PEDIATRICS Bed Sharing, Sleep Habits, and Sleep Problems Among Chinese School-Aged Children Xianchen Liu MD, PhD1; Lianqi Liu MD2; Ruzhan Wang MD2 1Department of Family and Human Development and Program for Prevention Research, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ, USA; 2Shandong Mental Health Center, Jinan, People’s Republic of China Study Objectives: This study examined the association between bed sharing, sleep habits, and sleep problems among Chinese school-aged children. Design and Setting: A questionnaire survey of school-aged children was undertaken in Jinan city, People’s Republic of China, in 2001. Participants: A total of 517 elementary-school children (mean age, 10.5 years; 47.4% boys) participated in the survey. Measurements: The parents completed the Chinese version of the Children’s Sleep Habits Questionnaire and a number of questions that asked about bed sharing and characteristics of the family and child. Results: The prevalence of regular bed sharing in Chinese school-aged children was as high as 18.2%. The rate of bed sharing did not differ between boys and girls but significantly decreased with age from 55.8% in 7-year-olds to 7.2% in 11- to 13-year-olds. Multivariate logistic regression analysis showed that younger age, poor physical health of the child, and crowded housing were associated with an increased likelihood for the child’s bed sharing with parents. Bedtime and total sleep duration did not significantly differ between children who shared beds and those who slept alone. Children who shared beds with their parents were reported to have more sleep anxiety and daytime sleepiness than children who slept alone. Bed sharing was not associated with parasomnias and breathing problems during sleep. Conclusions: Regular bed sharing in Chinese school-aged children was very common and significantly decreased with age. Crowded housing and poor physical health of the child increased the likelihood for children and parents to share beds. Bed sharing may exert influences on sleep quality rather than sleep quantity. Key Words: Child; bed sharing; sleep patterns; sleep duration; sleep problems Citation: Liu X; Liu L; Wang R. Bed sharing, sleep habits, and sleep problems among Chinese school-aged children. SLEEP 2003;26(7):839-44. INTRODUCTION and independence.17 However, in many Asian countries, childrearing practices emphasize the development of interdependence and family closeness, and child-parent bed sharing up to school age is accepted by many families.18 There is evidence that bed sharing is more prevalent in Asian countries than in Western countries. For example, it has been reported that more Japanese than American children share beds with their parents 3 or more times per week.19 A recent report of trends in infant bed sharing in the United States between 1993 and 2000 indicated that infant bed sharing was strongly associated with race or ethnicity, with the highest prevalence being found in Blacks (27.9%), followed by Asians (20.9%), and the lowest prevalence among White families (7.2%). 16 In a study of 427 Korean children aged 12 to 84 months, Yang and Hahn reported a bed-sharing rate as high as 45.0%, and they found that traditional cultural values, child’s age, and maternal attitude toward bed sharing were the main determinants of bed sharing in Korean families.18 Bed-sharing practices also are influenced by family environments, with a higher prevalence of bed sharing among lower socioeconomic and higher stress families.20-22 In an earlier study of bed sharing in urban families with young children in the United States, Lozoff and colleagues found that bed sharing was associated with a lower level of parental education, less professional training, and increased family stress among White families but not among Black families.21 In the United States national trend study of infant bed sharing between 1993 and 2000, results indicated that bed sharing in families with household incomes less than $20,000 was 1.5 times more likely to occur than in those families with an income of more than $20,000.16 A recent study of bed sharing in an inner-city population showed that single marital status of the mother, household crowding, and household moves since the birth of the infant were significantly associated with bed sharing.20 Due to lack of data, it is unclear if these family characteristics are associated with child bed sharing among Chinese families. In China, childrearing practices and beliefs are very similar to those held in other Asian countries such as Korea and Japan. Bed sharing of DURING THE PAST 2 DECADES, SLEEP PRACTICES AND SLEEP PROBLEMS IN CHILDREN HAVE RECEIVED MORE ATTENTION FROM PARENTS AND MEDICAL PROFESSIONALS BECAUSE SLEEP PROBLEMS IN CHILDREN ARE NOW RECOGNIZED TO BE VERY COMMON (estimated prevalence 10% - 45%),1-6 often persist over several years,7-9 and can exert adverse effects on cognitive, behavior, emotional, and even physical development.1 Sleep practices and sleep behaviors in children are associated not only with a large number of biologic and psychologic factors, but also with cultural, social, and family factors.1,4,10,11 However, most epidemiologic studies of sleep practices and sleep problems have been of Western children.11-14 Because of the great cultural and socioeconomic differences between China and Western countries, results from Western children may not be generalizable to Chinese children. This study represents the first investigation of bed sharing (cosleeping) and sleep problems in a sample of children from Mainland China. We will use “bed sharing” to mean a child sleeping in the same bed with 1 or 2 parents. Bed sharing between young children (particularly infants) and parents varies across cultures and ethnicities.15,16 In most Western countries, people generally believe that a child should sleep separately from his or her parents as soon as possible to foster the development of autonomy Disclosure Statement This study was supported in part by the Shandong Medical Research Foundation, People’s Republic of China, and the Multi-Investigator Proposal Development Grant Program, Arizona State University. Submitted for publication February 2003 Accepted for publication June 2003 Address correspondence to: Xianchen Liu, MD, PhD, Program for Prevention Research, Arizona State University, PO Box 876005, Tempe, AZ 85287; Tel: 480-727-6145; Fax: 480-965-5430; E-mail: [email protected]. SLEEP, Vol. 26, No. 7, 2003 839 Sleep Problems Among Chinese School-Aged Children—Liu et al young children with parents is also accepted by Chinese culture. Among families of China, all-night bed sharing during infancy and early childhood years is normative, decreases as the child’s age increases, and seems unusual during puberty. However, Mainland China as a developing country differs greatly from Japan and South Korea in socioeconomic status (SES), which may have a unique contribution to bed-sharing practices among Chinese families. For example, compared with Japan and South Korean, urban residents of China have few choices of housing, and living space is very crowded due to financial restrictions and rapid population growth. Most urban families with young children are residing in an apartment, possibly with only 1 bedroom, which may prevent the child from having her or his own room or bed and may increase the likelihood of bed sharing with parents. In addition, almost all of the families in urban China have only 1 child due to the 1-child family-planning policy. Only children are more likely to be spoiled or over protected and are egocentric, less cooperative, timid, and unadjusted.23 These characteristics may increase the likelihood of children sharing a bed with their parents. Several cross-sectional studies have investigated the association between bed sharing and sleep problems in young children under 4 years of age, and their results are inconsistent. In a study of children aged 6 to 48 months in Cleveland, Lozoff et al reported an increase in disruptive sleep problems among bed-sharing White children but not among Black children. 21 Schachter and colleagues reported increased sleep problems among bed sharing Hispanic American children in New York,24 and Madansky and Edelbrock reported increased sleep problems in bed sharing children in Massachusetts for both Whites and non-Whites.22 A recent study by Lozoff and colleagues found that the association between bed sharing and problematic sleep behaviors differed across ethnicity (White vs Black) and SES (lower SES vs higher SES).11 For example, night awakenings in bed-sharing children were approximately 2 times as frequent as in non–bed-sharing children, and the difference was marked for lower-SES White families. However, bedtime protests were more prevalent among bed-sharing than non–bed-sharing children in higher-SES Black families.11 To our knowledge, only 1 longitudinal study has investigated the long-term effects of parent-child bed sharing in infancy and early childhood on sleep problems and cognitive and emotional consequences.25 In the only longitudinal study over a period of 18 years, Okami and colleagues followed 205 children and did not observe any associations between bed sharing in infancy (35% at age 5 months) and early childhood (7% at aged 3 years and 4% at aged 5 and 6 years) and sleep problems and psychologic consequences at ages 6 and 18 years. 25 However, the small sample number of cosleepers, the different definitions of bed sharing and sleeping problems, and the different target populations in most previous studies may contribute to the conflicting results. Compared with studies in infants and toddlers,11,13,21,22,24 little research has described bed sharing in community samples of school-aged chil- dren and adolescents. One study of children up to age 7 years in South Korea reported that rates for all-night bed sharing and room sharing were 45.0% and 43.3%, respectively.18 Another study of part-night bed sharing in a group of White upper-middle-class families of 2- to 10-year-old children found that 63% were reported to sleep with their parents part of the night when the child awoke frightened or ill.26 In 1 study of adolescents, Simonds and Parraga reported that 2% to 4% of the sample had bed sharing with family members at least once per 6 months.27 There have been no reports on all-night bed sharing and its association with sleep problems in school-aged children. We report here a school-based cross-sectional study of Chinese children with a standardized sleep questionnaire. Specific purposes of this study were 1) to describe child-parent bed-sharing practices in Chinese children, 2) to identify differences in bed sharing in relation to age and sex, 3) to examine the correlates of child-parent bed sharing in Chinese children, and 4) to examine the hypothesis that bed sharing is associated with an increased risk for sleep problems. METHODS Subjects and Procedure This study was conducted in the fall of 2001, in Jinan, the capital city of Shandong Province located in the eastern part of Mainland China. We recruited participants from 3 elementary schools in 1 representative school district of Jinan. We explained the aims of the survey to school principals and teachers and obtained their permission to carry out the survey. It is the standard practice in China to obtain consent from the principals of targeted schools first, since schools in China act in loco parentis.28 After receiving permission from the target schools, we randomly selected 1 class from each grade for each school and identified 565 children as potential participants. The sampled children were asked to take a questionnaire to their parents with a letter explaining the project and requesting that the parents complete the questionnaire. The parents were also told that participation in the survey was voluntary. The study was approved by the research committee at Shandong Mental Health Center. Of the 565 identified children, 517 (92%) returned completed questionnaires. This sample consisted of 47% boys, and mean age was 11.0 years (SD = 1.9, range 7-13). In 68% of the children, the informant was the mother, in 30% the father, and in 2% the grandparents. Sample characteristics are summarized in Table 1. Measures We used the Children’s Sleep Habits Questionnaire (CSHQ)29 to assess the children’s sleep habits and sleep disturbances as reported by parents. The CSHQ, developed by Owen et al, consists of 33 sleep-disturbance items and 3 items asking information about bedtime, morning waking time, and daily total sleep duration.29 Parents are asked to recall the child’s sleep behaviors over a “typical” recent week. Items are rated Table 1—Demographic characteristics of study sample (N = 517) Variables Boys Mean age (SD) Father’s education Middle school or less High school Some university University Mother’s education Middle school or less High school Some university University House size (square meters per person) 10 or less 11 - 15 16 - 20 Over 20 SLEEP, Vol. 26, No. 7, 2003 Table 2—Mean bedtime, wake-up time, and sleep duration among Chinese children (N = 517) % 47.0 11.0 (1.9) Age (year) 11.0 32.0 22.0 35.0 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Total Sex effects (F) Age effects (F) Sex × Age (F) 19.0 39.0 24.0 18.0 15.1 19.7 27.1 38.1 Bedtime (SD in minutes) Wake-up time (SD in minutes) Sleep duration (Hours) 20:58 (30.6) 20:56 (30.0) 21:08 (34.2) 21:02 (30.6) 21:01 (32.4) 21:14 (36.6) 21:10 (75.0) 21:06 (44.4) 0.00 5.78* 0.01 06:31 (16.8) 06:36 (18.0) 06:31 (18.0) 06:23 (18.0) 06:19 (16.2) 06:18 (22.2) 06:22 (21.0) 06:24 (19.8) 0.03 36.61***Y 0.00 9.29 (0.67) 9.53 (0.75) 9.07 (0.67) 9.27 (0.86) 9.21 (0.67) 8.89 (0.72) 8.98 (0.71) 9.13 (0.74) 0.16 19.63***Y 0.15 YYounger children woke up later and slept longer. *P<.05; ***P<.001 840 Sleep Problems Among Chinese School-Aged Children—Liu et al Family Demographics and Child Developmental Characteristics on a 3-point scale: usually if the sleep behavior occurred 5 to 7 times per week, sometimes for 2 to 4 times per week, and rarely for 0 to 1 time per week. The 33 sleep-disturbance items were conceptually grouped into 8 subscales: Bedtime resistance, Sleep onset delay, Sleep duration, Sleep anxiety, Night wakings, Parasomnias, Sleep-disordered breathing, and Daytime sleepiness.29 The CSHQ has been used for a number of studies of sleep behavior in Western children.14,29,30 We developed a Chinese version of the CSHQ by translation and back translation. Cronbach’s alphas using data from these children were 0.80 for the entire scale, and 0.49 to 0.72 for subscales. The psychometric properties of the Chinese CSHQ with this sample are comparable to those found in American children for most of the subscales.29 A structured family demographic and child development questionnaire was devised for the parents to elicit hypothesized correlates of bed sharing. The family demographic questions asked information about family economic status, the size of the home (square meters per person), parental education level, occupation, the state of the relationship between the parents (good/fair/poor/ separation/divorce), perceived health status (good/fair/poor), and the style of disciplining the child (authoritarian/permissive/between above). The characteristics related to the child included the child’s sex, age, school grade, the parent’s perception of the child’s physical health (good/fair/poor), and the childmother or child-father relationships (good/fair/poor). Bed Sharing Statistical Analysis Although sleeping on the floor is a typical practice in Korea and Japan,18,19 the use of beds is universal in urban and most rural areas of China. We defined bed sharing to mean parents and children regularly sleeping together in a bed for the whole night. Parents were asked to choose 1 of 3 statements to indicate the child’s regular nightly sleeping practice: 1. Share a bed with parent(s) (bed sharing); 2. Share a room with parent(s) but different bed (room sharing); and 3. Sleep alone in a different room. We performed analyses of covariance (ANCOVAs) with sex as a between-subjects factor and age (in years) as a covariate to assess the effects of age and sex on sleep patterns (bedtime and wake-up time), sleep duration, and individual sleep problems as measured by the CSHQ. Type III sums of squares were used for main and interaction effects, whereby each significant effect was tested after controlling for all other effects. We performed a series of logistic regression analyses to examine significant correlates of regular bed sharing. All variables were initially examined in univariate models. The final multivariate logistic regression model included all variables retaining significance after a forward likelihood-ratio stepwise elimination procedure. Statistical tests of the regression estimates or odds ratios (OR) were based on Wald statistics. The ORs and their 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were presented to show the association. Finally, we performed ANCOVAs with bed sharing as a between-subjects factor and age (in years), sex, physical health, and house size as covariates to examine the effects of bed sharing on sleep patterns, sleep duration, and sleep problems as measured by the CSHQ after controlling for all other effects. All analyses were performed using the Statistical Program for Social Sciences (SPSS), Version 11.5 for Windows. All statistical significance was set at P< .05. Table 3—Frequencies of sleep behavior and sleep problems in Chinese children (N = 517) Frequency (%) ANCOVA Sometimes Often Sex Age Sex×Age 22.6 11.8 5.8 10.4 4.4 12.2 12.0 12.2 8.3 9.5 6.2 9.1 1.2 13.9 11.6 8.9 0.08 0.01 0.02 0.54 1.24 1.96 0.09 0.29 6.83**O 2.40 35.14***Y 30.56***Y 2.59 2.46 14.27***Y 0.84 0.09 0.00 0.04 0.34 1.23 1.63 0.01 0.59 8.3 15.5 5.8 25.0 1.7 18.4 2.9 17.6 1.39 0.00 0.02 0.18 15.32***Y 0.06 8.57**Y 0.44 1.30 0.00 0.10 0.62 RESULTS 9.3 9.7 2.38 0.62 1.43 Sleep-disordered breathing Snores loudly Holds breath or stops breathing Snorts and gasps 8.7 4.8 7.4 2.9 0.8 4.8 1.14 0.01 1.76 4.11* 4.49* 0.56 0.88 0.01 1.28 Parasomnia Wets the bed Talks in sleep Restless Sleepwalks Grinds teeth Awakens screaming or sweating Nightmares 5.8 13.3 17.0 4.8 13.3 5.0 6.8 1.0 6.2 16.2 1.2 5.8 1.0 2.3 0.12 0.72 0.07 0.00 0.48 1.68 1.95 10.32***Y 0.07 3.52 1.76 4.79* 3.02 0.00 0.11 0.79 0.15 0.02 0.71 1.34 1.46 Table 2 presents mean bedtime, wake-up time, and sleep duration in 517 Chinese school-aged children. As Table 2 indicates, average bedtime and wake-up time were 9:06 PM (SD=44.4 minutes) and 6:24 AM (SD=19.8 minutes), respectively, with no difference between boys and girls. As age increased, however, children stayed up later (P=.02) and woke up earlier (P<.001). Average sleep duration was 9.13 hours, significantly decreasing with age (F = 19.63, P<.001), but the same in boys and girls. Sex-by-age interactions were not observed for bedtime, wakeup time, or sleep duration. 20.5 19.0 23.4 15.5 15.9 36.0 7.0 23.4 7.9 6.8 2.22 1.48 1.73 0.14 0.02 4.17* 0.00 2.50 0.09 2.39 2.63 0.96 1.14 0.10 0.04 7.0 4.3 1.49 0.01 1.22 14.1 22.4 0.00 2.57 0.10 Bedtime resistance & anxiety Does not go to bed at same time Cannot fall asleep in 20 minurtes Falls asleep in another’s bed Needs a parent in room to sleep Struggles at bedtime Afraid to sleep in the dark Afraid of sleeping alone Trouble sleeping away from home Night wakings & sleep duration Moves to another’s bed at night Awakes once during night Awakes more than once Does not sleep the right amount Does not sleep same amount each night Daytime sleepiness Needs awakening by others in the morning Wakes up in a bad mood Hard time getting out of bed Takes a long time to be alert Seems tired during the day Seems very sleepy or falls asleep while watching TV Seems very sleepy or falls asleep while riding in car, bus, or bicycle Sleep Patterns and Sleep Duration Frequency of Sleep Problems Table 3 shows the frequencies of individual sleep problems and sex and age effects on sleep problems. Daytime sleepiness was the most prevalent problem: 36% children needed to be awakened by others in the morning, 23% had difficulty getting out of bed, and more than 22% seemed very sleepy while riding in a car or bus. Night wakings, sleep movements (restlessness), and being afraid to sleep in the dark or alone also were common. Breath holding, bed-wetting, and waking up screaming or sweating were less common compared with other sleep problems. The frequencies of all of the sleep problems listed in Table 3 were similar in boys and girls. The ANCOVA showed that 11 sleep problems were significantly associated with age. Six problems significantly decreased with age: falling asleep in another’s bed (F=35.14, P<.001), needing par- YMore problems in younger children; OMore problems in older children; ANCOVA, analyses of covariance; *P<.05; ** P<.01; *** P<.001 SLEEP, Vol. 26, No. 7, 2003 841 Sleep Problems Among Chinese School-Aged Children—Liu et al ent in the room to sleep (F=30.56, P<.001), being afraid to sleep alone (F=14.27, P<.001), moving to another’s bed at night (F=15.32, P<.001), awakening more than once (F=8.57, P<.01), and bed-wetting (F=10.32, P<.001). Only problems with not going to bed at the same time increased with age (F=6.83, P<.01). Four problems were significantly related to age but without linear associations: snoring loudly (F=4.11, P<.05), breath holding (F=4.49, P<.05), grinding teeth (F=4.79, P<.05), and needing awaking in the morning (F=4.17, P<.05). Regular Bed Sharing and Correlates In these children, 63.4% slept alone in their own room, 18.4% slept alone but in the parents’ room, and 18.2% shared a bed with their parent or parents for the whole night. Regular bed sharing declined significantly with age, from as high as 55.8% at age 7 to 7.1% at age 13 (χ2=86.77, df=6, P<.001). Figure 1 shows the decline in frequencies of bed sharing for boys and girls, respectively. A series of univariate logistic regression models were performed to examine the significant correlates of regular bed sharing in Chinese children. All family and child variables as described in the methods section were individually entered into the model with regular bed sharing (yes or no) as the dependent variable. There were no statistical associations between bed sharing and most of the family and child variables such as parental education levels, the style of disciplining the child, perceived family economic status, child sex, and child-parent relationships. As shown in Table 4, 4 variables were found to be significantly associated with increased likelihood for bed sharing: younger age, poor physical health, poor parental relationships, and crowded housing. Multivariate logistic regression analysis was performed to adjust for potentially confounding effects of other factors. In the multivariate model, 3 factors remained significant: younger age of the child (OR=13.57 for age 7, OR=9.27 for age 8, OR=2.44 for age 9, and OR=2.91 for age 10), poor physical health of the child (OR=2.34), and crowded housing (OR=2.98). Figure—Prevalence (%) of regular bed sharing in relation to age and sex. Blank rectangular bars and filled rectangular bars present prevalence for boys and girls, respectively. Table 4—Bed sharing and correlates in Chinese children (N = 517) Variables % Crude Bed sharing OR 95% CI Associations of Bed Sharing and Room Sharing with Sleep Adjusteda OR 95% CI The associations of regular bed sharing and bed sharing with sleep patterns and sleep problems were examined by ANCOVA with age, sex, physical health, and house size as covariates. Table 5 shows the means Sex Boys 15.1 1.00 1.00 and SD of bedtime, wake-up time, sleep duration, and sleep problems as Girls 21.0 1.49 0.95-2.35 1.53 0.91-2.57 measured by the CSHQ for bed-sharing children, room-sharing children, Age (year) and children who slept alone, respectively. 7 55.8 16.27 7.98-31.13*** 13.57 6.46-28.50*** 8 39.6 8.45 4.05-17.64*** 9.27 4.31-19.91*** As shown in Table 5, we found significant differences among the 3 9 18.4 2.91 1.39-6.09** 2.44 1.12-5.31* groups of children in wake-up time (F=4.41, P<.05), sleep anxiety 10 19.0 3.03 1.40-6060** 2.91 1.31-6.49** (F=14.49, P<.001), and daytime sleepiness (F=3.14, P<.05). Tukey 11-13 7.2 1.00 1.00 posthoc tests were performed to detect significant differences between Physical health Good 14.9 1.00 1.00 the 2 groups. Results showed that bed-sharing children woke up in the Fair 17.3 1.20 0.71-2.00 0.99 0.55-1.80 morning significantly later than did room-sharing children (P<.05) and Poor 32.8 2.79 1.40-5.56** 2.34 1.06-5.14* sleeping-alone children (P<.05), but room-sharing children and sleepParental relationship Good 17.4 1.00 1.00 ing-alone children had no significant differences in wake-up time Conflicts/divorce 57.1 6.33 1.39-28.80* 4.96 0.89-27.53 (P<.05). Children who slept alone were less likely to have reported sleep Crowded housing anxiety than bed-sharing (P<.05) and room-sharing children (P<.05), 15.7 1.00 1.00 ≥ 11m2/ person while bed-sharing children were more likely to have reported daytime < 11m2/ person 32.1 2.53 1.47-4.34*** 2.98 1.59-5.57*** sleepiness than were room-sharing (P<.05) and sleeping-alone children aAdjusted for all others in the table in multivariate logistic regression model; OR, odds (P<.05). No significant differences among the 3 groups of children were ration; CI, confidence interval; * P<.05; ** P<.01; *** P<.001 observed in bedtime, total sleep duration, delay in sleep onset, parasomnias, or breathing probTable 5—Sleep time and sleep problems among 3 groups of children: bed sharing, room sharinga, lems during sleep (Table 5). b and sleeping alone Bedtime Wake-up time Sleep duration Sleep onset delay Sleep anxiety Parasomnias Sleep-disordered breathing Daytime sleepiness DISCUSSION Bed sharing (N = 94) Mean SD Room sharing (N = 95) Mean SD Sleeping alone (N = 328) Mean SD ANCOVAc 20.95 6.54 9.19 1.22 6.16 8.71 3.46 11.16 21.09 6.41 9.12 1.40 5.81 8.29 3.38 9.99 21.13 6.36 9.11 1.30 4.97 8.24 3.36 10.05 0.73 4.41* 0.69 0.61 14.49*** 0.44 0.02 3.14* 1.29 0.30 0.77 0.55 2.21 2.39 0.95 3.62 0.54 0.32 0.68 0.69 2.19 1.91 0.94 3.16 0.55 0.33 0.75 0.64 1.48 1.95 0.89 3.18 aSharing a room with parents but separate bed; bSleeping in own room; cCovariates: age, sex, physical health, and house size. * P<.05; *** P<.001; ANCOVA, analyses of covariance SLEEP, Vol. 26, No. 7, 2003 842 Although there are several studies of bed sharing in young Asian children,18,19 this is the first investigation to report the prevalence of bed sharing and sleep patterns and problems in Chinese school-aged children. The major findings of the current study are 1) the prevalence of routine bed sharing in Chinese school-aged children was as high as 18%, and another 18% of the sample shared a room with parents; 2) the prevalence of routine bed sharing declined sig- Sleep Problems Among Chinese School-Aged Children—Liu et al practices, child development factors, and household living conditions. Chinese parents often initiate bed sharing for their convenience during the breastfeeding period and because of their beliefs that bed sharing benefits young children. As the child’s age increases, bed sharing among Chinese families also decreases. For preschoolers, bed sharing is normative among Chinese families. For school-aged children, children are often separated from their parents’ beds, and bed sharing seems atypical. Bed sharing is considered unusual for adolescents. Bed sharing in urban families of China is maintained later, even up to puberty, for most cases, possibly due to a lack of living space and, for some cases, possibly due to child’s anxiety, resistance to separation, illness, or need for security. Prospective research is needed to examine how cultural factors contribute to bed sharing and how cultural beliefs and child factors and household conditions exert interactive effects on bed-sharing practices in China. The association between bed sharing and the child’s sleep quality and quantity has not been consistent in previous studies of infants and preschool children. No studies have investigated the association with elementary-school children. Our results showed that sleep anxiety in room-sharing and bed-sharing children was more common than in children sleeping alone. Compared with room-sharing and sleeping-alone children, bed-sharing children were more likely to have increased daytime sleepiness. However, room sharing and bed sharing were not significantly associated with bedtime, sleep-onset delay, sleep duration, and most other sleep problems such as parasomnias and breathing problems during sleep. These results suggest that bed sharing may have potential effects on the child’s sleep quality, but room sharing has little effect on the child’s sleep. However, this speculation should be further prospectively investigated because bed sharing may arise from, or may be a solution to, the child’s sleep problems. 21,26,32 There are several limitations to the current study. First, bed sharing was derived from a 3-choice question and was limited to routine sleeping practices. We did not obtain information on the frequency of occasional all-night and part-night bed-sharing practices, which are often reported in Western countries. Second, we did not collect data on parental beliefs and attitudes toward and reasons for bed sharing. Third, the child’s sleep was assessed by reports from the parent rather than objective instruments. Fourth, parents were the only informants of the child’s bed sharing and sleep problems. The association between bed sharing and sleep anxiety and daytime sleepiness may be due to shared variance of information. However, this could not explain why most of the other sleep problems were not associated with bed sharing. Ideally, a combination of parental and child reports would provide a better picture of the child’s sleep behaviors because children report more sleep problems than do their parents.14 In addition, the present findings were cross sectional and retrospective. We could not conclude that there were causal relationships between bed sharing and sleep anxiety and daytime sleepiness. For example, the association between bed sharing and sleep anxiety has 3 possible explanations: bed sharing causes sleep anxiety; sleep anxiety increases the likelihood of bed sharing; and the association may be caused by a third confounding factor (eg, child’s physical diseases). Finally, the sample was drawn from 3 elementary schools in a large urban city of Mainland China. In our sample, 35% of fathers and 18% of mothers graduated from a college; the level of the parents’ education in this sample was higher than that of the general population of urban China. The higher level of the parents’ education indicates better SES and possibly better living conditions, which are associated with a decreased likelihood for bed sharing and sleep problems.33 Thus, the prevalence of bed sharing and sleep problems may be underestimated in this study. Further studies are needed to establish whether or not these findings can be generalized to all urban children of China. Despite the limitations of the study, this is the first attempt to examine routine bed sharing, sleep habits, and sleep problems in Chinese school-aged children. Results indicate that regular bed sharing in Chinese school-aged children was very common and significantly decreased with age. Crowded housing and poor physical health of the nificantly with age; 3) younger age, crowded housing, and poor physical health of the children were associated with increased likelihood for bed sharing; and 4) bed-sharing children did not differ significantly in bedtime, total sleep duration, parasomnias, and breathing problems during sleep from those children who slept alone, but bed-sharing children were reported to have more sleep anxiety and daytime sleepiness than were children who slept alone. As expected, routine bed sharing in Chinese school-aged children is very prevalent, with 56% in 7-year-olds and 7% in 11- to 13-year-olds. Although bed sharing is an accepted practice in many Asian countries, we do not know if these Chinese numbers would apply throughout Asia. However, this rate is expected to be markedly higher than that found in Western children. A recent United States national survey conducted between 1993 and 2000 indicated that only 9.2% of infants usually share a bed with their parents.16 In Western countries, most child-health professionals emphasize the hazards of bed sharing, such as impeding the development of autonomy and independence, fostering dependence on parents, being sexually aroused, increasing risk for sleep problems, and interfering with parents’ sexuality and intimacy.18,31,32 In contrast, Asian childrearing practices stress the development of interdependence, conformity, and family closeness.18 In a study of bed sharing in Korean children, for example, Yang and Hahn found that 73.5% of mothers approved of bed sharing between 3 and 6 years of age. The main reasons for bed sharing were “to look after the child while sleeping” and “child too young to sleep alone.” 18 Thus, cultural beliefs and childrearing practices may account for a large proportion of bed sharing among Chinese children. In addition to cultural beliefs and attitudes in childrearing practices, researchers have shown that a number of family demographic and childdevelopment factors such as single or married status of the mother, crowded housing, and child health problems affect the decision to share the bed with the child.11,16,20 In order to examine what family and child characteristics contribute to bed-sharing practices in Chinese families, we performed a series of logistic regression analyses. Results indicated that younger age of the child, crowded housing, and poor physical health of the child were significantly associated with increased odds for bed sharing in this sample of children, after adjusting for other factors in the multivariate model. Younger age was the strongest predictor after controlling for all other variables (see Table 3). The finding that younger children are more likely to share a bed with their parents is consistent with Yang and Hahn’s study of Korean children,18 possibly due to the Asian mothers’ belief that children are too young to sleep alone and bed sharing is a part of the fabric of the close-knit relationships of family members. Crowded housing was the second strongest predictor of bed sharing. This finding is consistent with those observed in Asian children18 and Western children.20 In urban residences of China, crowded housing is very common and many families with young children may have only 1 bedroom. In this sample, more than 60% of families owned a living space less than 20 square meters per person, and 35% had less than 15 square meters. Crowded housing limits children having their own room and even a separate bed at home, and parents have to share beds with their children. The association between poor health of the child and bed sharing may be explained by the child’s need for assistance and security during the night. Another potential factor that may contribute to higher rates of bed sharing among Chinese families should not be ignored: the only child in the family. Almost all of the families in urban China have only 1 child due to family-planning policy. An only child is frequently regarded as “a little emperor” or “a little sun,” namely a spoiled or overprotected child. Only children in China are described as over dependent, egocentric, less cooperative, timid, and unadjusted.23 These characteristics may increase the likelihood of children sharing beds with their parents. However, this hypothesis cannot be examined in the current study because almost all of the children in the sample (98%) are only children. In summary, bed sharing in Chinese families is not determined by 1 single factor but by multiple factors such as cultural belief, childrearing SLEEP, Vol. 26, No. 7, 2003 843 Sleep Problems Among Chinese School-Aged Children—Liu et al child increased the likelihood for children to share a bed with their parents. Bed sharing was associated with increased sleep anxiety and daytime sleepiness, suggesting that bed sharing may exert influences on sleep quality. Two directions for further study of bed-sharing practices among Chinese families and the association between bed sharing and children’s sleep are recommended. Further research is needed to investigate what cultural factors (childrearing beliefs, attitudes, and practices) contribute to bed sharing among Chinese families. 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