing,andtuition,are$25perquarter,onehalfpaidinadvance.Books
andStationarywillbefurnishedonthemostreasonableterm.15
Thisadvertisement,firstpublishedbyGarrisononMarch2,1833,provedto
bethebreakingpointforanintolerantCanterburycommunity.Almostimmediately
angrytownspeoplestartedtoorganizeandissuethreatstoCrandallandher
12PrudenceCrandall,“LetterfromMissCrandall,”TheLiberator,May25,1833.
13ibid.
14InterviewwithKimSilva,FarmingtonHistoricalSocietyandCTFreedomTrail,
March3,2016.
15“PrudenceCrandall,”TheLiberator,March2,1833.
Turiano20
school.16Crandall,inherwords,“wasinformedbyseveralpersonsthatshemustbe
removed,ormyschoolwouldbegreatlyinjured.”17ThecitizensofCanterburyheld
atownhallmeetingonMarch9th,justoneweekaftertheadvertisementappearedin
TheLiberator.Themeetinginvolvedtheintroductionofaresolutionthatthe
foundationofaschoolforblackchildreninCanterbury“[ismet]withour
unqualifieddisapprobation,anditistobeunderstood,thattheinhabitantsof
Canterburyprotestagainstitinthemostearnestmanner,”andthatthetown
governmenthadtheintentionof“pointingoutto[Crandall]theinjuriouseffectsand
incalculableevilsresultingfromsuchanestablishmentwithinthistown,and
persuadehertoabandontheproject.”18Agreatdealofthisperceived“incalculable
evil”appearstohavebeenthefearofamalgamation.PhilipFonerwritesthat,“A
majorchargeagainsttheschoolwasthatitwaspartofanabolitionistplottofurther
theamalgamationoftheraces.ThefactthatCrandalltriedtohaveherblackpupils
attendthelocalchurch,contrary,itwascharged,toherpromisenottodoso,
strengthenedthisfear.”19Thischargeofamalgamationwasnotonethatcaught
Crandallbysurprise;whenCrandallwasrequiredmeetwiththeschoolboardof
Canterburyandtheybroachedthesubjectofracialmixingasbeingproblematic,
Crandallissaidtohavecalmlyandcurtlyreplied:“Moseshadablackwife.”20
ThisfearofinterracialsexwasnotuniquetoConnecticut,however,as
interracialsexualrelationswereapervasivecauseofconcernthroughoutthe
16PhilipFoner,“PrudenceCrandall,”13.
17PrudenceCrandall,“LetterfromMissCrandall,”TheLiberator,May25,1833.
18TheLiberator,April6,1833.
19PhilipFoner,“PrudenceCrandall,”13.
20Welch,24.
Turiano21
antebellumwhiteNorth.LeslieHarrisarguesthatitwasinthissettingthattheword
“amalgamation”begantotakeonanegativeperception.“InEuropeandtheUnited
States,amalgamationdescribedtheblendingofanytwoormoredistinctgroupsof
peoplethroughintermarriageornonsexualculturalexchanges.”Thischanged,
however,“bythemid-1830sintheUnitedStates,[when]“amalgamation”connoted
negativeattitudesaboutblack-whitesexualandsocialrelationships.”Harris,inher
essayontheFivePointsneighborhoodinNewYorkCity—whichwasprimarily
populatedbyfreeblacksandpoorIrishimmigrantsformostofthenineteenth
century—arguesthatproslaveryadvocatesandjournalistsfoundamalgamationto
bethecentralcauseofurbanpovertyandmoraldecay.21
Thesefearsseemedtorisetothesurfaceasaresponsetotheorganization
andexpansionofimmediateabolitionistsintheearly1830s,astheconversation
thatthismovementforcedbeggedthequestionofblacksgainingfurtherpolitical
andsocialrightsinAmericansociety.Itwasatthistimethatincreasingnumbersof
graphicandderogatoryimagesanddescriptionsofinterracialsexbegantoappear.22
Thisimagerybegantobeusedbyproslaveryactiviststounderminetheeffortsof
abolitionists,especiallyasintegratedsocietiesandmeetingsbecameincreasingly
common.Forexample,in1834theCourierandEnquireraccusedLewisandArthur
Tappan,whiteNewYorkCityabolitionistswhoalsoworkedprolificallyinHartford
(thisworkisprofiledinChapterThree),ofincitingthezealofabolitionistsintheir
21LeslieHarris,“FromAbolitionistAmalgamatorsto‘RulersoftheFivePoints:’The
DiscourseofInterracialSexandReforminAntebellumNewYorkCity,”inAfricanAmericanActivismBeforetheCivilWar,ed.PatrickRael(NewYork:Routledge,
2008)250-1.
22EliseLemire,Miscegenation(Philadelphia,PA:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,
2002)1.
Turiano22
AmericanAnti-SlaverySociety“bythedoctrinesofabolitionandamalgamation.”
ThisledtoanenragedmobputtingahalttotheSociety’sproceedings,amobthat
snowballedintotheworstviolenceseenbyNewYorkCityuntilthedraftriotsof
1863.23
Thisbasefearofamalgamationservedasadividerinmanywaysbetween
mainstreamwhiteantislaveryandthose“radicals”whofoughtfornotonlyabolition
butalsoanincreaseinpoliticalandsocialrightsforfreeAfricanAmericans.Many
whowishedtoendenslavementintheUnitedStateswereappalledanddisgustedby
thenotionofinterracialsexualrelations.InhertextMiscegenation,EliseLamire
pointstothewritingsofBostonrevolutionarypatriotJosiahQuincy,anoutspoken
criticoftheslavesystem.FollowingatouroftheCarolinas,Quincywroteinhis
journalthat“itisfarfromuncommontoseeagentlemanatdinner,andhisreputed
offspringaslavetothemasterofthetable,”asightthathebelievedtobea“strange
perversionoftermsandlanguage!”24Whilehiswritingpointsprimarilytothe
backwardnessofaninstitutionthatwouldcondonetheenslavementofone’sown
children,italsospeakstothe“perversion”ofthesexualactsthatcreatedsuch
circumstances.
However,themoreradicalendoftheantislaveryspectrum—occupiedby
Tappan,Garrisonandtheirimmediatistcolleagues—didnotperceivesuchrelations
asbeingpervertedandinfactfoughtfortherightsofinterracialcouplestomarryin
theNorth.WhileconservativeNorthernerswhofoughttopreservethesocialorder
arguedthatlawsforbiddinginterracialmarriagewerecolorblindinthatthey
23EliseLemire,Miscegenation,59.
24ibid.,11.
Turiano23
affectedbothblacksandwhites,theirsocialimpactdisproportionatelyimpeded
AfricanAmericans.Theylegallyencodedthesocialinferiorityofblacks,and
providedyetanotherwayinwhichracecouldbeaffirmedasalegalcategoryinthe
self-proclaimed“freesociety”ofNewEngland.25
Furtherevidencethatlegalandsocialroadblockstointerracialmarriage
werestructuredagainstAfricanAmericanscanbefoundinthedisparitybetween
treatmentofwhite-NativeAmericanrelationsversuswhite-blackrelations.Lamire
explainsthatthroughoutthelate18thandearly19thcenturies,ratherthanbeing
perceivedwithdisdain,manyindividualsviewedtheintermarriagebetweenwhites
andNativeAmericansasbeinganopportunitytocivilizeapeoplewhotheyviewed
assharingthe“whiteness”thattheyhadconstructed.Thisdisparitycanbeobserved
notonlyinAmericansocialorderbutalsoinlegalstatutes.WhileConnecticutdid
notprohibitinterracialmarriageinvolvementblacksbythe1820s,itwasoneof
onlysixstatestodoso,whileallbutsevenstatesexpresslypermittedmarriage
betweenwhitesandNativeAmericansbythistime.26
Itisentirelyunsurprisingthatthispervasivesocietalfearofracialmixing
manifesteditselfintherealmofeducation.ThroughoutnearlytheentireAmerican
CivilRightsstruggleweseeacloseassociationbetweenintegratedchildhood
interactionandfearsofamalgamationandmiscegenation.Infact,itwasover120
yearsaftertheeventsinCanterburythatPresidentDwightEisenhowerreportedto
ChiefJusticeEarlWarrenthatthe“horrorofadolescentmiscegenation”wasthe
25Lemire,58.
26ibid.,47.
Turiano24
biggestroadblockfacingtheintegrationofpublicschoolsintheSouth.27Giventhis
deeplyrootedbeliefinthecollectiveconsciousnessofAmericanwhites,thedisgust
withwhichCrandall’splanwasmetisunsurprising.
Meanwhile,inCanterbury,thepressureandrageagainstPrudenceCrandall
andhergirlswasmountingatanexponentialrate.HerallyandfriendReverend
SamuelJ.May,anorganizerofboththeNewHavenAntislaverySocietyandthe
AmericanAntislaverySociety,28wroteinaMarch1833journalentrythatheanda
friend,GeorgeW.Benson,hadtravelledtoCanterburytoassistMissCrandall,
explainingthat,“whenwearrivedatherhousewelearntthattheexcitementagainst
herhadbecomefurious.”29Once,however,Crandall’sopponentscametorealizethat
shewouldnotbedeterredbyintimidationalone,theypursuedlegalavenuestostop
her.CrandallwasarrestedbySheriff’sdeputyGeorgeCadyonJune27th,1833
because,accordingtoherwritofarrest,she“willfullyandknowinglydidinstruct
andteachandassistininstructingandteaching,certaincoloredpersons,whoatthe
timewhensotaughtandinstructedwerenotinhabitantsofanytowninthestate,”
anactionthattheConnecticutstatelegislaturehadveryrecentlybanned.30
Wordspreadquickly,andthestreetswerequicklylinedwithcitizensofthe
town,adultsandchildrenalike,whojeered,heckled,andcatcalledCrandallasshe
wasledtothecourthouse.Shewasquicklyruledtobeguiltyandwassentencedto
betakentothecountyjailinBrooklyn,CTif$150bondcouldnotbefurnished.
27DavidNichols,AMatterofJustice:EisenhowerandtheBeginningoftheCivilRights
Revolution(SimonandSchuster,2007)105.
28RalphFosterWeld,“SlaveryInConnecticut,”inTercentenaryCommissionofthe
StateofConnecticut(NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress,1935)21.
29Welch,30.
30ibid.,67.
Turiano25
WhileReverendMayoranyofherotheralliescouldhaveeasilyprovidedthisbond
money,Crandallknewthatbeingimprisonedasawoman—especiallyonewhowas
previouslywellrespectedinthecommunity—wouldcauseagreatdealofoutrage.
Andthussherefusedtohaveherbondpaidandspentthatnightinagrayjailcell,
eightbyeightfeet,closedofftotheoutsideworldasidefromaseveninchopeningin
oneofthewallsofthecell.31
Thecourtbattlethatensuedwaslongandarduous;stretchingacrossthe
long,hotsummerof1833.32Theprosecutingattorney,AndrewT.Judson,wasthe
fatherofoneofPrudenceCrandall’soriginalpupils,andthisfamilialconnection
addedapersonalragetohisattacks.ArthurTappanwastheleadfinancialbackerof
Crandall’slegaldefense.33Judson’scaseinthistrial,aswellasintheappealtrialthe
followingsummer,wouldcomeprimarilyfromtwofronts:thatpoliciestoo
generoustoAfricanAmericanswouldbringthestateofConnecticuttoruin,andthat
Crandall’sgirlsdidnotenjoytheprivilegesofAmericancitizenship.Onthefirst
point,heexplained,“Theconsequences[oftheprinciplesadvocatedbyCrandall]
willinevitablydestroythegovernmentitself,andthisAmericanNation.”34Whilehe
doesnotelaborateonhowexactlytheeducationofascoreofblackgirlswould
“destroythegovernment”oftheUnitedStates,thereislittledoubtthathisviewwas
widelyshared.
31Welch,68-70.
32ibid.,84.
33ibid.,82.
34ReportoftheArgumentsofCounselintheCaseofPrudenceCrandall,Plff.inError,
vs.StateofConnecticut,beforetheSupremeCourtofErrors,atTheirSessionat
Brooklyn,JulyTerm,1834.(Boston,MA:Garrison&Knapp,1834)20-1.
Turiano26
TheothermainargumentthatJudsonmade—thattheblackpupilsdidnot
earntherighttoeducationbecausetheywerenotcitizens,isonethatwasinmany
waysreminiscentofChiefJusticeTaney’sopinioninDredScottv.Sandford,almost
25yearslater.InasimilarstyletoTaney,Judsondistinguishescitizensfromboth
IndiansandAfricans,sayingthat,“TheAfricanrace,asabody,werethenslaves,and
heldinbondagebythosewhomadetheconstitution.”35Thisargumentimplicitly
invokesthelanguageofArticle1,Section2oftheConstitution,whichdistinguishes
between“citizens”and“allotherpersons”—whoaretoberepresentedasthreefifthsofapersoninCongress.36HealsodebatestheConstitutionalframers’intents.
Herelegatestheopinioninfavorofeducatingblackstothatof“afewmadmenor
enthusiasts,”andarguesthat,atthetimeoftheConstitution’ssigning,“Thebestmen
boughtandsoldslaves,withoutascruple.”37Ultimately,thatsummer’slegal
proceedingswouldeventuallyturnupaguiltyverdict,onethatdidnotdaunt
Crandallintheslightest.Shedecidedimmediatelytoappealthedecisionandto
continuetomaintaintheschoolintheinterim.38
UnabletodeterCrandallbywayofintimidationorlegalproceedings,her
enemiesturnedtoviolence.OnJanuary27th,1834,afirewasdiscoveredwithinthe
schoolintheearlyafternoonhours.Fortunately,Crandall,herpupils,andsomekind
neighborswereabletoextinguishtheflamebeforethedamagebecametoo
35ReportoftheArgumentsofCounselintheCaseofPrudenceCrandall,Plff.inError,
vs.StateofConnecticut,beforetheSupremeCourtofErrors,atTheirSessionat
Brooklyn,JulyTerm,1834,22.
36U.S.Const.art.1sec.3.
37ReportoftheArgumentsofCounselintheCaseofPrudenceCrandall,Plff.inError,
vs.StateofConnecticut,beforetheSupremeCourtofErrors,atTheirSessionat
Brooklyn,JulyTerm,1834,23.
38Welch,84.
Turiano27
significant.Mr.Olney,anAfrican-Americanallyoftheschoolwhohaddelivered
firewoodtoCrandallandthestudentsearlierthatday,wasquicklyarrestedbytown
officialsandchargedwitharson(byMarchhehadbeenquietlyacquitted).Manyof
Crandall’sopponentsspreadtherumorthatshehadstartedthefireherselfinan
attempttogainmediaattentionandpublicsympathy.39Crandall’sallies,however,
refusedtolettheserumorsprevail.GarrisonwroteonthematterintheFebruary8th
editionoftheLiberator,stating,“Baseanddesperateasherpersecutorshaveshown
themselvestobe—losttodecency,honor,andintelligence—stillwedarenotbelieve
thattheywereaccessoriestoadeedsotrulydiabolical.Itisbeyondtheturpitudeof
thosewhoseinfamyshallthickenuponthemwiththeincreaseofdaysandyears.”40
GarrisonandothervocalfriendsofCrandallforcedtheConnecticutpublicto
facetheglaringrealitythatcitizensofCanterburymayverywellhavebeenwilling
toputthelivesofoveradozenpeople—mostlyyounggirls—injeopardy,outofa
fearandhatredofblackAmericans.Toproperlyunderstandtheracismfacedby,
andthehardshipsof,theConnecticutblackcommunityinthe1830s,itisnecessary
tolookbackatthecomplicatedhistoryofslaveryandgradualemancipationinNew
England—particularlysouthernNewEngland,wheretobaccoandotheragrarian
endeavorsmadehumanenslavementmoreeconomicallyviable.Whenlookingat
thelegacyofgradualemancipationinConnecticutandinNewEngland,onenotable
constantisthedisparitybetweentherhetoricandtherealitiesofabolition,freedom,
andcitizenship.
39Welch,87.
40ibid.
Turiano28
InDisowningSlavery,JoannePopeMelishnotesthat,duetoambiguityoflegal
statutesthatfreedslaves,peopleofcolorinConnecticutandelsewhereinNew
Englandlargelyignoredtheiremancipation.Whiletheselawsprescribedfreedomat
acertainageforthosebornintoenslavement,andfreedmuchofthenextgeneration
ofblackNewEnglanders,verylittlewaschangedintermsofthelaborfreedomand
self-agencyoftheseAfricanAmericancommunities.41Melishtakesthisargument
onestepfurther,saying“gradualabolitionactuallyinscribedthepracticesofslavery
itselfinwhatwasquitearbitrarilydefinedasthe‘freesociety’towhichitgave
birth.”42Theinscriptionofdefactoenslavementinalegally“free”Northserved
severalpurposes.Itallowedwhitestofeelsecureaboutthepreservationofthe
presentracialhierarchyintheUnitedStates.Furthermore,itmitigatedwhitefears
thatatrulyfreeNorthwouldincentivizehighlevelsofblackmigrationinto
ConnecticutandtherestoftheNorth.AsJudsonelaboratedinthe1834appeals
trial,afterall,theirswasa“nationofwhitemen,”andmanyharboredarealfearthat
itwouldbe“takenfromus,andgiventotheAfricanrace.”43Finally,thepassageof
legalstatutesallowedNewEnglanderstoproclaimtheirownprogressivenature,
andtocontrasttheir“freesociety”againstthebackward,regressive,slaveholding
South.44
41JoannePopeMelish,DisowningSlavery(Ithaca,NY:CornellUniversityPress,
1998)98.
42ibid.,87.
43ReportoftheArgumentsofCounselintheCaseofPrudenceCrandall,Plff.inError,
vs.StateofConnecticut,beforetheSupremeCourtofErrors,atTheirSessionat
Brooklyn,JulyTerm,1834,20-1.
44JoannePopeMelish,DisowningSlavery,87.
Turiano29
However,asMelishargues,viewingantebellumNewEnglandasa“free
society”issomewhatofamisnomerbecause,asshewrites,“Intheviewofmost
whites,sinceeventheactofbeingfreedrepresentedtheexerciseoftheowner’s
powerovertheslave,anemancipatedslavecouldneverbecomea‘free’personbut
onlya‘freed’one—apersonactedupon,notacting.”45Thus,whatemancipationin
NewEnglandaccomplishedwhatnotaremovalof“enslaved”asalegalandsocial
statusbutratherthecreationofthethird,ambiguousstatusof“freed”—not
enslaved,butfarfrombeingfreeinthewaythatwhiteNewEnglanderswere.
ThisdistinctionbetweenwhiteNewEnglandand“freed”NewEnglandwas
constructedformanyreasons.Oneimportantoneisthatmanywhitesperceived
freedblacksasbeinginherentlyhelplessandreliantonsociety,incapableof
workingforthemselvesorforsocietywithoutbeingoverseenbywhites.Melish
writes,“Assumptionsthatmanumittedslaveswouldbedependentandthusrequire
relief,andwouldsurelydisturbthepublicpeacebybeingdisorderlyandriotous,
becamemorepowerfulandwidespreadwitheachpassingyear.”46
Thesefearsoftheeffectsofblacksuponsociety,fearsthathadbeen
pervasivethroughoutConnecticut’shistory,wererespondedtowithoppressive
legislationknownasConnecticut’sblackcode.Thisbeganwith1690legislationthat
forbadeslavesfromleavingthetownsinwhichtheyresidedwithoutawrittenpass
fromtheirenslaver.In1703itwasmadeillegalforinnkeepersandotherpurveyors
toservealcoholtoslaves.In1723,defactomartiallawwasimposeduponslavesin
45Melish,81.
46ibid.,98.
Turiano30
thestate,with10lashesofthewhipbeingimposeduponanyslavefoundoutdoors
after9pmwithouttheexpressconsentofhisenslaver.47
Asemancipationbegantotakeholdinthestate,thislegislationshiftedto
grapplewiththefearsofdisturbancescausedbyfreeblacksthatMelishidentifiedin
hertext.Asearlyasthe16thcenturyConnecticutlegislatorswerepassingcodesthat
legallyobligatedformerenslaverstoensuretheeconomicstabilityoftheirformer
chattelproperty,andintheabsenceoftheirsupportrequiredthetowntodosoand
gavethetownpermissiontosueformerenslaverstorecovercosts.48Notonlydid
theselawsrestuponthebeliefthatblackswerefundamentallyunabletosupport
themselvesandbeproductivemembersofsociety,buttheyalsoservedto
disincentivizeenslaversfrommanumittingtheirslaves.
ThefearandhatredofAfricanAmericansthathadbeenlongwrittenintothe
collectiveconsciousnessofConnecticut’sresidentseventuallyprovedtogreatfor
Crandallandherschooltoovercome.Theschoolhadmanagedtowinamistrialin
theirappealsprocessinthesummerof1834,butbySeptemberheropponents
decidedtotakemattersintotheirownhands,issuingawickedbrandofvigilante
justiceuponCrandallandthegirls.AroundmidnightofSeptember9th,Crandalland
thegirlswererattledawakebythescreamsofahystericalmobofmenandbythe
soundsoftheirschoolandhomebeingdestroyed.Althoughthemenretreatedafter
ashortperiodoftime,Crandallandthegirlsremainedawakefortherestofthe
night,fearfulthatthemobmayreturnseekingtocausegreaterviolence.Crandall
47RalphFosterWeld,“SlaveryInConnecticut,”inTercentenaryCommissionofthe
StateofConnecticut,9.
48ibid.,10.
Turiano31
andherpupilsspenttheentiretyofthenextdaysweepingupbrokenglasswhile
ReverendMay,Crandall’sfather,andotheralliesweresummonedtoCanterbury.All
agreed,withheavyhearts,thatthebuildingwasdamagedbeyondrepairandthat
thegirlsfacedfartoogreatofarisktocontinuelivinginCanterbury.Crandall
couldn’tbeartobreakthenewstothegirls,soitwasReverendMaythattoldthem
thattheywouldbereturningtotheirhomes.49
ReverendMaywouldwriteinhisMemoirsthat,astheseeventstranspired,he
“feltashamedofConnecticut,ashamedofmystate,ashamedofmycountry,
ashamedofmycolor.”50Crandall,nowboundtoahusbandandthoroughly
disheartenedbytheactionsofConnecticut’scitizens,wouldleavethestateand
spendtherestofherdaysinElkFalls,Kansas,wheresheeventuallysuccumbedto
complicationsofasthmainJanuaryof1890.51ThestoryofCrandall’sbravery
againstacitizenrythatwasapatheticandbest,andviolentatworstisacrossthat
thestateofConnecticutshouldforeverbear.Itisalsoastarkindicatorofjusthow
dauntingofatasksurvivalandacceptancewouldbeforblackcommunitiesin
Hartfordandelsewhereinthestate.Thesimpleactofexisting,oftryingtoimprove
onescondition,wouldbeanactofgreatcourageofConnecticut’sblackwomenand
menfordecadestocome.
49Welch,107.
50Weld,22.
51Welch,213.
Turiano32
ChapterTwo:RESISTANCE
TheRiseofRadicalAbolitionism,theUndergroundRailroad,andtheFlightofJames
LindsaySmith,1838.
“Althoughitwassometime…beforeItookthedecisivestep,yetinmymindandspirit,I
wasneveraSlave.”-ReverendJamesW.C.Pennington,TheFugitiveBlacksmith,1849
“IbegantorealizethatIhadsomefriends.”52WhenJamesLindsaySmith,and
enslavedmanfromVirginia,reachedthesafeharborofHartford,hefoundablack
abolitionistcommunitywillingtoprovidehimwithsupport.Thoughhisrealization
didnotstrikeuntilConnecticut,hehadbeenpositivelyimpactedby“friends”
throughouthisescape.InHartford,Smithencounteredindividualswhosupported
theimmediateabolitionofslavery.Thefugitivewasunawarethatlike-minded
communitieshadsprungupthroughouttheNorthinthe1820sandthe1830s.
Arangeofmotivationsandinjusticesspurredthedevelopmentofimmediate
abolition—andtheriseofimmediatismcanbetracedtobroadideologicalshifts,
suchasreligiousawakeningandthemarketrevolution,aswellasindividualactions,
suchasWilliamLloydGarrison’sfoundofTheLiberatororFredrickDouglass’riseas
apublicfigure.Asslaverunaway,JamesLindsaySmithrepresentedavital
wellspringofimmediateabolitionactivism.HisarrivalinHartfordplacedhiminthe
midstofanother.Blackcommunitiesandblackindividuals,bothenslavedandfree,
playedincrediblyimportantrolesininitiatingimmediateresistancetohuman
52JamesSmith,AutobigraphyofJamesL.Smith(Norwich,Connecticut:Pressofthe
BulletinCompany,1881)52.
Turiano33
enslavement.53EnslavedAfricanAmericansinspiredabolitionbyrebellingagainst
theinstitutionandbytakingflight.TheseactionsforcedNortherners,blackand
white,tograpplewiththeuglyrealitiesoftheinstitution.Freeblacksembraced
radicalabolitionisminresponsetoinjusticesfacedathome,thecolonizationdebate,
andanumberoffactorsthatblurredthestatusofenslavedandfree.Furthermore,
whiteantislavery,fromradicalabolitiontoRepublicanPartypolitics,wasinspired
bytheactivitiesoftheenslaved.AccordingtoJohnAshworth,“Behindeveryeventin
thehistoryofthesectionalcontroversylurkedtheconsequencesofblack
resistance.”54
TheUndergroundRailroad,a“clandestine,poorlyunderstood”networkof
abolitionistsand“individualsofconscience”55thatfacilitatedtheflightoffugitive
slavestothenorthernUnitedStatesandCanada,wassimultaneouslyacauseanda
productoftheimmediateabolitionistmovement.Thepresenceoffugitivessuchas
Smith,JamesPennington,FredrickDouglass,andthousandsofothersintheNorth
broughtthehorrorsofSouthernenslavementtotheforeofNorthernconsciousness
decadesbeforeStowe’sUncleTom’sCabinwould.Virtuallyallwhoidentifiedwith
theabolitionistmovementwouldatsomepointoranotherassistfugitivesinsome
capacity.ThisincludedeveryonefromFredrickDouglass,whowouldshelterdozens
offugitivesinhisRochesterhome,toReverendsJamesPenningtonandSamuelMay,
53ManishaSinha,TheSlave’sCause(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,2016)195,
214;ScottGac,SingingForFreedom:TheHutchinsonFamilySingersandtheCulture
ofAntebellumReform(NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress,2007).
54JohnAshworth,Slavery,Capitalism,andPoliticsintheAntebellumRepublic,vol.1,
2vols.(Cambridge,U.K.:CambridgeUniversityPress,1995).
55CherylLaRoche,FreeBlackCommunitiesandtheUndergroundRailroad(Urbana:
UniversityofIllinoisPress,2014)43.
Turiano34
whoaidednumerousfugitives,topoliticalfiguressuchasWilliamH.Sewardand
ThaddeusStevens—bothofwhomassistedfugitivesatsomepoint.56
TheUndergroundRailroad,particularlyoperationscenteredinNewYork
City,werecentraltothepresenceoffugitiveslavesintheHartfordcommunityand
otherblackcommunitiesinConnecticut.Themajorityofindividualstravelling
throughUndergroundRailroadnetworksintoNewEnglandfitanarrowprofile:
typicallytheywereyoungmenescapingindependently,astravellingingroupsor
withone’sfamilyprovedfartooconspicuousanddangerous.57Theyalsotypically
hadoriginsinBorderStatessuchasMarylandandKentucky;58slavesintheDeep
Southhadfarmoredauntingprospectsandwouldusuallyattempttoexitbyshipin
NewOrleansorCharleston,fleetoMexico,orattempttotraveloutWest.
AstheUndergroundRailroadreceivesrenewedinterestandscholarship,
however,thesemodelsofthetypicalfugitiveorself-emancipatorhavebeguntolook
somewhatlimiting.Firstly,whilethesolitaryescapeewasinfactthemostcommon
sight,duetothepracticalityofit,itisimportanttonotethatfamilialconnections
werefrequentlyamotivationforescape.Manywhoescapedwouldworkto
purchase,orfacilitatetheescapeof,theirfamilymembers.Thiswasaprocessthat
oftencostthemlifetimesoflaborandfortune,butwasafightthatmanyfoughtso
thattheymaysharethefruitsoffreedomwiththeirlovedones.59Onthenoteof
purchase,CherylJaniferLaRochemakesacaseforself-purchaseasamuchgreater
56EricFoner,GatewaytoFreedom(NewYork:W.W.Norton&Company,2015)1920.
57ibid.,5.
58ibid.,16.
59CherylLaRoche,FreeBlackCommunitiesandtheUndergroundRailroad,127.
Turiano35
factorinself-emancipationthanhasbeenacceptedpreviouslybythehistorical
record,notingthatformerlyenslavedincludingslaveinsurrectionleaderDenmark
VeseyandthefatherofWilliamStill,aPennsylvaniaabolitionist,Underground
Railroadagent,andauthor,purchasedtheirwaytofreedom.60AndwhiletheBorder
Statesdidprovidethemostlogisticallyfeasibleescaperoutes—whetherintoNew
EnglandorintothefreeWestofOhio,Illinois,andIndiana—EricFoner’srecent
analysisofSydneyHowardGay’smeticulousrecordsoffugitivesmovingthrough
NewYorkCityintoNewEnglandshowsasurprisingnumberofslavesashaving
originatedasfarsouthasVirginiaandNorthCarolina.
JamesLindsaySmithwasbornintoenslavementinNorthernNeck,Virginia.
Asaboy,hesustainedaseriousinjurytohiskneewhenitwascrushedunderthe
weightofalargelog.Hismotherpleadedtotheirenslaverforaphysiciantobe
calledonJames’behalf.Asherecalls,“hesaidhehad[slaves]enoughwithoutme;I
wasnotworthmuchanyhow,andhedidnotcareifIdiddie.Hepositivelydeclared
thatheshouldnotemployaphysicianforme.”Smithwouldbelameinthatlegfor
therestofhislife.61Growingupwithintheinstitution,andseeingthemiseryit
causedhisparentsinthelateyearsoftheirlives,Smithgrewtodeeplyresenthis
enslavedstatusandbegantoseekoutmeansofsubversion.Heonceintentionally
struckhisinjuredlegagainstastoneandmanagedtofeignabrokenbone.62
However,heeventuallycametorealizethattherewouldbenotruereprievefrom
60LaRoche,115.
61JamesSmith,AutobigraphyofJamesL.Smith,1-3.
62ibid.,21-2.
Turiano36
theoppressionofenslavementotherthanthatwhichwouldcomefromrunning
away.
Eachslavenaturallyhadtheirownindividualreasonsforriskingtheir
wellbeingandtheirlivesbyfleeingtotheNorth,buttheycanbebulkedintotwo
majorgroups,whichFonereloquentlyexplains,usingtwofamousfugitivesas
examples:“Some,likeDouglass,plannedformonths;others,likePennington,
decidedtorunawaybecauseofanimmediategrievance—inhiscase,hisowner’s
threattowhiphismotherforinsubordination.”63LaRochefurtherarguesthatmany
ofthesemore“impulse”fugitivesfledindirectresponsetoimpendingsale,orthe
threatofsale,intothedeepSouth—afatethatalmostalwaysbroughttherealityof
fargreatercrueltyandofalifetimeofenslavement.64
Smith’sbreakforfreedomunfoldedinthesummerof1838,following
roughlysixmonthsofplottingandpreparation.Heandtwootherenslavedmen
commandeersasmallboatuponwhichtheyintendedonsailingasclosetofreedom
astheycould.AfterthreedaysontheChesapeakeBaytheylandednearFrenchtown,
Maryland,andcontinuedtheirflightonfoot.65AccordingtoSmith’sautobiography,
itquicklybecameapparentthathisdamagedkneewouldprecludehimfrom
keepingpacewithhisfellowescapees,atwhichpointtheytoldhim,“Weshallhave
toleaveyouforourenemiesareafterus,andifwewaitforyouweshallallbetaken;
soitwouldbebetterforonetobetakenthanallthree.”InSmith’scasewesee
confirmationofthesuspicionsthatledthemajorityoffugitiveslavestofleealone,
63EricFoner,GatewaytoFreedom,5.
64LaRoche,36.
65HoratioStrother,TheUndergroundRailroadinConnecticut(Middletown,
Connecticut:WesleyanUniversityPress,1962)53.
Turiano37
despitestrongdesirestomaintainfamilialandfraternalconnections:the
impracticalityofgroupescapeprovedinsurmountable.OnceSmithlostsightofthe
othertwohe“satdownbytheroad-sideandwept,prayed,andwishedmyselfback
towhereIfirststarted.Ithoughtitwasalloverwithmeforever.”66
Smithdecidedtonotlethimselfsuccumbtothisdespair,however,and
pushednorthasdarknessfell,followingwhathewouldlearnlaterinlifeweretrain
tracks.DuringthenightSmithfirstheardthebone-rattlingrumbleofanoncoming
train,andhewasconvincedthathewasbeingpursuedbythedevilhimself.Hedove
offthetracksandhidfromthemassivebeast,resuminghiswalkwithaheartfullof
fear.Whentheterrorreturnedjustaftersunrisehewasabletoobserveit,comingto
therealizationthattheinfernalbeasthadwagonsattachedtohim,carryingwhathe
presumedtobesoulsenroutetohell.Hewrites,“Ilookedthroughthewindowsto
seeifIcouldseeanyblackpeoplethathewascarrying,butIdidnotseeone,
nothingbutwhitepeople.ThenIthoughtitwasnotblackpeoplethathewasafter,
butonlythewhites…andIforthefirsttimetookalongbreath.”67
AfteranotherdayorsooftravelsheeventuallyreachedNewCastle,
Delaware,atownalongtheDelawareRiver,atwhichpointhewasbychance
reconnectedwiththetworunawayswithwhomhehadfirstescaped.Thethreemen
boardedaboatboundforPhiladelphia,andatthedockinPhiladelphiaSmithonce
againpartedwayswithhiscompatriots;theyhaddecidedtoboardashipfor
Europe,andSmithoptedtoforgeoffintothecitywithoutaplanoraknownally.He
wandered,lookingforworkasashoemakeramongPhiladelphia’sfreeblack
66Smith,43.
67ibid.,45.
Turiano38
communities,andbeforelongfoundhimselfinthecaringhandsofsomeblack
UndergroundRailroadagentswhoadvisedhimtocontinuehisvoyageNorth,
writingaletteronhisbehalfandinstructinghimtocarryitviasteamboattoDavid
RugglesinNewYorkCity.68
WhilehistoryhasgivenDavidRugglesfarlesscreditandacclaimthansome
ofhismoreoutspokencounterpartsintheabolitionistmovement,suchasFredrick
Douglass,hisworkwiththeUndergroundRailroadmadetheescapesofDouglass,
Smith,andcountlessotherfugitivespossible.Ruggles—borninLyme,Connecticutin
181069—wouldregularlyscourthedocksofNewYorkCityinsearchoffugitives
(thisishowhediscoveredDouglass;SmithwouldbefoundbyanallyofRuggles
whowasperformingasimilarduty.)RugglesbiographerGrahamRussellGao
Hodgeswrites,“InadditiontohisserviceasthekeyconductoroftheUnderground
RailroadinNewYorkCityinthe1830s,Ruggleswasatireless,fiery,pioneering
journalist,penninghundredsofletterstoabolitionistnewspapers,authoringand
publishingfivepamphlets,andeditingthefirstAfricanAmericanmagazine,the
MirrorofLiberty.”70IftheUndergroundRailroadwasnotthestructural,organized
institutionthanmanyinthe19thcenturyfearedortheliteralrailroadthatmanyin
the21stbelieve,itwasastringofheroicindividualswithinfreeblackcommunities
suchasRugglesandhisalliesthatofferedinnumerablefugitivessecurityand
guidanceasthetreadedintounfamiliarterritoryontheroadtofreedom.
68HoratioStrother,TheUndergroundRailroadinConnecticut,55-7.
69ManishaSinha,TheSlave’sCause,245.
70GrahamGaoHodges,DavidRuggles(ChapelHill,NorthCarolina:Universityof
NorthCarolinaPress,2010)3.
Turiano39
AsSmith’ssteamboatapproachedNewYorkCity,hewasstruckwithfearand
uncertaintyregardinghisprospectsoffindingRugglesandofnavigatingacitythat
wasnotoriouslydangerousforfugitivesandfreeblacksalike.Hewasmetwithgood
fortune,however,encounteringawomanonthedockwhoknewRugglesandagreed
toleadSmithtohishome.Rugglesallowedhimtostayinhishomeforafewdays,
givinghiminstructionsthefollowingMondaytoboardaboattowardHartfordvia
canal,71withinstructionstotakealettertoaMr.Foster.72
OncehereachedHartford,Smith—atthispointfamiliarwithdockingincities
foreigntohim—foundamanofcoloronthedockandaskedhimifheknewaman
bythenameofMr.Foster.ThemanwasabletodirectSmithtothehomeofHenry
W.Foster,ablacktailorwholivedonBlissStreetinHartford.73Uptothispoint,
everytimethatSmithhadfoundassistance—inHartfordwithFosterandhisallies,
inNewYorkCitywithDavidRugglesandothers,andinPhiladelphiawiththeblack
UndergroundRailroadoperatives—ithadbeenwithinthefreeblackcommunity.
What’smore,SmithhadenteredmultipletimesintounfamiliarNorthernurban
environments,andwithincreasingconfidencehesoughtrespiteeachtimewith
blacksthathecameacross.Theracialidentificationthathadbeenamarkof
enslavementinSmith’soldhomewasnowservingasamarkofresistance.
OnceSmitharrivedatHenryFoster’shomeandpresentedhimwiththeletter
fromRugglesheheartilycongratulatedSmith,introducedhimtomanyofthe
71AccordingtoKimSilvaoftheFarmingtonHistoricalSocietyandtheCTFreedom
Trail,canalroutesthroughConnecticutwereperhapsthesinglemostimportant
meansofUndergroundRailroadtransitinthestate.
72Smith,50.
73StephenGrant,“TrackingtheTruthoftheUndergroundRailroad,”Hartford
Courant,September29,2002.
Turiano40
abolitionistsintheHartfordcommunity(presumablyincludingindividuals
mentionedinthispaper),andgavehimmoneysothathemightcontinuehisvoyage
ontoSpringfield,Massachusetts.ItwasatthispointthatSmithfinallyrealizedthat
he“hadsomefriends”inanationthatotherwiseseeminglyonlyharboredhatefor
himandforallAfricanAmericans.74In1842hesettleddowninNorwich,
Connecticut,about40milesfromHartford,anditwasherethathewouldliveout
thebulkofhisremainingyearsasaminister,afamilyman,andanactivist,
publishinghisautobiographyin1881.
Itsimportanttonotethatthenumberofslaveswhofledtheinstitutionwas
negligibleintermsofitsdirecteffectontheinstitution;somewherebetween1,000
and5,000slavesfledperyearbetween1830and1860,andtheslavepopulationin
theUnitedStatesin1860wasnearly4million.However,thepoliticalsignificanceof
theactoffleeingcannotbeunderstated.Firstly,themerepresenceoffugitivesinthe
Northfacilitatednumerouspoliticaldiscussions,firstlyonesthatledthenationto
theWarandlateronesthatfosteredemancipation.75PenningtonandDouglassare
justtwoofscoresofabolitionistsandimportantpoliticalvoicesthatfled
enslavement.Scholarshaveveryrecentlybeguntoexplorethewaysinwhichboth
self-identificationandinterpersonalrelationshipsbetweenformerslavesinfree
societycanbedefinedasa“fugitiveclass”auniqueidentitywithinfreeblack
communities.76Thesesub-communitiesnotonlyhadanimpactonthefugitiveswho
74Smith,52.
75EricFoner,GatewaytoFreedom,223.
76LaRoche,45;SusannaAshton,“APlausibleMan:TheStoriedLifeofFugitiveSlave
andTransatlanticAgitator,JohnAndrewJackson”(BrownBagLecture,Gilder
LehrmanCenter,YaleUniversity,October28,2015).
Turiano41
foundplaceandcamaraderieinthem,butalsoinfluencedthelargercommunities
theyexistedwithin.
ThepresenceoffugitivesintheNorthmarkedanincreaseinfluidityand
chaosoffreeandenslavedstatusforAfricanAmericans.Thisprovedtobeamajor
spurofimmediatistabolitionism.Sinhawritesthatthelinebetweenslaveryand
freedom“wasblurredbyrunawayslaves,kidnappedfreeblacks,avigorous
domesticslavetrade,andAfricanAmericanchurchesandschoolsfeeding
antislaveryactivism.”77Slaveflightalsoheldpoliticalsignificanceinanother
importantway;itcreatedtremendousalarmintheSouth,forcingenslaversto
reckonwiththefallibilityoftheir“sacredinstitution”andcreatingtensionbetween
theNorthandtheSouth.78Regardlessofthenumericalimpactofslaveflight,itis
wellconfirmedthatindividualsintheSouthweredeeplyconcernedwiththeimpact
oftheUndergroundRailroad.AccordingtoFoner,journalistsofthelateantebellum
period“creditedtheundergroundrailroadwithfarmoreorganizationandimpact
thanitactuallyenjoyed.”79AsevidenceofthisfearoftheUndergroundRailroads
sizeandstructure,wecanlooktoOhiopoliticianJamesLoudon,whoinJuneof
1850,threemonthsbeforethepassageoftheFugitiveSlaveLaw,calledfor
considerationtobegiventotheuseofmilitarypoweragainsttheforcesofthe
UndergroundRailroad.80
ThepassageoftheFugitiveSlaveLawseverelycompoundedthetensions
betweentheNorthandtheSouth.Thislawwassimultaneouslyadirectresponseto
77Sinha,199.
78EricFoner,GatewaytoFreedom,4.
79ibid.,6.
80LaRoche,6.
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fearsofslaveescapeand“thesinglemostimportantlegislationresponsibleforpreCivilWarAfricanAmericanmigrationthroughescapeandthegrowthofthe
UndergroundRailroad.”81Whilethelaw—whichchargedthefederalGovernment
withfacilitatingthereturnoffugitiveslavesintheNorthtotheirenslavers—was
designedtodeterescapeandtolimittheinfluenceoffugitiveabolitionistsinthe
North,itseffectwasfardifferent.Firstly,itnecessitatedanincreasedlevelof
organizationandefficiencywithinescapenetworks.LaRochewrites,“Withthelaw
camemoreformalized,organized,institutionaleffortstoassistescapees;moving
themthroughthelandscapebecamemoreefficient,enablingevergreaternumbers
ofescapes.”82
Furthermore,theFugitiveSlaveLawawokeatremendousamountof
antislaverysentimentintheNorth,allowing,“someofthemostrepugnantfeatures
ofslaveryintotheheartofNortherncitiesandtowns”and“push[ing]bothBlack
andWhiteabolitionists”towardincreasedresistanceanddefiance.83Thelaw
inspiredalongtimeresidentofForestStreetinHartford,HarrietBeecherStowe,to
writeUncleTom’sCabin,anovelthatinfuriatedthousandsofwhitenorthernersthat
wereotherwiseimpervioustotheatrocitiesofenslavement.Asthepreeminent
figureheadofbothslaveflightandabolitionism,FredrickDouglassdescribedthe
lawasonethatmadethenationinto“theenslaver’shuntingground,”andhelater
saidthatthelawcausedhimthegreatestpersonalcrisisofhisreligiouslife.84
81LaRoche,118.
82ibid.,121.
83ibid.;JanePeaseandWilliamPease,TheyWhoWouldBeFree(NewYork:
Atheneum,1974)217.
84LaRoche,120.
Turiano43
The1850FugitiveSlaveLawwasbothdraconianinnatureandasourceof
dailyanxietyandagonyforfugitivesandfreeBlacksalikeintheNorth;thelaw
providedlittleprotectionforfreeblackagainstkidnapping,itappliedtomany
womenandmenwhohadbeenlaw-abidingresidentsoftheNorthfordecades,and
itoverrodescoresofstateandlocallawsthroughouttheNorth.85However,timehas
nowilluminatedinmanywaystheindirectvalueofthelawasa“gadfly”ofsortsthat
precipitatedabetterstructuredUndergroundRailroad,aswellasmanyofthepublic
debatesthatwouldleadusontheroadtofederalemancipation.
JamesLindseySmithprofoundlyanddramaticallyexperiencedtheeffectsof
theFugitiveSlaveLaw.AtthetimeofitspassagehehadlivedinNorwichfornearly
8years.Duringthistimeheworkedasashoemakerandwasanactivelectureron
thesouthernNewEnglandantislaverycircuit.FollowingthepassageoftheFugitive
SlaveLaw,hebegantohaveincrediblyvividnightmaresofbeingcapturedbyhis
enslaverandreturnedtoVirginia.Thenextday,whileathisshop,Smithobserved
noneotherthanhisformerenslaver,exitingtheNorwich-Worcestertrain.86The
man—toSmith’shorror—disappearedthroughadoorleadingtotheU.S.Marshal’s
office;Smithwasatthispointentirelyconvincedthathewastobereturnedto
enslavement.Inhisown,understatingwords,“Icoulddonomoreworkthatday.”87
ThesilverliningofSmith’sharrowingordealshinesintheresponseofthe
citizensofNorwich.Afterhesawthemanhebelievedtobehisformerenslaver,
Smithpassedalonghisdescriptiontoallofuscustomerswhocameintotheshopfor
85EricFoner,GatewaytoFreedom,125.
86Strother,104.
87Smith,91.
Turiano44
therestoftheday,andtheyallkeptwatchintownvigilantly.Oneofthecustomers
wasthetowncrier,andhewenttoeachhotelinthetowninsearchofamanfitting
thedescriptionprovidedbySmith,butfoundnoone.SmithevenwenttotheU.S.
Marshal,whoassuredSmiththathewouldratherresignhispostthanturnSmith
overtohisformerenslaver.Finally,anothercitizenofthetowngiftedSmithwitha
revolver,as“deathwaspreferabletoslavery,nowthatIhadtastedthesweetsof
liberty.”88Finally,thehorribledreamsbegantotroubleSmithlessfrequently,and
eventuallytheyceasedaltogether,dueinnosmallparttothesolaceprovidedto
Smithbyhisfellowtownspeople.
Thebestplacetoclosethischapterisacelebrationofthetremendousvirtue
ofSmith,andofhisfriendsandneighbors.Nogreatertestamentcanbegiventothe
NorwichcommunitythanthatgiveninastorythatSmithincludedinhis
autobiography:
ItwasnottillaftertheEmancipationProclamation,thatamanwhoisliving
inNorwichtoday,toldmethatafterIlefttheSouth,andhadsettledhere,he
wenttoHeathville,totheveryplacewhereIusedtolive,sawmymaster,
whoaskedhimwhether,inhistravelsNorth,hehadevercomeacrossaman
whowaslame,shoemakerbytrade;thathewouldgivehimtwohundred
dollars,cash,foranyinformationwhichwouldleadtohisdiscovery.He
returnedhome,saidnothingwhatevertome,forfearthatIwouldbe
alarmed,selloutandleavetheplace;saidnothingtoanyoneaboutittillafter
January1st,1863,whenfreedomwasproclaimedthroughouttheland.89
88Smith,91.
89ibid.,91-2.
Turiano45
ChapterThree:COOPERATION
LewisTappan,JamesW.C.Pennington,theAmistad,andInterracialAbolitionism,
1839-1841
"Brothers,wehavedonethatwhichwepurposed,ourhandsarenowcleanforwehave
striventoregainthepreciousheritagewereceivedfromourfathers.Iamresolveditis
bettertodiethantobeawhiteman'sslave..."-Cinqué,1839
TheywerebeingimportedtoCubaillegally.Andyet,Spanishlawgavethem
nofreestatus.Wouldtheybetreatedasfugitives,asformercaptives,oraspirates?
OnboardtheAmistadinthesummerof1839,noneofthesequestionsregistered
withmuchimportancetoCinquéandhisfellowenslavedwomenandmen.When
theyaskedthechefwhatwasgoingtohappentothem,hesaidthattheyweretobe
killedandeaten.90
Thejestintendedinthisstatementwaslostoverthemultipartitetranslation
process,andthispoorlychosenchefhumorprovedtobethefinalstrawforthe
Amistadcaptives.UnderthecoverofdarknessintheearlyhoursofJuly2,1839,
Cinquéandthreeothercaptives—Faquorna,Moru,andKimbo—killedthechef,and
managedtofrightentwosailorsoverboard.Atthispoint,CaptainRamónFerrer
engagedagainstthe4men,killingoneandfatallywoundingasecond,buthewas
eventuallykilledwiththeassistanceoffourorfiveadditionalcaptives.Thenewly
liberatedthenlockedtheirenslavers,JoséRuizandPedroMontes,belowdeck.91
TheformercaptivesoftheAmistaddecidedthattheywouldkeepthesemen
aliveforthepurposeoftheirnavigatingabilities,and,withthecoercedhelpofthe
90Strother,67.
91MarcusRediker,TheAmistadRebellion(NewYork:Viking,2012)1-2.
Turiano46
Spaniards,theyintendedtoreturntotheirhomesinsouthernSierraLeone.
However,PedroMonteswasabletousehisexperienceasamerchantshipcaptain
tounderminetheplansoftheAfricans:bydayhesailedeasttowardsAfrica,butby
nighthenavigatedtothenorthwest,withthehopesthattheshipwouldbe
interceptednearthecoastsoftheAmericas.Hishopewasrealizedaftereightweeks,
whenaU.S.NavalvesselboardedtheAmistadoffthecoastofLongIslandand
arrestedtheAfricans.92
Itwasatthismomentthatthequestionsposedatthebeginningofthis
chaptercametothefore.Spanishdiplomats,aswellasMontesandRuiz,were
insistentthattheAmistadprisonersbereturnedtoCubafortrial—atrialthatwould
almostcertainlyresultintheirexecution.ThisopinionwassupportedbytheVan
Burenadministration,whowantedtomaintainpositiverelationswithSpainand
whodidnotwanttoestablishaprecedentoffederalactionagainstslavery.Infact,
theonlyreasonthatVanBurenandhisSecretaryofState,JohnForsythofGeorgia,
allowedtheAmistadcasetobedecidedincourtwasthattheyfearedthatarbitrary
actionfromWashingtonwouldhurtVanBuren’spopularityintheNorth(hewould
goontolosethe1840electionregardless).Inplaceofexecutiveintervention,Van
BurenandForsythplacedtheirfaithinFederalDistrictCourtJudgeAndrew
Judson.93Judson,whohadledaviciouspersecutionofPrudenceCrandallin1833
(asdiscussedinChapterOne),wasanavidsupporterofcolonization,anopponentof
blackeducation,andheldanoteworthydetestforracialamalgamation.Sincethe
92MarcusRediker,TheAmistadRebellion2.
93BertramWyattBrown,LewisTappanandtheEvangelicalWarAgainstSlavery
(NewYork:Atheneum,1971)208.
Turiano47
eventsinCanterburyhehadservedasacongressman,andPresidentAndrew
Jacksonappointedhimtohiscourtpositionin1836.94
Ontheotherside,abolitioniststhroughouttheNorthseizeduponthe
Amistadcaseasanopportunitytodismantlethecredibilityofenslavementfrom
withintheAmericanlegalsystem.Theyasked,inMarcusRedicker’swords,“Had
[theAmistadrebels]notassertedtheirownnaturalrightsbykillingthetyrantwho
enslavedthem?”95ThefightfortheAfricans’freedomcamefrommanyangles:the
Amistadrebelsthemselvesinfluencedtheirownfreedomtremendously,quickly
adaptingtoandworkingwithinAmericanlegalandculturalstructures.
Furthermore,theAmericanabolitionistcommunityworkedtirelesslytowardthis
aim,withassistancecomingfrombothwhiteandblackabolitionistsinConnecticut.
TheAmistadcasefosteredbothcooperationandtensionwithintherealmof
interracialactivism.
Amongwhiteabolitionists,noindividualdevotedthemselvestothecause
morewhollythanLewisTappan.Tappan’sinterestandinvolvementintheAmistad
affairbeganalmostimmediatelyuponlearningoftheprisoners.Hewasalertedof
thecasebyaletterfromrank-and-fileNewHavenactivistDwightJanes.96Tappan
reachedouttoSimeonJocelynandJoshuaLeavitt—aneditoroftheEmancipator,
andanoccasionalopponentofTappanonthisissueofpoliticalemancipation—for
thepurposeofformingthe“AmistadCommittee.”Hethenwenttomeetwiththe
AmistadAfricansintheirNewHavenjail,wherehedecidedthatthemostimportant
94Rediker,97.
95ibid.,2.
96ibid.,104.
Turiano48
orderofbusinesswouldbetogivethemanEvangelicalChristiansermon—which
theyhadnowayofunderstanding.HethendecidedthattheAfricanswouldneed
religiousinstruction,whichhechargedagroupofYaleDivinitystudentswith
undertakingbeforeevenfindingatranslator.Healsosettoworkonapublication
thatwouldpresenttheAmistadprisonersinapositivelight,forthepurposeof
gatheringalliesandraisingfunds.97
AccordingtoLewisTappanbiographerBertramWyattBrown,oneof
Tappan’smostimportantsuccessesinhisinitialmobilizationinfavoroftheAmistad
Africanswashisabilitytomaketheircasea“safecause.”WyattBrownwrites,
“Gentlemenwhoweresilentaboutmorepressingquestionsofslavery,gentlemen
whoforyearshadmutteredabouttheTappans’subversiveactivities,congratulated
themselvesontheirliberalityinsupportingtheAmistads.”98Thisvital
accomplishmentofaligningmainstreamNorthernsentimentsbehindanabolitionist
causewasaccomplishedinanumberofways.First,Tappanmanagedtolargely
unitetheabolitionistcommunitybehindthecauseandhisleadershipofit,witheven
thestaunchestGarrisoniansleavingbehindtheiroppositiontohim.Healsowas
suretokeeptheactivitiesoftheAmistadCommitteedistinctfromthoseofthe
AmericanAnti-SlaverySociety,whichhelpedtoencouragemorewidespread
Northernsupport.Perhapsmostimportantly,however,hemanagedtoleadthe
Northernpublictotherealizationthattheactionsoffederalofficialswerequite
oftenimpactedbytheirprejudices.WyattBrownexplainsthat,“Tappanwasableto
97BertramWyattBrown,LewisTappanandtheEvangelicalWarAgainstSlavery,
206-7.
98ibid.,209.
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enlistthesympathyofthenorthernpublicbystraightforwardreportingofthefacts
withouttoomucheditorialembellishment,ameansratheruncommoninantislavery
agitation.”99ThepopularizationofantislaverywithinmainstreamNorthern
sentimentwasavitalstepinthelong,difficultdemiseoftheinstitution,and
Tappan’sroleintheAmistadaffairplayednosmallpartinthatprocess.
Itquicklybecameapparenttotheabolitioniststhatfindingawayto
communicatewiththeAmistadprisonerswouldbebothanextremelyarduousanda
verynecessarytask.Tappantookthetaskuponhimself,bringinginjusttwodays
fivedifferentAfricanstothejail.Hefacedagreatdealofpublicandprofessional
ridiculeforthiswork,withtheNewYorkMorningHeraldreportingthatTappan
wenttothejailwitha“blacktail.”100Thiswasnottheonlypublicresistancethat
Tappanwouldfaceforhiscommittedworktoabolition.AsreferencedinChapter
One,Tappan’sNewYorkCityhomewassackedinthesummerof1834inresponse
toaccusationsfromtheanti-abolitionpressthattheAmericanAnti-Slavery
Society—whichwasatthatpointfrontedbyLewisandhisbrotherArthur—
promotedamalgamationoftheraces.ThemobsthatattackedTappan’shomeand
theirmeetingattheChathamStreetChapelwouldconstitutetheworstriotseenin
NewYorkCityuntilthedraftriotsof1863.101
TheefforttocommunicatewiththeAmistadAfricanswasnexttakenupby
theReverendThomasHopkinsGallaudet,apioneerofdeafeducationinAmerica
andafounderoftheAmericanSchoolfortheDeafinWestHartford.Duringtheir
99WyattBrown,209.
100 Rediker,119.
101 Lemire,59.
Turiano50
timeinHartford,Gallaudetmetwiththeprisonersforseveralconsecutivedays,
spendinghoursadaywiththem.Hehopedtousesigntoreachsomeformofa
universalcommonlanguage.Hisrelativesuccessmayhavecomefromthefactthat
thatthehighlysecretiveWestAfricanPoroSociety,ofwhichCinquéandothermales
inthegroupweresuspectedtobemembers,featuredanadvancedsystemofsign
language.102
ItwasYalelinguisticsProfessorJosiahGibbswhofinallywasabletoachieve
themostnotablebreakthroughincommunicatingwiththeAfricans.Hespenthours
withthreeoftheyounggirlsinthegroup—Margu,Kagne,andTeme—andthey
taughthimtocountfromonetotenintheMendelanguage.Gibbsthentookthis
newfoundskilltothebustlingportsofNewYork,wherehewalkedupanddownthe
pierscountingloudlyintheMendelanguage.Eventually,hecaughttheattentionof
twoWestAfricansailors,CharlesPrattandJamesCovey.Bothofthesemenwere
sailorsaboardtheBritishnavalshipBuzzard,whichpatrolledtheWestAfrican
coastinanefforttohalttheslavetrade.ThisshipwascaptainedbyJames
Fitzgerald,whoheldstrongantislaverybeliefsandgladlylenttheservicesofCovey
tothecausewhenLewisTappanapproachedhim.JamesCoveywastheperfect
candidatetoassistasatranslatorbecause—asidefrombeingfluentandliteratein
bothEnglishandMende—hehadexperiencedenslavementinWestAfricaandhad
beeninterceptedbytheBritishantislaveryforcesenroutetoCuba.103Insharing
bothcommonlanguageandcommonexperienceswiththeAmistadprisoners,James
Coveyrepresentedanidealallytotheircause.
102 InterviewwithKimSilva,March3,2016.
103 Rediker,135-7.
Turiano51
OncegivenavoicethroughCovey’sservices,Cinquéandtheotherprisoners
becamevirulentandeffectiveself-advocates.Cinquéandsomeoftheotherpowerful
oratorsamongthegroup,includingGrabeauandFuli,wereabletogiveextensive
andcompellinglegaltestimoniesthatshowedtheirkidnappingfromAfricaas
havingbeenbothrecentandillegal.Theyalsospokeatlengthaboutthehorrorsof
theMiddlePassage,theirincarcerationinHavana,andtheabusesthattheysuffered
aboardtheAmistad.Cinquéwentasfarastositonthefloorofthecourtroom,
“[holding]hishandstogetherandshow[ing]howtheyweremanacled.”104The
testimonyoftheAfricansservedtoprovetoJudgeAndrewJudsonthattheAmistad
prisonershadinfactbeenveryrecentlytakenfromAfrica.Furthermore,it
humanizedtheprisoners,elicitedagreatdealofpublicsupportandsympathy,and
showedthemtobevictimsofinjusticeratherthanpiratesormurderers.
TheAmistadAfricansalsomanagedtopositivelyinfluencetheirownfateby
quicklyandcarefullylearningagreatdealaboutAmericanculture,andusingthis
knowledgetoleverageTappanandotherabolitionistsasallies.Forexample,the
prisonerswereabletograspthefactthattheirallies—manyofwhom,including
Tappan,heldevangelicalsentiments—wouldbeopposedtopolygyny,whichwas
widelyacceptedinMendisocieties.Whileitisalmostcertainthatseveralofthemen
hadmultiplewives,onlyone,Fabanna,admittedtohavingtwowives.Another
importantexampleofCinquéandtheotherprisonersusingaprofound
understandingofAmericanculturetotheiradvantagecamewiththedeathofoneof
theAfricans,Tua,inSeptemberof1839.Theotherprisonersstoodwatchwhile
104 TestimonyofCinqué.January8,1840,U.S.DistrictCourt,Connecticut,NAB.
Turiano52
LeonardBacon,anabolitionistminister,performedafuneralservice.TheAfricans
thenperformedaserviceoftheirown,withoneprisoner,Shule,leadingthegroupin
aprayerwhiletherestofthegrouprespondedwithshortphrases“inthecommunal
Africanstyle,withgreatfeeling.”Whiletheabolitionistsassumedthatthiswasan
Africanburialrite,theprisonerswouldlaterexplainthatthiswasanattemptto
recreatetheChristianservicesastheyhadobservedthem.105
Theinfluenceoftheprisoners’testimonies,aswellasthatofthetireless
abolitionistsandthepublicsympathytheydrummedup,wouldultimatelypayoff.
JudsonruledthatCaptainThomasGedney,whowasinchargeofthenavalvessel
thatinterceptedtheAmistad,wasentitledtotheshipduetosalvagelaws,butthat
theprisonerscouldnotbeconsideredpropertyunderConnecticutlaw,andwere
thusfree.TappanwrotethatJudson,wholivedinNewHavenandsawtheactivism
infavoroftheAfricansfirsthand,“feltthepressureofpublicsentiment.”The
prisonerswouldhavetoendurefurthertimeincourtthroughafederalappeals
process,butwouldultimatelyprevail,atwhichpointtheirnextchallengebecame
findingpassagehometoWestAfrica.
Thisefforttofindawayhomewouldusherinwhatwouldperhapsbethe
mostpotentpieceofculturaladaptationfromtheAmistadprisoners:their
expressedinterestinlearningandspreadingChristianity.LewisTappanwasfirst
andforemostandevangelicalChristian,andhehadmadeitclearfromhisfirst
contactwiththeAmistadAfricansthatintroducingthemtoChristianfaithwasofthe
utmostimportancetohim.By1841,towardtheendoftheAfricans’timein
105 Rediker,158-9.
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Connecticut,hefeltconfidentthathehadconvertedsometoChristianityandwas
satisfiedthattherestwerewillingtobetaughtthefaith.AsRedikerwrites,“Itis
impossibletotelltowhatextentChristianlanguagewasamatterofbeliefandto
whatextentitwasamatterofstrategy…Allthatcanbesaidwithcertaintyisthatthe
AmistadAfricansunderstoodtheimportanceofChristianitywithintheworldviewof
theabolitionistsandactedtoaccommodateit,withinthelargercontextoftheirown
mainobject:togohome.”106 ThefinalstepinthisprocessofusingChristianitytowardstheiraimof
returningtowesternAfricancameintheirenthusiasmtowardbeingpartofa
ChristianmissiontoAfrican.ThenotionofsendingaChristianmissionwiththe
prisonersarosefromameetingofabolitionistsinMay1841thatincludedReverend
TheodoreWrightandLydiaMariaChild.Theyperceivedanopportunitytoforma
missionthatwouldbesharplydistinguishedfromthoseoftheAmerican
ColonizationSociety.Wright,Child,andtheircolleaguesdetestedtheACS,seeing
themasanorganizationdesignedtoremoveblacksfromtheUnitedStatesatthe
benefitofracists,andashaving“joinedhandswiththeslaveholder”forhaving
acceptedcopiousfundsfromSouthernenslavers.Childdescribedadreamofa“pure
mission”that“notacentfromthosewhoboughtorsoldhumanbeingswouldever
beallowedtopollute.”TheybroughttheideatoTappan,whoworkedtomobilize
organizationalandfundraisingeffortsfortheMendianCommittee.107
Whiletheseplansbegantocometofruition,similargoalswerediscussed
withintheblackactivistcommunityinHartfordandelsewhere,underthe
106 Rediker,159.
107 ibid.,208-9.
Turiano54
leadershipofReverendJamesW.C.Pennington.Penningtonwouldgoontohavea
prolificandheroiccareerincommunityandantislaveryactivism,andwasan
integralfactorinupliftingandunifyingtheHartfordblackcommunity(hisworkon
thisfrontisdiscussedatlengthinChapterFour).Thenationalattentiongarneredby
theAmistadcasewasamajorfactorinPennington’sdecisiontoacceptanofferfrom
theTalcottStreetChurchinHartfordtheprevioussummer.Fortwoyears,
Penningtonhadpublicallyexpressedaninterestinmissionarywork.Hefirmly
believedintheimportanceofself-improvementforthegoodoftheblackcommunity
andfortheaidofGod.RichardBlackettdefinesPennington’sbeliefs,“TheGodofthe
oppressed,whointervenedtoeliminateinequalitiesthroughhisword,onlycameto
therescueofthosewhoweredeterminedtohelpthemselves.Itwastherefore
essentialthatblackssupporttheU[nionMissionSociety].”IfthefreeblackNorth
couldshowtheirabilitytocreateandsustainamovementofthemagnitude
Penningtonhopedfor,thenitwouldgloballyreinforcethehumanityofblacksand
“redoundtheirbenefitathome.”108ItwasinthisspiritthatPenningtonhelda
meetingof43delegates,withthecongregantsincludingfiveoftheAmistadAfricans,
tofoundtheUMSinAugust1841.
ThedelegatesmetatPennington’sTalcottStreetChurchinHartford.As
declaredbyAugustusHansonatthemeeting,theyhadbeencalledby,“The
undeniabletruth,thatwearehereforsomepurpose…notinthedimshadows,but
108 RichardBlackett,“JamesW.C.Pennington:ALifeofChristianZeal,”inBeating
AgainsttheBarriers(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1986)23-4.
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distinctly,toeveryreflectingmind.”109Theblackcommunityrecognizedtheir
collectivecalltoactionasbeingnotthatofasecondary,supportrole.Theyrather
believedthatblackactivistssuchasthemselvesshouldbethevanguardsofaneffort
in“thelandwhichourfatherslovedasthelandoftheirnativity.”110Inthisway,the
UnionMissionSocietyperhapsrepresentedapreludeoftheBlackNationalist
movementthatwouldemergedecadeslater;blacksoftheUnitedStatesandof
Africacametogethertoembracesolidarityandtoresistoppressioninacommunal,
revolutionaryfashion.
ThebiggesthurdlefacedbytheUMS—aswithmostorganizationsbuilt
withinblackactivistcommunities—wasthattheyhadtorelyentirelyontheirown
strainedbudgetsandlimitedcommunityfundraisingcapacitiesforfinancial
support.Mostblackcommunitiesputvirtuallyalloftheirhardfoughtearningsinto
providingforthemselvesandtheirneighbors.AsdiscussedfurtherinChapterFour,
thelackofpublicallyprovidedsocialinfrastructureforNorthernblackcommunities
duringtheantebellumperiodmeantthattheyhadtorelyonthemselves,their
neighbors,andtheirinformalandformalsocialorganizationssuchasChurchesfor
welfare,education,healthcare,andallothertypesofsupport.Attheendoftheday,
thisleftverylittlesurplusincometodonatetoacausesuchastheUnionMissionary
Society.
TheUMSExecutiveCommitteebeganbyaskingthateachoftheroughly100
blackchurchesinthecountryattempttoraise$100each.Thiscallwasmetwith
109 “UnionMissionarySociety,PreparatoryConvention,Hartford,Aug.18,1841.”
TheUnionMissionaryHerald,January1842,Vol.1,No.1.
110 ibid.
Turiano56
verylittleresponse.ReverendPenningtonsoldaplotoflandheownedinNew
HavenanddonatedtheproceedstotheSociety.This,unfortunately,didlittleto
makeadentintheexpendituresoftheUMS.Despiteprimarilyappealingtoblack
members,theSocietyhadbeenopentowhitemembership—anecessarysourceof
revenue.Penningtonandhiscolleaguesfound,however,thatwhiteabolitionists
weremoreinterestedindonatingtoTappan’sMendianCommittee.111
TheUnionMissionSocietyandtheMendianCommitteewerebothconsistent
oflikemindedindividualsworkingtowardsacommongoal,yetwithdifferent
motivations.PenningtonandhiscohortssawtheUMSprimarilyasanopportunity
touplifttheracewhileprovingtheorganizationalmettleofAfricanAmericans.
TappanandothermembersoftheMendianCommittee,ontheotherhand,sawthe
missionasachancetospreadtheirevangelicalpursuitstoacontinentotherwise
largelyuntouchedbyChristianity.Thesedifferencesinopinionsplayedoutina
strainedrelationshipthatatpointsboiledoverintooutrightconflict.Tappan
believedthatPennington’sactionsinformingtheSocietywereirrationaland
premature,andbelievedthattheycouldharmthecauseor,perhapsevenworse,be
acompetitortohisMendianCommittee.PenningtonofferedTappanaroleasan
AuditorintheUnionMissionSociety—aninvitationthatwasprobablyextended
withcondescension—andTappanscornfullydeclinedandrespondedbysuggesting
thatperhapsPenningtonwouldbeanidealchoicetojointheAmistadAfricansasa
missionary.Thetwoorganizationscontinuedtojostleforpowerwhile
simultaneouslysupportingtheAfricans;theSocietycouldnotraisefundstothe
111 RichardBlackett,“JamesW.C.Pennington:ALifeofChristianZeal,”inBeating
AgainsttheBarriers,24.
Turiano57
samecapacityasTappan’sCommittee,andtheMendianCommitteecouldn’t
organizeitselfandattractgrassrootsblacksupportnearlyaswellasPennington’s
organization.112
ThepowerstruggleanddistrustthatmanifesteditselfaroundtheAmistad
missionaryschemewasnotunique.Itwasatensionthatoftenmanifesteditself—as
inthiscase—onsuperficialandlogisticallevels.However,justunderthesurface,
interracialactivistrelationshipswereoftenfraughtwithracialanxieties.Perhaps
themostfamousexamplewasthevolatilerelationshipbetweenFredrickDouglass
andWilliamLloydGarrison,oncefastfriendsandallieswhoserelationship
fracturedoverideologicaldifferences,butwasnodoubtstrainedbyDouglass’
distrustofpaternalistwhiteabolitionists.113 JohnStauffer’sTheBlackHeartsofMen
examinesthetightlyboundinterracialfriendshipandallianceofDouglass,Gerrit
Smith,JohnBrown,andJamesMcCuneSmith.Staufferiscarefultopointout,
however,thatthesemenwere“innoway‘representative’meninantebellum
America”orevenintheabolitionistmovement.114
Whiletheinterracialabolitionistrelationshipwasinmanywaysdifficultto
sustain,italsohadverytangiblebenefitstothemovement,poolingtogether
strengths,ideologies,andbestpractices.ManishaSinhawritesthat,“Interracial
immediatismbroughttogetherthemoralandreligioussensibilityofwhitereform
andtheantislaverytacticsofearlyabolitionistsinBritainandtheUnitedStateswith
112 Blackett,24-5.
113 JohnStauffer,TheBlackHeartsofMen(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversity
Press,2002)161.
114 ibid.,3.
Turiano58
theblacktraditionofprotest.”115LewisTappanwasthe“mosteffectivemanager”of
whatSinhadescribedasan“influentialevangelicalwing”totheabolitionist
movementthatalsoincludedthelikesofhisbrotherArthur,TheodoreWeld,Elizur
Wright,JoshuaLeavitt,andWilliamGoodell,amongmanyothers.116White
abolitionistsalsobroughtagreatdealfinancialstrengthtothemovement,aswellas
bringingthemessagetomorepublicvenues.AfricanAmericansinthemovement
converselyprovidedguidanceabouttheneedsofblackcommunities,brought
strengthinnumbers,andprovidedtheirrefutableevidenceofthehumanityof
blacksthatwasinherenttotheiractivism.WilliamLloydGarrisonwas,forexample,
asupporteroftheAfricancolonizationmovementuntilpersuadedotherwiseby
blackactivistsJamesFortenandRobertPurvis.117Sowhiletherelationships
betweenblackandwhiteactivistswereoftenfraughtwithatensioninherenttothe
times,asseenintheAmistadcase,thefighttomaintainsaidrelationshipsinmany
waysbroughtoutthebestinallinvolvedinthemovement.
Eventually,underTappan’sprimaryorganization,fivemissionarieswere
selectedtojointheAfricans,whoboardedtheGentlemanonNovember26,1841en
routeforSierraLeone.118Thetwoorganizationswouldcontinuetojostleforpower
fornearlyanotheryearbeforeeventuallyunitingtheirstrengthsundertheUMS
namewithReverendPenningtonasPresident,withTappanfillingtherolesof
TreasurerandCorrespondingSecretary.119
115 Sinha,195.
116 ibid.,224.
117 ibid.,219.
118 Rediker,215.
119 Blackett,25-6.
Turiano59
“Butthanks,thanksinthenameofhumanityandjusticetoyou.”JohnQuincy
Adams’wordstoLewisTappanwerenotgivenlightly;hisexpertiseandeffortfrom
anadministrativefront,asalawexpert,andasadisseminatorofinformationwasby
allaccountspivotaltothefreedomoftheprisoners.120 Hiseffortswouldhavesurely
beeninvain,however,ifitweren’tfortheinterracialnatureofthefighttofreethe
Amistadprisonersandtoreturnthemhome.Therolesplayedbyindividualssuchas
JamesCovey,CinquéandtheotherAfricans,Pennington,andcountlessground-level
blackactorsinthestrugglewereabsolutelyindispensabletoitssuccess.
120 WyattBrown,212-3.
Turiano60
ChapterFour:UNITY
ReverendJamesW.C.PenningtonandCommunityImprovement
Activism,1840-1841
“Alittlelearning,indeed,maybeadangerousthing,butthewantoflearningisa
calamitytoanypeople.”-FredrickDouglass,CommencementAddressatTheColored
HighSchool,Baltimore,Maryland,June22,1894
TheplightofHartford’sblackcommunity,aproductoftheirexclusionfrom
largersociety,resultedinagreatdealofeconomichardship.Itwasthislackof
communityresourcesthatmadeReverendJamesW.C.Pennington,apastor
workinginNewtown,LongIsland,121waryofan1840offertoserveaspastorand
headmasteroftheTalcottStreetChurchanditsNorthAfricanSchool.Pennington
hadgrowncomfortableonLongIslandandquitelikedbeingnearNewYorkCity.122
AsthefamouscaseoftheAmistadrebelsunfoldedandblackactivistsinHartford
attractednationalattention,however,theConnecticutparishionerspersisted.Soon,
thechurch’sofferbegantolookmoreattractiveandPenningtonmovedtothe
vibrantNewEnglandcity.123InhisfirstcoupleofyearsasaHartfordminister,
Penningtonundertookawidevarietyofprojects,includingworkwiththewomen
andmenoftheAmistadandinvolvementintheblacknationalconvention
movement.ButthecoreofPennington’sengagementfocusedonHartford.This
effortwasmotivatedbytheneedsofthelocalblackcommunityanditsituatedthe
ministerwithinatraditionofurbanNewEnglandblackactivism.
121 NowknownasElmhurstinQueensCounty,NY;ChristopherWebber,Americanto
theBackbone(NewYork:PegasusBooks,2011)78.
122 ChristopherWebber,AmericantotheBackbone,120.
123 ibid.,124.
Turiano61
WhenthemembersofHartford’sTalcottStreetChurchcontactedReverend
Pennington,theywereacongregationaccustomedtotransient,unqualified,and
indifferentleadership.PenningtonbiographerChristopherWebbernotesthat“the
TalcottStreetChurchhadbeen‘makingdo’withshort-termpastoratesfromthe
beginning”andthatitsclergyhadbeen“mostlywhite.”124TheAfricanSchool,which
residedinthebasementofthechurch,andofwhichPenningtonwasnow
headmaster,hadfallenintodisorganizationanddisrepair.African-American
childrendidnothaveadedicatedschooloftheirownuntil1833,andtheconditions
hadremaineddismalsincethattime.125Pennington’stimeinLongIslandmadehim
farandawaythemostexperiencedteachertheschoolhadeverhad.126This
experiencewouldcometoservehimwell.
InNorthernurbanblackcommunities,religionandthecommunityitfostered
werecentraltolocalidentities.Outsideofthesolaceandguidancethatreligion
providedtooppressedcommunitiessuchasthese,theblackChurchwasan
importantsiteofcommunityorganization.Ittrainedleaders,educatedtheyoung,
andofferedaplacewhereindividualsoflowersocialstatuscouldsharepoliticaland
socialideas.127Allofthiswasinsomewaysabenefitoftheblackcommunity’s
isolation,segregatedwithinawhiteurbancenter.Blackmenandwomenin
Hartford,asinmostNortherncities,didnothaveaccesstotheeconomic,
124 Webber,120.
125 Blackett,15.
126 Webber,143.
127 JamesHortonandLouisHorton,BlackBostonians(NewYork:Holmes&Meier
Publishers,Inc.,1979)39.
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educational,social,andculturalinfrastructureoftheirwhitecounterparts.128The
TalcottStreetChurchpresentedoneofthebest,andoftenonly,outletsfortheblack
communityinHartford.
Pennington’sworkinmanywaysfitslogicallyintothetraditionofblack
activismduringhistimeperiod.InherfamilyhistoryofblackNewYorkersinthe
nineteenth-century,CarlaPetersonshowsthat,asofthelate1830s,NewYorkCity
blackactivistsdevotedtheirtimeprimarilytotheestablishmentofcommunity
organizations.129NewYorkactivistsheldbotheducationandpolitical
enfranchisementinhighregard,seeingtheformerasthebestroutetothelatter.130 Penningtonalsobelievedfirmlyintheconnectionbetweeneducationandgarnering
rightsandrespect.In1832hewasplacedinchargeofdraftingtheAnnualAddress
fortheSecondAnnualConventionfortheImprovementofFreePeopleofColorin
TheseUnitedStates.131Inthisaddressheproclaimedthatprejudiceandoppression
couldbestbeeliminatedbyacquiring“thatclassicalknowledgewhichpromotes
genius,andcausesmantosoaruptothosehighintellectualenjoymentsand
acquirement,whichplaceshiminasituation,tosheduponacountryandapeople,
thatscientificgrandeurwhichisimperishableatthistime.”132
Thisfocusoneducationandcommunityimprovement,ratherthanon
abolitionism,inthelate1830sandearly1840salsofitsintothebroaderhistorical
128 JamesHortonandLouisHorton,BlackBostonians,38.
129 CarlaPeterson,BlackGotham:AFamilyHistoryofAfricanAmericansin
Nineteenth-CenturyNewYorkCity(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,2011)119.
130 ibid.,126.
131 Blackett,9.
132 “MinutesandProceedingsoftheSecondAnnualConventionfortheImprovement
oftheFreePeopleofColorinTheseUnitedStates,1832,”inBell(ed.),Minutesofthe
ProceedingsoftheNationalNegroConventions,1830-1864(NewYork,1969)27.
Turiano63
narrativeofblackactivism.Inhis1972essay“ElevatingtheRace,”FredrickCooper
arguesthat,fromasearlyasthebeginningofthe1820s,blackactivismwas
primarilyfocusedoninternallyimprovingtheblackAmericancondition,withthe
abolitionofslaveryandthepromotionofrightsforfreeblackstakingdecidedly
secondaryroles.Cooperdrawshisevidencefromthewritingsandspeechesofa
rangeofactivists(Penningtonincluded),fromtheresolutionsdraftedatregional
andnationalblackconventions,andfromtherhetoricofpopularblackpublications.
Forexample,CooperpointstotheprospectusofFreedom’sJournal(publishedfrom
1827to1829)asbeingausefulsummaryofthisstrainofthought,especiallyinits
earliestyears.Itreads,“Webelieve,thatapaperdevotedtothedisseminationof
usefulknowledgeamongourbrethren,andtotheirmoralandreligious
improvement,mustmeetwithcordialapprobationofeveryfriendtohumanity.”133
Thisspecificsentiment—thattheimprovementoftheblackcommunity
wouldnecessitatetherespectofwhites—isanimportantpointasblackactivism
throughoutAmericanhistoryhasoftenbeencharacterizedas“integrationist”or
“separationist.”Whileattimesstifling,theselabelscanformausefulframeworkto
understandblackcommunityandblackidentityinnorthernurbancenters.Placing
self-improvementadvocacyonthisspectrumisacomplicatedtask.Cooper,onone
hand,framesadvocacyforself-improvementasbeingunilaterallyintegrationist,
explainingthatadvocacyformoralreformrevealeda“wholeheartedacceptanceof
133 FredrickCooper,“ElevatingtheRace:TheSocialThoughtofBlackLeaders,182750,”inAfrican-AmericanActivismBeforetheCivilWar,ed.PatrickRael(NewYork:
Routledge,2008),59.
Turiano64
themoralvaluesofwhitemiddle-classAmerica.”134Peterson,however,recognizes
thatitcanbeapproachedfrombothintegrationistandseparationistideologies.She
explainsthatmanyNewYorkblackactivistspursuedcommunityimprovement
becausetheyviewedthemainissuefacingblackAmericansas“oneofperception.”
ShecitestheparticularlyviolentportrayalsoftheHaitianslaveupheavalandthe
falsified1840censusdata,whichclaimedthatslaveshadhigherqualityoflifethan
freeblacks,asbeingrootsofthemisperceptionsthatblackAmericansattemptedto
counteract.135
Shepresentsthisevidenceincontrast,however,withthatofblackactivists
buildingcommunityinstitutionsforpurelyseparationistaims.Sheexplainsitasa
waythatmanyattemptedtodistancethemselvesfromwealthywhiteallieswho
provided“paternalisticbenevolence”and“whodemandedgratitude,obedience,and
worstofallhumilityasarewardfortheirlargesse.”136Inreality,thistensionover
themotivationsofself-improvementadvocacyintermsofrelationswiththewhite
communityrevealsthattherewasnosinglecorrectapproach.Integrationwiththe
whitecommunity,especiallywhiteactivists,presentedpragmaticandfinancial
benefitstothecause.However,itoftenstrippedblackactivistsofcontrolwithin
theircauseandoftencamewith“toomanystringsattached.”137 Also,askingthis
questioninthesphereofactivismbeckonedthequestionofwhetheraseparateor
integratedsocietywastheendgoal,whichcertainlyhadnoeasyanswer.
134 FredrickCooper,“ElevatingtheRace:TheSocialThoughtofBlackLeaders,182750,”inAfrican-AmericanActivismBeforetheCivilWar,65.
135 CarlaPeterson,BlackGotham:AFamilyHistoryofAfricanAmericansin
Nineteenth-CenturyNewYorkCity,132.
136 ibid.,120.
137 ibid.
Turiano65
Penningtonhadfirsthandexperiencewiththistensionwithinblackactivism
overself-improvementadvocacyandabolitionwork,andinthesecasesproved
wholeheartedlyhiscommitmenttocommunityimprovementwhenitwasmost
necessary.Inthelate1830sPenningtonwitnessedtheriseoftheAmericanMoral
ReformSociety,whichturnedfocusfromspecificcommunity-levelreformwithin
northernblackcommunitiestowardmorevagueabolitionistaims.138Pennington
reflectedonthisinananonymousLettertotheEditorinTheColoredAmericanin
1840,atwhichpointhesawthemovetowardsabolitionasbeingprematureandas
fracturingacommunitythathadnotadequatelystrengtheneditselfinternally.He
writesthat,“Idonothesitatetosay,thatthefeverof1834,whichsosuddenly
turnedourpeoplefromtheirnobleworkofimprovement,andsettheminchase
aftershadowsfleetinginthewind,hasthrownustwenty-fiveyearsintherear.”139
Penningtonshowedtremendouswisdominhislong-termvisionforthe
communitieswhichhedevotedhimselfto,anditwasthisvisionthatpromptedhim
tofocusoncommunity-basedactivisminHartfordaswell.
Attemptingtounpackthetensionsbetweenintegrationistandseparationist
thoughtrevealstherestrictionsoftheselabels.Attheheartofsuchformulationsisa
blacknesscraftedinrelationtotheideasandactivitiesofurbanwhites.Cooper’s
suggestionthatblackself-improvementadvocatesoftenyieldedtowhitecommunity
leadersisproblematic.IndeedthelifeandworkofReverendPenningtoninHartford
demonstratesthelimitsofsucharelationaldualismintheantebellumNorth.
PenningtonwasnotasconcessionarytothewhitecommunityasCooperandothers
138 Blackett,12.
139 “TheReflector.No.V.,”TheColoredAmerican,March28,1840.
Turiano66
framemostself-improvementadvocates.Hispublicpleasforschoolimprovement
aredirectedwithequalfrequencyandsimilarrhetorictobothblackfamiliesand
largelywhiteschoolcommittees.Hislanguageinwarningandcensuringthesewhite
schoolcommitteesisfrank,honest,andstinging.Penningtondivergesfromthe
narrativesetbymanyhistoriansinanotherimportantway.Cooperarguesthatan
influxoffugitiveslavesintotheNorthernblackactivistcommunityshiftedmuchof
thefocusfromself-improvementtoabolition,140andyetPenningtonhimselffled
enslavement.
OnewayinwhichwecanconfidentlyplacePenningtononthespectrumof
integrationversusseparationisthroughlookingathisstanceonsegregated
schooling.In“JamesW.C.Pennington:ALifeofChristianZeal”,RichardBlackett
pointstoevidencethat,throughouthiscareer,Penningtonfirmlyheldaconviction
thatAfricanAmericanchildrencouldbemoreeffectivelyeducatedinblackschools
thanthrougharelianceonthewhitecommunity.BlackettwritesthatPennington
insisted“thatblacksopentheirownseminariesandmanual-laborandnormal
schoolsuntilsuchtimeaswhiteAmericadecidedtoprovideitsblackcitizenswith
equaleducationalopportunities.”141Penningtonbelievedthat,intheabsenceof
socialandeducationalinfrastructurethatcouldequallysupportblackchildren,
AfricanAmericanshadtotakecontroloftheirchildren’seducationandactivelyfight
toimproveit.Thisbeliefoftenputhimatoddswithideologicalintegrationists
withinblackactivism;however,itisimportanttoemphasizethatPennington’s
separationisminthissituationispracticalratherthanideological.Itwas,basedon
140 Cooper,67.
141 Blackett,17.
Turiano67
hisrationalization,thebestmeansofimprovingthecommunitygivencircumstances
thatwouldprovideblackchildrenwithsubstandardopportunitiesiflefttothewhite
community.
Pennington’s1850autobiographicalwork,TheFugitiveBlacksmith,gavehim
theopportunitytopurposefullydrawimportantconnectionsbetweenhischildhood
underenslavementandhispassionforupliftingtheblackcommunity,especiallyits
children.PenningtonwasbornJamesPembrokein1807,aslaveinHagerstown,
Marylandwhoseparentswereownedbytwodifferentenslavers.Inwritingofhis
ownsufferingsandthegeneralsufferingsofchildrenwithinslavery,hehighlights
community,welfare,andsupportasessentialtochild’supbringing.Hewrites,“The
socialcircle,withallitsheaven-ordainedblessings,isoftheutmostimportanceto
thetenderchild.”142 Pennington’sconvictionthatanattentive,loving“socialcircle”is
suchavitalpartofaproperchildhoodhelpsusunderstandhowandwhyhe
undertakesandsustainssuchtryinglaborsintheAfricanSchool,theTalcottStreet
Church,andtheHartfordblackcommunity.
Atroughly12yearsold,whileenslaved,Penningtonwastrainedintheartof
blacksmithingbyafellowslaveandspentmostofhisfinaldecadeofenslavement
specializedinthistrade.143 Whilegrowinguphedisplayedhisintellectualcuriosity
andhistremendouspotential.HespentmanyofhisSundaysandeveningscopying
textsandattemptingtoteachhimselftoreadfromhisoverseer’sjournal.Hemade
useoffeathersandberryjuiceforhiswritinginstruments,andeventuallyupgraded
142 J.W.C.Pennington,TheFugitiveBlacksmith,ThirdEdition(London:Charles
Gilpin,1850)2.
143 ibid.,4.
Turiano68
toasteelpenthatheforgedforhimself.144InTheFugitiveBlacksmith,Pennington
describesalifeofenslavementthatwasmarkedbycrueltyatthehandsofhis
enslaver,hisenslaver’schildren,andhisoverseers.However,hemakesspecificnote
ofthefactthatthehorrorsheexperiencedarenottheproductofexceptionallycruel
individuals,butratherofaninstitutionthatresteduponbrutality.Hewrites,“The
readerwillobservethatIhavenotsaidmuchaboutmymaster’scrueltreatment;I
haveaimedrathertoshowthecrueltiesincidenttothesystem.”145Pennington
makesclearthathisintentioninsharinghisexperienceswithinslaveryisnotto
elicitsympathyortoexactrevengeuponhisenslaver,butrathertoshedlightonthe
realitiesoflifeforenslavedpeople.
Attheageof21,Penningtondecidedthathecouldnolongerendurelife
withinslavery,decidingto“takeflight”aloneandwithlimitedplans.146Hestruck
outfulloffearanduncertainly,travelling“undercoverofnight,asolitarywanderer
fromhomeandfriends;myonlyguidewasthenorthstar,bythisIknewmygeneral
coursenorthward,butatwhatpointIshouldstrikePenn[sylvania],orwhenand
whereIshouldfindafriendIknewnot.”147Hewalkedallnightwhileseekingout
hidingspotsduringtheday,someofwhichweresoprecariousthattheyrequired
himtospendtheentiredayinthesquattingposition.148 Hisjourneywasperilous,
andontheroadtofreedomhereliedonbothactsofindividualcourageandonthe
selflessassistanceofotherstosuccessfullymakehiswaytofreedom.Atonepoint,
144 Blackett,5.
145 J.W.C.Pennington,TheFugitiveBlacksmith,9.
146 ibid.,12.
147 ibid.,15.
148 ibid.,16.
Turiano69
afterfollowingaroadthatafriendlypasserbyhadwarnedhimagainst,hewas
stoppedandcapturedinasmalltownnearReistertown,Maryland,uponbeing
unabletoproducefreepapers.Hewasonlyabletoescapeafteraseriesofcunning
liesandadaringflightonfoot.149InsouthernPennsylvania,Penningtonwas
boardedforsixmonthsbyaQuakercouple,WilliamandPhoebeWright,whogave
himpaidworkontheirfarmandhelpedhimperfecthisreadingandwriting
skills.150 Heputtheseskillstoworkfortherestofhislife.ItwaswiththeWrights
thathechangedhisname;hetookthemiddlenameWilliaminhonorofhis
benefactor.151Thehighregardwithwhichheupheldgoodmoralcharacterhelps
illuminatehisactivistworkinHartford.Hebelievedsofirmly,duetohispersonal
andreligiousconvictions,thatbuildingoneselfintoagood,morallysoundindividual
isperhapsthenoblestpursuitonecanundertake.Withthisinminditmakesperfect
sensethathedevotedsomuchenergytohelpingcommunitymembers,especially
children,toestablishgoodhabitsandleadmorallives.
Penningtonprovedthroughouthiscareerthathewaswhollyandselflessly
devotedtoteaching.OnhisfirstdayasateacherinNewYork,in1831,hebattled7
milesofsnowyconditionsonfootonlytofindthattheschoolbuildinghadnotbeen
cleanedsinceitsconstruction,atwhichpointhecleanedthebuildinghimself.152 We
can,however,seethispassionforeducationinmoredepththroughhiswriting.One
tremendousresourceforexploringhisexperienceasheadmasteroftheNorth
AfricanSchoolandhisideasoncommunityimprovementonthefamilial,school
149 Blackett,4.
150 EricFoner,GatewaytoFreedom,3.
151 Blackett,5.
152 ibid.,10.
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wide,andinstitutionallevelsishiswritingsinTheColoredAmerican,ablack
newspaperpublishedoutofNewYorkbetween1837and1841.153Penningtonwasa
frequentcontributortoTheColoredAmerican,andmostnotablywrotea14article
seriesoverthecourseof1840and1841titled“CommonSchoolReview.”Inthefirst
ofthese,Penningtonoutlineshisgoalsandintentionsfortheseries,explainingthat
hewoulddrawonhispreviousteachingexperienceinLongIslandaswellashis
timeinHartfordtotellstoriesofhowtheprofessionhas“alternatelytriedand
delighted[his]soulinthecourseofnineyears.”154Healsoexplainsthatthepurpose
ofwritingthesepiecesandtellinghisstoriesistospeakto,andhopefullyinstruct,
twodistinctgroups.Thefirstisparents,whohebelievesarethemostfoundational
influencersofthenextgenerationofthecommunity.Thesecondgroupisthe
primarilywhite“schoolcommittees”thatmaketheadministrativeandbureaucratic
decisionsfortheAfricanSchool.155Therhetoricinhisarticlesaimedtowardthe
schoolcommittees,initsdirectandconfrontationallanguage,providesarefutation
ofCooper’simplicationthatcommunity-improvementadvocateswerealways
concessionarytowhiteindividuals.
Inhispiecesofadviceandwarningtoparents,Penningtonidentifies
problemsintheclassroomanddrawsconnectionstohowtheseproblemscan
becomepervasiveonasocietallevel.Forexample,inNovemberof1840he
publishedapiecederidingparentswhospoil,or“makeapet”oftheirchildren.He
beginsbyexplainingthesortsofproblemsthatthiscancauseintheclassroom,but
153 AccessedthroughAccessibleArchivesdatabase
154 J.W.C.Pennington,“CommonSchoolReviewNo.I,”TheColoredAmerican,July4,
1840.
155 ibid.
Turiano71
sendshismostimportantmessageattheendofthearticleinconnectingthe
problemstoissuesseenwithinthelargercommunity.Hewrites,“Idonotknowthat
Ihavetherighttoapproachthefamilycircle,butIhavearighttopassstrictures
uponwhatemanatesfromthatcircle.Andacaselikethisshowsthebeginningof
thatevilunderwhichsocietygroans,andwhichresultsfromawantofregardto
rule,order,andlaw.”156Hemakesclearthathedoesnotwishtoinserthimselfinto
familymatterssimplyforthesakeofhimselfandotherschoolteachers,butrather
tostuntthedevelopmentofbadhabitsthathebelievescontributedowntheroadto
thebreakdownof“rule,order,andlaw”withinthecommunity.
Hedrawssimilarconnectionsinhisnextarticle,whichchastisesparentswho
permitthehabitoftheirchildrenarrivingtoschoollate.Againhesaysthatheisnot
beingselfishinrequestingthatthispracticeends,explainingtoparentsthatthey
“donotimposeontheteacheronly.Thisevilisverypernicioustothehabitsof
childrenthemselves.Theylearntodisregardpunctualityineverything.Seeingthat
youarenotpunctualinsendingthem,theylearntolingerinthestreetsandlanes
whentheygo.”157Heshowsherethatheunderstandsthattheexamplesetby
parentsistheprimaryfoundationofchildren’supbringing,andheisattemptingto
doeverythinginhispowertoimprovethesupportnetworkavailabletochildren
thathefelthewasdeniedbeingraisedwithinslavery.
156 J.W.C.Pennington,“CommonSchoolReviewNo.VII,”TheColoredAmerican,
November28,1840.
157 J.W.C.Pennington,“CommonSchoolReviewNo.VIIIErrorsofParentsII,”The
ColoredAmerican,March20,1841.(OnAccessibleArchivesthiscitationislisted,in
error,asalsobeingNo.VII.)
Turiano72
Inequalparttohischastisingofparents,however,Penningtonutilizedthe
“CommonSchoolReview”seriestotakeissuewiththeschoolcommitteeswho
servedastheadministrativeandbureaucraticfoundationsfortheAfricanschools.
Hislanguageinthesearticleadvocates—withfrank,bitinglanguage—fortherights
andwelfareofteachers,asherecognizesthatschoolsneedtopayandtreatteachers
fairlyiftheyhopetohireandretaintalented,dedicatedindividuals.Hewrites,for
example,that:
Itisunjustandcruelasdeath,tosend30,60,or100miles,andinviteayoung
mantocomeandtakechargeofyourschool,paradehimbeforeacommittee
sixmonths’arduouslabor,turnaboutandtellhimyoucannotpay.Thisis
robbingamanofhistime—itisanunceremoniouswayofcheatinghimoutof
thefruitofhislabors.158
Pennington’swritingisveryrevealingof,notonlyhispassiononthesubjectof
education,butthegeneralplightofAfricanSchoolteachers.Penningtonwas
certainlyunderpaidduringhistenurewiththeAfricanSchoolinHartford,andfor
hisfirstyearsinHartforddriftedaroundvariousmeagerlivingsituations,often
relyingonthekindnessoffriendsandparishionerswhoputhimupintheir
homes.159Hegoesontoexplain,however,thatheagainmakesthesepleasnotfor
hisownsake,butforthesakeofprovidingchildrenwiththeeducationstheyneedto
bemoralandproductivemembersoftheircommunity.Hewrites,“Educationisso
desirablethateveryeffortandsacrificeoughttobemadebyeveryonetodiffuseit
intothemassofourneedypeopleeverywhere.Butthiscanneverbedoneby
158 J.W.C.Pennington,“CommonSchoolReviewNo.XI,”TheColoredAmerican,June
26,1841.
159 Webber,135.
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robbingteachers.”160Hisconvictionisclear;Penningtonwasremarkableinhis
abilitytodevoteeveryshredofhisbeingtohiscommunityandleftaprofoundand
impactfulmark,especiallyinthesefirstcoupleofyearshespentinthecity.
DespitePennington’stirelessefforts,thechangethathesoughttoaffectin
theeducationofHartford’sblackchildrenwasfarfromimmediate.Without
additionalfunding,PenningtonwasabletodolittletoimprovethestateoftheNorth
AfricanSchool,passingitofftotheyoungandbrilliantAugustusWashingtonin
1844afterfourfrustratingyearsasheadmaster.161Hewasableto,however,with
hisconstantadvocacy,igniteawaveofactivismtowardblackschoolreformin
Hartford,whicheventuallyforcedtheschoolcommitteetoprovidebettersalaries
andfunding.Furthermore,hisactivismopenedtheeyesofblackHartfordadultsto
theimportanceofeducationtotheadvancementofthecommunity,and,ashehad
predicted,theyflourishedoncetakingagencyovertheeducationoftheirown
children.TheHartfordschoolcommitteegavetheAfricanAmericancommunitythe
choiceofattendingwhiteschoolsin1852,andtheyinsteadoptedtocontinue
attendingtheAfricanschoolsuntilConnecticuteducationwasfullydesegregatedin
1868.162
TherestofPennington’scareerandlifesawhimcontinuallygrowing,
transforming,andgiving,ashemadeprofoundimpactsbothintheUnitedStates
andabroad.In1843,theConnecticutAnti-SlaverySocietyselectedPenningtonto
160 J.W.C.Pennington,“CommonSchoolReviewNo.XI,”TheColoredAmerican,June
26,1841.
161 Blackett,16
162 ibid.
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representtheminLondonattheSecondWorldAnti-SlaveryConvention.163This
timeattheConventionwasnotthelastthathespentinoverseas,however,asthe
passageoftheFugitiveSlaveLawin1850forcedReverendPenningtontoleavethe
UnitedStatesandculminatedinadramaticsagaforhisfreedom.Pennington
remainedinHartforduntil1848andthenreturnedtoNewYorkCity,allwhile
continuingtobeareligiousleaderandprolificactivist,devotingincreasingamounts
ofhistimetotheAntislaverycause.However,Pennington,whohadrecently
remarriedandbeguntostartafamily,164becameincreasinglyuneasywithhis
stationasafugitiveslaveinthepubliceye.NewYorkCitylefthimveryvulnerableto
slavecatchersandfarmoreexposedtothepubliceye,unlikeHartfordwhichhad
providedsomeshelter.165
Pennington’sfearofrecaptureeventuallycompelledhimtoreturnto
Englandin1849,andoncetheFugitiveSlaveLawwaspassedhewasforcedto
remaininEurope.HissagacreatedastirintheUnitedStateswhenhefinallysent
wordtofriends,supportersandparishionersofhisfugitivestatusandhisinability
toreturntotheUnitedStates.AnarticleinFredrickDouglass’papersaysthatthe
editorshadlearned,“thatthereasonoftheprotractedabsenceofthiseloquentand
distinguishedclergymeninEuropeisthathefearsthat,shouldhereturn,hewould
beseizedandcarriedintoslavery,undertheoperationofthefugitiveslavelaw.”166
ThearticlegoesontodescribePennington’seffortstoconsulthisfriendsandallies
163 Webber,186.
164 ibid.,258.
165 ibid.,256.
166 “Rev.Dr.PenningtonanExilefromHisNativeLand,”FredrickDouglass’Paper,
April10,1851.
Turiano75
inHartfordandNewYorkforhelpandlegalguidance,andendswithlamentatthe
absenceofPenningtonatthehandofacruelandunjustlaw.“WhatmusttheSavior
think,”itreads,“ofalaw,oranarticleintheConstitutionasgenerallyinterpreted,
whichdeliversuponeofhisministersasapreytotheoppressor.”167
PenningtonwasfinallyabletoreturntotheUnitedStatesinthesummerof
1851whenJohnHooker,afriendandallythathehadmetinHartford,purchased
himfromhisoriginalMarylandenslaverandexecutedadeedofmanumission.168
Whilehavingbeenfreeinheartandfreeinpracticeforabout25years,Pennington
wasfinallyafreemanintheeyesofthelaw.Hespentmostofthefinalyearsleading
uptohis1870death169livinginNewYork,butdidspendsometimebeginningin
1856livinginarentalhomeinHartford,onasmallstreetthatwasthencalledBaker
Streetinthenew,blue-collarcommunityofFrogHollow.170BakerStreetisnow
calledWardStreetandisjustfourblocksnorthofTrinityCollege’scampus.
Pennington,wholeftindeliblemarkseverywherehewentandwasavital
pieceofabolitionisthistory.FromleadingthefighttodesegregateNewYorkCity
publictransit,171tomarryingFredrickDouglasstohiswifeinthehomeofan
abolitionistwhowasharboringDouglassalongtheundergroundrailroad,172
Penningtonwilllonggraceourhistorybooksandberememberedformanygreat
167 “Rev.Dr.PenningtonanExilefromHisNativeLand,”FredrickDouglass’Paper,
April10,1851.
168 JohnHooker,“Rev.Dr.Pennington,”FredrickDouglass’Paper,June3,1851.
169 Blackett,6.
170 Webber,383.
171 ibid.,327.
172 EricFoner,GatewaytoFreedom,3.
Turiano76
deeds,butitisimportantthathiscontributionstoHartford’sblackcommunityin
theopeningyearsofthe1840sarenotsoonforgotten.
Turiano77
Epilogue:SACRIFICE
The29th,30th,and31st(Colored)RegimentConnecticutVolunteers,theHardships
ofWar,andtheFightforLiberty,1863-1864
“Forsurelyitwillbeconcededthatwhenamanhasboughthisadoptedcountrybyhis
blood,itishisown.Whileasarace,theNegrorace,thisisouradoptedland,yetas
individuals,itisournativeland.”-AlexanderNewton,CommissarySergeant,29th
(Colored)RegimentConnecticutVolunteerInfantry
“ItiswartimesnowandSomeBodyhasgottodosomethingFortheir
Country.”WhenJosephOrinCross,anAfricanAmericanbornfreeinGriswold,
Connecticut,sentthesewordstohiswifeinDecemberof1864,heexpresseda
sentimentwidelyheldbymenoftheblackcommunitiesofHartfordandoftowns
andcitiesthroughouttheNorth.Crossrepresentedoneofover1,600menfrom
Connecticuttoenlistinthe29th,30thand31stRegimentsintheclosingmonthsof
1863.Othershadn’twaitedthislong,withsomejoiningthe54thMassachusetts
Regimentearlyin1863andothersenlistinginseveralofthemorethan150United
StatesColoredTroopsregiments.173 Thesemenwereallcalledtoacommoncause,
butenlistedformanydifferentreasons.Thesereasonsareimportanttoexamine
becauseofthequestiontheyhelpanswer,asaskedbyChandraManning:“Why
wouldmorethan180,000blackmenfightforagovernmentthat,foritsentire
existence,hadsmiledontheenslavementofmembersoftheirrace?”174
ThemotivationsforenlistmentheldbyblackConnecticutsoldiersvaried
greatly,butsharedacommonthreadofselflessness.Somemen,likeCross,fought
173 DianaRossMcCain,“Connecticut’sAfrican-AmericanSoldiersintheCivilWar,
1861-1865,”ResearchReport(Connecticut:ConnecticutHistoricalCommission,
2000),10-4.
174 ChandraManning,WhatThisCruelWarWasOver(NewYork:VintageBooks,
2007)4.
Turiano78
outofnationalpatriotism.Othersriskedtheirlivesforliberty,whichtheysaw“asan
intangibleandbroadlyapplicableideal,notaprivilegeorpossessionrestrictedtoa
few.”175BlacksoldiersdidnotonlyseeklibertyforenslavedAfricanAmericansin
theSouthhowever;theyhopedthatthesuccessoftheUnion,andtheircontribution
toit,couldimprovetheirconditionathomeintheNorth.Afterall,asnotedby
troopsofthe14thRhodeIslandHeavyArtillery,enslavementstillcasta“baleful
shadowoverthewholelandfromMainetoTexas,”despiteabolitioninthenorthern
states.176RatherthanharboringresentmentagainsttheUnionbecauseofthis
historicalandongoingoppression,AfricanAmericanmenseizedanopportunityto
influencechangethroughtheirserviceandsacrifice.
LeonardPercyembodiedthisaspiration.ForPercy,a50-somethingblack
manfromGranby,Connecticut,thepivotalkeytolibertylayintherighttovote.
AccordingtothewritingsofWilliamCase,awhitemanfromGranby,Percy
overheardhimandanothermandiscussingthefactthattheybelievedthatawar
overemancipationcouldleadtotheeventualenfranchisementofAfricanAmericans.
AtthispointPercyinterjected,saying:“Doyoubelievethat?Iwoulddietohavethat
daycome.”Percy’swordswouldproveprophetic.Heenlistedinthe30thRegiment,
alongsidehisthreesonsEarl,Alfred,andCharles,anddiedwhileintheservice.177
Asidefromfightingtoendenslavementandtoachieveequalrightsinthe
North,blacksoldiersfoughtintheUnionArmyinanattempttodispelperceptions
ofracialinferiorityamongwhiteAmericansandto“earn”theirplaceinthe
175 ChandraManning,WhatThisCruelWarWasOver,126.
176 ibid.,5.
177 DianaRossMcCain,“Connecticut’sAfrican-AmericanSoldiersintheCivilWar,
1861-1865,”15-6.
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Americancitizenry.Manningarguesthatanimportantaspectofthiswasthefight
forthe“manhoodoftherace.”Enslavement“robbedblackmenofmanofthe
nineteenthcentury’shallmarksofmanhood,includingindependence,courage,the
righttobeararms,moralagency,liberty,ofconscience,andtheabilitytoprotect
andcareforone’sfamily,”allofwhichcouldtheoreticallyberestoredthrough
combat.178Tangentialtothisdesiretoearnthetrappingsofmanhoodwasthe
yearningforasenseofplacein,andownershipof,theUnitedStates.Alexander
Newtonofthe29thRegimentexpressedthissentimentinhisautobiography,writing,
“Whileithadalwaysbeensaidthatthiswasawhiteman’scountry,wewere
determinedthattheblackmanshouldshareinthishonorofownership.Andthe
bestwaythatthisownershipcouldbeestablishedwasthroughtheloyaltyofthe
blackmanonthebattlefield.179 Forthereasonsoutlinedabove,andforscoresofothers,blacknortherners
fromConnecticutandfromthroughouttheUnionwerereadytotakeuparmsfrom
theoutsetofthewar.Itwouldtakeupwardsoftwoyears,however,forthefederal
government,Connecticutstateofficials,andthewhitepublictowarmuptotheidea
ofblackUnionsoldiers.Initially,broadlyacceptedtheoriesofracialinferiority
precludedAfricanAmericansfromservice.Manyindividualsbelievedthatblack
soldierswouldfleeatthefirstsoundofgunfire.AccordingtoJamesOakes,even
PresidentLincoln“wonderedwhethermenrearedinbondagecouldbecomegood
soldiers.”180Lincolnandthefederalgovernmentalsoheldpoliticalreservations
178 Manning,129.
179 RossMcCain,14.
180 JamesOakes,FreedomNational(NewYork:W.W.Norton&Company,2014)377.
Turiano80
aboutarmingAfricanAmericans.ThroughoutthewarLincolnwasextremely
cognizantofthevitalimportanceoftheBorderStatesthathadremainedinthe
Union.InAugust1862,LincolntoldagroupofvisitorsthattheUnioncouldnotlose
KentuckytotheConfederacy,andthathebelievedthatarmingAfricanAmericans
“wouldturn50,000bayonetsfromtheloyalBorderStatesagainstusthatwerefor
us.”181
However,intheWar’sthirdyear,ascasualtiesmountedandtheUnionArmy
becameincreasinglydesperateforenlistments,theneedtocalluponwillingand
ableAfricanAmericansbecameapparent.AccordingtoOakes,“[Lincolnandthe
Republicans]realizedthattheycouldnotdestroyslaveryiftheydidnotwinthewar,
andtheyeventuallyconcludedthattheycouldnotwinthewarunlesstheyreversed
decadesoffederalpolicyandenlistedtensofthousandsofAfricanAmericansinthe
UnionArmy.”182Blacksoldiersprovedfarmorebeneficialtothecausethancould’ve
beenanticipated.AsLincolnwroteinalettertoGeneralGrantinAugust1863,the
armingofAfricanAmericans“worksdoubly,weakeningtheenemyand
strengtheningus.”183Themerepresenceofarmedblacksoldiersunderminedthe
cornerstoneofblackinferiorityuponwhichtheConfederacyrested.184Ontheother
sideofthiscoin,blackcombatdidagreatdealtoswaytheopinionsofthewhitemen
theyfoughtalongsideintermsofracialinequalityandtheimportanceofendingthe
institutionofslavery.AccordingtoManning,“Blacksoldiers’obviousbraveryand
181 JamesOakes,FreedomNational,377.
182 ibid.,xvii.
183 AbrahamLincoln,“LettertoUlyssesS.Grant,”August9,1863.
184 SeeAlexanderStephen’s1861“CornerstoneSpeech”
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effectivenessinbattlemadeanimpressiononwhitetroopsateverylevelofthe
Armyfromtoptobottom.”185
Despitetheseaccomplishmentsandtriumphs,blackUnionsoldiers
experiencedstinginginjusticefromtheirownarmyintheformofunequalpay.
Blacksoldiersreceivedasalaryofonlytendollarspermonth,andfromthathad
threedollarsdeductedmonthlyforclothingandsupplies.Theirwhitecounterparts
receivedsixteendollarseachmonthandweregivenanallowanceofthreedollars
and50centsforclothing.Thepaydiscrepancywasnotonlyinsultingbutalso
broughthardshipuponthepoorblackfamiliesthatsoldiershadleftbehind.JohnH.
B.Payne,asoldierfromOhio,wrote:“Ifthewhitemanycannotsupporthisfamilyon
sevendollarspermonth…Icannotsupportmineofthesameamount.”186InMayof
1864,onwhatwassupposedtobethefirstpaydayforthe29thConnecticut,
AlexanderNewtonwrotethattheregimentwas“disgustedwiththisfailureonthe
partoftheGovernmenttogiveusadecentcompensationforourworkas
soldiers.187Despitetheeconomichardships,manyblackUnionsoldiersaltogether
refusedtheirwages,choosingtoboycottonpaydayinanefforttosendamessageto
thefederalgovernmentandtodisplaythe“disharmonyintheranks”thatwasbeing
producedbythewagegap.188 ManymembersoftheConnecticutblackregiments
consideredparticipatinginthisprotest,yetallexceptforI.J.Hillofthe29thaccepted
paywhenpromisedbyofficersthatnextmonth’spaywouldbethefull16dollars.
185 Manning,123.
186 DouglasEgerton,TheWarsofReconstruction(NewYork:BloomsburyPress,
2014)48.
187 RossMcCain,16.
188 DouglasEgerton,TheWarsofReconstruction,48.
Turiano82
Hillrecalledhisangerattheinjustice,writing,“No,asIhavegivenmylifeIwill
becomeamartyranddiebeforeIacceptthatsum.”Twodayslater,officersbrought
thegoodnewsthatthestateofConnecticuthaddecidedtomakeupthedifferencein
pay,andallmenweregiventhefullsalaryof16dollars.189 Connecticut’sblackregimentswereexemplaryofbravery,andthetypesof
wartimeperilthatnecessitatedit.Thetrialsofmilitarylifestruckthe29th,30th,and
31stRegimentsbeforetheyevensawcombat.Themenfoundrationstobeheinously
inefficient;JosephCrosswrotehome,“Iknowwhatitistogohungry,butIhave
Learnthowtostealforaliving.”190Onceincombat,however,themenwouldcome
tolearnawholenewlevelofsuffering.The29thwouldspendoveramonth
participatingintheSiegeofPetersburg,suffering178casualties.I.J.Hillofthe29th
Regimentrecalledoverhearingawhitesoldiersaying,uponseeingthem:“Well,they
aretakingthosecoloredmentotheirslaughterpeninfrontofPetersburg.”Tragedy
wouldstrikethe31stRegimentattheUnionfiascothatwastheBattleoftheCrater
inJulyof1864.Thebattlewasanattemptbythe49thPennsylvaniaRegiment—led
byanengineerandprimarilyconsistentofcoalminers—toplantexplosivesbeneath
Confederatefortificationsandstrategicallyattackinthechaosthatfollowed.The
planbackfired,however,andUniontroopsfoundthemselvesatthebottomofa
cratertheyhadcreated,unprotectedfromabarrageofConfederatefirepower.More
thanhalfofthe31stConnecticutwouldbekilledorwounded,includingalloftheir
officersandtotaling136men.ThemenofConnecticut’sblackRegiments
experiencedallofthetrialsandhorrorsthattheWarcouldbring.
189 RossMcCain,17.
190 ibid.,18.
Turiano83
ThehundredsofblackmenwhofoughtfortheUnioncauserepresenteda
greatdealofindividualcourage,selflessness,andinitiative.However,theirservice
alsorepresentedthelegacyofthosewhocamebeforethem.BythetimetheWar
came,PrudenceCrandallhadfledConnecticut,astatethatwouldcelebrateherin
thefuturebutthatofferednothingbutscornduringherlifetime.191Shespentthe
WaryearsinMendota,Illinois,remainingactivelyinvolvedinanti-slaveryactivity,
andmaintainingcontactwithWilliamLloydGarrison.Shecontinued,however,
wishinginvainthatshemightsomedaybeabletoreturntohercallingofeducating
blackchildreninherhomestateofConnecticut.192 Duringtheyearsofthewar,JamesLindsaySmithkeptashopinFranklin
SquareinNorwich,Connecticut.193Hewroteatlength,andwithgreatpride,onthe
29thConnecticutRegiment.Hesawblackcombatasoneofthebestopportunitiesfor
blackAmericanstounequivocally,andpermanently,asserttheirfreedom.Inhis
autobiography,Smithwrote,“Theblackmanwentintothewarwithbutone
determination:thatoncelearningtheuseofarms,hewouldneveragainbemadea
slave.Whetherheeverenjoyedtheblessedprivilegesoffreedomhimselfit
matteredlittletohimsothathisracederivedthebenefits.”194Smithaffirmsthe
selflessnessandtheambitionofthoseConnecticutmenwhofoughtforthefreedom
oftheirenslavedbrothersandsisters;aselflessnessandambitionthatwasinmany
waysnotdissimilartothatshownbythosewhohadaidedSmithinhisflightfrom
enslavementsome25yearsearlier.DavidRuggleshadpassedawayseveralyears
191 ConnecticutnamedCrandallasitsofficialStateHeroinein1995.
192 Welch,161-4.
193 Smith,82.
194 ibid.,114.
Turiano84
earlier,fallingillanddyingin1849attheageof39,buthislegacylivedoninthe
freedomofSmithandscoresofotherformerfugitives.195
LessisknownaboutthefatesoftheAmistadAfricansbythetimetheCivil
Warcame.RelativelyfewremainedcommittedtotheestablishmentofaChristian
mission,andthosewhodidestablishedthemselvesby1843onaplotoflandonthe
WestAfricancoastroughlyhalfwaybetweenFreetown,SierraLeoneandMonrovia,
Liberia.Cinquéwouldspendtherestofhislifesplittingtimebetweenthemission
andhisfamilialduties.Manyothersinvolvedthemselvesinwarsagainsttheslave
trade.JamesCovey,bornKaweli,hadreturnedtoWestAfricaalongwiththe
mission,tookpartinthisfightingandwaskilledinMperriwithinafewyearsof
leavingtheUnitedStates.196 LewisTappanhadvotedforGerritSmithratherthan
Lincolninthe1860election,havinglostfaithintheauthenticityoftheRepublican
Party’santislaveryrhetoric.ItwouldtaketheEmancipationProclamationtoturn
TappantowardstrustingandsupportingthePresident.Thesummerof1865would
provebittersweetforTappan,markingtheendoftheCivilWarbutalsothedeathof
hisbrotherandactivistcolleagueArthur.LewisTappanwouldpassawayin1873.197
TheWaryearsfoundReverendJamesW.C.Penningtonaging—butstill
activeandcontentious.HespentpartsoftheWarlivinginNewYorkCityandothers
livinginPoughkeepsie,NewYork.Hewasanprolificvoiceinactivistpursuits,
includingabolition,theefforttoraiseblacktroopsfortheWar,thefightover
colonization,andothers.Heconsistentlyfoughttomaintainblackvoicesinthese
195 GrahamGaoHodges,DavidRuggles,196.
196 Rediker,221-2.
197 WyattBrown,336-42.
Turiano85
arenas,andindoingsomaintainedfeudswithTappan,Garrison,HenryGarnet,and
otherwhiteantislaveryadvocates.198Hediedin1870.
WithPennington’sdeath,however,didnotcomethedeathofhislegacy.His
work,andtheworkofallthosetoiledinthe1830sand40stoaffectpositivechange
onthecommunityandthenationallevel,hasproventobeapivotalfoundationfor
thefightforracialequalityintheUnitedStates—afightthatcarriesontoday.The
womenandmenrememberedintheprecedingpagesserveasalastingreminder
thathistoryisnotonlydrivenforwardbythosewhowieldpower,butbythosewho
actcourageouslyandselflesslyfrompositionsofsocialmarginalization.
198 Webber,405-14.
Turiano86
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