CONTEXT MATTERS: WHAT SHAPES ADAPTATION TO WATER
STRESS IN THE OKANAGAN?
PHILIPPA SHEPHERD1 , JAMES TANSEY2 and HADI DOWLATABADI1
1
Sustainable Development Research Initiative, 1924 West Mall, University of British Columbia,
Vancouver, BC, V6T 1Z2, Canada
2
James Martin Institute for Science and Civilization, Said Business School, University of Oxford,
Park End Street, Oxford, OX1 1HP, United Kingdom
Abstract. This paper describes two case studies of demand-side water management in the Okanagan
region of southern British Columbia, Canada. The case studies reveal important lessons about how
local context shapes the process of adaptation; in these cases, adaptation to rising and changing water
demand under a regime of increasingly limited supply in a semi-arid region. Both case studies represent
examples of water meter implementation, specifically volume-based pricing in a residential area and
as a compliance tool in a mainly farming district. While the initiative was successful in the residential
setting, agricultural metering met with stiff resistance. These cases suggest many factors shape the
character of the adaptation process, including: interpretation of the signal relative to context, newness
of the approach, consumer values, and local and provincial political agendas. Although context has
been explored in resource management circles, thus far climate change adaptation research has not
adequately discussed the embeddedness of adaptation. In other words, how context matters and what
aspects of context, unrelated to climate change, could encourage or thwart the act of adapting. This
study is a simple illustration of the potential drivers, barriers and enabling factors that have influenced
the adaptation process of water management decisions in the Okanagan.
1. Introduction
This paper builds upon an earlier study of climate change impacts in the Okanagan, a
semi-arid region of southwest British Columbia (BC), Canada (Cohen and Kulkarni,
2001; Neilsen et al., 2001) and contributes to a much broader study described elsewhere (Cohen et al., 2005). Initial research in this region was devoted to the development of climate change impact scenarios, focused specifically on changes to the
timing and supply of water that extended out until 2080. These long-range scenarios
were presented to regional stakeholders who were asked to describe what strategies
they would pursue in response to climate change impacts. Potential water management approaches identified ranged from structural to institutional interventions
to demand-side management. This paper presents data gathered during the second
phase of this project, entitled “Expanding the dialogue on climate change and water
management in the Okanagan Basin” (Cohen and Neale, 2003). It compliments the
identification of adaptation strategies with a detailed examination of the implications and challenges of the actual act of adapting in the local context.
Independent of climate change impacts, stakeholders in the region are already
highly sensitised to the impacts of human activity on the natural environment,
Climatic Change (2006) 78: 31–62
DOI: 10.1007/s10584-006-9093-7
c Springer 2006
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PHILIPPA SHEPHERD ET AL.
particularly with respect to water supply. While agricultural users remain the largest
consumers of water, the Okanagan also contains some of the fastest growing settlements in Canada. In the face of rapid population growth, limited water supplies and
significant annual variability in precipitation, stakeholders in the region are already
concerned about the availability of water, independent of future climate change impacts. In response, a number of attempts have been made to modify existing water
use practices in both the residential and agricultural sectors over the last twenty
years.
In this paper we present two case studies within the Okanagan region where
metering of water consumption was introduced in a residential area (along with
volume-based pricing), and in the agricultural sector as a compliance tool. While
both examples involve the introduction of similar technologies, implementation in
the residential sector was relatively straightforward while implementation in the
agricultural sector met with significant resistance and was only forced through as a
result of direct provincial intervention. Factors such as prior exposure to the strategy
in question, historical context and political institutional interactions help to explain
the different experiences in these contrasting case studies.
While the majority of research in the field focuses on climate change as the
primary stimulus for adaptation in policy, in this study we view it as one among
many change drivers a local authority will face. Additionally, climate induced impacts will be experienced as water management problems i.e. balancing supply
and demand, not a climate problem. Framing adaptation this way emphasizes that
many factors, including other environmental pressures, socio-economic and political issues will ultimately constrain, impede or encourage effective adaptation and
will influence the development of adaptation approaches and policy now and in the
future. As Pielke (1998) argues, regardless of climate change, adaptive measures
are needed because societal developments in themselves will increase vulnerability
to environmental stress.
2. The Okanagan Region
The Okanagan Basin is located in the south central interior of British Columbia,
Canada. The basin is 160 km2 in length and encompasses 8200 km2 of land surrounding the Okanagan Lake and River. The basin sits in the rain shadow of a chain
of coastal mountains and has a dry continental climate with 300 mm2 precipitation
per year falling mostly during the winter. The region attracts one million tourists per
year and is home to an active forestry and agricultural sector. Home to 95% of the
vineyards and 90% of the fruit orchards in the province, this basin has been called
the region’s wine and fruit-basket. While population has expanded significantly in
recent years, agricultural activities still account for around 70% of water demand,
rising to 85% in some areas during the summer months. The Crop and Food Production sector in BC contributed CAN $1.7bn in 2001 and apple and pear production
WHAT SHAPES ADAPTATION TO WATER STRESS IN THE OKANAGAN
33
alone in Okanagan-Similkameen-Kootenay region contributed CAN $35–68 million between 1997 and 2001.1 Of the 431 × 106 m3 of precipitation falling in the
basin 201 × 106 m3 is allocated to irrigation or around 78% of the total available
for human use (Nielsen et al., 2001, p3).
Historically farmers have been the dominant water users in the region, privileged to a plentiful water supply at low cost. There is now increasing competition
for water resources due to increased population growth, tourism, and commercial
and industrial development. In addition there is on-going pressure to explicitly incorporate more effective minimum fish flow restrictions in provincial regulations
in order to protect fish populations (currently flow restrictions are considered in
water licensing decisions). Finally, concerns have emerged that the quality of the
water resource is diminishing. Most of the tributaries of the Okanagan River are
regulated to some degree. Upland supplies and sites for new reservoir development
are increasingly limited while license capacity (meaning the amount of surplus
water that can be licensed to new users) is dwindling (Obedkoff, 1994). A preliminary study suggests that climatic change is expected to add to these pressures
by increasing temperatures between 2.5–5◦ C by 2080, which in turn could result
in a six-week earlier spring freshet and significantly increased crop water demand
(Cohen and Neale, 2003). However, increasing demand for water resulting from
population growth in the region is estimated to be far greater than demands induced
by regional impacts of climate change (Neilsen et al., 2004). In this context, climate
change is just one of the many stressors affecting human-environment systems in
the region.
Authority to manage and regulate water supply, quality and consumption in the
Okanagan Basin is divided between four levels of government: federal, provincial,
regional and local. Local authorities are the primary decision-makers with respect to
water management in the Okanagan. With three regional districts, 11 municipalities
and 40 improvement districts providing water to customers within their respective
jurisdictions, management is extremely fragmented. Water is divided amongst local
purveyors by the provincial government through British Columbia’s water rights
system. The principle of prior appropriation underpins this system and water has
historically been granted on a “first come, first served” basis, giving priority access
to the earliest license holders. Ensuring fair and adequate division of water between
these purveyors is the most pressing current challenge, especially in the face of
multiple users and uses, and with the shift from predominantly agricultural to
residential use.
3. Adaptation Theory
Adaptation research in the context of climatic change has predominantly involved
identifying possible and feasible adaptation options/strategies in response to future climate impacts (Cohen and Kulkarni, 2001), identifying criteria for selecting
34
PHILIPPA SHEPHERD ET AL.
appropriate strategies (de Loë and Kreutzwiser, 2000; de Loë and Kreutswiser
et al., 2001), estimating outcomes e.g. cost or effectiveness (Mendelsohn, 2000),
and exploring responses to current climate variability (Bryant et al., 2000). Few
studies have explored adaptation as a process or examined its socially embedded
character (see Risbey et al., 1999; Kelly and Adger, 2000). Nonetheless there is
increasing recognition that in order to describe appropriate and effective adaptation,
research needs to focus on the actual process of adaptation: examination of how,
when, why, and under what conditions adaptations actually occur in economic and
social systems; consideration of social, behavioural and other obstacles to adaptation (Rosenzweig and Parry, 1994; Smithers and Smit, 1997; Kane and Yohe,
2000; Burton et al., 2002). Additionally, it is essential to recognise the contextual,
multi-dimensional and multi-scale nature of the adaptation process (Risbey et al.,
1999; Smit et al., 2000).
Smit et al. (2000) developed a framework for discussing adaptation (Figure 1) to
illustrate that: “A rigorous description of any adaptation would specify the system of
interest (who or what adapts?), the climate-related stimulus (adaptation to what?),
and the processes and forms involved (how does adaptation occur?)... the additional
step of evaluation to judge the merit of potential adaptations (how good is the
adaptation?)” (p. 204).
Caveats to this framework, and climate change literature in general, are that nonclimate forces are generally under-represented, depicted as secondary to climate
stimuli; emphasis is on single stimuli characteristics rather than multiple signal
interpretation and the processes of adaptation are underexplored (i.e. how does
adaptation occur).
Risbey et al. (1999) partly address this gap by exploring scale, context and
decision-making in a study of agricultural community adaptation to climate
Figure 1. Climate change adaptation framework after Smit et al. (2000) adaptation framework.
WHAT SHAPES ADAPTATION TO WATER STRESS IN THE OKANAGAN
35
TABLE I
Key stages in the adaptation process presented by Risbey et al. (1999)
Stage
Description
Signal detection
For any decision-maker, the manner and form of adaptation will depend
on how signal and noise are defined. That is, what is adapted to
(signal) and what is ignored (noise). Decision-makers with an
operational focus on different temporal and spatial scales will tend to
define signal in terms of processes they can observe at their
characteristic scales of attention. Adaptation is conditional on
detecting a recognizable signal: no detected signal, no response.
After signal detection the next stage is evaluation. The detected signal is
interpreted and the foreseeable consequences or impacts are
evaluated by the system controllers; be they individual farmers or
larger bodies such as wheat boards and government agencies.
The third stage is the response: an observable change in the behaviour
or performance of the system. The response is the result of a
decision. A variety of different decision making styles (risk aversion,
satisficing) have been observed among farming communities.
The final stage is feedback: monitoring of the outcomes of decisions to
assess whether they are as expected. If the adaptation is effective, it
can be added to a repertoire of adaptive options. If it doesn’t work,
one needs to evaluate what went wrong and why.
Evaluation
Decision and Response
Feedback
variability in Australia. In order to explore these processes, adaptation (described
as a decision-making process) was broken down into four components or stages:
(1) signal detection; (2) evaluation; (3) decision and response; and (4) feedback
(Table I). In contrast to the framework developed by Smit et al. (2000), this model
emphasizes the continuous process-nature of adaptation, and the role of human
agency and choice. For example, the characteristics of the signal or stimuli do not
determine adaptation; rather the value-based process of distinguishing a signal from
noise is of primary importance. Additionally, it was recognized that many decision
processes at different scales and with different agendas are occurring simultaneously, each influencing the other through time.
This study uses a combination of these two frameworks of adaptation to explore
the adaptation process (Figure 2). Non-climatic factors are seen as potentially equal
drivers of adaptation to climate change, while context or embeddedness is key in
mediating the adaptation process. The “system” is inherent, and in this presentation
of adaptation, the human system is the main focus.
4. Case Study Design
Using the modified framework to guide data collection, this qualitative and exploratory study examines the historical development from initiation to completion
and beyond of two demand-side management approaches implemented in the
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PHILIPPA SHEPHERD ET AL.
Figure 2. Framework used for the case study design.
Okanagan. The system, along with the management approach were predefined.
Local authorities were selected as the adapting system since they represented primary decision-making bodies when it comes to water management (Dorcey, 1991),
although the roles of regional and provincial agencies are included in the analysis where relevant. City of Kelowna services predominantly domestic users and
South East Kelowna Irrigation District (SEKID) services predominantly agricultural users. Both examples initiated water conservation strategies with metering
as the core component. In Kelowna’s case metering was a prerequisite to volumebased pricing, while in SEKID metering is being used as a compliance tool where
volume-based pricing has been implemented for water use in excess of the licence
holder’s allocation.
The two cases were selected on the basis of the following criteria:
1. They represented under-utilised management practices that were forwardthinking;
2. They represented alternative or complimentary approaches to supply-side
management e.g. demand-side management approaches;
3. They represented “no regrets” management strategies i.e. are relevant and
feasible and make management sense now;
4. They included the two major water consumers in the region, domestic and
agriculture.
5. Data on outcomes and effectiveness was accessible.
Table II presents a brief description of the case studies.
As the impetus (stimulus) of the adaptations was not assumed to be climatic,
identifying the drivers, and examining signal interpretation and attribution was part
WHAT SHAPES ADAPTATION TO WATER STRESS IN THE OKANAGAN
37
TABLE II
Overview of the two case studies selected for this study.
Kelowna
Sekid
Authority type
Municipality i.e. City
Location
Strategy
Central Okanagan Regional District
Metering mainly to implement a
volume-based rate but also as a
monitoring tool. Metering was
introduced as part of a Water
Conservation Strategy in order to
reduce per capita water
consumption.
Criteria 1
Domestic metering might still be
under utilised in the region and
elsewhere in British Columbia.
However, Kelowna does not
represent an early adopter. Three
other municipalities and one
improvement district in the region
have implemented metering:
Coldstream, Penticton, Vernon
and Rutland Waterworks.
Fulfilled
Data on effectiveness was only
gathered with limited success due
to lack of co-operation.
Local authority i.e. Improvement
District
Within Kelowna municipality
Metering was introduced along with
irrigation scheduling i.e. use of
various technologies to determine
the optimal timing and amount or
irrigation. The objective was to
use metering to ensure
compliance and as a water
conservation tool.
SEKID represents the only Irrigation
District in the Okanagan and
possibly BC that has implemented
agricultural irrigation metering.
Criteria 2
Criteria 3
Criteria 4
Criteria 5
Domestic
Some data available
Analysed time-line
1987–2000
Fulfilled
SEKID was extremely co-operative
in providing the necessary
documentation to verify interview
data.
Agriculture
The Ministry of Agriculture, Food
and Fisheries undertook an
evaluation of the project, so data
on outcomes was accessible.
1987–2003
of the analysis. The story of “how the adaptation occurred”, including decision
process and implementation, is the focus of this paper. Finally, the outcome and
effectiveness of the interventions (whether the approach achieved desired goals) is
briefly discussed.
4.1.
METHODOLOGY AND INTERVIEW PROCEDURE
Table III summarises the case study interviews. The interview process relied primarily upon informants who had a direct role in the implementation of the initiative
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PHILIPPA SHEPHERD ET AL.
TABLE III
Interviews with stakeholders by case study site
Case
Interviewees approached
Interviewees accepted
Kelowna
7
5 in total:
3 representatives of the Board (including a former chair
of the Okanagan Basin Water Board – OBWB)
Water manager
Representative of the Kelowna Joint Water Commission
SEKID
15
12 in total:
Water manager (initial scoping interview)
5 representatives of the Board (former and current)
2 co-operating growers
2 representatives of MAFF
1 representative of Land and Water BC
Fieldman (representative of BC Fruit Packers
Association)
and other stakeholders with significant understanding of the issues. Informants were
selected for each case study from relevant formal committees and on recommendation from key individuals (usually the water manager of the local authority). In
general, interviewees were water managers, stewardship coordinators, municipal
councilors (irrigation district board members and, in some cases, water users (e.g.
farmers). Each interviewee was initially approached by letter and subsequently by
phone.
Interviews were semi-structured, providing ample leeway for interviewees to
express their own opinions and thoughts about the particular project being studied. All questionnaires included a preamble and contained the following question
subsections:
• The role of the interviewee organisation
• Initial idea, circumstances and reactions (the reason for initiation, initial reactions to the idea)
• The decision-making process (who was involved, how was the decision-made,
what was the response, conflict avoidance(resolution)
• Implementation (application of the decision, problems)
• Required resources (what was needed for its implementation)
• Outcomes, hurdles, and successes (barriers and enabling factors)
• Looking back (what was learned)
For the two cases, 17 interviews were conducted by two interviewers. Each
interview took between 45 and 120 minutes. Notes were taken during the interviews,
although interviews were recorded and were subsequently transcribed in note form.
Interview transcripts were coded using Atlas/ti, which eases text selection and
summarization based on predefined codes. Some key code definitions are presented
WHAT SHAPES ADAPTATION TO WATER STRESS IN THE OKANAGAN
39
TABLE IV
Key codes used to organize interview data
Code
Definition
DRIVER
Circumstances and motivational factors that forced the authority to
make a decision about adopting the particular approach (and
related procedural activities) in question.
Factors that aided the adoption e.g. the people, political will,
awareness, access to resources, etc. This contrasts with
“drivers” in that they are factors that “allowed” the adoption to
happen e.g. that metering was chosen rather than an alternative
(what drove the process from decision to action).
Factors that could have initially prevented the strategy from being
selected/going ahead.
Factors that impeded or simply made harder the implementation
process e.g. resources, attitudes, etc
Mechanisms, approaches and tools to resolve or avoid (reduce
potential for) conflict between stakeholders.
ENABLING FACTOR
BARRIERS
OBSTACLES
CONFLICT RESOLUTION
in Table IV. Information from interviewees was, where possible, cross-referenced
with documented sources to ensure validity and accuracy. Types of documents
acquired included: Council minutes, management plans, annual reports, case study
reports, presentation material, database output, consultant reports, and Provincial
Ministry reports.
To ensure factual integrity and as a further source of data, the results of the
analysis were sent to the relevant interviewees for review. Each interviewee was
asked to comment on the factual accuracy of the results and the interpretation of the
story. In all, 3 interviewees from SEKID and 2 from Kelowna provided additional
feedback in this 2nd round.
5. Case Study 1: Kelowna – Domestic Water Metering with
Volume-Based Pricing
5.1.
TIME-LINE
In 1987–88 the Okanagan Region experienced a significant dry year that left many
water supplies in critical condition. Although Kelowna was not directly impacted
(as their main supply was the mainstem Okanagan Lake), an awareness-campaign
encouraging conservation efforts initiated by the provincial government had some
influence on Kelowna’s water policy. In August 1991, the City Council requested
recommendations regarding methods for reducing water consumption in Kelowna
and a plan to form a Water Conservation Program. Metering (with volume-based
pricing) of single-family residential users and a public education process was
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recommended for the Water Conservation Program and was adopted by Council in
April 1992 (Richardson, 1992). A proposal by the Works and Utilities department
was finally presented on universal water metering and installation of water saving
devices to Kelowna City Council (Westlake, 1994). During the end of 1994 (beginning 1995) the 1994–2014 servicing plan review was completed, which indicated
that in order to maintain current water demand for a growing population, infrastructure costs could exceed $40 million. The final metering proposal was completed in
January 1995.
Results from a pilot project during 1995–1996 of 102 residences that volunteered for meter installation were used to guide universal installation, including
an appropriate rate structure (Edmonton Water, 1996). After installation was completed in early 1998, a grace period with mock-billing was implemented along
with an educational programme to inform customers how to reduce use. Finally,
in November 1998 a metered rate from a flat rate of $15.50 per connection to a
base rate of $8 with a constant unit charge of $0.2076/m3 was implemented. This
program was modified slightly in spring 2000. Rates were developed to achieve the
water use reduction targets, ensure sufficient revenue i.e. revenue neutral (for the
City), and to be “politically acceptable”; in other words, annual bills for an average
home would not significantly change from the former base rate.
In all meters were installed in 11,500 homes. The overall objective of Kelowna’s
metering-education program was to achieve a 20% reduction in residential consumption and 10% reduction for commercial and multi-family residential areas
(Degen, 1998). Between 1998 and 2000, total annual average per capita consumption dropped 24.29% with the largest decrease occurring during the summer months.
An additional advantage of the metering program was the identification of high volume users. Kelowna initiated two studies, in 2001 and 2002, exploring methods to
reduce peak water demand targeted at outdoor water use and high-volume water
consumers. Kelowna is embarking on a city-wide program to implement several
approaches e.g. soil dressing to increase water retention, for reducing peak demand.
5.2.
DRIVERS AND SIGNAL INTERPRETATION
No single signal seems to have driven metering in Kelowna. Rather various driving forces were mentioned by municipal interviewees: the pressure of increased
population on demand (Box 1); impending capital investment to meet this demand,
and, a sense of concern regarding Vernon’s lead in water conservation efforts and
Kelowna’s relatively high per capita consumption levels compared with other utilities in the area. Non-municipal representatives mentioned two additional drivers:
the cryptosporidium outbreak in 1996, and a general push by the regional office
of the Ministry of Environment to encourage water conservation in the region.
However, staff and councillors alike tended to see metering as an internally driven
process as the following excerpt suggests:
WHAT SHAPES ADAPTATION TO WATER STRESS IN THE OKANAGAN
41
Box 1. Population growth and estimated infrastructure costs in Kelowna
“[there was] no pressure from the province to implement metering, no
licensing issues. The city was self-motivated.”
The decision to implement metering was portrayed by interviewees not as a
reaction to an event, but as a proactive move to defer and lighten an impending
pressure; it was made not because of dire need but because someone estimated that
it would significantly lessen the strain and cost of growth.
Population in Kelowna almost doubled over a 25-year period (between 1976 and
2001) from 53,190–99,724 (Source: B.C Stats). Projected population is expected to
increase by 64% to 156,125 by 2020, based on a 20-year compound rate assumption
of 2.37%. Additional housing requirement of 25,539 units is projected, assuming a
2.3 person per unit average household size over the next 20 years (City of Kelwona
2000). The 1994–2014 Servicing Plan for the municipality expected costs to reach
$41 million over this 20-year period covering 69 projects for developing utility
infrastructure in Kelowna.
5.3.
HOW DID ADAPTATION OCCUR?
5.3.1. Decision-Process: Option Selection, Politics and Conflict Resolution
The decision process mainly involved local and internal dialogue between Council and staff. According to interviewees, it was a smooth political process. Staff
members were on board and the Council did not consider it a difficult decision
to make. Why was the decision not strife with opposition or divergent opinions?
Implicit in all that was said by the interviewees was the view that the level of
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awareness, openness and consensus amongst staff and Council members limited internal conflict. Additionally, the framing of metering as a sensible financial decision
that was consistent with dominant political values was also important in limiting
opposition.
In terms of options considered, Kelowna could have chosen a business-as-usual
approach, continuing with its 1994–2014 services plan requiring a $41 million
investment in utility infrastructure upgrades and development. No alternatives other
than demand-side management were considered to combat the issue of population
growth and impending costs. However, several demand-management methods were
initially considered in the water management strategy: public education; water
metering; rationing; infrastructure adjustments, and rate structure. All with the
exception of rationing and infrastructure adjustments were implemented as part of
a comprehensive Water Conservation Program.
Preparation for the metering program took seven years, including a pilot project
to identify any implementation problems and to estimate potential real water consumption reductions. The initial pilot study recommended four approaches to avoiding public outcry against metering:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Mock-billing for a year;
Addressing the cause of high water consumption;
Implementing a public education campaign;
Forming a citizens advisory group for the development of a new rate structure.
Of these the first three approaches were applied. “Mock-billing” provided an
opportunity for the public to learn about metering and its impact prior to any rate
change. The public education process involved public meetings, displays and oneon-one consultations ensuring that residents were aware of the importance of water
and understood how to reduce consumption when the new rate was implemented
(Klassen, 2003 pers. comm.). To ensure political acceptability, it was a requirement
that the water rate for the average consumer would not change. Therefore metering
would appeal to the “pocket-book” of most consumers. General and targeted education was a key mechanism for avoiding conflict. Interviewees all suggested that
by allowing time to let the idea sink in they were able to avoid conflict.
5.3.2. Enabling Factors
Positive and progressive authority and management attitudes and values were suggested as key enabling factors. The fact that metering fulfilled (or did not conflict
with) political values such as responsibility to customers, ensuring fairness in the
system and the philosophy of “user-pays” added to the ease with which the decision
was made and implemented.
Financial stability and the win-win character of metering were also identified as
factors supporting go-ahead. Firstly there were no financial constraints; Kelowna
was permitted by the Municipal Funding Authority to borrow the $3.5 million
required to cover the initial capital costs of implementing metering. Secondly,
WHAT SHAPES ADAPTATION TO WATER STRESS IN THE OKANAGAN
43
metering was financially attractive allowing large capital expenditures to be deferred
into the future. Thirdly, the majority of users were not significantly impacted (only
those that used a lot of water). The win-win character of metering in terms of its
political (public) acceptability, financial feasibility and increased efficiency, was a
significant enabling factor (see section 1.1.3 on effectiveness for details).
Finally, as Kelowna was not a true ‘early adopter’ in the region, it had the advantage of being able to review and learn from local examples. Pitfalls experienced
by early adopters could then be avoided: “Metering wasn’t particularly new as we
had Rutland waterworks and ICI metering. [It] wasn’t rocket science. [There was]
no backlash from agricultural communities as major bulk users [of our] system are
primarily residential.”
5.3.3. Barriers and Obstacles
Implementation problems identified in Kelowna’s case did not have the magnitude
or strength to prevent metering from taking place. In general, Kelowna experienced
minimal internal political resistance in the process of implementing metering and
few major obstacles in actual implementation.
Consumer attitudes were said to be diverse without any strong local lobby.
During the grace period and mock-billing year, the City logged 5000 calls ranging
from customers being who were relieved to hear that their bills had changed very
little, to those who expressed disbelief and denial that their water use was so high
(Klassen, 2003 pers. comm.). Interviewees generally felt that reactions were split
and that education dampened potential opposition:
“Overall, reactions were ok, probably due to emphasis on education. You
will always face some opposition to new programs, some people just won’t like
it. Some people didn’t like it but understood it. This led to decreased backlash.
We were able to show people that metering would not increase customer costs.”
Internal municipal communication–ensuring there was cohesion amongst the
various departments–was also mentioned as an obstacle. The involvement of an
external consultancy, which was hired to provide the metering service, posed problems in terms of public mistrust of the new faces. It was suggested that an external
consultancy did not have the same relationship with customers as the municipality
itself: “The approach of using consultants to run projects is common within the
city, but this project was slightly different because it involved going into people’s
homes.”
One member of the Council perceived that the metering program was simply
‘the easy part’ of what may become more controversial:
“We haven’t got to a stage where [we] have to seriously punish people in
order to reduce demand. We have done the easy part – put meters in place and
done the education. We haven’t done the hard part – well let’s have some tough
utilisation targets and raise rates to significantly modify people’s behaviour.
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PHILIPPA SHEPHERD ET AL.
Figure 3. Monthly average per capita water consumption per person between 1998–2000 (the new
rate was implemented in 1999).
So while we have the infrastructure in place, we haven’t been tested to the
extent one could be . . . We haven’t had the crunch of water shortage. . .”
5.4.
EFFECTIVENESS
The main objective of the metering program was to reduce residential consumption
by 20% in order to reduce future capital outlay over the next 20 years. Implementation pivoted on the ability to implement the program without negatively impacting
the average consumer i.e. increasing average bills. A secondary objective was the
need for a more accurate system for collecting data on water demand.
Significant reductions in summer water use were achieved; between 1998 and
2000, total annual average per capita consumption dropped 24% (Figure 3). It would
be remiss to take this short data record as definitive evidence of the effectiveness
of metering; a longer data record and more detailed analysis would be required
to show that the behavioural change is enduring. It will be important to show that
water use does not creep back up during drought years, such as the summer of 2003
(water use data is not yet available for this period).
One of the driving forces behind the metering initiative was the desire on the
part of council to defer costs associated with the expansion of supply. Projected
costs fell from $41 million in Kelowna’s 1994–2014 service plan to $29 million in
their 2000–2020 (completed 2001) servicing plan reviews (Table V). The change
in projected capital expenditure has been attributed to:
1. Metering, rates and education fostering a user pay philosophy
2. Customers response to conservation i.e. reduction in consumption
WHAT SHAPES ADAPTATION TO WATER STRESS IN THE OKANAGAN
45
TABLE V
Change in cost, consumption and design standards between Kelowna’s 2014 and 2020 services plans
due to improved measurement e.g. meters, and reduced consumption as a consequence of constant
unit water rates and education.
2014
Cost
MDD 1994
MDD 2000
MDD 2010 (projected)
MDD 2014 (projected)
Design standard
2020
$41 million
program/69
projects
1318 1/s
N/A
2000 1/s
2440 1/s
3000 l/c/d
Cost
MDD 1996
MDD 2000
MDD 2010 (projected)
MDD 2020 (projected)
Design standard
$29 million
program/35
projects
1071 1/s
1200 1/s
1540 1/s
2000 1/s
2400 l/c/d
MDDs = total maximum daily demand, L/s = litres per second, l/c/d = litres per capita per day
Source : Data provided by City of Kelowna (2000).
3. Improved measurement tools (water meters, systems and models)
4. Water-saving bylaw that was introduced in 1994
A prerequisite for universal metering and volume-based pricing was the condition that the approach would be equitable i.e. the cost to the average consumer
wouldn’t be significantly affected (while revenue was maintained). As Figure 4
illustrates, based on an assumed 20% reduction in consumption, projected annual
cost to the average consumer was not expected to alter. In 1999 an actual annual
average water bill was estimated at $212.22 compared with the projected bill of
$207.34. Kelowna is, however, considering implementing a block-rate structure in
Figure 4. Based on anticipated average water consumption (assuming a 20% reduction in average
consumption) there is no change in yearly totals from water bills between the 1998 flat rate and new
unit charge (City of Kelowna 1998).
46
PHILIPPA SHEPHERD ET AL.
2004 (Klassen, 2003 pers. comm.). Those most impacted by the new constant unit
charge are considered to be the affluent population located in the most expensive
subdivisions of Kelowna.
With respect to the secondary objectives, metering now allows the city to more
accurately identify heavy water users and target them for educational or incentive
programmes to reduce water use. Metering has allowed several high-water use areas
in Kelowna to be identified, and various methods for reducing outdoor domestic
irrigation are being tested. Meters allow monitoring of water use changes in response
to annual variations in temperature. This is a prerequisite to rapidly and accurately
locating significant leaks and losses within the system.
6. Case Study 2: SEKID – Metering Agricultural Irrigation
6.1.
TIME-LINE
Following two droughts during 1987 and 1992 in the Okanagan, SEKID management and Board of Trustees began discussing how to improve demand-side
management efficiencies in case of future droughts. While still exploring the possibility of expanding upland storage i.e. Turtle Lake, SEKID contacted the British
Columbia Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Fisheries (BCMAFF) to determine
funding options for implementing metering. A 1993 review of supply options for
SEKID concluded that under a drought sequence2 there was over-committed Grade
A water i.e. there could be a water shortage (if all allocated water was consumed).
The options suggested to rectify the deficit included universal metering, scheduling
and additional system storage at Turtle Lake (Dayton and Knight, 1994). Finally
SEKID’s 1994 Long Term Water Supply Plan projected that universal metering
could result in the greatest savings i.e. 15% or 1,500 ac-ft.
By 1993, SEKID received verbal agreement from the provincial government that
funding for a metering program from the Canada-British Columbia Green Plan for
Agriculture (Green Plan) would be forthcoming. An agreement was subsequently
signed in August 1993 with the goals being: ‘1) Implementation of a demand
management strategy through universal water metering; 2) Evaluation and demonstration of irrigation scheduling techniques; 3) Determination of a rate schedule that
reflects an equitable allocation of water to agriculture users’ (BCMAFF, 1993 p.
15). Initially the project was committed to metering all users in the district including all irrigation and new domestic connections. Reduced water use in SEKID was
the main result expected, along with the collection of better information to assist
development of future water policies in the Okanagan Valley and improve water
use within the agriculture sector. Funding was finally secured in early 1994 once
SEKID had selected a contractor for the purchase of meters. Costs were finally
shared between SEKID, the Canada-BC Green Plan for Agriculture and the BC
Ministry of Agriculture and Food (MAFF).
WHAT SHAPES ADAPTATION TO WATER STRESS IN THE OKANAGAN
47
In response, some growers signed a petition opposing metering. SEKID staged
a public information meeting in January 1994 to discuss the project with the public. Soon afterwards, the Board unanimously agreed to halt the metering project,
probably due to the contentious nature of the project. Only with provincial intervention and support did the Board rescind their decision and go ahead with the
project, albeit only metering irrigation connections. Grower concern lead to the
resignation of the Irrigation District manager and some committed Board members
were not re-elected. A new bid process was initiated and a different company was
awarded the meter contract. SEKID received a conditional water license to expand
McCulloch reservoir in July 1994.
By late 1996, 421 irrigation service meters had been installed. Alongside metering, an irrigation scheduling program was implemented as part of the public education process. Tensiometers3 were supplied to all growers while eight co-operating
growers participated in an irrigation scheduling project involving the collection of
data on water use, soil moisture and climate data. Growers were provided with
weekly reports containing irrigation scheduling recommendations (Nyvall and Van
der Gulik, 2000).
As a result of the metering project, a water allotment of 2.25 ac-ft/ac was introduced in 2001, followed by a volume-based rate on excess water use in 2003.
Consideration of volume-based rates on excess use began after a serious drought
in 2001 where the district’s main reservoir did not fill for the first time in 30 years
(SEKID, 2003).
6.2.
DRIVERS AND SIGNAL INTERPRETATION
SEKID has always been a water-short district (Box 2: Status of water resources
and demand). The 1987 drought left supplies augmented by storage in fairly critical condition throughout the Okanagan Basin. According to the SEKID monthly
Manager’s Report, in 1987 McCulloch Reservoir (SEKID’s main supply source)
was at its lowest since 1973, and 1987 was the driest year since 1929:
“X explained that the water supply situation had been very serious. Before runoff
started there was approximately 4700 acre feet available which was 40% of the water
use for most normal years. The snowpack at the end of March was comparable to the
1930’s and since the renewal of the system the District has not gone through a 30’s
situation of three dry years in succession. In 1930, with 50% rationing, the District
still ran out of water by mid-August.” This event led to an initial Board discussion
about how better to manage SEKID’s water resource. 1992 was also a significant dry
year that initiated further talks about metering, specifically because there were concerns that 1993–1995 could be another three-year drought scenario like the one experienced in the 1930s. Other than concern over future supply, other possible drivers
mentioned by interviewees included increasing demand from residential development and the desire to upgrade part of the large tract of dry-land lacking irrigation.
48
PHILIPPA SHEPHERD ET AL.
Box 2. Status of water resources and demand in SEKID
But why was metering chosen rather than options that just allowed for a continuation of supply expansion? Ensuring a viable future supply was key, but this
could have been acheived with increased supply alone. Efficiency, better management, and equity (it was evident that growers showed little constraint during dry
spells) were stated as key reasons behind the choice of metering: “We live in an
arid climate and [with] a limited water resource. There is [sic] 3000 acres within
our district boundaries that do not have water rights on it. There is big demand for
residential development. How does one manage a limited resource equitably and
meters seemed the logical choice?”
WHAT SHAPES ADAPTATION TO WATER STRESS IN THE OKANAGAN
49
Metering was also on the agenda because SEKID was participating in a Meter
Demonstration Project initiated by MAFF to explore the cost, potential maintenance
issues and benefits of metering. It was concluded that in SEKID ‘actual water use
on eight of the nine farms was significantly less than the design allotment’ (Mould
Engineering Services Ltd., 1995 p. 5). Additionally, the current provincial government was in favour of water conservation. The Okanagan droughts resulted in
a more concerted effort by the provincial government to encourage conservation
in municipalities. Inspired by Canada’s first National Conference on Water Conservation, held in Winnipeg in 1993, the SEKID conference attendee concluded,
‘water meters are inevitable, and a more efficient means of water use is required
in the agricultural sector’. Indications from the Province that water conservation
was to become a more prominent feature in policy acted as either an ignition, or
confirmation that a metering approach would be wise.
6.3.
HOW DID ADAPTATION OCCUR?
6.3.1. Decision Process
The decision process was mainly a dialogue between SEKID board members and
the provincial government. It was punctuated by significant conflict between the
decision-makers and water users. Although SEKID residents were informed officially once Green Plan Funding was secured, this small community had prior
knowledge of the project and a group of farmers banded together in order to stop
the metering project from going ahead. Interviewees mentioned time and again that
farmer opposition was exacerbated by a “gag order” requested by the provincial
government. Supposedly, this prevented the Board from directly communicating
and discussing universal metering with growers before an official press release
was published. Mistrust and suspicion consequently ensued: “. . . the trouble was
because it was under a government deal, the government wanted to make a big
deal out of the project and we were told to keep our mouths shut about it. We were
out there spreading info about this metering project and we weren’t allowed to
talk. . . Quite a few people got upset and people knew what we were trying to do.”
As the initial Green Plan agreement specifically included in its agenda an early
mail-out to all farmers informing them of the metering project, reference to a ‘gag
order’ probably pertains to the fact that farmers were not included in the initial
decision-making process.
A public information meeting was held to quell consumer concerns, but instead
due to heavy opposition the Board decided to suspend the metering project. Only
after receiving a letter from the Ministry did they go ahead. The letter stated that
submitted expansion applications (i.e. a license for supply expansion on Turtle
Lake and McCulloch Reservoir) would be ’held in abeyance’ unless SEKID could
prove that they were making beneficial use of their existing licenses, or they were
undertaking to verify efficient use via means such as metering. As the provincial
50
PHILIPPA SHEPHERD ET AL.
government does not have direct power to intervene in local politics, it used the
wider regulatory system to direct local action in this case: “It was a group of people
from the province that was pushing the idea. It was not initiated from within SEKID.
During my time on the Board and after – it was a perceived setting that if you don’t
do this there might not be more licenses issued to SEKID. . . . Some people were
driving an agenda and had picked SEKID to carry it out.” While the ’beneficial
use’ clause is written into the provincial legislation it has rarely been used, although
this application of the clause appears to be legitimate.
6.3.2. Enabling Factors
What enabling factors aided adoption of metering? The two former water managers of SEKID were pro-metering and the Board was also open-minded. Specific
individuals were key actors in the move toward metering; firstly, in applying the
”beneficial use” argument, and secondly, in aiding SEKID with its funding application and subsequently throughout the metering(scheduling program: “X drove a
lot of it – it would not have got done without him - if he hadn’t taken a leading role.
It also wouldn’t have got done if the Board wasn’t willing to co-operate.” Participation in the provincially led Meter Demonstration project and access to funding
through the Green Plan were additional primary enabling factors.
6.3.3. Barriers and Obstacles
In this case study, there were many potential barriers. One significant initial barrier
concerned grower’s attitudes and suspicions. Many small events and circumstances
fuelled general discontent among growers; concerns were expressed both about
metering and the conditions under which meters were implemented: “When we
started, there was huge mistrust. ‘They’ are trying to screw me.”
Grower attitudes toward metering were not viewed as particularly positive: metering was considered to be about taking water away from agriculture to give to
residents; the project was ‘picking on the growers’ and therefore was unfair, and
there was a sense that residential properties were taking advantage of something
that growers had built and paid for themselves – threatening their ownership of the
resource. Farmers also feared that metering would ultimately result in increased
water rates and would impinge on their independence and flexibility. “Many growers perceived that the project was being crammed down their throats . . . that water
was going to be given to domestic development.”
The fact that no bidding process was implemented to hire a supplier of meters also
fuelled mistrust. High costs and the likelihood that metering would be traded-off
against developing Turtle Lake or raising McCulloch Dam added to the opposition
to metering. In terms of obstacles, the relationship between the Board and field
staff was an issue; initially it was not realised that staff disagreed with the Board.
Technical obstacles included maintenance of meters and infrastructure ’surprises’
e.g. pipes not being where they were supposed to be.
WHAT SHAPES ADAPTATION TO WATER STRESS IN THE OKANAGAN
51
6.3.4. Conflict Resolution
After signing the agreement but prior to the implementation of the 5-year project,
the Board of Trustees responded to a grower’s petition by organising a meeting
with the petitioners. A public information meeting was held to update farmers
and residents that the Board was considering metering as an option. One-on-one
meetings were carried out with staff to gauge their concerns about implementing a
metering system. A leaflet outlining why SEKID was implementing metering was
distributed amongst staff to prepare them for any questions from growers. Once
resistance dropped, improved education and communication were the means to
resolve any mistrust or concerns about metering. Election of new Board members
(especially ones sceptical of metering) to the Board seemed to improve transparency.
Finally, moving to a bid process to purchase meters reinstated trust, while changes
in management allowed for a ‘fresh start’
Once the process began, effort was made to keep growers informed and educated
about metering and scheduling through field days, reports, newsletters but most importantly through one-on-one contact. Scheduling provided growers with a means
to learn how better to control water use based on need (soil moisture content). To
ease fears about water rates, SEKID promised that there would be no rates for a
five year grace period.
6.4.
EFFECTIVENESS
For the province the objective of the SEKID metering project, as stated in the
initial agreement, was to explore the effectiveness of demand-side management
as a means to improve management of limited water resources in the Okanagan
Valley (BCMAFF, 1993, p. 16). For SEKID the purpose of the project was to
secure water supply, reduce water consumption and to use metering as a means to
monitor compliance to a pre-defined allotment. Secondary outcomes of metering
were improved efficiency in water management, reduced costs and the establishment
of a more fair system.
Kerr Wood Leidal Ltd. (1990) estimated that 20% potential water savings could
be achieved through the implementation of universal metering in SEKID (both
irrigation and domestic combined). It was concluded that a saving of between 5–
23%, with an average of 13%, was achieved during the project (Table VI). However,
it was noted that the savings could be attributed to a number of factors in addition
to the metering and scheduling program:
• conversions from inefficient irrigation systems to more efficient systems;
• a general increase in awareness; and
• the switch to a telemetry (automatic rather than manual) system at the intake
(Nyvall and Van der Gulik, 2000).
Further analysis of water demand was carried out during the summer of 1998,
one of the hottest and driest summers on record. This analysis showed that average
52
PHILIPPA SHEPHERD ET AL.
TABLE VI
Comparing pre and post metering water use in the district for years paired by matching Evapotranspiration (Nyvall and Van der Gulik 2000, p.7–2)
Pre–metering
Year
Evapo-Transpiration
(mm)
Water use
(ft/acre)
1985
1987
1981
1980
1994
686
706
564
531
535
2.23
2.50
1.91
1.93
2.02
Post–metering
Difference
Year
Evapo-Transpiration
(mm)
Water use
(ft/acre)
ft/acre
%
1998
1998
1996
1995
1995
700
700
565
526
526
2.12
2.12
1.81
1.55
1.55
0.11
0.38
0.10
0.36
0.47
5
15
5
19
23
per acre consumption was no greater than 2.25 ac-ft/ac compared with 2.5 ac-ft/ac;
the figure initially used to design the water system. This represented a “saving”
(opening) of 10% or 1,300 ac-ft of water. Although metering and scheduling did
encourage many farmers to use their water more efficiently some still continued to
disregard the reduced allotment (Figure 5).
Reduced allotment to 2.25 ac-ft/ac increased the theoretical surplus under a
drought year scenario from 19–1,349 ac-ft/ac and these savings are being used to
regrade dry-land. Based on these savings, metering was calculated as resulting in
a net-benefit when compared with the option of developing Turtle Lake reservoir
(Table VII). Finally, it was suggested that the improved accuracy of data gathered
instilled confidence in SEKID’s Board and management, resulting in the sale of
water rights of 200 acres in 1997 and 57 acres in 1999 (Nyvall and Van der Gulik,
2000).
Prior to the implementation of metering, SEKID’s only sources of data on supply and consumption were reservoir levels and a flow meter at the source. This
provided an overview of total daily output, but no information on individual usage
patterns. Knowing how much each property is consuming has not only resulted
in easier policing but has enabled the implementation of a rising block rate targeted to encourage more restraint by heavy users (Figure 6). The implementation
of the volume-based rate on excess use tentatively resulted in an additional 14–18%
reduction in water consumption (SEKID, 2003).
7. Discussion
This study is an exploratory analysis of adaptation in local water management. Its
objective was to determine what local contextual factors influenced and shaped the
adaptation process in the Okanagan. It should be fairly clear from the preceding
sections that implementation of metering in Kelowna was a much smoother process
WHAT SHAPES ADAPTATION TO WATER STRESS IN THE OKANAGAN
53
TABLE VII
Calculation of program benefits (SEKID 2003)
Description
Metering
Turtle Lake
Program Cost
Volume water “saved”/
created
Acres land possible to
provide with saving
Price of one acre of land
Program Benefit (value of
water rights)
Net Benefit
Benefit/Cost Ratio
Cost per acre-foot
$784,000
1,349 acre-feet
600 acres (1,349/2.25)
$870,000
680 acre-feet (dependable
supply)
302 acres (680/2.25)
$2000
$1,200,000 (600 acres ×- 2000)
$2000
$604,000 (302×2000)
$416,000
1.5:1
$581
−$266,000
0.69:1
$1,280
Figure 5. Water use in SEKID in terms of % allotment.
Figure 6. The data displayed on each graph includes the “block total”, which is the fee for the block,
the “cumulative $”, which is a running total of the block charges and the “block rate”, which is the
rate per 1,000 USG presented in the table (SEKID 2003).
54
PHILIPPA SHEPHERD ET AL.
than in SEKID (see summary Table VIII). What conditions set these two processes
apart? Why was the implementation of metering with volume-based pricing such a
smooth process in comparison with metering in SEKID? What can we learn about
adaptation process from these two case studies?
Several factors potentially contributed to the different experiences of meter
implementation:
1. Amount of preparation;
2. Nature of the signal in relation to environmental and(or socio-economic conditions;
3. Adoption relative to other initiatives in the region (and nationally);
4. Entrenched values related to water resources in the agricultural community
in the context of changing water demands;
5. Perception of metering impacts on entitlement;
6. Interaction and relationship between the serviced community, local government, provincial government and opaque political agendas.
All these conditions contributed to shaping the adaptation process in these case
studies.
The decision to implement metering in Kelowna was not a reaction to an event,
but a proactive move to defer and lighten an impending pressure. It was made not
because of dire need but because it had been estimated that it would significantly
lessen the strain and cost of future growth. Kelowna had no water supply issue
and had already estimated what the expected cost would be of servicing a growing
population with adequate water to meet demand. Adaptation was not initiated out
of fear or because they were close to a threshold but because it made good water
management sense. There were no time constraints for implementation, other than
those defined by the local authority; staff took seven years to prepare for metering and to explore potential problem areas. In contrast, the issue of irresponsible
water use in SEKID by the predominant user, growers, seemed to come to a head.
Unpredictable impacts of climate variability could no longer be ignored because
buffer capacity i.e. excess supply available for a significant drought scenario, was
insufficient. Additionally, residential expansion was creating additional pressure
on the water resource (as well as the opportunity to generate revenue). At the same
time, conditions to pursue metering were favourable: management was supportive,
BCMAFF was pushing the conservation agenda, the Ministry of Environment was
pro-conservation, and there was a rare funding opportunity.
Timing of the adaptation contributed to Kelowna’s success; the municipality was
not an early adopter but rather a laggard. Domestic metering with volume-based
pricing was becoming well-established in the region with various communities well
ahead of Kelowna, which meant they could draw on local examples of metering to
inform its program. Metering irrigation, on the other hand was a new phenomenon
in the Okanagan, and SEKID was one of the first local authorities to implement
this approach in British Columbia. Although US examples were used to inform
WHAT SHAPES ADAPTATION TO WATER STRESS IN THE OKANAGAN
55
TABLE VIII
Summary overview of the adaptation process in the two case studies
Adaptation
Contextual drivers (factors
influencing attribution,
decision-process and
evolution of the
management strategy
selected)
KELOWNA Domestic
metering with volume-based
pricing
Growing population
Increased residential
development
Impending capital investment
Large tracts of undesignated
land
Regional push for water
conservation
Conditional water license for
further reservoir expansion
Green Plan Funding
Comparative high per capita
consumption
Cryptosporidium outbreak
Signal interpretation (initial
primary events,
information that initialises
response)
Attribution (the identified
problem)
Decision process: option
selection
SEKID Irrigation metering
with scheduling
Regional push for water
conservation
Provincial campaign indicates
potential of water
conservation as a method to
alleviate burden of future
infrastructure costs.
Reduced water demand is
necessary to defer capital
expenditure. Demand-side
management provides this
opportunity.
Mainly comparing
business-as-usual versus an
integrated
demand-management
strategy i.e. Water
Conservation Program.
Selection directed by Council
carried out by Municipal
Management.
Extended hot growing season
i.e. concern over meeting
future demand with current
capacity and conditions.
Could it be another 1930s
drought?
Overuse of water during dry
spells and limited supply.
Metering was on the agenda
prior to any comprehensive
exploration of options. The
LTWMP, which compared
the cost and benefits of
supply and demand options,
confirmed that metering
provided the greatest
opportunity for water
“savings”, post selection.
The metering project, however,
didn’t substitute for supply
development but rather
augmented supply.
(Continued on next page)
56
PHILIPPA SHEPHERD ET AL.
TABLE VIII
(Continued)
Identification of alternatives
influenced by provincial
campaign and local
experiences
Decision process: politics
Barriers (factors that could
have stopped each project
from going ahead)
Enabling factors (conditional
factors that aided adaptive
behaviour)
Implementation: general
procedure and obstacles
Mainly Council-management
interaction.
Minimal conflict between
decision-makers and users.
Possibly because users were
a diffuse group.
No significant barriers
identified
High level of awareness and
interest of staff, Council and
public
Learning from neighbour
experiences e.g. Vernon
General user’s philosophy
Progressive and proactive staff
Political acceptability of the
approach i.e. average user
would not be significantly
affected
Municipal financial stability
Borrowing approval from
province
Win-win approach
Awareness i.e. general and
targeted education
Preparation i.e. pilot study and
grace period for adjustment
Municipal management in
partnership with a
consultant.
Driven by provincial agenda
i.e. provincial lead Meter
Demonstration Project, the
Green Plan, and BCMAFF
interest in improving the
efficiency of irrigation in the
Okanagan.
Mainly a Board decision but
provincial intervention
crucial to ensuring its
implementation.
Post-decision public
notification.
Strong local grower lobby
against metering. Generally
mistrust of those involved in
the decision-making.
Grower attitudes, discontent
and distrust.
Potentially cost with lack of
vehicles of finance
Management pro-metering
Board’s open-mindedness
toward metering
Access to funding
External expertise
Communication and
discussion: public
information meeting and
one-on-one meetings
New management
New bid on meters
Information and education e.g.
field days, water use reports,
etc.
BCMAFF, SEKID
management and consultants
(meter installation).
(Continued on next page)
WHAT SHAPES ADAPTATION TO WATER STRESS IN THE OKANAGAN
57
TABLE VIII
(Continued)
Evaluation
Feedback
Step-wise: pilot project and
public education followed
by meter installation a grace
period (mock-billing) and a
metered rate.
Ad hoc
Municipal management in
partnership with a contractor
Multiple criteria: reduced
demand, cost deferral,
implementation evaluation
More accurate information
enabled identification of key
hotspots (high-end users)
and implementation of other
methods of water use
reduction
Users informed during
implementation process
Evaluation carried out by
BCMAFF.
Evaluation integral to
metering-scheduling project
Multiple criteria
More accurate information
indicated that farmers didn’t
use or need previous
allotment therefore reduced
by 10%
Implementation of a metered
rate on excess use
Data used by BCMAFF to
encourage implementation
of similar approaches in
other areas
implementation, data from local applications (and therefore the understanding of
local response) was not available.
Historical context seemed to act as a restrictive force in the case of SEKID;
specifically, the legal framework governing water allocation based on the rule of
prior appropriation. This system for the most part entrenches access rights over
the available water with the early agricultural settlers. It was clear that growers
in SEKID felt a sense of ownership over the resource, expecting that their water
should not be controlled or priced. Rapid population growth over the last twenty
years has created new challenges for a water scarce region and a sense of mistrust
between agricultural and residential interests. Despite the fact that agricultural
metering simply allowed for better measurement of water use and initially did not
alter the price and availability of water, it was resisted. Growers were suspicious
that metering represented the thin end of the wedge and more recent policies within
SEKID partly support this view. In 2003, SEKID proposed that growers would be
charged at a marginal rate for exceeding their allocations.
Irrigation water users saw themselves as bearing disproportionate costs compared with other citizen groups or compared with other growers. Additionally, the
farming community was close-knit, rather than diffuse. Olson (1971) in his explanation of collective action concluded that: “In general, social pressure and social
58
PHILIPPA SHEPHERD ET AL.
incentives speak only to groups of smaller size, in the groups so small that the
members can have face-to-face contact with on another”. His explanation also suggested that only focused costs (or benefits) would result in collective opposition (or
encouragement) by impacted communities. The larger community, lack of focussed
and differential impacts, and the absence of a sense of entitlement could explain
why volume-based pricing in Kelowna did not result in collective action opposing
the move.
Kahneman and Tversky’s (1979) prospect theory could also explain why the
agricultural community response was negative when compared with the response of
the residential community. According to their research, people’s attitude toward risk
concerning gains may be quite different from their attitudes toward risks concerning
losses. The agricultural community saw metering as eroding their entitlement to
water, resulting in the erosion of their property rights. Residential users on the other
hand may not have seen the impact of metering in terms of loss either because they
did not have the same sense of entitlement to the resource, or because they accepted
that average water bills would not increase.
A significant difference between the two cases was the role of the provincial
government. Except for the provincially led awareness campaign on water conservation in the region, the province was not directly involved in Kelowna’s initiative.
Provincial participation was much more direct in SEKID’s case, and was necessary
to obtain funding, training and expertise. Provincial intervention was essential at
that time, yet their presence generated suspicion and mistrust. The heavy-handed
influence of the province partly fuelled public opposition. Local buy-in was only
sought late in the decision-making process. The province’s approach exacerbated
an already sensitive issue. Grower opposition would probably have occurred to
some degree, regardless of transparency and better participation, due to their strong
sense of entitlement. However, it must be said that the province is in a difficult
position with respect to such matters. On the one hand it is often the provider of
financial and other support for infrastructure projects. On the other hand it is a
regulator that must maintain a professional distance, and has no actual authority
in local politics. Improvement Districts are particularly vulnerable to provincial
agendas because they are often not as financially stable as municipalities. Nonetheless, greater transparency and public involvement from the start might have reduced
community mistrust of the process in SEKID’s case.
In summary, what lessons can be derived from these case studies to inform
adaptation to climate change impacts in the region, and how do they inform climate
change adaptation theory? Firstly, the success of Kelowna suggests some planning
methods that could aid adaptation: learning from local examples, substantial preparation time or proactive adaptation, pilot projects and significant communication
with the target group. In essence, a step-wise process would be a preferred approach.
Secondly, several challenges for local adaptation to climate change emerge from
these two cases, especially SEKID. Although SEKID is only one community, the
perceptions of the agricultural community in SEKID – the feeling of entitlement
WHAT SHAPES ADAPTATION TO WATER STRESS IN THE OKANAGAN
59
Figure 7. Aspects of context, illustrated by these case studies, that should be considered when identifying appropriate adaptation strategies and planning for adaptation.
and suspicions of residential growth – seem reflective of the wider community in the
region (Cohen and Neale, 2003). It is reasonable to speculate that demand reduction
practises in the agricultural community, such as metering and price changes, will
become more necessary to ensure adequate supply for a growing population, as
well as under climatic change scenarios. How will the agricultural community react? Can local and provincial agents learn from SEKID to find ways of approaching
this problem with minimal opposition? Without significant financial incentives and
assurances that water saved will not simply be transferred to the towns and cities
in the Okanagan region, demand-side approaches might be met with significant
antagonism. As provincial agendas and intervention are likely to drive adaptation
to climate change, the challenge will be ensuring buy-in from local government and
users prior to implementation. Finally, what did SEKID and Kelowna do with the
“savings” from these adaptations? Kelowna will grow, and the savings from metering will support residential growth. SEKID re-graded land and sold additional water
rights. The buffering capacity to increased climate variability, especially droughts
and supply reductions, that was potentially gained through these adaptations was
immediately lost. It is not clear whether the political will or institutional capacity exists to limit population growth or reign-in expansion and intensification of
agriculture.
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PHILIPPA SHEPHERD ET AL.
This paper argues that context matters. The challenge for examining adaptation
in a futures context is to understand the complex cross-scale socio-economic, institutional, environmental and political landscape that influences adaptation now,
and will likely influence adaptation in the future. In essence, we argue that climate
change adaptation research needs to broaden the discussion from “how do we adapt
to climate change” to “how do we adapt” to multiple stressors. At the very least,
adaptation research needs to locate climate change into the context of these societal
developments through a more integrated approach. Figure 7 summarises important
insights related to context, illustrated by these case studies, that should be considered when identifying appropriate adaptation strategies and planning for adaptation
as regards water resource management. These aspects are by no means complete,
and need to be validated more thoroughly through further case study research.
Acknowledgments
This research was supported by the Center for Integrated Study of the Human Dimensions of Global Change, through a cooperative agreement between the National
Science Foundation (SBR-9521914) and Carnegie Mellon University and by the
Climate Change Action Fund, Federal Government of Canada.
Notes
1
http://www.agf.gov.bc.ca/stats/index.htm
Ministry of Environment estimate of the critical Hydraulic Creek drought sequence is two consecutive 1 in 10 runoff years preceded and followed by two consecutive years of mean runoff (Dayton
& Knight Ltd 1994)
3
Tensiometers are used to estimate soil moisture potential/tension. This information can be used
to schedule irrigation only when dictated by soil moisture conditions.
2
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(Received 25 May 2004; accepted in final form 20 July 2005)