Thucydides on the Causes of Athenian Imperialism
Author(s): Steven Forde
Source: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 80, No. 2 (Jun., 1986), pp. 433-448
Published by: American Political Science Association
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THUCYDIDES
ON THE CAUSES
OF ATHENIAN
IMPERIALISM
STEVEN FORDE
MichiganStateUniversity
T hucydides'
investigation
ofAthenianimperialism
is inpartan
investigation
intowhether
as suchis based on universalhumancompulimperialism
sions, and hencecannotsimplybe condemned.It is generallyrecognizedthatfor
Athenianimperialism
is connected
Thucydides,
to theAthenian
nationalcharacter,
but
it has notbeenwidelyappreciated
thatThucydides
providesa detailedaccountofthe
foundations
in humannatureitself.Thataccountrevolves
of theAtheniancharacter
aroundwhathe calls "daring"and thehumanimpulseoferos. The eroticand daring
character
is connected
oftheAthenians
bothto theuniquedemocracy
byThucydides
of
thecityandtoitsuniqueexperience
inthePersianWars.TheuniqueAthenian
character
stemsfroman unprecedented
liberationof certainimpulsesof humannature.This
producesAthenianimperialism
and dynamism,
butalso destroys
thecityin time.
The conspicuous indeedwouldhave been "compelled"to
theme of Athenian imperialismin do by these universal forces (e.g.,
Thucydidesformsa crucialpart of his 1.75-76, 5.105).1Thucydides'investigabroaderinvestigation
into the place of tionof Athenianimperialism,
especially
justicein relationsamong states. The its causes,is in largepartan attempt
to
phenomenon
ofimperialism
poseswhatis exploreand testthisnotoriousAthenian
surelythethreshold
questionconcerning thesison justiceand empire,and turns
theplaceofjusticeininternational
affairs: verymuchon thequestionofwhether
or
If theunprovoked
subjection
and ruleof to what extentAthenianimperialism
is
weakerstatesby stronger
cannotbe un- rooted in deeperprinciplesof human
theapplicabil- nature. Thucydides' presentationof
ambiguously
condemned,
ity of moralcategoriesto international Athenianimperialism
in factrepresents
a
studyofpoliticalpsychology
politicsaltogether
mustbe seriously
com- prototypical
promised.Imperialism
is ordinarily
con- in foreignand domesticpolitics,and of
sidereda grave injusticein thosewho theramifications
of thispsychology
for
practiceit, but thereis an argument
in the questionof justicein international
mostvigorously politicsespecially.To explorethedeeper
Thucydides,
championed
thatimperial- levelsofThucydides'
by theimperial
Athenians,
analysisofAthenian
ismcannotbe blamed,becauseitis onlya
is theprimary
imperialism
objectof the
reflection
of certainuniversalcompul- present
study.
sions-compulsionsof power and of
humannature.TheAthenians
assertthat,
Daringand the
inacquiring
andmaintaining
theirempire,
AthenianCharacter
theyhave done no morethanany other
statein theirpositionwouldhave done,
Whenwe ask the questionabout the
AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE REVIEW
VOL. 80 NO. 2 JUNE,1986
AmericanPolitical Science Review Vol. 80
in ticularcourage.3
imperialism
puzzle
Daringis thefirst
causesorrootsofAthenian
thrown presentedby the Atheniancharacterin
we are immediately
Thucydides,
ofwhatwe can only Thucydides.
intoa consideration
(Bluhm,1962,
character
calltheAthenian
Our investigationof this peculiar
begin
p. 22; Connor, 1984, p. 39; Cornford, Atheniantraitmay appropriately
of the
1907, p. 167; Ehrenberg,1947, p. 47;
withthemostfamousdescription
Athenian character in Thucydides,
Finley,1967, p. 143; Romilly,1963, p. 77;
Shorey, 1893, pp. 72-73; Thibaudet, Pericles'FuneralOration.Pericles'speech
1922, pp. 113-14). Friendsand enemies is given over primarilyto praising
theempire,
including
greatness,
alike speak of the Atheniancharacter Athenian
whencalledupon and he ratesthe Atheniancharacteras
and Athenianmanners
to explain Athenian imperialism; highlyas suchthingsas laws and instituthecauseofthatgreatThucydides,in his own portrayal,ap- tionsinattributing
the
pearsto do likewise.Ifwe bringtogether ness.Yetwhenit comesto describing
all that is said about the Athenian Atheniancharacter,"courage"is barely
whospeaksinstead
characterin the courseof Thucydides' alludedtobyPericles,
himself of the "virtue"of his countrymen,
by Thucydides
or,
History,whether
The
wegetwhatis infacta
of their"daring."4
morepointedly,
orbyhisspeakers,
remarkablyconsistentportraitof the menwho have died,he says,showeda
com- daringthatshouldbe themodelforthose
aroundcertain
revolving
Athenians,
as a
monly acknowledgedcore traits.The who survive(2.43.1).The Athenians
of these,and the one raceare characterized
by a nativedaring
most prominent
most widely held to separate the thatallowsthem,withouttoil,to be the
fromothermen,is called"dar- equal of otherswho takegreatpainsto
Athenians
cultivatevirtue(2.39.4). The greatness
ing" (tolma) by all who broach the subterm of the empire,whichmakesthe cityof
ject.Thisbecomesalmosta technical
aredaring Athensuniquelyworthdyingfor,was
TheAthenians
inThucydides.2
to Pericles,by thedaring
in theHistory;theSpartansaretheoppo- built,according
of thepresentAthenians'
site (cf. 8.96.4-5). Brasidas is the single and dutifulness
thatprovestherule(cf. ancestors(2.43.1). Periclesgoes so faras
Spartanexception
to boast thattheAthenianshave "com5.7.2; 2.87; 2.89.5). The Syracusansalone
the Atheniansby pelled"everysea and everylandto yield
succeedin countering
accessto theirdaring,enablingthemto
becoming, like them, daring (6.69.1;
of themleave "immortal"monuments
7.21.3-4; 8.96.5).
to empha- selves"everywhere"
(2.41.4).
arethefirst
The Corinthians
thedaringof
size thistrait,in theirfamousdescription In Pericles'presentation,
of the Atheniancharacterin Book 1 the Atheniansis not only one of their
traits,but one very
(1.70.3). Daring is closelylinkedby them mostpraiseworthy
withtheirempire.The
and by othersin theHistoryto Athenian closelyconnected
effect
of Atheniandaringseems
and hence primary
and expansiveness,
restlessness
by
to Athenianimperialism.It seems to to be theempire,andbotharetreated
astound- Periclesas uniquelygloriousAthenian
describepreciselythe frenetic,
Yet therewas a time,in
ingly bold, even recklessquality the achievements.
displayin theirmanyfar-flung fairlyrecenthistoricalmemory,when
Athenians
As a character
trait,however, Athensdid not have an empire.Pericles
enterprises.
thattheempirewas builtonlyby
notonlybecauseit remarks
it is ratherenigmatic,
a featforwhich
but thepreviousgeneration,
uniqueto theAthenians,
is virtually
becauseit seemsto replaceother,more that generationdeservesgreaterpraise
qualities,in par- than any that precededit in the city
ordinaryor traditional
434
1986 Thucydides
on AthenianImperialism
(2.36.2). If thatis so, however,we are was, in fact,thecommonone at Athens,
bygivingperhaps
indicates
forcedto wonderif not only Athenian as Thucydides
and greatest
praise
imperialismbut Atheniandaring was thefullestdescription
of those deeds to certainanonymous
bornwiththatgeneration.
of theriseof Athenianenvoyswho speak at Sparta
presentation
Thucydides'
theAthenianempireappearsto bearout beforethewar(1.73-78).5Whattheysay
In Book 1 oftheHistory is relevantto the questionbeforeus.
thishypothesis.
how theAthenian These anonymousenvoys,like Pericles,
he showselaborately
daring.Theirpresentaempirefirstgrew out of circumstances dwellon Athenian
emphasis
on
placesgreater
connectedwiththesecondgreatPersian tion,however,
invasionofGreece,an invasionin which the period of the PersianWars; they
the Athenianswere driven,in orderto implythatthe Athenianactionsat that
helpdefendtheGreeks,to abandontheir juncture were paradigmatic-thatis,
foranyonedesirhomelandand fightthe enemyat sea. thosemostilluminating
ingto knowwhatkindofa cityAthensis.6
Beforethattime Athenswas notevena
daring,7
the
greatpowerin Greece;after It requiredthemostextreme
particularly
to
say,fortheAthenians
thattimetheAtheniannaval powerand envoyscorrectly
andwithaston- abandontheircitywhenall up to their
empiregrewdramatically
Pericles,in a speechprior bordershad been enslaved,to relyon
ishingrapidity.
this themselves
as theirlast,slender
hope,and
to theFuneralOration,tiestogether
at sea (1.74). This
generalsequenceof eventsin thefollow- facethePersianthrong
of thattime,he Athenianaction,as the anonymouseningway: The Athenians
not voysnote,was themostimportant
withnothing,
literally
says,beginning
coneven theirhomesand possessions,suc- tribution
to theGreekcause,as itwas the
thePersiansand mostamazing.As such,it couldnotbut
ceededinbothdefeating
theempirebydintofresolveand be welcomedby the otherGreekcities.
building
thatthere
daring more than by luck or power Thucydides
however,
indicates,
(1.144.4). Thus, in Pericles'view, the was something
in thisdaringactionthat
Athenian
deedsinthePersianWarsareof arousedapprehension
intheothercitiesas
thesame stuffas theAthenianimperial- well.WhentheAthenians
werereturning
ism thatfollowed,at leastso faras the to an Athensdevastated
by thePersians,
torebuilditswalls,
fundamental
charactertraitsthatmade and wereundertaking
thempossibleare concerned.As to the the other cities opposed it, fearing,
ofthePersianWarsitself, Thucydides
pivotalmoment
says,notonlythesizeof the
it he newlyenlargedAtheniannavy,but the
mentions
thefirsttimeThucydides
says that as the massivePersianforce daringthe Athenianshad displayedin
advanced, the Atheniansresolved to the war as well. More specifically,
abandontheircity,and packingup their Thucydides
saysthattheyfearedthedargoods, embarkedupon theirships and ing thathad "come into being"in the
"became sea-men"(nautikoiegenonto, Athens during the Persian invasion
connectsthis (1.90.1).TheAthenians
werenotalonein
1.18.2). The formulation
moment
and thesedeedssomehowwitha
viewingtheirown actionsduringthat
ofthecity crisisas a greatwatershedin Athenian
inthecharacter
transformation
ofthe
itself.
and in thedevelopment
experience,
Thucydidesand Periclesare not the Atheniancharacter.The Atheniancharspecialsignificance acter-in particular
its daringside-was
onlyonesto attribute
to theAthenianfeatof abandoningthe formed,
or at anyratecameintoitsown,
cityto fightthePersians.Theirattitude onlyat thetimeofthePersianWars.The
435
AmericanPolitical Science Review Vol. 80
by whichI believewe mustgive equal or
citiessaw this,andwerenotheartened
thesight.The greatperiodof Athenian greaterweight,an aspectto someextent
peculiartotheGreekcities,andwhichhas
followed.
imperialism
to do withGreekpiety.
about Greekpietyare
Daringand AthenianImperialism Generalizations
to make, because that
always difficult
The questionthatariseson thebasisof pietyconsisted
ofnumerous
elements
that
thisaccountof thebirthof theAthenian wereofteninconsistent
withone another
is how we can under- and arenotfullyknownto us.9Nonetheimperialcharacter
ofthesecond less,someofitsmostsignificant
moment
standthetraumatic
elements,
Persian invasion to have shaped the especiallyforthe lifeof the city,were
and givenit in par- inextricably
Atheniancharacter,
bound to place-to sacred
ticularthevolatileand expansivedaring ground,to temples
toancestral
orshrines,
thatbecame its hallmark.To recurto graves.Fromthe pointof view of this
at piety,thecitywas ineffect
Thucydides'terse,earlyformulation,
constituted
by
thatmomentthe Athenianspacked up commonritesand sacredfestivals,
inastheirthings,got into theirships, and muchas citizenship
was identicalwith
became sea-men(1.18.2). That Athens competence
to participate
in thecommon
takento cults.These festivalsand ritesincluded
was a navalpoweris sometimes
of theAthenian thecity'sguardiandivinities
be sufficient
explanation
as wellas its
character and Athenian imperialism generationsof ancestors,divine and
(Finley,1967, p. 143, and 1963, p. 90; spiritual
beingsbelievedto inhabitmore
1963,pp. 67,69, 70; Thibaudet, or less immovably
Romilly,
theplacesassociated
1922, p. 79, cf. pp. 84-85), but other with theircults. When the Athenians
cities,suchas Corinthor Corcyra,were abandonedtheircity to the Persians,
or sea-faring
citiesas well,and therefore,
maritime
theywould also have abannone of themresembledAthensin the doned theirholy places, the abodes of
crucialrespect.It is notjustthatAthens theirgods and theirancestralgraves.It
inwhichit wouldbe a realquestionwithintheconbutthemanner
was sea-faring,
thatexplainstheAthenian ventionsof Greekpietywhethera city
was sea-faring
Of no other could have any beingat all undersuch
characterand imperialism.
citycouldithavebeensaid that"becom- circumstances.
This is the thoughtthat
ingnautical"involvedsucha baptism,or seemsto be in thebackground
whenthe
that its citizensbecame sea-menin so anonymous Athenians emphasize at
completeor literala sense.
Sparta thatpart of what was amazing
In orderto graspthepoliticalsignifi- about Athenianbehaviorat thetimein
cance that this has in Thucydides' questionwas thattheydidnotsimplydisaccount,we needfirstto thinkaboutall perse(1.74.2),didnotconsider
thecityto
thata fixedlocationmeanstoa
thethings
have been ruinedor dissolved(1.74.4),
and whatit means and joined the commonfightalthough
politicalcommunity,
to givethatup. It seemsthattheleastwe theywereineffect
issuingfroma citythat
would have to say is thatin becoming, was no more (1.74.3).1o The Athenians
menwithoutplace,the did notdisband,and wenton insteadto
howeverbriefly,
Atheniansin someway severedconnec- gloriousvictory.However,theprinciple
tions with all the fixedthingsaround or foundation
of theircommunity
could
whichthelifeof a community
normally nothelpbeingalteredinsomewaybythe
revolves,and thatnormallyserveas its experience.
base.8Thereis,howstable,conservative
Fromthe pointof view of the other
ever, anotheraspect of the matterto Greek cities, the unexampled zeal
436
1986 Thucydides
on AthenianImperialism
by Athensin thePersianWars cise,in thenameof justice.Amorality
is
exhibited
in
wouldthushave notonlyan admirable, at the core of what daringsignifies
or shocking
qualityas well. Thucydides'
Athenians.
buta terrible
The speech of the anonymous
deed of the Athenians,
The astonishing
which seems to display the greatest Atheniansat Spartais a good indexof
tinc- this. What thoseAthenianssay shows
courage,seemsalso tobeara certain
It mightgo beyondwhat that theyhave liberatedthemselves
in
tureofimpiety.
It is thoughtas well as action from the
merelyhumancourageis permitted.
thattheGreeksand othershad
audacity;it is daring.In any event,it restraints
toassume,as thoughtapplied to citiesin theirrelabe mistaken
wouldcertainly
seem to (e.g., tionsamongthemselves.
The Athenians
the Athenianssometimes
1.74.4;6.82.4),thatthecitiesthatrefused at Spartaare thefirstto voice thethesis
theirempire,they
to abandon theirland as the Persians that,in establishing
to thempurelyout weresimplyactingin accordwithcertain
advancedsurrendered
universal
thataffect
nations:
ofcowardice.
compulsions
said thatthedefeatof fear,honor,and profit(1.75-76).These
It is sometimes
ina neweraof Athenians,
it is true,tempertheirarguthePersianhordesushered
bygivingapparently mentwithassertionsto the effectthat
Greekself-assurance
of theyhold theirempire"not inappropriproofof the superiority
indisputable
and ately"(1.73.1),thattheyareinsomesense
overbarbarism
thepolisandfreedom
(see Bury,1909,p. 44; worthy
ofrule(1.76.2),andthattheirrule
Persiandespotism
sug- is "more just" than necessary.These
1968,p. 77). Thucydides
Ehrenberg,
in thingsare undeniablyimportant
to the
geststhatin thecase of theAthenians
gainedfrom Athenians'vision of theirempire,but
theself-assurance
particular,
was of a revolutionary, theydo notdisguise-andare notmeant
thisexperience
not to say hubristic,kind. It is the to disguise-thefactthattheempireand
at bottom
peculiarcharacterof thisself-assurance theirspeechaboutit represent
of theprinoverturning
that leads the Atheniansfrom the an unapologetic
supposedto
desperate,defensiveaction againstthe ciplesof justiceordinarily
explosionof applyto relations
Persiansto the offensive
amongstates(cf.1.76).
thatfollowed.Foronemight Theyaltogether
refuseto submitto judgimperialism
as mentsstemming
discovered
fromthesupposedpresaythatwhattheAthenians
a body on theirshipsis the enormous ceptsof justice.In thatrespect,at least,
fromthat
potentialof purelyhumanpower-that theirpositiondoes not differ
on itsownand latervoicedby theAthenianenvoyson
is,humanpowerstanding
bereftof its traditionalsupports,ter- Melos (5.85-113).11
It wouldbe difficult Pericles, the premierstatesmanin
or otherwise.
restrial
to overestimate
thepoliticalsignificance Athensat the timeof the anonymous
for Athenians'speech,is in accordwiththe
fora community,
ofsucha discovery
traditional
pietyacts not onlyas a sup- new Athenianmanner.He has nothing
of but praise for Atheniandaring. His
on theactivities
port,butas a restraint
as dar- FuneralOrationis devoidof anyserious
insofar
menandstates.Therefore,
a
reference
to thegods, whichis particuing among the Atheniansrepresents
for larlystriking
of and a replacement
giventhatit is, afterall, a
transformation
traditional
courage,it is an innovation funerary
speechoverthosewhohavedied
predicatedin part on overcomingthe inwar.Moreover,
Periclesshowsbydeed
inhibitionsimposed by piety. Those thatheiswilling
toabandonAttica,doing
on the so for the firsttimesince the Persian
inhibitionsinclude restrictions
of powerand on its exer- Wars. In connectionwith that policy,
accumulation
437
AmericanPolitical Science Review Vol. 80
tellstheAtheniansthat
Periclesin effect
theyshouldconsiderthe land as sometothecity:human
thingofno significance
beingsare whatmakethecitywhatit is
(1.143.5). In the Funeral Oration he
depictsAthens,Athenianpower, and
as monuments
purely
Atheniangreatness
ofthe
of humanendeavor.His reduction
cityto its humanbeings-and even the
of its humanbeings
presentgeneration
(cf. 2.36.1-3)-is, to be sure,typicalof
thisimperialAthens;but thatis onlyto
character.
underscoreits revolutionary
Pericles' "humanism,"of which these
remarksare primaryexamples,is often
The radically
noted by commentators.
anti-traditional
andevenimpiousimplications of this humanismhave received
much less attention,yet they are as
important as any other facts in
of Periclean
Thucydides'understanding
Athens.Theyalso proveto be crucialin
explainingthe problemswith Pericles'
policyand the fateof Athensafterhis
death.'2
Individualismand the
Policy of Pericles
Thereis one otheraspectof Athenian
humanismor liberationthat must be
beforeitsfullbearingon thesubexplored
ject of Athenianimperialismcan be
appreciated. When Pericles praises
intheFuneralOration,
Athenian
freedom
he hasinmindlessthefreedom
ofthecity
on
as a wholefromtraditional
restraints
its behaviorthan the freedomof individualAtheniansfromthe myriadconrestraints
ventional
thatregulatethelives
ofmenin traditional
cities.Thisunprecedentedinternalfreedomat Athenshas
notonlytoPericlesbut
according
created,
intheHistory
tootherobservers
as well,a
novel politicalform(cf. theremarksof
theCorinthians,
1.70.6).Thisformrepresentsperhapsthenearestapproximation
in
to whatwe couldcall "individualism"
of
all of ancientpolitics.13The liberation
438
individualtalentand initiative
at Athens
is onesourceofthecity'sgreatpowerand
dynamism,as Periclescorrectlypoints
out (2.41.2). Athenianindividualism
is
forthisreasononeofthethings
thatmade
Athenianimperialism
possible.Athenian
individualism
and imperialism
are also
connected-and more intimatelysothroughtheircommonabandonment
of
traditional
Ifthecityis willing
restraints.
to dareso much,it is in partbecausethe
Atheniansindividually
have freedthemselves from conventionalinhibitions.
Athenian
inthat
individualism
represents,
sense,thedomesticcorrelate
to thecity's
daringin its relationsabroad. Not surprisingly,
it is also the pointat which
importantproblems with the whole
Athenianprojectbeginto appear.
The Athenianexperiment
with individualism,if we may call it that,produceda cityof greatenergyand many
theone
devices,butalso had to confront
great problemalways connectedwith
the problemof political
individualism,
cohesion. The tremendoussuccess of
AthensfromthetimeofthePersianWars
theperiodofPericles'ascendency
through
seemsto indicatethatAthenssolvedthis
problem.Thucydides,
on theotherhand,
drawsourattention
as earlyas hiseulogy
of Periclesto the factthatAthenswas
laterdevastatedby internal
quarrelsand
whichweretherealreason
factionalism,
forherdefeatin thewar (2.65.7,10-12).
Theseproblemscameintotheopenonly
after Pericles' death. Nevertheless,
Pericleshimself,
in his FuneralOration,
can be seento addresstheproblemofthe
cohesionof thecity,in addressing
what
canmaketheindividualists
hehaspraised
dedicatethemselves
to its good. In the
FuneralOrationhe is confronted
withthis
problemin itsmostextreme
form,forhe
mustfindan argument
thatcan induce
Atheniansto die fortheircity,as have
thosebeingeulogizedin thespeech.
Perclesrespondsto thisproblemin a
verystriking
way,and in doingso intro-
1986 Thucydideson AthenianImperialism
duces what altogether
becomesa very sexualreference.
Pericles'appeal to eros
importantthemein Thucydides'treat- inthiscontext
wouldbe striking
andparamentof Athens.Throughout
his speech, doxicalto Greekaudiencesas wellas to
Periclesappealsto theAthenians'
love of modernones,thoughsomewhat
lessso.17
glory:Athensis the most gloriousof Withregardto thispassage,we might
cities,a monumentto the virtueand upon reflection
agreethatan appeal to
daring of her citizens.Contemporary thiskindofpassionis appropriate
to the
in servingand evendyingfor Atheniancase, particularlygiven the
Athenians,
the city, share in that glory (2.42.1, warmthof Pericles'praise of the city.
2.43.3; see also Palmer,1982b). This Eroticpassionmay,afterall, be theone
initself,
argument
eventhemost
however,doesnotsuf- thingcapableof attaching
human beings to someficientlymeet the problem, if only individualistic
becausegloryheldin commonis scarcely thingoutsideof themselves.
Eroticpasgloryat all, especiallyfromthepointof sion is individualistic,
even egoistic,yet
view of true individualists.
Therefore leads to the mostintensedevotionand
to sacrifice.
In anyevent,itis
Pericles,at theclimacticmomentof his willingness
speech,has recourseto quite another clear that Pericles,whose Athenshas
appeal,onethatappearstobe as novelas largelyforsakentraditional
supportsto
theproblemitis meanttoaddress.Itis an community
and patriotism,
musthave
appealto eroticpassion.In thepassagein recourse to extraordinarydevices.'8
or "loveofcity"(philopoli)of
question,Periclesallowsthatcalculations Patriotism
of advantageare not, of course,to be theordinary
as
kind,basedinsuchthings
excludedin servingthecity,buthe says, traditional
civicpietyand subordination
finally,that Atheniansshould become ofself,is no longersufficient
groundsfor
at Athens.The Athenians
devoted,willingservantsof thecityby community
beholdingits power, manifested
every haveall butabandonedpublicpiety,and
day in deeds,and becomingloversof it Athenianindividualismowes its very
(2.43.1).14It is by meansof a kind of existence
totheabandonment
ofthekinds
erotic attachmentthat each Athenian ofconventional
strictures
thatcementthe
shouldultimately
becomea patriot.
in a citylikeSparta.
politicalcommunity
Pericles'suddenrecourseto eroticpas- Pericles'appeal to eros circumvents
or
sionas thecenterpiece
ofAtheniancohe- supplants
thoseconventional
mechanisms
sionor community
is striking
becausewe of community,
and seeks to bind the
are not at all accustomedto thinking
of Athenians
or immediately
to the
directly
in theseterms,
patriotism
althoughitis a
city,depictedas a belovedobject.
seldom-noticed
factthateros, or human
The questionis whether
thisnewaltereroticism
by Pericles
as such,is a significant,
ifsome- nativeproposedor supported
sufficient
tothetaskofholdingthe
what concealed,themein Thucydides' is itself
ForPericlesof course,that
work.15Theworderos and itsderivatives citytogether.
appearonlyseventimesin theHistory, includesitsabilityto keepAthensunder
but each appearanceis at a crucialjunc- his direction
and guidedby his policy
ture,and each playsa significant
rolein and hispolicy,accordingto Thucydides,
Thucydides'
treatment
ofAthenian
imper- was a verymeasuredor restrained
one,
ialism and the politicalpsychologyof bothin generaland withreference
to the
Athens.16
The Greeknotionof eros is of war againstthe Spartans(2.65.5). His
course broader than ours, embracing policyforthewarinparticular
is to resist
all objectsofdesire,butitstill all temptationto indulgein imperial
potentially
differs
fromotherkindsofdesire,bothin expansion for the duration (1.144.1;
its intensity
and in its unexpungeable 2.65.7). Thus,whenPericlesexhortsthe
439
AmericanPolitical Science Review Vol. 80
Atheniansin his FuneralOration to staturemakesthe attempt.And in the
tothecity,itis Athenian
case thispassionliesat thecore
attached
becomeerotically
policy ofthecity'simperialism.
or restrained
moderate
a relatively
and visionhe has in mind.
The Sicilian expeditionis the most
This is preciselythe part of Pericles' eroticofall Athenian
during
undertakings
policythatprovedmostuntenableafter thewar-perhapsof all Athenianunderdid notfollow takings-asit is themostdaring.It is in
his death.The Athenians
his advice and in fact, accordingto thisrespecta peakofwhatAthensrepreThucydides,afterhis death they did sentsin theHistory.It is notinappropritowhathehadsaid ate,therefore,
contrary
"everything"
shoulduse
thatThucydides
(2.65.7). Among other things, they thesequenceofeventsconnected
withand
proved unable to resist the imperial surrounding
the Sicilian expeditionto
and embarkedon a vast reveal more clearlythan elsewherehis
temptation,
projectto conquerthe islandof Sicily. ownunderstanding
charoftheAthenian
They did so, accordingto Thucydides, acter and imperialism.
The expedition
of eroticpassion.In showsthefailureof thePericleanpolicy
undertheinfluence
whatis his onlyexplicitauthorialrefer- ofimperial
uses
butThucydides
restraint,
ence to the eroticismof the cityas a
it providesto record
the opportunity
whole, Thucydidessays thatwhen the more comprehensively
his view of the
deliberationconcerningthe Sicilian regimeof democraticindividualism
at
expeditionfinallydrew to a close, an Athens.Thucydides'
view,as opposedto
eroticpassionfelluponall aliketosailfor Pericles',accountsfor the declineand
Sicily;thepassionwas so overwhelming eventualfailureof theAthenianexperithatifanyonestillopposedthevote,he mentin politics.
was cowedintosilenceby the"excessive"
desireof thecityas a whole(6.24).
Eros,Daring,and the
Periclesappealed to the eros of the
in thecauseofa generalpolicy
Athenians
AthenianDemocracy
butwhenthatpolicyis finally
ofrestraint,
It appears that for Thucydides,
overthrown
byAthenian
and definitively
out
is compounded
Athenian
imperialism
eros, the development,in retrospect,
of eroticpasWhenAthenian of a volatilecombination
looksall but inevitable.
passionreachesitsheight,forcesitsway sion and daring,qualitieswoven into
so the fabric of the Athenian regime.
narrative,
ofThucydides'
tothesurface
of
thedynamics
understands
for Thucydides
itself
as a longing
tospeak,itexpresses
like
a
man
better
than
this
combination
of
power,
increase
most
spectacular
the
we mayadd,thanthe
andbetter,
the most audaciousprojectof imperial Pericles,
Thelastpointis of
themselves.
expansionsince well beforethe war. Athenians
interest
becauseitappearstobe
Nicias, in his futilespeechagainstthe particular
inconnection
at thereasonwhyThycidides,
pleadswiththeAthenians,
expedition,
the
to withsomeof theeventssurrounding
nottosuccumb
leasttheoldAthenians,
or perverseeroticpassion launchingof the Sicilian expedition,
an unhealthy
(duseros,6.13.1) forthingsfaraway.His insertsa peculiarbut very interesting
of
on the allegedtyrannicide
hope is as vain as thehope of Pericles. digression
Indeed,it seems that eroticpassion is Harmodius and Aristogeiton(6.53;
he says,is
moreby thesplendid, 6.54-59;6.60). The digression,
enflamed
naturally
thefaraway,and thegrandthanby any intended to correct some important
It
in Athenian
self-understanding.
resists defects
It powerfully
visionof restraint.
this
for
not
attention
only
Pericles'
draws
of
our
even
if
man
a
domestication,
440
on AthenianImperialism
1986 Thucydides
reason,butbecauseitssubjectturnsout
to be Atheniandaringand eros; it con-
nowspeaks
thePersianWars.Thucydides
ofa daringinAthenspriorto thattime,a
withthefoundation
of
daringconnected
tains more referencesto eros, in particular,thanare foundin therestof the the Atheniandemocracy.He seems to
agreewithordinaryAtheniansthatthe
Historyputtogether.19
immediate- storyofHarmodius
andAristogeiton
capcharacteristic
TheAthenian
ly in questionat thispointin theHistory turestheessenceof theAtheniandemocby
is the excessivesuspicionshownby the racy and character.As formulated
thestorythuscorroborates
towardvirtually
all Thucydides,
Atheniandemocracy
men. The Athenians'sus- the view thatAthensis a citycharacoutstanding
picion is excessive, according to terizedby a kind of eroticallycharged
in the daring.However,Thucydides'rendition
becauseof a memory
Thucydides,
inprecisely
thatrespect,
a funcity of the hated tyrannyof the represents,
ofthepopularundercorrection
thatpro- damental
Itwas thistyranny
Peisistratids.
attackofHarmodius standing.He introducesthe digression,
vokedthelegendary
and Aristogeiton. According to onceagain,forthepurposeofcorrecting
thefirstand
however,theAtheniansare thepopularunderstanding;
Thucydides,
ofthe mostimportant
ofthesecorrections
hasto
bothaboutthecharacter
mistaken
whichwas actuallyrathermild do withthemotivesthattheAthenians
tyranny,
to theirheroes.The Athenians
until attacked(6.54.5-6; 6.59.2), and attribute
about the story of Harmodius and supposethemtohavebeenpublic-spirited
beginshis champions of democratic liberty;
itself.Thucydides
Aristogeiton
showsthattheirmotivation,
accountby sayingthatthe"daringdeed" Thucydides
of Harmodiusand Aristogeitonwas beingeroticin nature,was private,even
incidentto a love selfish,and aimedat publicbenefit
only
actuallyundertaken
if at all. Their jealousy
affair(6.54.1; cf. 6.56.3; 6.59.1). Har- incidentally,
were lovers; towardthetyrants
was a purelyprivate,
modius and Aristogeiton
when Hipparchus,the brotherof the eroticjealousy,and the freedomthey
the soughtwas primarily
theiraffair,
whatwe mightcall
Hippias,threatened
tyrant
itscontext,
Within
two of themplottedto overthrowthe privateeroticfreedom.
ofthestoryimplies,
retelling
Theyfailedto killHippiasbut Thucydides'
tyranny.
firstof all, thatthe excessiveAthenian
managedto kill Hipparchus,and as a
menin thecityis
as champions, suspicionofprominent
resultcameto be regarded
and underthatpresents
itself,
ofthedemoc- something
as founders,
andpractically
racyat Athensafterits reestablishment.standsitself,as a laudableand publicdefense
ofliberty,
butis in facta
ofthe"tyranni- spirited
Indeed,theremembrance
pricide"cameto occupya placeinAthenian thingrootedin a ratherquestionable
seemsto sugas thatoccupiedby the vate jealousy.Thucydides
loreas significant
thatthebasisofthejealmemoryof thecity'sheroismduringthe gest,moreover,
of thedevotionto
ousyand, altogether,
PersianWars.20The legendbecame a
keystone of the democracy's self- the democracyis not dedicationto the
anda parableinparticular commongood as such,but ratherto a
understanding,
kindofprivatefreedom
fromrestrictions
love offreedom.
forthecity'sextreme
One of thefirstthingsthatstrikesus of all sorts,a freedomto followwhere
lead.Theforceofthis
of this one'spassionmight
about Thucydides'presentation
in one passioncan inspirethoseunderitssway
episode is that it controverts
daringon itsbehalf.
we get to actsofthegreatest
respecttheimpression
important
darfromBook1-namely,thatAthenian
Thucydides'renditionof the Harat thetimeof modiusand Aristogeiton
storyprovides
appearance
ingmadeitsfirst
441
AmericanPolitical Science Review Vol. 80
us witha vivid and revealingimageof
and the intense
Athenianindividualism
it. It
love of freedomthatcharacterizes
also providesus with a specificlink
betweenthe characterof the Athenian
inasregimeand Athenianimperialism,
foundations
muchas theirpsychological
now appear to be the same. We may
speculateabout the historicaltransition
daring
fromprivateerosand itsancillary
to the collectiveeros and daring of
Athenianimperialism.The Athenians
loved freedomwithunequalledpassion,
and thereis a genuinesense,appreciated
by all the Greeks,in whichrule over
formof
othersis simplythemostperfect
freedom(see Romilly,1963,pp. 80-82;
Thucydides,8.68.4). In this sense the
empire does representthe crowning
emblemand achievementof Athenian
the
The empirealso represents
freedom.
greatestguardianof Athenianfreedom
against external attack, a fact the
neverlostsightof (e.g., 1.75;
Athenians
mayhave been
6.82). Thisconsideration
in the historical
important
particularly
fromthe democraticlove of
transition
freedomto the imperialisticimpulse
forgedat thetimeof thePersianWars.
on the experienceof foreign
Reflection
invasionmayhave led theAtheniansto
theconclusionthat,just as theirheroes
eventually
Harmodiusand Aristogeiton
werecompelledto enterthepublicrealm
merely to safeguard their private
freedom,so would the city have to
its
inordertosafeguard
expandexternally
own freedomand the freedomof its
of
citizens(see especiallythe reflections
1.93.3-8). Thucydides,at
Themistocles,
of the
any rate,concludeshis narration
storywith
Harmodiusand Aristogeiton
the followingtersesummaryof events:
afterthreeyearsthetyrantHippiaswas
deposedand fledto thecourtof thePermanyyears
sianking,whencehereturned
laterwiththePersianson theirexpedition
to Marathon(6.59.4). Thus the fight
was transagainstHippiasand tyranny
442
formedliterally,at least,into the fight
againstthePersiansand itsaftermath.
Declineand Fall
It is a longway,ofcourse,fromdecidis advisableforthe
ing thatimperialism
itopenlyfor
ofthecitytojustifying
safety
ofthejustifithatreason-to saynothing
cationsfromhonorand profitthatthe
offerfortheir
Athenianssimultaneously
empire(1.74-75;2.63-64).Theaudacious
amorality
requiredforthesejustifications
and thusfortheuninor exonerations,
hibited developmentof the imperial
ingrediprojectas a whole,is thespecific
ent thatThucydidesappearsto traceto
the daringof the PersianWars. The
at Athensprovidedor
uniquedemocracy
bred intense and excessivelyjealous
to freedom;sucheroticlove
attachment
may alwaysvergeon simple
of freedom
sacredorprofane.
hatredofall restraints,
also tapped
thedemocracy
Consequently,
sourceof humanenergy,
a tremendous
ofthecity'sexpeributittookthecatalyst
encein thePersianWars,as well as the
openedup by the Persian
opportunities
defeat,to set the Atheniancharacter
on theimperialcourse.This
definitively
of things
combination
produceda cityof
vitalityand power, but
unprecedented
itself
destroyed
also a citythatin effect
afterthe
withinthreeor fourgenerations
PersianWars.The decayof Athensand
mustbe tracedto
Athenianimperialism
thecitysuch
thesamecausesthatbrought
greatsuccessin itsprime.
We alreadyknow fromThucydides'
eulogyof PericlesthatAthenswas eventually consumedby factionalismand
internal
decay(2.65.7,10-12).In Pericles'
timethecitywas stilla solidandcohesive
due in significant
partto the
community,
ofPericleshimself
(cf.2.65.8).It
influence
was Pericles'beliefthat the Athenians
had a kindof nativerespectforlaw and
foreach other(2.37.2-3),and thatdeference to good leaderswas theircharac-
1986 Thucydides
on AthenianImperialism
teristictrait(2.37.1). Thucydides'view,
epitomizedin the Harmodiusand Aristogeiton
story,is thatexcessivesuspicion
and jealousytowardleaderswas Athens'
mostcharacteristic
attitude,one derived
fromthe core traitsof the Athenian
character.
It is mucheasieron thebasisof
Thucydides'digressionthan on thatof
Pericles'FuneralOrationto understand
howAthenian
eroticpassioncouldleadto
factionand internecine
strife.Pericles
could exhorthis fellowcitizensto focus
theireroticpassionon thecityas a whole,
measureofsuccess,but
andwitha certain
thefundamental
character
ofthatpassion
was private,individual,or individualistic. This is apparentnot onlyfromthe
descripdigression,
butfromThucydides'
tionofthecity'seroticpassionforSicily.
indicates
thatthe
Thucydides'
description
motivesof thatpassionwerewidelydifferent
forthreedifferent
typesofpeoplein
thecity(6.24.3).Forat leasttwoofthose
the greatmajorityof
types,comprising
thepopulation,
itwas a desiremotivated
by theprospectof somekindof gainor
theprospect
offarpersonalgratification:
of
fortheyoung,theprospect
awaysights
present
and"eternal
pay"forthemajority
of
(6.24.3).21 The pronouncedtrifurcation
eroticpassionat thispoint,as wellas its
showshow
predominantly
privatethrust,
ambiguously
it is relatedto thecommon
good. In that respectit is a genuine
heirto the tradition
of Harmodiusand
Aristogeiton.
rolein the
Daringplaysa moresinister
historyof Athensand its imperialism.
Periclespraisesdaringwithoutqualificationin his FuneralOration,but in the
plague at Athens, which Thucydides
describesimmediately
afterthe Funeral
Oration(2.47-54),daringshowsitselfin
the cityin a rathermore questionable
that
light.Withan eyeto thedissensions
laterdevastated
says
Athens,Thucydides
thatgreaterlawlessnesswas firstintroducedintothecityby theplague,as men
daredmoreopenlyto pursuetheirown
443
of all
privatepleasurein contravention
restraint
(2.53.1). This imperialquality
less praiseworthy
provesconspicuously
whendirected
againstfellowcitizensthan
Evenmoreto thepoint
againstoutsiders.
of the civil
is Thucydides'description
a greatmanycities
wars thatdestroyed
duringthe war. In a famouspassage
and
howall themoralcategories
detailing
thewordsthatdenotethemwereturned
theseupheavals,the
on theirheadsduring
first,and perhaps controlling,transtobe the
formation
is saidbyThucydides
supplanting
of loyal courageby "irrationaldaring"in themindsofthecitizens
(3.82.4; cf. 3.82.6).22 The passage that
inThucydides
beginsthiswayculminates
forthedivine
thatrespect
pronouncement
law thenceasedanylongertobe a basisof
amongmen,as oaths
trustor community
lostall theirforceunderthepressureof
lawlessness
almostuniversal
(3.82.6-7).
These remarks, which represent
mostsystematic
pronounceThucydides'
of
mentsinhisownnameon thecharacter
daringcertainly
give us pause when it
comesto considering
thecase ofAthens.
Athenshas replacedcouragewithdaring
in the precisesense of disembarrassing
ofthetraditional
itself
restraints
ofjustice
and"divinelaw."Theresulting
is
freedom
what has allowed Athensas a city to
accumulate
suchvastpowerand suchan
empire-to run circles,so to speak,
around its more traditionaland more
inhibitedopponents,in particularthe
Spartans.Daring undeniablyrepresents
thediscovery
ofan "effectual
truth"
about
thecharacter
of international
politics.It
alsorepresents,
a verycorrosive
however,
incubusat the heart of the Athenian
regime,
thoughitis onethattakesitstime
to develop.23
It takesitstollnotonlyon
theinternal
of thecity,but
cohesiveness
on thecharacter
ofAthenianimperialism
itself.
The questionas to whether,in what
sense,or to whatextentAthenianimperialism changes over the course of
AmericanPolitical Science Review Vol. 80
is a veryvexedone.24
History
Thucydides'
analysissuggeststhat it
The foregoing
inasmuchas amorality
remainsconstant,
and impietyare at its core fromthe
momentof its inception.On the other
of and
hand,theAthenianconsciousness
undeniably
towardthisamorality
attitude
a
changes,givingAthenianimperialism
cast over time. Thus
much different
theanonymousAthenianswho speakat
Sparta before the war proclaimthat
and
justicedoesnotapplytotheirempire,
yetmaintainthattheirruleis "approprieventhatthe
ate,"thattheyare"worthy,"
of theirpowerful
empireis an expression
love ofhonor(1.73, 75-76). In theFuneral
Oration, Pericles' very theme is the
of Athensand the appropriworthiness
atenessof thepositionshe holds.In his
thirdandfinalspeech,underthesobering
oftheplagueandthecontinuing
influence
war,Periclesconcedesthattheempireis a
tyrannyor is like a tyranny(2.63.2); how-
ever,he stillholdsthatitis a gloriousand
honorable thing to maintain (2.63.1;
2.64.5-6). It is preciselythe argumentor
beliefthattheempireis somehowhonorable, however,thatdecays and finally
disappearsundertheimpactof theharsh
rule-underthedawnrealityofimperial
ingawarenessofwhatit reallymeansto
dare to rule over othersin defianceof
justice,and to admitthatone's ruleis a
ofsucha project
The amorality
tyranny.
destroysin the long run any claimsto
highermotives or sanctions,because
empireand tyrannysimpyare not an
honorablebusiness.Thisis thelogicthat
revealedin theMeliandialogue
is starkly
(cf. Jaeger,1939, pp. 401-402; Finley,
1963, p. 89; and n. 11). Even at the
another.In that respect,at least, the
Sicilianepisodeis legitimate
kin to the
Meliandialogue,whichThucydides
juxtaposes it to. The extractive
and exploitativeelements
in theimperialimpulseand
theempirein theendundoall thehigher
pretenses
thatPericlesand theAthenians
likedto pridethemselves
on. The reality
ofimperialism
is muchharsher
thanthat.
Ourfinalquestion-thatwithwhichwe
began-concerns whether Athenian
imperialism,based on the impulses
tracesto it,reflects
a univerThucydides
sal compulsionof humannature,as the
Atheniansargue,and if so, whetherits
compulsivecharacter,as the Athenians
also argue,exoneratesimperialpowers
frommoralblame.Thatcommunities
that
followthe impulseto empireare likely
therebyto destroythemselves
does not
alterthestateofthisquestionon thelevel
of principle.Thucydides,in tracing
to humanerotic
Athenianimperialism
passion, does indeedgroundit in the
deepeststrataofhumannature.Thatthe
Athenians,in theirdaring,have to an
unprecedentedextent unleashed this
eroticimpulsefromtraditionalrestrictionsmakesthemunique,but does not
alter the naturalnessof theirimperial
impulse.Whatis unprecedented
aboutthe
Athenian
its
regimeingeneralis precisely
liberation
ofhumannature.
There is one passage in Thucydides
tothispoint,containing
relevant
uniquely
the one reference
to eroticpassionwe
have not yet discussed,and thatis the
speechof theAthenianDiodotusin the
debateovertherebelliousAthenianally
Mytilene
(3.42-48).Thecentral
portionof
Diodotus'sspeechis a highlytheoretical
oftherelation
discussion
ofhumannature
to law and restraints
ofall kinds.It is, in
fact,themostsustainedtheoretical
treatmentofthisissueinThucydides,
andboth
eros and daringfigureprominently
in it
which
momentof Sicilianenthusiasm,
seemsa muchmoregenerousmanifestaimpulseat Athens,we
tionoftheimperial
note that, according to Thucydides'
therewas no groupthatwas
description,
in love withthegloryor "honor"of the (3.45).25 Diodotus argues that human
hostileto restraint,
(6.24). Theironlygoals were natureis irrevocably
enterprise
and
by a powerful
in onewayor becauseit is governed
understood
safetyor profit
444
1986 Thucydideson AthenianImperialism
1979,p. 93; White,1984,p.
promiscuous
eroticimpulse(3.45.5).This Wettergreen,
accordingto him, 88) andstatesmen
impulseis responsible,
whohavebeenenlightfor human hubrisand human daring enedby Thucydides
willnot,to be sure,
to thepious hopesand
hisargument
pointsin adherefoolishly
(3.45.4).Although
illusionsof theMeliansor of
thefirst
instanceto an eroticimpulsethat moralistic
willtheyheedlessly
praise
has led the Mytilenaeansto revolt,he Nicias;neither
makesit clearenoughthathis argument and advancequalitieslikedaringand unappliesto Athensand Athenianimperial- bridlederoticpassionin theirstates,like
thatrestrain
ism in equal or greatermeasure:the Periclesdid.Theconventions
humaneroticimpulse,he says, is the theseimpulsesdo not have the divine
thegreatertheobjectsit sanctionstheywere once supposedto
moreirresistible
restrictions
hasinview;thegreatest
oftheseobjectsis have, and theydo represent
of powerful
elements
for some, and rule over on or suppressions
independence
othersfor those who have the power ofhumannature.As Diodotussays,such
can neverbe whollyeffec(3.45.6). Diodotus'simplicitaccountof conventions
whengreattemptations
to
and its tive,especially
thebasisofAthenianimperialism
learnfrom
relationto humannaturein generalis empirearise.We nevertheless
of political
thattheintegrity
the same as that of Thucydides
fundamentally
It also seemsto endorsethe communitiesand the maintenanceof
Thucydides.
Athenianconclusionthat moral blame thosehumanvaluesthatcutureor civiliany zation does serve are in the long run
cannotattachto this imperialism,
To the
on thoseconventions.
dependent
more than the Mytilenaeanscan be
fromtheempire.26 extentthatcultureor civilization
repreblamedforrevolting
Bothare equallycompulsive.The world sentsa genuinepeakofhumanflourishing
of recurring,
or unjusti- -and Thucydidesclearlythinksthatit
equallyjustified
could even be
and revoltthatemerges does-those conventions
fieddomination
fromDiodotus'sspeechis indeeda world said to have a groundingin nature
wheretraditional
notionsof justiceand themselves.
law among nationsare suspendedor
Notes
greatly
restricted.
that
The onlyconspicuousvindication
An earlierversionof thispaper was presentedat
justice or divine law receives in
the 1984 annual meetingof the AmericanPolitical
Thucydides,then,is the unhappyspec- Science Association. I thank CliffordOrwin and
herselfafter Richard Zinman for their helpful comments on
tacle of Athensdestroying
andself-consciously draftsof thispaper. I worked on thisessay while I
daringsystematically
to deny that law in its dealingswith was Culpepper Fellow at DartmouthCollege and
Fellow at Dalhousie University.
alter Killam
others.That does not in retrospect
1. I citeThucydidesby thestandardform:book,
thetruthoftheAtheniandenial,and cer- chapter,and, where appropriate,section. For containlydoes nothingto help citiesin the venience, I will referto Thucydides'work as the
their History,capitalizedbut not italicized,to reflectthe
positionofMelos,or evento justify
resistance.It invitescompassionmore fact that Thucydidesnever himselfgave his work
this or any other title (cf. Edmunds, 1975, p. 6;
forthoseovercome Finley,
thancondemnation
1963, p. 3n; Strauss,1977, p. 143).
by the hubristicimpulsesof human
2. The patternsof the use of this word can be
nature,but also yieldsa counselof pru- traced with the help of any word index to
is Thucydides,forexample,thatof BMtant(1961). The
denceto future
statesmen.
Thucydides
patterns,as indicated,are quite striking,thoughto
bestunderstood
as an educatorofstates- my
knowledgetheyhave gonevirtuallyunnoticedin
men (see Bruell,1974, p. 11; Connor, theliterature.See e.g. Huart (1968, pp. 431-36) and
1984, pp. 12-13; Finley,1963, p. 309; Hunter(1973, p. 26). Interpretershave oftennoted
Romilly,1956; Strauss,1977, p. 202n; that Thucydides' presentationof Athens revolves
445
AmericanPolitical Science Review Vol. 80
words-e.g., polypragaroundcertainsignificant
1947) and gnomeand techne
mosune(Ehrenberg,
Tolma
1975)-and all withjustification.
(Edmunds,
the
is one of theseand,I believe,in somerespects
mostimportant.
3. Itshouldbe notedthattheGreekwordtolma
word"daring,"
coversthesamerangeas theEnglish
(courageproperisinGreek
from
couragetorashness
andreia).In fact,theraritywithwhichtheword
is quiteas
"courage"is appliedto theAthenians
a
as theircorner
on "daring"
inThucydides,
striking
I am
distinction
lostor bluntedin all translations
"courage"
awareof,whichareas likelyto translate
fortolma.
as "daring"
4. Periclesdoes speakof the"courage"of the
a specific
Athenians
once,whenhe is developing
totheSpartans
contrast
(2.39.4;cf.2.39.1).This,ifI
is thesole instanceof thedirect
am notmistaken,
applicationof thisword to theAtheniansin the
History(cf.also 2.64.2).
seemsdesignedto indicate
5. Theiranonymity
thattheyspeakforthecityas a whole(cf.Pouncey,
1963,pp. 108,242). Fora dif1980,p. 62; Romilly,
ferent
(1939,p. 393).
view,seeJaeger
6. Thisseemsto be thereasonforthepeculiar
theiraccountoftheseAthenian
waytheyintroduce
actions.Theywillrefrain,
theysay,fromspeaking
thatare notto thepoint,butare
of ancientthings
to mentionthedeeds of thePersian
"compelled"
Wars(1.73.2):theyarerepeating
thestorybecauseit
tothepointoftheirspeech,whichis
is indispensable
a cityAthensis
to showhow greator formidable
ancient
of quasi-mythic
(1.72; 1.73.1). Narrations
deedswere,infact,common
inspeeches
ofa certain
kind-e.g., the Scholiastmentionspossibletales
abouttheAmazonsor theHeraclids.See forexamPanegyricus
20-32;68-72.
ple Isocrates
ofthe
7. Thisappearstobe theonlyoccurrence
"mostdaring"in theHistory.
superlative
oftheabandonment
character
8. The traumatic
of theland can be judgedin partfrom2.15. For
to ourpresofthatpassagerelevant
interpretations
ent purposes,see Thibaudet(1922, p. 199) and
Palmer(1982b,p. 827).Foran ironicbutalsoimporAthenaion
tantview of it see Pseudo-Xenophon
Politeia2.14.
9. See e.g. Dodds (1951, chs. 2, 6, et al.),
Grundy
(1948,vol. 2, pp. 87,88),andGlotz(1904).
The following
discussionowes muchto Fustelde
Coulanges(1980).
was a com10. It shouldbe notedthatdispersal
mon (thoughnot a universal)fate for peoples
ejectedfromtheircitiesin thewar.
11. Cf. Adkins(1960,p. 222),Connor(1984,p.
(1947,
153),De Ste. Croix(1972,p. 14), Ehrenberg
and Dover(1945-1970,
p. 52), Gomme,Andrewes,
vol. 4, p. 184),Romilly(1963,pp. 65, 250),White
(1984,pp. 77,81),andWoodhead(1970,p. 17).The
Athenianremarkson Melos are of coursemuch
which
meanerin tonethantheearlierstatement,
446
does reflecta changed vision of Athenianrule (cf.
Cogan, 1981, p. 89). This questionwill be addressed
in greaterdetailin theconcludingpartof thisessay.
12. On Pericles'"humanism"see Grene (1950, p.
90), Grundy(1948, vol. 2, pp. 7-8), and Bury(1909,
p. 146). On theimpietyof thishumanismsee Cochrane (1965, pp. 23, 55), Edmunds(1975, pp. 26, 39,
45-46, 76, 82), and Connor (1984, p. 72n).
13. Individualismis sometimessupposedto be the
exclusivepreserveof modernpolitics.On individualism as characteristicof Periclean Athens, see
Cochrane (1965, p. 23), Grundy (1948, vol. 1, p.
171, vol. 2, p. xv), Gomme (1962, pp. 139-55), and
Finley(1963, pp. 49, 301; 1967, p. 149). For somewhat different
views see Adcock (1963, p. 50), and
Grene (1950, p. 31).
14. I have attemptedin my paraphraseto retain
an ambiguityof the original:it is not clear whether
Periclesexhortshis listenersto become loversof the
cityor of its power.
15. One of the few studies to take this theme
seriouslyis Cormford's(1907), but he takes it in a
"mythic"sense, which I believe is unjustified.See
Bury(1909, p. 124), Wallace (1964, p. 256), Dodds
(1951, p. 186), and Huart (1968, p, 391).
16. The sevenappearancesare at 2.43, 3.45, 6.24,
6.54 (twice),6.57, and 6.59, not countingone reference by Nicias to duseros,bad or unhealthyerotic
will be dispassion, at 6.13. All of thesereferences
cussed in the course of thisessay.
17. See Euripides Phoenissae 359, and Finley
(1967, p. 21), who refersto EuripidesErechtheus
Frag. 360.54.
18. Some perceptive observations in this vein
regardingPericles'appeal to eroticpassion may be
foundin Thibaudet(1922, p. 25), who speaks of an
unusual political "crystallization"of eroticpassion
at Athens; Cochrane (1965, p. 55), who speaks of
eros here as a substitutefor ordinarypatriotism
based upon piety; and Immerwahr (1973, pp.
27-28), who connectsit to the"pathological"course
Athenianpolicy latertook.
19. Therehas been a greatdeal of scholarlycommentaryon thisdigression,muchof it assumingthe
passage does not have great significancefor the
Historyas a whole. See the summaryin Gomme et
al. (1945-1970,vol. 4, pp. 317-29), whichconcludes
with thesuggestionthatthedigressionderivesfrom
the historian's obsession with settingthe record
straight.Bury (1909, pp. 89-90) believes its aim is
simply to correctpopular misconceptions,apparentlyof no greatsignificance.Finley(1967, p. 168)
and Romilly(1963, p. 217) suggestthat the digression has a deeperpurpose,whichtheydo not however attemptto identify.For othertreatmentsthat
take the passage seriously,see Rawlings(1981, pp.
100-113), Palmer(1982a, pp. 105-109), and Connor
(1984, pp. 178ff).
20. Among otherthings,theAthenianserecteda
statueof themin theagora, not once but twice.See
1986 Thucydideson AthenianImperialism
Lang (1955).
21. The desireof theold men in thecityseemsto
revolve more exclusivelyaround the question of
simplesafety.
22. The phrase "irrational daring" is used by
Thucydideson one otheroccasion: to describethe
act of Harmodiusand Aristogeiton(6.59.1).
23. The general point that the amoralityof the
Athenianempirecaused Athensitselfto degenerate
is one thathas been arguedbefore.See Grene(1950,
p. 32), Strauss (1977, pp. 192-209), and Ehrenberg
(1947, p. 53).
24. The literatureon thissubjectcannot even be
canvassed in a note. Romilly(1963, pp. 59, 65) sees
no development,but the presenceof two opposed
and coexistingstrains;White(1984, ch. 1) describes
a complicated process of degeneration that
embraced the whole Greek world. See also Jaeger
(1939, pp. 401-402), Finley(1963, p. 89), and note
11, above.
25. It is agreed by perhapsmost of the commentatorswho addresstheissue that,withinthecontext
of the debate over Mytilene, Diodotus's speech
reflectsThucydides'own views. See Shorey (1893,
pp. 67-70), Romilly (1963, pp. 329f), Cornford
(1907, pp. 121, 135), Grene (1950, pp. 59, 66),
Ehrenberg(1947, p. 51), Bury(1909, p. 137), Finley
(1963, p. 83), and De Ste. Croix (1972, p. 21). There
is disagreementas to whetherDiodotus is uniquely
close to Thucydidesin his views. This, at least with
regardto the points raised in the text,is my interpretation. See Strauss (1977, p. 231), and Bruell
(1974, pp. 16-17).
26. This is not to say thatjusticeis as completely
absent fromDiodotus's argumentas he claims. For
one thing,it now becomes "unjust" to blame the
Mytilenaeansindignantly,as Cleon does, though
not to punish at least some of themforreasons of
expediency.See also Orwin (1984).
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Steven Forde is AssistantProfessorof Political Science, JamesMadison College of
Michigan State University,East Lansing,MI 48824.
448