Watergate Scandal Timeline
omplicated President
re have been many scandals throughout American presidential history, but only one has ever
ught down a presidency. To understand Watergate, it is helpful to have an understanding of the
ure of the administration, and of the psyche of the man himself. Richard M. Nixon was a secretive
n who did not tolerate criticism well, who engaged in numerous acts of duplicity, who kept lists of
mies, and who used the power of the presidency to seek petty acts of revenge on those enemies.
early as the 1968 campaign Nixon was scheming about Vietnam. Just as the Democrats were
ing in the polls following Johnson's halting of the bombing of North Vietnam and news of a possible
ce deal, Nixon set out to sabotage the Paris peace negotiations by privately assuring the
aniel Ellsberg head
to court to face
harges associated
th his leaking of the
entagon Papers to
the press, 1971
Nixon campai
California, 9/
South Vietnamese military rulers a better deal from him than they would get from Democratic
candidate Hubert Humphrey. The South Vietnamese junta withdrew from the talks on the eve o
election, ending the peace initiative and helping Nixon to squeak out a marginal victory.
During Nixon's first term he approved a secret bombing mission in Cambodia, without even con
or informing congress, and he fought tooth and nail to prevent the New York Times from publis
infamous Pentagon Papers (described below). Most striking, however, was Nixon's strategy for
deal with the enemies that he saw everywhere. Nixon sent Vice President Spiro Agnew on the
blast the media, protestors, and intellectuals who criticized the Vietnam War and Nixon's policie
Agnew spewed out alliterate insults such as "pusillanimous pussyfooters", "nattering nabobs of
negativism", and "hopeless, hysterical hypochondriacs of history". He once described a group o
opponents as "an effete corps of impudent snobs who characterize themselves as intellectuals
Washington "Plumbers"
Nixon and his aides also discussed ways in which the President could use subterfuge to undermine his enemies and
eived injustices. This became especially important to the President in 1972, when he was determined to win the elec
e comfortably than he had in 1968. Nixon had once approved the illegal break-in concept first floated by White House
Huston, even though Huston specifically told the president it was tantamount to burglary. However, FBI director J. E
ver refused to cooperate. (Hoover then died in May, 1972, and L. Patrick Gray was appointed acting director in his pl
n was especially infuriated by leaks in his administration, and none was bigger than that which became known as the
agon Papers, a sensitive Pentagon document that traced the often illicit history of America's involvement in Vietnam
to block publication of the document, and lost. When Nixon discovered that military analyst Daniel Ellsberg had been
rce of the leak, he told White House Counsel Charles Colson, "Do whatever has to
done to stop these leaks and prevent further unauthorized disclosures; I don't want to
old why it can't be done...I don't want excuses; I want results. I want it done,
tever the cost." Colson and yet another Nixon aide, John Erlichmann, created a
up whose task it was to stop any further leaks. These White House Plumbers, as
came to be known, were tasked with finding a way to get revenge on Ellsberg. Two
he so-called plumbers were ex-CIA officer Howard Hunt, and ex-FBI agent G.
don Liddy. The plumbers tried to break into the office of Ellsberg's psychiatrist in Los
eles to get Ellsberg's confidential treatment records, but the raid was completely
hed. In addition to Hunt and Liddy, several other future Watergate burglars were
ex-CIA officer
ex-FBI
of this raid.
Howard Hunt
G. Go
Lid
972
atergate Complex,
Washington, D.C.
The Watergate Break-In
June 16, 1972: In room 214 of the Watergate Hotel in Washington, D.C., seven men gathered t
finalize their plans to break in to the Democratic National Committee's (DNC) headquarters, loc
the sixth floor of one of the Watergate complex's six buildings. One of these men, G. Gordon L
was a former FBI agent. Another, E. Howard Hunt, had retired from the CIA. James McCord w
handle the bugging, Bernard Barker would photograph documents, and Virgilio Gonzalez would
the locks. The remaining two, Eugenio Martinez and Frank Sturgis, would serve as lookouts. S
these men were Cuban exiles who had met Hunt through their participation in the failed Bay of
invasion back in 1961. Although the burglars would be caught in the act, many months would p
ore the enough details would emerge to create a picture of the events leading up to that night.
se men had been hired by representatives of President Nixon's administration to use illegal means
ather information that could prove useful to Nixon winning the 1972 election.
June 17, 1972, Frank Wills, a security guard at the Watergate Complex, noticed tape covering the
h on the locks of several stairway doors in the complex , allowing them to be closed without locking.
emoved the tape, and thought nothing of it. An hour later, he discovered that someone (McCord)
Watergate bu
re-taped the locks. Wills called the police, who showed up in plainclothes in an unmarked car,
tools,
on displa
wing them to pass by the lookout without the alarm being sounded. The burglars then turned off
Gerald R. F
r radio when they heard noise in an adjacent stairwell. The lookout saw several of the police
Museum,
G
ers outside on a terrace near the DNC offices, but when he alerted Liddy (Liddy and Hunt stayed
Rapids, M
e hotel room, in two-way radio contact with the others), the ex-FBI agent was unable to reach them on the radio. With
utes, the police arrested the 5 burglars. On their possession were wire-tapping equipment, two cameras, several doze
m, and a few thousand dollars in cash--$100 bills in sequential serial numbers (indicating the money had come direct
k, which could possibly be traced). Liddy and Hunt quickly vacated the premises, but the burglars also had two hotel r
, one of which was for the room where Liddy and Hunt had stayed.
The five burglars were processed at the police station, where several of them gave fake names
hired a lawyer to quickly bail the men out, but he underestimated their bail amount. G. Gordon
went to his office and commenced a shredding operation to eliminate any evidence of his invol
Liddy worked for the Committee to Re-elect the President, sometimes referred to pejoratively a
CREEP, and his involvement was a direct connection to President Nixon. McCord was the chie
-Elect the President security officer at CREEP. Liddy and Hunt had also worked at the White House, which made th
umper Sticker, 1972 connection more serious. Meanwhile, a simple fingerprint check revealed the burglar's true iden
Monday, June 19, 1972: The Washington Post reported, "One of the five men arrested early
urday in the attempt to bug the Democratic National Committee headquarters is the salaried
urity coordinator for President Nixon's re-election committee." Shortly thereafter, it was revealed
a search warrant had been executed for the hotel rooms for which the burglars had keys, and that
de one of them were address books that listed Howard Hunt's name or initials, and included the
d-written notation, "WH," for White House. Official reaction was swift. From the White House,
on's Press Secretary, Ron Zeigler, dismissed the incident as some sort of petty thievery attempt.
n Mitchell, the head of CREEP, denied that the organization had any connection to the event.
se public denials were lies. In fact, an elaborate cover-up was already under way. The charge that
ld stem from the cover-up, "obstruction of justice," would eventually bring Nixon down.
REEP Treasurer
Howard Sloan
Address book
the burglary to
Hunt & the W
House
The Connection to the Committee to Re-Elect the President (CREEP)
On August 1, 1972, a $25,000 cashiers check earmarked for the Nixon re-election campaign was
in the bank account of one of the Watergate burglars. Further investigation revealed that, in the m
leading up to their arrests, more thousands had passed through their bank and credit card accoun
supporting the burglars' travel, living expenses, and purchase,. Several donations (totaling $89,00
made by individuals who thought they were making private donations to the President's re-electio
committee. The donations were made in the form of cashier's, certified, and personal checks, and
were made payable only to the Committee to Re-Elect the President. However, through a complic
fiduciary set-up, the money actually went into an account owned by a Miami company run by Wat
burglar Bernard Barker. On the backs of these checks was the official endorsement by the person
had the authority to do so, Committee Bookkeeper and Treasurer, Hugh Sloan. Thus a direct con
een the Watergate break-in and the Committee to Re-Elect the President had been established. When confronted an
the potential charge of federal bank fraud, Sloan revealed that he had given the checks to G. Gordon Liddy at the dir
mittee Deputy Director Jeb Magruder and Finance Director Maurice Stans. Liddy had then given the endorsed check
ergate burglar Bernard Barker, who then deposited the money in accounts located outside the U.S. and withdrew the
e form of cashier's checks and money orders in April and May. They did not know that banks kept records of these
sactions.
odward, Bernstein & "Deep Throat"
dia coverage during 1972 was influential in keeping the Watergate story in the news, and in
blishing the connection between the burglary and the Committee to Re-Elect the President. The
t notable coverage came from Time, The New York Times, and especially from The Washington
t. Opinions vary, but the publicity these media outlets gave to Watergate likely resulted in more
sequential political repercussions from the Congressional investigation. Most famous is the story of
Washington Post Reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein relied heavily on anonymous
rces to reveal that knowledge of the break-in and subsequent attempt to cover it up had
nections deep in the Justice Department, the FBI, the CIA, and even the White House.
Washington
reporters C
Bernstein (L)
Woodward
Woodward and Bernstein's most famous source was an individual they had nicknamed Deep Throat, a
reference to a controversial pornography film of the time. Woodward claimed in his 1974 book, All The
President's Men, that the two would meet secretly at an underground parking garage just over the Key
in Rosslyn, usually at 2:00 am, where Deep Throat helped him make the connections. Throughout the
protracted investigation, Woodward would signal his source that he desired a meeting by placing a flow
with a red flag on the balcony of his apartment. If Deep Throat wanted a meeting, he would make spec
marks on page twenty of Woodward's copy of The New York Times. The first meeting took place on Ju
1972, only 3 days after the break-in. The identity of Deep Throat was the subject of intense speculation
more than 30 years before he was revealed to be the FBI's #2, Mark Felt.
September 15, 1972, Hunt, Liddy, and the 5 Watergate burglars were indicted by a federal grand jury.
September 29, it was revealed that Attorney General & Nixon campaign
rman John Mitchell had controlled a secret Republican fund used to pay
spying on the Democrats. On October 10, the FBI reported that the breakthe Watergate was part of a massive campaign of political spying and
otage on behalf of the officials and heads of the Nixon re-election
paign. Despite these revelations, Nixon's re-election was never seriously
ardized, and on November 7 the President was re-elected in one of the
est landslides ever in American political history.
Nixon campaign chair
& Attorney General
John Mitchell
1972 election
973
ergate Burglars' Trial Begins
January 8, 1973, the five burglars plead guilty as their trial began. On January 30, just ten days
r Richard Nixon's second inauguration, Liddy and McCord were convicted on charges conspiracy,
glary, and wiretapping. Nixon had dodged a bullet in the months between the break-in and his retion, but the Watergate Scandal did not die out after the burglars were tried.
[Photo: left to right: Virgilio Gonzales, Frank Sturgis, attorney Henry Rothblatt, Bernard Barker, and
Eugenio Martinez].
Watergate Bu
White House Linked to Cover-Up
On February 28, 1973, Acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray testified before the
Senate Judiciary Committee regarding his nomination to replace J. Edgar Hoover.
Committee chairman Sam Ervin, referencing newspaper articles, questioned Gray as
to how the White House had gained access to FBI files related to the Watergate
investigation. Gray stated he had given reports to White House counsel John Dean,
that Dean had ordered him to give the White House daily updates on the FBI's
investigation, that he had discussed the investigation with Dean on many occasions,
and that Dean had "probably lied" to FBI investigators about his role in the scandal.
ting FBI Director Subsequently, Gray was ordered not to talk about Watergate by Attorney
White Ho
L. Patrick Gray
ames McCord
GeneralRichard G. Kleindienst. Gray's nomination failed, and now White House
counsel Dean was directly linked to the Watergate cover-up.
Counsel
Dean
On March 19, 1973, convicted Watergate burglar and ex-CIA agent James McCord, still facing sen
wrote a letter to U.S. District Judge John Sirica. In the letter, McCord stated that he had been press
plead guilty and remain silent, that he had perjured himself during the trial, that the break-in was no
operation, and that other, as yet unnamed government officials, were involved. Judge Sirica urged M
to cooperate fully with the Senate Watergate Committee, which was about to begin its investigation
March 23, as the burglars were sentenced, Dean hired an attorney and began to quietly cooperate
Watergate investigators. He did this without informing the President, and continued to work as Nixo
Chief White House Counsel, a clear conflict of interest.
ate Watergate Committee Begins Investigation
March 25, 1973, Senate Watergate Committee lawyer Sam Dash told reporters that he had interviewed
es McCord twice, and that McCord had "named names" and had begun “supplying a full and honest
ount” of the Watergate operation. Dash refused to give details, but promised that McCord would soon
fy in public Senate hearings. Shortly after Dash's press conference, the Los Angeles Times reported that
that McCord had named were White House Counsel John Dean, and Nixon campaign deputy director Jeb
gruder. The White House denied Dean’s involvement, but said nothing about Magruder. Republican
rces on Capitol Hill ominously confirmed the story, with one stating that McCord's allegations were
nvincing". When Dean's lawyer learned of a follow-up story planned by the Washington Post, he threatened
Senate
ue the newspaper if they ran the story. The Post printed the story anyway, along with the threat from
Sam
n's lawyer.
Charles Colson
peaks to the press,
4/29/73
On March 28, 1973, James McCord testified before the Senate Watergate Committee in a clo
hour session. There were so many leaks to the press that committee leaders decided to condu
future hearings in public session. The most significant leak was that fellow Watergate burglar G
Gordon Liddy had told McCord that the burglary and surveillance operation was approved by th
Nixon campaign chairman & Attorney General John Mitchell in February 1972, and that White H
Special Counsel to the President Charles Colson knew about the Watergate operation in advan
(Colson had just quit his post to return to private practice). The next day, Colson told a Nationa
Club audience "I had no involvement or no knowledge of the Watergate, direct or indirect."
April 8, 1973, White House Counsel John Dean told White House Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman that he planned to te
re the Senate Committee. Haldeman advised against it, saying, “Once the toothpaste is out of the tube, it’s going to b
to get it back in.” Dean compiled a list of 15 names, mostly lawyers, who could be indicted in the scandal, and show
wed the list to White House counsel and Assistant to the President for Domestic Affairs, John Ehrlichman.
shington Post Connects Break-In to the Cover-up
il 9, 1973: The New York Times reported that James McCord told the Senate Watergate
mmittee that the cash payoffs for the burglars came directly from the the Republican Committee to
Elect the President (CREEP). When trying to confirm whether or not the "slush fund" continued to
rate after the arrests (presumably as payoffs to keep the burglars silent), a CREEP employee
oded over the phone to Bob Woodward. He was apparently emotionally distraught over how the
rance of former CREEP official John Mitchell and others has undermined the presidency.
odward then called Hugh Sloan, and, using information he had gotten out of the other CREEP
ial, wrangled out of the former CREEP Treasurer that about $70,000 in CREEP "slush fund"
Washington
reporters C
Bernstein (L)
Woodward
ey was used to pay off the burglars. The Washington Post reporters now had linkage between the bugging and the c
Nixon makes brief
statement on
Watergate, 4/17/73
On April 17, 1973, President Nixon made a brief statement before the White House Press Cor
his White House aides and staff would appear before the Senate Watergate Committee if aske
announced his own ongoing investigation, and promised to reveal "major new developments" in
future. He stated, "Real progress has been made in finding the truth." Nixon also said that his c
about separation of powers had been resolved, and that any person in the executive branch wh
indicted would be discharged; that no one would be given immunity from prosecution. Nixon
concluded, "I condemn any attempts to cover up in this case, no matter who is involved." After
president left the podium, the press corps proceeded to hammer Press Secretary Ron Ziegler a
whether the President's statement contradicted the position previously articulated. Finally, Zieg
to the press, “This is the operative statement. The others are inoperative.” Later in the day, the
se issued an official statement saying that the President had no prior knowledge of the Watergate Affair.
April 22, 1973, Nixon requested that White House Counsel John Dean write him a report about everything he knew a
ergate matter, and he sent Dean to Camp David to write it. Dean suspected he was on the cusp of becoming the Wa
egoat, and so he went to Camp David, but did not write the report.
April 24, Attorney General Richard Kleindienst met with President Nixon to inform the President
White House counsel John Dean had testified about the white House having ordered the break-in
he office of Pentagon Papers leaker Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist. Because Ellsberg's was then on
over the Pentagon Papers business, Kleindienst said that this new information must be transmitted
o the trial judge. The Attorney General told Nixon, "We have to do—it could be another goddamn
er-up, you know.… We can’t have another cover-up, Mr. President.” Nixon replied, “I don’t want any
er-ups of anything.” They briefly discussed the possibility of immunity for Dean, but quickly ruled it
Later in the day, in another conversation, the despondent President told Kleindienst, "What the
you know. People say impeach the President. Well, then they get [Vice
Attorney Gen
Richard Klein
ident Spiro] Agnew. What the hell?" Kleindienst replied, "There's not going to be anything like that, Mr. President." Th
ersations and many others of relevance were recorded on an oval office tape machine, which would be a major com
e investigation. Nixon also learned that Dean had testified about acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray's involvement in
roying files from White House "Plumber" E. Howard Hunt's safe. Nixon says that Gray has to go. Gray resigned on A
H.R. (Bob)
Haldeman
John
Ehrlichman
Haldeman and Ehrlichman Implicated & Resign
Further leaks about Dean's discussions with investigators next implicated John
Ehrlichman(White House counsel and Assistant to the President for Domestic Affairs)
White House Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman. On April 30, 1973, left with little choice, N
summoned the two men to Camp David and, in what's been described as a very emoti
meeting, asked for their resignations. Attorney General Kleindienst also resigned. Nixo
asked for the resignation of White House counsel Dean, whose Senate testimony had,
would continue to be so damaging. He then issued a public statement announcing thei
resignations.
Nixon's 1st Primetime Address on Watergate (April 30, 1973)
Later that evening, the President took to the airwaves in his first primetime oval office a
he American people on Watergate. He explained that the resignations were not an admission of guilt,
were carried out in order to restore the confidence of the American people. Nixon announced that he
replaced Attorney General Kleindienst with Elliot Richardson, and that he had given him the
hority to designate a special independent counsel to investigate Watergate. Nixon took responsibility
he behavior of CREEP, and said, "I will do everything in my power to ensure that the guilty are
ught to justice and that such abuses are purged from our political processes in the years to come,
after I have left this office." He then explained that, henceforth, he would return to the larger duties
s presidency.
Senate Watergate
Committee
Nixon'
Watergate Ad
4/30/73
Senate Watergate Committee Hearings Begin
The televised Senate Watergate Committee hearings began on May 17, 1973. The three majo
networks (ABC, CBS, NBC) agreed to rotate coverage, with each network broadcasting the
proceedings every third day (until their completion on August 7). The witness list began with m
players from CREEP. On the fifth day, President Nixon again made a public statement about
Watergate. He said, "I had no prior knowledge of the Watergate operation. I took no part in, no
aware of, any subsequent efforts that may have been made to cover up Watergate." Nixon also
affirmed that he would not use executive privilege to impede testimony or the presentation of
evidence."
May 18, 1973, Watergate Burglar James McCord testified before the
ate Committee [ James McCord testimony excerpt 1 | excerpt 2].
May 19, 1973, Archibald Cox was appointed Special Prosecutor to
rsee the investigation into possible presidential impropriety. He was
rn in on May 25.
May 22, 1973, President Nixon issued a statement about the Watergate
stigations.
June 3, 1973, Washington Post reporters Woodward and Bernstein
e that John Dean planned on giving testimony to the effect that Nixon
Archibald Cox sworn
in, 5/25/73
Washington P
headline 6/
deeply involved in the Watergate cover-up, and that Nixon had prior knowledge of the hush-money used to pay off v
pirators. Dean would also testify that Haldeman and Ehrlichman were present at these meetings where cover-up wa
ussed. On the veracity of Dean's information, The Post reported a Justice Department source as having said, "[E]ver
ave gotten from Dean that we were able to check out has turned out to be accurate."
urglar Bernard Barker Testimony]
ormer WH Counsel
ohn Dean Testifies
John Dean Testifies, Nixon Claims "Executive Privilege"
From June 25-29, 1973, former White House Counsel John Dean did indeed made these alleg
He began with a seven-hour opening statement in which he laid out his knowledge of the entire
campaign of White House espionage. He also revealed that he believed Nixon had tape-record
some of the oval office conversations regarding Watergate. Dean's story held up well under cro
examination. Ten days later, President Nixon announced that he would not testify before the Se
Watergate Committee, and he would not provide access to White House documents. Despite h
earlier pronouncement, Nixon justified this decision as "executive privilege".
Nixon Tapes
July 16, 1973, another former aide to the President, Alexander Butterfield,
fied before the Senate Committee that there was an oval office recording
em, that it was installed and operated by the Secret Service, and that Nixon
bably had it installed to record things for posterity, for the Nixon Library. (A few
s later, Nixon ordered that the taping system be turned off). The shocking
lation set off a chain reaction in which samples of these tapes were sought by
h the Senate Committee and by Independent prosecutor Archibald Cox. Nixon,
ever, refused to turn over the tapes, again claiming executive privilege. The
ate Committee and Cox then issued subpoenas for the White House tapes.
Newsweek,
6/30,73
Nixon's Ta
Recorder, on d
at the Nixon Lib
California
n again refused, and instead ordered Cox to drop his subpoena, but Cox would not. Eventually, the Supreme Court w
de the issue. Meanwhile, as former Aide John Ehrlichman testified before the Senate Committee and disputed Dean'
mony, public opinion was split on whether or not John Dean or President Nixon was the more credible.
Nixon Addresses
the Nation on
Nixon's 2nd Primetime Address on Watergate (August 15, 1973)
On August 15, as the Senate Committee wrapped up the hearings, Nixon again addressed the
in primetime about Watergate. The President said, "It has become clear that both the hearings
themselves and some of the commentaries on them have become increasingly absorbed in an
implicate the President personally in the illegal activities that took place." He reminded the Ame
people that he had already taken "full responsibility" for the "abuses that occurred during my
administration." Nixon restated his innocence: "I state again to every one of you listening tonigh
facts--I had no prior knowledge of the Watergate break-in; I neither took part in nor knew about
the subsequent cover-up activities; I neither authorized nor encouraged subordinates to engag
Watergate, 8/15/73
illegal or improper campaign tactics. That was and that is the simple truth." The president went
ain in detail how he did not know anything about the cover-up. Nixon justified his refusal to turn over the Oval Office
rdings as "a much more important principle… than what the tapes might prove about Watergate." A president must b
"openly and candidly with his advisers about issues and individuals" without having those conversations ever made p
se were "privileged" conversations, similar to but more important than those between a lawyer and his client or "a prie
tent." The conversations on those tapes are "blunt and candid," made without thought to any future public disclosure,
e presidents and their advisers to know that their conversations and advice might one day be made public would crip
y to talk freely and offer unfettered opinions. "That is why I shall continue to oppose efforts which would set a preced
d cripple all future presidents by inhibiting conversations between them and those they look to for advice." Special
ecutor Cox and the Senate Committee asked the Supreme Court to decide the legal dispute over the tapes.
ro Agnew Resigns, Gerald R. Ford to Become Vice President
he summer of 1973 gave way to fall, another event occurred that would have far-reaching effects on the
on's presidential history. Vice President Spiro Agnew was under investigation by the U.S. Attorney's office
altimore, Maryland, on charges of extortion, tax fraud, bribery, and conspiracy. In October, he was
mally charged with having accepted bribes totaling more than $100,000 while serving as Maryland's
ernor. To end the criminal proceedings quickly, a deal was reached. Agnew would plead no contest to a
er charge of failing to report income to the IRS, on the condition that he resign the Vice Presidency.
sident Nixon sought advice from Congress on a replacement, resulting in the affable 13-term
gressman from Michigan getting the nod, Gerald R. Ford. The U.S. Senate approved the nomination 92-3.
Time ma
House confirmed by a vote of 397-35. On December 6, 1973, Ford took the oath of office as Vice
10/1
sident of the United States. The press, however, paid little notice. Watergate was all-consuming.
The "Saturday Night Massacre
On October 19, 1973, Nixon, looking toward a solution to the tape dispute, offered what later
known as the Stennis Compromise. U.S. Senator John C. Stennis (D-MS) would independent
review the tapes and summarize them for the special prosecutor's office. Cox refused the
compromise. The next night, a Saturday, Nixon worked to have Cox removed. He contacted A
General Elliot Richardson and ordered him to fire Cox. Richardson refused and resigned in pr
instead. Nixon then ordered Deputy Attorney General Ruckelshaus to fire Cox; he also refuse
resigned in protest. Nixon then contacted the Solicitor General, Robert Bork, and ordered him
acting head of the Justice Department in the wake of the previous resignations, to fire Cox. Bo
reluctantly complied. The firing of Special Prosecutor Cox, and the flurry of high-profile Justice
Department resignations over the weekend caused the press to dub this event, the "Saturday
Massacre."
gress was infuriated about the Saturday Night Massacre. Numerous resolutions to impeach him were introduced in th
se. Nixon, feeling the pressure, agreed to release some of the tapes to District Judge Sirica. A few days later at a nat
ised press conference, Nixon also announced that he was instructing Acting Attorney General Bork to appoint a new
ecutor for the Watergate matter. On November 1, The Justice Department appointed Leon Jaworski its new special
ecutor.
on "I am not a crook" Remark
November 17, 1973, the President gave another televised press conference, this time from the
temporary Hotel in Disney World, where the President was attending the Annual Convention of the
ociated Press Managing Editors Association. At the end of a lengthy response to a question about
personal finances, the President famously said, "And so, that is where the money came from. Let
ust say this, and I want to say this to the television audience: I made my mistakes, but in all of my
rs of public life, I have never profited, never profited from public service--I have earned every cent.
in all of my years of public life, I have never obstructed justice. And I think, too, that I could say
in my years of public life, that I welcome this kind of examination, because people have got to
w whether or not their President is a crook. Well, I am not a crook. I have earned everything I have
"
Tape gap
artoon by
Herblock
Nixon tele
press confere
11/17/73
The 18 1/2 Minute Tape Gap
On November 21, 1973, the White House reported that two of the subpoenaed
were missing, and that one that was dated just 3 days after the Watergate burg
contained an erasure of 18 1/2 minutes during a conversation between the Pre
and H.R. Haldeman. Haldeman's personal notes on the meeting indicate that th
break-in was the subject under discussion. Nixon's secretary, Rose Mary Wood
initial testimony about the tape, said, "The buttons said on and off, forward and
Rose Mary Woods
demonstrates how she backward. I caught on to that fairly fast. I don't think I'm so stupid as to erase w
may have erased part a tape." Later she tried to explain that she had accidentally re-recorded 5 minu
the tape, while transcribing it, but only 5 minutes, not 18 1/2. She demonstrated
of the tape while
she probably had recorded over the tape with her foot on the transcription peda
transcribing it
located beneath her typewriter as she reached awkwardly for the phone. Suspi
arose that Nixon was destroying evidence.
974
February 6, 1974, the House voted to authorized the Judiciary Committee to investigate grounds for impeaching pres
n.
March 1, 1974, indictments were handed down for what the press dubs "the Watergate Seven": Former Attorney Ge
Nixon campaign manager John N. Mitchell, former White House Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman, former Nixon aide Joh
chman, former White House counsel Charles Colson, White House Aide to Haldeman Gordon C. Strachan, aide to M
CREEP counsel Robert Mardian, and CREEP counsel Kenneth Parkinson. Former White House Counsel John Dean
n a plea bargain back in October. Nixon was named an "unindicted co-conspirator" by the grand jury.
April 16, 1974, Special Prosecutor Jaworski issued subpoenas for sixty-four more Nixon tapes.
on's 3rd Primetime Watergate Address
April 29, 1974, President Nixon addressed the nation responding to the House Judiciary
mmittee's Subpoena for Additional Presidential Tape Recordings.
April 30, 1974, the White House released edited transcripts of the Nixon tapes and promises 1,200
es. The House Judiciary Committee insisted that the actual tapes be turned over. The public is
cked by the course language used in private by the President, even though the phrase "expletive
ted" is used in place of the actual words used.
May 9, 1974, the House Judiciary Committee began impeachment hearings.
Nixon and
aldeman, c.
1972
Nixon Add
the Nation
Watergate, 4/
United States v. Nixon, Articles of Impeachment, and the "Smoking Gun" Tape
On July 24, 1974, the Supreme Court unanimously decided United States v. Nixon. The President's ar
was rejected. Nixon was ordered to turn over the tapes to investigators. He reluctantly complied. Mean
the House Judiciary Committee pressed ahead. Between July 27 and 30, the Committee adopted thre
articles of impeachment against the president: Obstructing the Watergate investigation, Misuse of powe
violating his oath of office, Failure to comply with House subpoenas. On August 5, in an effort to soften
of the inevitable disclosure, Nixon voluntary made public three of the subpoenaed tapes. One of these
become known as the "Smoking Gun" tape, a conversation recorded six days after the Watergate brea
that tape, Nixon orders Haldeman to use the CIA to hold back the inquiry by the FBI. Haldeman introdu
topic as follows: "...the Democratic break-in thing, we're back to the--in the, the problem area because t
is not under control, because Gray doesn't exactly know how to control them, and they have... their
investigation is now leading into some productive areas [...] and it goes in some directions we don't wan
go." After
aining how the money from CRP was traced to the burglars, Haldeman explained to Nixon the cover-up plan: "the wa
dle this now is for us to have Walters [CIA] call Pat Gray [FBI] and just say, 'Stay the hell out of this ...this is ah, busin
on't want you to go any further on it.'" President Nixon approved the plan, and he is given more information about the
vement of his campaign in the break-in, telling Haldeman: "All right, fine, I understand it all. We won't second-guess
the rest." Returning to the use of the CIA to obstruct the FBI, he instructs Haldeman: "You call them in. Good. Good
it tough. That's the way they play it and that's the way we are going to play it." The President of the United States wa
ght on tape, attempting to obstruct justice. Following this revelation, several Republican on the House Judiciary Comm
had voted against the articles of impeachment indicated they would vote for impeachment when the vote was taken
House.
sident Nixon Resigns
August 8, key Republican Senators informed the President that, once impeached, enough votes
ted in the Senate to convict the President in the trial and remove him from office. That night,
hard Nixon addressed the nation from the Oval Office. He informed the American people that he no
er had a base of support in Congress. Therefore, he would not see the impeachment proceedings
ugh to their conclusion. The nation needed a full-time president. In the interests of the nation, he
ld resign. The President said, "To continue to fight through the months ahead for my personal
ication would almost totally absorb the time and attention of both the President and the Congress
period when our entire focus should be on the great issues of peace abroad and prosperity without
President
tion at home. Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency effective at noon tomorrow. Vice President
d will be sworn in as President at that hour in this office."
announces
resignation, 8
Nixon Departs, Gerald R. Ford Takes the Oath of Office
The next morning, President and Mrs. Nixon said their goodbyes to the White House staff in the
Room. The Nixons, accompanied by the Fords, walked across the White House lawn to Marine
where the President turned and gave one last farewell. As the helicopter disappeared from view
route to Edwards, where the Nixons would depart for California, Gerald Ford returned to the Ea
and took the oath of office. Afterward, he said, "I have not sought this enormous responsibility,
xon waves goodbye not shirk it. Those who nominated and confirmed me as Vice President were my friends and ar
riends. They were of both parties, elected by all the people and acting under the Constitution in their name. It is only
n that I should pledge to them and to you that I will be the President of all the people." He also stated, "My fellow Ame
long national nightmare is over. Our constitution works. Our great republic is a government of laws and not of men. H
ple rule. But there is a higher power, by whatever name we honor Him. Who ordains not only righteousness but love,
justice, but mercy.... Let us restore the golden rule to our political process and let brotherly love purge our hearts of
picion and hate."