Brexit: the weight of
history
Monthly Strategy Report June 2016
Rose Marie Boudeguer
Director, Research Services
Monthly Strategy Report. June 2016
Brexit: the weight of history
According to the prevailing Big Bang theory, the matter that made up the early universe largely consisted
In a month when British citizens will decide whether or not to remain in the European Union, it seems
interesting, or at least fitting, to examine the origin of the United Kingdom’s complex relationship with
the European Union over the years. Is it perhaps the result of an allegiance to the counter-current or,
alternatively, does it originate in the convictions of ghosts from the past?
I do not intend to analyse the conflicts that have occurred since the creation of the European Union:
the refusal of the United Kingdom to sign the Treaty of Rome in the 1950s, France’s veto of the UK’s
application to join the union in the 1960s, its entrance in the 1970s, and the continual disputes against
an economic backdrop that led to Margaret Thatcher’s memorable utterance: “I want my money back” in
the 1980s. Neither will I allude to recent discrepancies grounded in a growing aversion among the British
people to cede a portion of their sovereignty to the “bureaucracy” of Brussels.
Rather, I will examine the possible origins of this love-hate relationship. Many Britons love visiting
Continental Europe and idolise elements of its culture, cuisine, traditions, and landscapes. Indeed,
roughly 1.5 million Britons have moved to the continent, and not necessarily for jobs. So, what clouds
the British view of Europe?
The first factor that leaps to mind is pride in the Commonwealth, the free association of sovereign states
that belonged to the British Empire. As the architect of that Empire, over the years the United Kingdom
engaged in conflict with other European powers intent on the same objectives. As an island nation, it has
always strived to be the master of its own destiny. In the words of a great British historian, “for centuries
we lived in splendid isolation, protected by the Navy and the Empire.”
However, for many historians, the most enduring influence on Britain’s self-image is the Second World
War. The memory of Britain in its darkest hour, standing alone against Nazi Germany, may reinforce the
conviction of the UK as its own best friend. And that if anyone can be relied on to come to her aid, it is
the United States.
Let us return to that dark hour: June 1940. Only ten months after the outbreak of World War II, Germany
had swept across Western Europe. Having vanquished powerful opponents like France, Poland, the
Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, Norway, and Luxemburg at breakneck speed and defeated the British
Expeditionary Force at Dunkirk (driven from the continent with the loss of much of its arsenal), Hitler
soared to the pinnacle of his power, expecting nothing short of complete domination over Europe. He
assumed that, after the capitulation of France, Britain would quickly succumb. At the time, the United
States was still neutral and the Soviet Union did not intend to face-off against the German forces.
This jingoistic approach prompted Hitler to pause for several weeks before attacking the UK, convinced
it would surrender. He wanted to end the war with magnanimous theatricality, with no blood spilled, and
avoid endangering the German navy, which had suffered heavy casualties against Norway. His plan was
to negotiate with the United Kingdom, allowing it to keep its Empire throughout the world provided it
acknowledged Germany’s right to rule a Nazified Europe.
But the British refused, and for one year—from the surrender of France in June 1940 until the invasion
of the Soviet Union in June 1941—the United Kingdom stood alone against the Third Reich. The United
States provided support by supplying arms and munitions, but did not enter the war until December
1941.
At the time, the United Kingdom had the world’s most powerful navy and the country’s new prime
Monthly Strategy Report. June 2016
minister, Sir Winston Churchill, pledged to fight until the end. “The Battle of France is over... the Battle
of Britain is about to begin,” he proclaimed before the House of Commons on 18 June 1940.
Knowing they had no chance of defeating the Royal Navy, the Nazis shifted their focus to the British
Royal Air Force (RAF). In July 1940, German planes began targeting British airfields and radar posts. The
Battle of Britain was the first to be fought in the air.
After weeks of fighting, the Germans mistakenly bombed some districts of London and Churchill
retaliated by attacking Berlin, which infuriated Hitler, who subsequently ordered the bombing of British
cities. Initially, the German Air Force (the Luftwaffe) targeted London, devastating the metropolis, then
moved on to other cities, 16 in total, killing nearly 43,000 civilians. The horror of those endless nights
in makeshift shelters with the sky on fire and the thunder of bombardment still lives in the memory of
those who experienced it and in that of their descendants.
Over time, the RAF became stronger: pilots from nearly every country in the Empire joined the fight,
the Americans supplied the majority of weapons, and the British resistance grew increasingly fierce
and powerful. Germany, meanwhile, had been severely crippled in the conflict against Norway and was
spending more than budgeted on the air campaign. With the operation unsuccessful, Hitler ordered a
halt to the attacks and retreated in May 1941.
The rest, as they say, is history. Three years later, the Allies declared victory and some 10 years on, the
major European countries decided to form the European Coal and Steel Community, which eventually
transformed into the European Economic Community. Initially, the United Kingdom refused to take part,
although in 1946 Churchill himself advocated building “a kind of United States of Europe.”
It is difficult to precisely pinpoint the genesis of political events and developments. And it is not my
intention to explain the origin of the referendums that have taken place in the United Kingdom. I simply
find it interesting to remember that the history of a nation —and its geography—influence the way it
approaches the present, that is to say, tomorrow’s history.