WAGES IN
FLORIDA ATLANTIC UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
SOCIALIST - LABOR
COLLECTION
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1906
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Australian and New Zealand Labour Laws (a comprehensive
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Women's Wages (a study of wages in the Igth Century, based chiefly
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WOMEN'S WAGES.
1tHE subject of women's wages is a very difficult one, partly
because of a complication inherent in the very nature of
the case, namely, that the choice of work and the wages paid
are often determined in the case of women by circumstances in
which purely economic considerations playa smaller part than
in the case of men. The subject is difficult also in another way,
because of the incompleteness of the material.
For quite early times we have very little information as to
women's wages. Scattered among Thorold Rogers' vast storehouse of figures, there are it is true, a few figures relating to
women, chiefly for out-door work; and in the numberless reprints
of parochial accounts that have been made, you can here and
there discover what were the day wages of a woman three or
four centuries back. Thorold Rogers thinks the average for
women rose from 2/2 early in the 16th to 2/6 from the beginning
of the 18th century.
It is not, I think, very useful to spend
much labour on piecing these ancient records together, for changes
in the value of money form an obstacle in the way of making
even an approximate estimate of the real movement of wages.
The best sources of information as to women's wages in
more recent times are those contained in Ure's history of the
Cotton Trade, published in 1833, the wage census taken in 1886,
and Miss Collet's reports. The factory inspectors' reports also
have at intervals contained statistics which are unbiassed and
probably reliable. Besides these, there are of course many
figures of women's wages scattered about in sociological and other
literature, but many of these are collected on differing methods,
or no method, and cannot properly be compared among themselves. The sets of figures that may be regarded as approximately
reliable are to be found only for certain manufacturing industries,
especially textiles; for some of these there is even an abundance
of material. For other of women's occupations, especially such
typical ones as domestic service and dressmaking, we have little
or no history, we have no information of scientific value until
quite recent times, and we cannot trace the economic history of
servants and dressmakers backwards. This is unfortunate, for
though textiles are important, they do not, all told, occupy so
many women as does the making of clothes and dress, and the
other manufacturing industries are, in comparison, quite small
affairs. Domestic service employs nearly as many women as
dress and textiles together, and it would be particularly interesting to know when the rise in servants' wages began, and how
1
general it has been, whether for instance, country servants have
secured a rise comparable to the rise in and near London, and
whether service in lower middle class families has improved in
the same proportion as in the upper classes. Dressmaking again,
which, combined with millinery, constitutes perhaps the only
really skilled handicraft that is open to any large proportion of
women, would be a most interesting study, from the wide range
it includes. The fitter in the best West End houses, I am
credibly informed, may sometimes earn her £500 a year; whilst
in the poorer parts of London, the' average wage is put by the
Charity Organisation Society at only 7/- a week. On these
and allied industries, we have such interesting reports as Miss
Collet's, Miss Irwin's, and others, which represent the results of
investigations made at a quite recent date, but we cannot do
much to trace the previous wages, save in a very imperfect
manner. For the textile industries, however, a great maay
statistics have been put together at various times, and if we want
to trace the position of the woman wage earner through the 19th
century, we have mainly to gi:i to the cotton trade. Generalisations on the economic position of women at different periods
have therefore mainly to be based on textiles, and especially on
cotton, and should be understood to involve a reservation that a
more detailed knowledge of service and dress might alter our
conclusions in some degree.
Although as I have said, we cannot go very far back, we
may, however, consider one or two estimates made in the late
rSth century. Arthur Young's Northern Tour mentions the
current wages of women and girls iri 1768, in certain localised
industries, such as lace in Bedford, cloth at Leeds, fustian at
Manchester, pottery at Burslem and Worcester. The figures for
weekly wages varied from 6/6 at Burslem to 3/3 at Kendal, for
women; and for girls, from 4/- at Bedford to 1/- at Newcastle.
The average works out at 4/7 for women, 2/8 for girls; this was
in 1768. Then there are some figures collected by Sir Frederick
Eden, at the end of the rSth century. He found the highest
women's wages at Birmingham 8/- a week, and at Manchester
7/- to 10/- a week. The other wages, which we took from the
cotton, wool, lace and silk mills, varied from 3/6 to 5/6. Local
divergence was evidently considerable, and the conditions of the
labour market were no doubt most unstable. Each introduction
of new machinery no doubt greatly depressed the value of the
labour it displaced, while at the same time the demand for labour
to work on the new machines would be increased. It was a
very critical time for the textile workers; they. had periods of
affluence and prosperity, as occurred with the handloom weavers '
when the spinning machines were introduced, and therewith the
demand for the woman's work was greatly increased. But a few
years later, when power-looms were introduced, the handloom
weavers' wages became much depressed, and the weavers made
matters worse for themselves by the suicidal policy of working
2
inordinately long hours, thus lowering the rates against themselves. In 1830-40 the earnings of women at the hand looms were
not above three or four shillings a week, except in a few cases
where the power looms had not yet been introduced. The fall
of wages between 1810 and 1831 was marked, especially in the
latter part of the period. Even the power 100m weavers' wages
went down, which may mean that the domestic workers gave
up their miserably paid work and flocked in too great numbers
to the factory, and so brought down rates. This was fortunately,
however, only temporary. The wages of women in the cotton
factories shew an upward tendency after the" thirties," which
has been constantly maintained. The rise has been characterised
by the interesting fact that not only have the wages of young
girls risen, and the wages of grown women also, but the average
wage of both has risen more than the wage of either group
singly. This may sound mysterious, but is in reality very simple;
the proportion of female children employed is smaller than it
was, and thus, as the more highly paid workers tend to predominate, by that very fact the average wage becomes increased.
The average increase for all cotton operatives' wages in the
Manchester district between 1833 and 1886 was 42 per cent.,
the :advance for female workers 46 per cent., and the average
wage for all female workers has thus increased through a fall
in the proportion of girls, and through a process of transition
from a lowly paid occupation to one better remunerated.
For all Lancashire the increase has been even greater, namely
62 per cent. This is because Manchester has become of late
years a centre of business rather than of manufacture, while
other centres, such as Oldham, have grown in importance, and
whereas wages in 1833 were lower at Oldham than at Manchester, they are now higher at Oldham. The Manchester
industry having become thus relatively unimportant, the movement of women"s wages in recent years is better represented
at Oldham for spinning and at Blackburn and neighbourhood
for weaving. In these districts women's wages doubled
between the" thirties" of the last century and the year r oc r ; of
course that means starting from a very low point. The period
of the greatest increase was in the early seventies, when wages
generally went up very rapidly, owing to the expansion of trade
of the year 1872. There was a fall of wages later on, due to
depression of trade; but it is very significant that women's
wages, though temporarily reduced, have not reverted to the
previous level; the fall was temporary, was soon made up, and
the high wages of 1874 which were so great an advance ' on the
previous state of things have now been surpassed in most
industries, though not quite in all.*
The calculations made by Mr. G. H. Wood, F.S.S., demon-
'
<;> See tables by G. H. Wood, pp. 278 and 279, in A History of Factory
Legislation, by Hutchins and Harrison.
3
/'
strate the important fact of a steady rise in women's wages in
those industries for which we have reliable information.
It is
significant that these industries are precisely those which have
been most peculiarly influenced by the Factory Act. It was
formerly in cotton that the hours were longest, the toil most
strenuous, and the conditions most entirely subject to unrestricted competition, it was cotton that was first put under
State control, it was the textile industry that was supposed to be
so seriously threatened by legal regulations that over and over
again social reformers were accused of driving trade from the
country, and were asked more in sorrow than in anger whether
they realised that the regulations they wished to introduce
would spell starvation to the children and women employed.
Yet in textiles and most especially in cotton the improvement
in women's wages has been extremely marked. Without wishing
to claim that the rise in wages has been due to the operation of
the Factory Act, for it is no doubt due to many complex causes,
we may point out that wages have certainly not been reduced
under the Act, except quite temporarily here and there. In
recent years,however, the line of opposition to Factory regulation has taken up the wages argument on different lines. It is
more usual now to throw up the attack altogether as regards
highly organised industries like cotton, and to say that legal
regulation does no harm, has even been a success, in highly
organised textile industries, where the women are strong enough
to bear it,but that in the non-textile, less fully developed industries,
unless women may work at night, and overtime, and so on, they
are at a great disadvantage, and will either be superseded by men
or lose in wages. But I do not think there is any sign of women
being superseded by men in non-textile industries, for the last
census shows a larger increase of women in non-textile than in
textile trades; and as to wages, surely the opponents of Factory
Legislation cannot be allowed to use their arguments backwards
or forwards as they choose. They used to say, you must not
legislate for cotton, the workers are so poor, they will starve;
yet now that cotton has been regulated and the women, so far
from starving, get higher wages than they used, the cry is that
the cotton trade is so strong and the women so well paid, even
the Factory Act cannot pull down their wages, it is on the other
industries it falls so heavily. But it is rather significant that
the longest regulated and most strictly regulated industry is
the very one that shows so great a rate of improvement, and
we need not be afraid that the status of laundry women, or even
of home workers will be injured by stricter regulation, or stricter
administration of the existing law, perhaps on the contrary their
wages also will rise.
Perhaps if one wished to study the course of women's
wages as much apart from the operation of the Factory Act
as possible, the best industry to choose would be dressmaking, in
small towns or villages. In places of that kind the Factory
4
Act is usually not strictly administered in small workshops, and
the attraction of the great industry is often quite absent. If
anyone had patience to take the trouble to make friends with a
number of oldish dressmakers and find out how wages nowadays
compare with those of 10, 20 or 30 years ago, it would give a
very fair idea of the movement of the actual demand and supply
value of women's labour, in a specially woman's trade, little
affected by machinery or the law, and not at all by those
encroachments of man which are so dreaded by the Freedom
of Labour Defence.
Although it is very difficult to trace the influence of Factory
legislation on wages, it is an extremely interesting subject to
study. The first Factory Act that was at all effectively
administered was the Act of 1833, which limited the working
hours of young persons to 12, and provided for the appointment
of inspectors to see that the law was enforced. There is a table
of wages for Oldham, in an 'inspect or's report," which shows
that in the years next following the Act, wages of protected
workers, young persons and children, that is, went up. There
are also tables which shew the same thing under the Act of 1844.
Women were first included under that Act, and the wages of
women were higher in 1845 than in the previous year. We
need not claim that the Act raised the wages, but it certainly
did not prevent the rise. The 10 Hours Act, 1847, is more
complicated. This Act, which knocked 2 hours off the working
day, might have been expected to reduce wages at least
temporarily. But it was a time 'o f extreme depression of trade,
few of the operatives were working full time. The Act also was
administratively weak, owing to defects which were remedied
3 and 6 years later, and probably was not really enforced
for some time. so that it is almost impossible to say what effect
the Act had upon wages. There were reductions in piece rates
in 1847, which generally amounted to 10 per cent. These
were not due to the Act in any way, but to the depression of
trade. Some figures in the Returns of wages show average earnings in two mills in 1847, '48, and '49; there was a distinct drop,
but curiously enough the drop was not equal to the 10 per cent.
reduction of piece rates, or the 16 per cent. reduction in hours.
You see it is a puzzle to say what was due to the Act. A little
later on, in 1851, Leonard Horner wrote that in the departments
paid by piece work, there was lit.tle if any reduction of earnings
owing to the Ten Hours day. Since that date, as Mr. Wood's
table shows, increasing strictness of administration has not
hindered a considerable rise in wages. It is not certain that
there is a direct connection between factory control and
women's wages, but as a rule the sequel of each limitation of
hours has been a rise of wages, though for a while there may have
been a slight fall. The rise is partly due to progressive restric• Quoted in Factory Legislation (Hutchins and Harrison) p, 285.
5
tions on child labour, which have increased the demand for
women's labour, and partly to an increase in the efficiency
of labour, which maintains or increases the former output in
the shortened time. There are certain manufacturing industries
where the masters voluntarily work 9 hours or even 8, instead
of 10, because they find they get better work done. In these
cases the reduction is not directly due to the Factory Act but
to considerations of economic efficiency.
It is often very
difficult to disentangle the exact motive, and the precise bearing
of the legal regulation.
If you start investigating at a town like Birmingham or
Liverpool, what you will find is that in factories at least it is
seldom customary to work the full legal day. So far as the
daily working hours are concerned, the Factory Act is not felt
at all," and therefore, it would seem, cannot have much effect on
wages You begin then to wonder whether the Factory Act is
only an illusion like all the rest, and the real improvements are
due merely to common sense as the individualists tell us.
H you survive the stage of disappointment and go on visiting
some more factories and especially workshops, you will perhaps
come to see that the effects of the law, though less evident than
you expected, are present, and are influential on wages, though
in a more subtle and indirect manner. I was much struck by the
remark of an old inspector of workshops in a big town, who
was evidently a close observer. He told me that the factory
inspector had been making a special effort to enforce the law as
to hours in women's workshops and small workshops. I asked,
then do the women get less pay for the shorter hours? No, he
said, for if the small masters can work the women as long as they
Iike they cut them down in their wages. This seems to me a
very illuminating remark, it shows that even in the case of
women, who are so easily exploited, there is a limit, there is a
standard wage that even women must have, and if the hours
are indefinitely extensible, the influence of competition makes
them lengthen their hours to earn their wages, but if the hours
are restricted, still the women get the same weekly earnings.
In another way the sanitary regulations also help to raise wages,
because they tend to crowd out the poorest and most incompetent
masters who cannot afford the capital outlay necessary for proper
sanitary appliances, and the probabilities are certainly that the
less poor and more capable masters will pay rather better
wages.
In one rather curious way, however, it seems possible that
the Factory Act may have an indirect tendency to lower wages
in the regulated industries, because it makes the conditions more
attractive, and draws a new supply of labour from a rather
higher class. It is not at all unusual to be told by the master
of a works that the stamp of girl he employs is much more
* Except in textile factories, in which the full legal hours are usually worked.
6
refined and better mannered than formerly. If this is so, still
women's wages generally are no lower, it only means that there
will be rather more competition to enter factories and rather
less for shop-serving or even type-writing.
The anomaly of factory workers' wages is that though they
have risen, they are still so low. One would, on the whole, have
expected that the developments of machinery and the increased
number of employments open to girls would have raised wages
much higher. By so much perhaps the Factory Act may really
have tended to depress wages, though we may well believe that,
taking it all round, improved conditions are worth having even
at a small money sacrifice. In another way, however, the
regulations have an opposite effect, which may tend to counterbalance the depressing tendency. As employers are not now
permitted to work unlimited overtime, as in the bad old days,
they are compelled to keep down their cost of production by
getting as much work as possible out of the factory during the
time in which it is at work. They, therefore, are impelled to
improve their machinery, and to compete with one another to
secure the best and most intelligent workers. Now although
the supply of girls seems to be practically unlimited, the supply
of really clever, ready, reliable girls is by no means so great,
and it becomes important to secure them. In this way the
Factory Act increases the demand for efficient workers, even
though it may tend to increase ' the supply, and by so much
lower the wages of the average girl.
In regard to the interesting question of the wages of domestic
servants, it is unfortunate that, with the exception of Miss
Collet's report in 1899, there is very little evidence, and therefore
nothing very definite can be stated. We have made a few
extracts from Thorold Rogers, for the years after 1760. The
wages varied from £3 6s. a year to £7· The average was £4 3S.
Miss Collet's average for servants in all England and Wales
comes to £15 18s., or say £16 a year. This makes arise 380 per
cent. since the rSth century, which is, no doubt, easily explicable
by the great increase of wealth and the numbers of servants
required in the households of the very rich. The rise in servants'
wages probably greatly exceeds the rise in textiles. How do
present day servants' wages compare with factory work? If
we add lOS. a week for board and lodging, say for 50 weeks, to
Miss Collet's £16, it makes £41. Now Mr. Wood's average of
workers in textiles, &c. is 12S. 4d. a week, or £30 lOS. a year,
on the assumption that the worker is employed 50 weeks. This
shews the servant to be about 30 per cent. better off than the
factory worker; 30 per cent. is a good difference, but is after all
not quite so vast a difference as is supposed by the employers of
servants, who are always rather prone to exaggerate the
advantages of service. Again, to allow lOS. for servants' board
and lodging is not overstating the money value, but we must
remember that the independent factory girl would not spend
7
so much on her own board and lodging, or have so much spent
on her if she lived at home. Supposing then we reduce the
servant's board and lodging to a sum corresponding more with
the subjective valuation of this class, and say 7S. instead of lOS.
7S. a week for 50 weeks makes £ 17 IDS., the servant's wages are
therewith reduced to £33 Ss., which is only about £3 more
than the factory girl's £30 lOS. It is not so difficult to understand
the preference for factory employment, when one works out the
figures in this way. The gentlefolk who talk about the
advantages of service are very apt to exaggerate the average
wage; they perhaps pay good wag-es themselves, and assume
the good wage to be the average, forgetting the vast number
of small households that pay much smaller wages; they also
exaggerate the value of food and lodging, by measuring it by
their own standard instead of the worker's standard. It is a
common mistake also in discussing women's employments and
wages to compare a superior kind of service with a very
inferior kind of factory, as if a girl who earns 8s. or 9S. in a jam
factory, could, if she liked, get £25 a year all found in Kensington.
The fact is that the Bs, or 9s. girl, if she went to service, could
probably only take a rough hard place at £6 or £7 a year, and
the factory worker of a standing equal to a really superior servant
can now-a-days earn her I8s. or 20S. a week. The real difference
in favour of service is, no doubt, the greater regularity of employment; domestic service is not a season trade, and is not so much
affected by fluctuations of trade as other employments. But
in the matter of wages we are bold enough to think that the
inequality is more apparent than real, if the classes of work are
carefully graded for comparison.
There is another aspect of women's wages which is interesting, and that is the effect on a very large, supremely important,
and often badly paid industry, namely, marriage. The proportion of women occupied appears to have slightly gone down, and
the proportion of women married has also slightly gone down.
That is in the totals. If we take the young women separately,
which is the better method, we find that more young women
are occupied, but much fewer married, than used to be the case.
The proportion of young women married did not shew any
decline in the census until 1881, well after the rise of wages.
Since that date the decrease of young married women has been
very marked, and must have materially increased the available
girl-labour. One can scarcely doubt that the improvement in
wages, together perhaps with the greater freedom enjoyed by
women, has somewhat lessened the attractiveness of marriage
at the earlier ages. In some of the cotton towns early marriage
has decreased, much more than the average decrease in
England and Wales. If it turns out in the future that the
tendency to defer marriage becomes still more pronounced,
women will probably become more professional, better trade
unionists, keener about their economic position. You will
8
remember how in "Women in the Printing Trades," and also
in Mrs. Spencer's book on Liverpool," the fact is brought out
that the likelihood of marriage tends to make girls apathetic,
both about improving their technical efficiency, and joining their
trade unions. As girls come to marry less or marry later, they
will doubtless become better craftswomen and better unionists,
more professional altogether, and women's wages will rise. We
cannot touch here on the very far-reaching question whether the
decrease of early marriage is altogether for good; that would
be outside the scope of this paper, but it undeniably makes the
need of training and organisation for girls more pressing.
There seems some reason also to suppose that high wages
<of women coincide with low wages of men. There are some
tables in Miss Collet's invaluable Report, pp. 62 and 63, which
shew that at Burnley and neighbourhood, women's wages in
J895 averaged nearly a pound, men's only a little above, whereas,
at Oldham women's wages averaged 14S., men's 29s. The tables
are well worth study. Burnley. in the census of 1901, shews a
larger proportion of women employed in cotton than does
Oldham, and a very much larger proportion of married women
occupied. It is quite obvious that where men's wages tend to
approximate with women's, the women will injure their social
and economic position by marrying and leaving work. There
is therefore a considerable inducement for women either to
postpone marriage, or to marry and continue working.
If we now look back over the subject, and try to see it as
a whole, one of the most important and most purely beneficent
causes for the rise in women's wages has evidently been the
progressive restriction on child labour, through the Factory
and Education Acts. In 1835, children under 13 years old,
formed 13 per cent. of all employed in cotton, in 1895, only 6
per cent., who were working half-time only. It is unnecessary to
state all the figures, but in some industries the diminution has
been even greater. t
The reduction of child-labour has increased the demand for
girls and women, and thereby raised their wages. Cannot we
assist the upward movement? Organisation is good, education
is good, but we cannot but think the most effective means is
through the children. To raise the age of half-timers to 16,
and eventually perhaps to 18, would be a most beneficent
arrangement for the boys and girls themselves, who now it is
to be feared lose much of the benefit of their schooling, because
it stops so early. To give girls more time and opportunity for
technical training, and for the study of domestic arts and nursing
would be an immense boon. There are people of course who
think Board Schools and Council Schools ought to tum out
accomplished housekeepers, knowing all about cookery and the
* Women's Industries in Liverpool, by Amy Harrison, D.Se.,
t
9
I90~.
The figures are given in Mr. Wood's appendix, already quoted, p. 304.
care of infants at 13 or 14, but it was amply demonstrated to
the committee on Physical Deterioration, and it is evident to
anyone of common sense, that to teach these subjects 'to little
girls of 12 and 13 is not much use, whereas for the young
girl and half-fledged woman, they are eminently useful and
civilising. But also the demand for women's labour would be
almost mathematically certain to be increased, and their wages
raised, by restricting child labour. Of course, to raise the age
of half-time, is, doubtless, a very revolutionary proposal, and
would meet with great disfavour at first. There ,...-ould .be
alarums and excursions in Lancashire, a bomb or two might be
thrown at the Home Secretary, and the textile trades would be
ruined, but then they've been ruined so often before by Factory
Acts, that they must be pretty well accustomed to it by this
time, and to judge from the figures calculated by unsentimental
statisticians, the output of yarn and goods per 100m, per hour, and
per operative, has increased so enormously that the process of
being ruined must have a wonderfully bracing effect.
The result of restricting the supply of young persons by
turning them into half-timers would be to improve the efficiency
of production, and increase the demand for improvements in
machinery and the demand for grown women's work. ' Of course
we cannot expect to do it all at once, public opinion must be
educated. We all ought to try and educate it. The evidence
adduced in" Women in the Prin ting Trades "*showed how difficult
it is for girls to attend technical classes after their long day's work,
the evidence of the Phvsical Deterioration Committee showed
how greatly women are in need of knowing more about health
and housekeeping. We might try and keep these two points
before the public, until it insists on Parliament passing a Halftime Act to get rid of us.
The fact that women's wages are still so inadequate after
'so remarkable a rise, can, we think, be thus explained. Capital,
as Lily Braun* says, inevitably tends to seek employment by
exploiting the cheapest labour it can get. In the early nineteenth
century women and children were just so many units of labour,
the women were not organised, and neither women nor children
were protected. The children being the cheaper of the two were
grievously exploited, while the women got a wage it would be
absurd to call a subsistence one. As the supply of child-labour
has been gradually cut off, the women got a chance of improving
their position, and thus after 70 years have gradually raised the
average to 12S. 4d. a week. Let us stop some more child-labour
and turn some more young persons into half-timers, and with
this longer period of training, our girls would be able to develop
a greater variety of skill and a higher range of occupations.
The wages question may become a most terrible one as years
'" Edited by J. Ramsay Macdonald, published by P. S. King,
* Die Frauenfrage, by Lily Braun, p. 209.
10
1904.
go on. It is difficult not to think that the competition of the
yellow races will be seriously felt, especially in some of the
lighter manufactures that lend themselves to export trade and
now employ so many of our women and girls. Signor Villari
has described the ruin that has overtaken the Italian strawplait industry owing to the competition of Japan. Unless
we look ahead, we may suffer severely ourselves. There will be
a cry for protection, but what can protection do against articles
manufactured by labour costing about one-tenth of what ours
does? Our only chance of protecting the standard of life of our
own workers will lie in giving them better training and preparation for life, so that instead of having their whole livelihoods
bound up with any special processes, they shall be able gradually
to adapt themselves to a higher range of employments, and, if
necessary, in course of time surrender the inferior mechanical arts
to other races.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Labour Commission :-Report on Employment of Women.
C. 6894 of 1893-4.
Employment of Women and Girls. Report to the Labour
Department. C. 7564 of 1894' (By Miss Collet).
Wages of Domestic Servants. Report to the Labour Department. C. 9346 of 1899. (By Miss Collet).
Wood, G. H.-Factory Legislation in reference to Wages.
Journal of the Statistical Society. June, 1902.
Wood, G. H.-Course of Women's Wages in the 19th Century;
forming Appendix A. in " A History of
lation." Hutchins & Harrison. 1903. Factory Legis-
REPO RTS 0 N TRADES.
Reports of women's work in
in back numbers of the Women's
13 and 18, the enquiries were
mittee of the Women's Industrial
J.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
II.
12.
13.
14.
IS.
16.
17.
"I 8.
19.
20.
21.
22.
the following trades have appeared
Industrial News. Except Nos ; 8,
the work of the Investigation ComCouncil.
Fur-pulling (News, March 1898; Nineteenth Century, November 1897).
Typing (News, June 1898 and Sep tember 1898).
Boot Trade (News, September 1898).
Printing Trades (News, Dec. 1898 and Dec. 19°4; Economic Journal,
June 1899).
Straw Plait Industry (Ne ws, Sept. 1899).
What Occupations are taken up by Girls on Leaving School? (News,
March 1900).
Upholstery (News, March 19°°; Open Doors for Women Workers, 1903).
Birmingha.m Pen Tr ade (News, June, 1900).
Women'sWork in Dustyards (Economic Journal, Sept. 1900).
Cigar-making (News, Sept. 1900 and Dec. 1900; Economic Journal,
Dec . 19° °).
Domestic Service (News, March 1900, June 19°1; Nineteenth Century,
June 1903).
Pharmacy (News, June 1901).
The Clothing Tr ade in Amsterdam (News, Sept. 1901, Dec. 1901).
French Polishing (News, March 1902).
Sanitary Inspecting (News, March 1902).
Machining (News, March 1903).
Artificial Flower-making (News, June 19°3; Economic Journal,
March 1903).
,
Fruit-picking (News, Sept. 1903).
Jewel Case Making (News, June 1904).
,
Embroidery, Part I. (News, Sept. 1904).
Tailoring (News, Sept. and Dec. 19°5; Economic Journal, 1904).
Millinery (News, March 1906).
.
. T he Committee have also partially investigated the following trades,
and the information collected may be consulted in manuscript at the
office, after written application to the Secretary.
I.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Lacquering.
Box-making.
Military Cap Making.
Dress-making.
Mantle-making.
Mili tary Tailoring.
Leather Working.
8. Confectionery.
9. Haircutting.
10. Boot-making.
II. Jewel Case Lining.
12. Electrical Fittings Making.
13. Gentlemen's Hat Lining.
14. Laundry Work and Ironing.
HIRE OF COMMITTEE ROOM.
The Office, NO.7, John Street, Adelphi (second ' floor), can be
lent for committee meetings. Seats for 26 persons. Charge 2/6
inclusive for a meeting of two hours, And 1/- per hour or portion of
an hour after that time.
W.I.C. COMMITTEE MEETINGS.
rst Monday, 3-15 p.m. "
5-0 p.m, rst Wednesday, 2-30 p.m, "
3-30 p .m, 4th Monday, 4- 30 p.m,
4th Thursday, 3-0 p.m,
INVESTIGATION COMMITTEE.
EDUCATION COMMITTEE.
CLUBS INDUSTRIAL ASSOCIATION.
ORGANISATIONS COMMITTEE.
LEGAL COMMITTEE.
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.
Visitors are welcomed to allthe Committees except the last.
Publtcatlons of the Women's IndustrIal Council.
(Postage as atated. or id. for single copies J Jd. per dozen.)
Annual Report for 1905. Free. Postage rd.
What has already bun done by the Council. Free.
Home Work Bill, reprint of, 1905. rd., postage td.
The Women's Industrial News, quarterly, by post 4td., or r/6 per
annum.
Women in the Printing Trades, by J. Ramsay Macdonald, M.P .
Price 7/6, post free 8/-.
The Case for the Factory Acts, edited by Mrs.. Sidney Webb, gd.,
post free sl-.
Report on Home Industries of Women in London (1897).
Price r/-, postage rid. (Very few copies only.)
Report on T echnical Education for Girls at Home and Abroad.
3d., post free 4d.
LEAFLETS AT rd. EACH, OR 9d. PER DOZEN, 5/- PER roo.
Questions re Truck.
Memorandum to the Central Committee re Unemployed Women.
London Borough Councils and the Welfare of Women Workers.
The Rhyme of the Factory Act, by Clementina Black (on
Ornamental Card for hanging, i]-, postage Sd).
Questions and Answers 011 the Factory Act.
The Truck Acts, by Stephen N. Fox and Clementina Black.
How to deal with Home Work. (New Edition.)
The Standing Orders of the Women's Industrial CoUncil.
LEAFLETS AT .,d. EACH, OR 4d. PER DOZEN.
Summary of The Factory Act.
Summary of The Shop Hours Act• .
Summary of The Employers Liability Act.
Summary of The Workman's Compensation Act.
OUT or PRINT PAMPHLETS WHICH CAN BE SEEN AT THE OFFICE.
II Life in the Shop" (Articles contributed to Daily Chronicle).
Report on T echnlcal Education of Girls at Home and Abroad
(edition of rg03).
How Women Work.
Home Work among Women in Glasgow. Part I.
PUBLICATIONS OF OTHER SOCIETIES KEPT FOR SALE.
Women and the Factory Acts, rd., by Mrs. Sidney Webb (Fabian
Society).
Sweating, its Cause and Remedy, rd. (Fabian Society).
Hints to District Visitors on Sanitation, ad. (N.U.W.W.)
Hints to District Visitors in Legal Difficulties of the Poor, rd.
(N.U.W.W.)
Labour Laws for Women, their Reason and their Results, rd.
(City I.L.P.)
Commercialism and Child Labour, rd. (City I.L.P.)
Report of Committee on Wage-Earning Children, rd. (W.E.C.
Committee).
Home Work amongst Women in Glasgow. Part II., 6d., by post
7id. (Scottish Council for Women's Trades). Part I. is out of print.
Women as Barmaids, price r/-, postage rtd. (Joint Committee
on Barmaids).
The Problem of Home Work, by Miss Irwin. Price 4d., post free
Sd. (Scottish Council).