Pacific Northwest State
The Intelligencer
Edition #1
AID TO EGYPT?
Resolved, the United States should cease economic and
military aid to Egypt in light of the current government's
method of obtaining power.
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Online Debate
Resolved, the United States should cease economic and
military aid to Egypt in light of the current government's
method of obtaining power.
Pro: Uma Ilavarasan
Con: Austin Weinstein
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Background
Former Egyptian president Mohammed Morsi was deposed in on July 3, 2013 by military
leader Abdel Fatteh El-Sisi. This has sparked a debate over how the United States should respond:
declaring his deposition a coup would require the U.S., by law, to cease its 1.3 billion dollars in aid
to that nation. Since July 3, Morsi supporters have faced untold violence (including a massacre at
Rabaa al-Adawiya mosque on July . Muslim Brotherhood offices have been closed and its leaders
arrested (Morsi was a political representative of this pan-Islamic organization). Egypt, under the
leadership of General El-Sisi and interim president Adly Mansour, seems to be returning to a
Mubarak-era crackdown on dissent. No plans have been made for new elections, leading many to
wonder if democracy’s previous gains in Egypt have come and gone. However, many diplomats
argue for the continuation of aid, as ceasing to provide funds would jeopardize America’s important
relationship with an ally. The United States needs all the partners it can get in this fractious,
splintering region. Should the United States cut off aid to Egypt, at least until a timeline for the
democratic process has been solidified? Is it worth putting our diplomatic friendship at risk?
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PRO: Uma Ilavarasan
The protests begin on June 30, the one-year anniversary of Mohammed Morsi’s inauguration
to the presidency, spurred by that leader’s authoritarianism and whispers of an Islamist agenda
running rampant Egypt’s fledgling democracy, a charge seemingly corroborated by Morsi’s Freedom
and Justice party membership (the FJP is the arm of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood that fields
candidates for office). The next day, the Egyptian military threatened to take over the government if
warring politicians (secularists, more extremist parties, and MB leaders themselves) could not
quickly craft a successful conclusion. The military made their loyalties to harmful paradigms, and
their distaste for the MB, painfully clear on July 2 with their slaughter of 18 people (exact figures are
not available) and injury of 200 protestors at a pro-Morsi rally. This tumultuous half-week culminated
in Morsi’s removal from office, the arrest of senior MB members, the suspension of the constitution,
and shadowy plans for a future presidential election. The interim government, currently in place, is
led by president Adly Mansour; no dates have yet been set for the aforementioned elections. The
actions taken by the Egyptian military (and originally backed by religious and secular leaders) define
a coup, despite the US government’s unwillingness to designate them as such. Members of the
state department, and Congress, know that defining the decisions of El-Sisi and his cronies as
dictatorial, and marking them as illegitimate, would necessitate ending the 1.5 billion dollars in aid
to Egypt the United States annually dispenses and threaten already tenuous relationships in the
region. The legal obligation to cease the provision of funds, is at least equalled, perhaps trumped,
by the United States’ moral obligations (obligations that are unfortunately predicated on a reality the
US seems unwilling to recognize): the interim government has stifled dissent, failed to respond to
the persecution of Coptic Christians, and further normalized sexual assault. Thus, the United States
should cease economic and military aid to Egypt in light of the current government’s method of
obtaining power.
Section 508 of the Foreign Assistance Act clearly states “none of the funds
appropriated...pursuant to this act shall be obligated or expended to finance directly any assistance
to any country whose duly elected head of government is deposed by military coup.” A coup
assuredly occurred: a democratically elected leader (Mohammed Morsi) was thrown out one year
into his term in favor of a bizarre semi-junta (events, of course, orchestrated by the elmilitary, though
with considerable civilian backing). It would seem obvious, then, that the US should stop funding
the Egyptian military (the greatest beneficiary of the previously mentioned 1.5 billion). However, the
“Take Care” Clause (Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution says that the President “shall take Care
that the Laws be faithfully executed”) has led some to believe that the situation in Egypt calls for a
suspension of this law (otherwise, again, the President and his government are legally bound to the
halting of fund dispensation). The “emergency circumstances” that would negate the Take Care
Clause are simply not present. This is not to say that the events unfolding in Egypt are not horrific,
problematic, and inflammatory, but that the United States is not a direct player in the conflict and is
not threatened by an Egyptian attack; the fact that modern-day Egypt can be characterized by
those three adjectives is an indicator that the US must stop condoning coup-behavior and follow its
own laws. Additionally, the US has failed to declare an obvious coup a coup, which is intensely
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problematic in and of itself. The selective nature of Section 508’s application renders it ineffective,
and counters its purpose. Not naming this beast a coup constitutes presidential negligence, and an
inability to fulfill the job partially outlined by the Take Care Clause.
Abdel Fattah El-Sisi is both an ineffective and troublesome ruler, emphasized by the current
lack of election plans, and the suppression of pro-MB voices through arrests and violence.
Immediately after the coup took place, the new regime seemed a positive development; gas lines
were shorter, electricity showed more constancy in presence. These initial gains, however, have
degenerated into losses exacerbated by the presence of an undemocratic government. El-Sisi and
his affiliates have imprisoned Morsi and fellow MB members that populate the upper echelons of
this political organization’s hierarchy, while bringing ex-president and dictator Hosni Mubarak out of
jail. The latter move signaled to many protestors, and to the international community, the lack of
reformist sentiment in the new government;. Demonstrations have splintered into bloodshed and
distrust, as members of the police force and military break up existent protests with weapons and
degradation. The Egyptian government’s ineffectual responses to the abuses of Coptic Christians
by Morsi supporters as part of a larger backlash, further speaking to the inefficiency and disregard
of the institution. During protests, large numbers of women were sexually assaulted as well, in a
climate of overwhelming impunity. El-Sisi’s government has offered no course of redress for these
females, preferring to follow the low standards of responsiveness to sexual crimes set by his
predecessors. These factors combine to demonstrate that El-Sisi is no improvement, no purveyor of
democracy to his people; his current actions seem to indicate a return to the same authoritarian,
oppressive tendencies of the past. The human rights abuses carried out under his watch, too, are a
call to action.
The United States must stop providing aid to Egypt because of that action’s illegality under
Section 508 of the Foreign Assistance Act and the flagrant human rights abuses apparent under ElSisi and Mansour’s direction.
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CON: Austin Weinstein
Egypt currently receives the 5th-most aid of any country to whom the United States sends
aid. This past year, the U.S. authorized a 1.55 billion dollar aid package to Egypt. 250 million of that
aid is economic in purpose, the rest of the aid is military. This aid is in the form of F-16s, Abrams
tanks, and other proprietary (that’s important later) military equipment1. A military coup (Yes I’ll call it
a coup) this summer replaced the democratically-elected President Mohammed Morsi with a
military leader, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. After a period of diplomatic uncertainty, The U.S. ended
portions of that economic (not military) aid in response to the raids (or crackdowns) that killed at
least 600 protesters that supported President Morsi. That begs a very important question. What was
the U.S. doing aiding Egypt in the first place? The story of U.S. aid towards Egypt begins in 1978. As a condition of the Egyptian-Israeli
peace accords (also known as the Camp David Accords), the U.S. supplies aid towards both Israel
and Egypt to ensure this peace2. The keystone of Israeli-Egyptian peace is this aid. This resolution
proposes to cut off all military aid towards Egypt. This would be an effective rejection of the Camp
David Accords, and an affront towards both Israel and Egypt. But let’s look at the aid in modern diplomatic terms rather than in the frame of reference of
1978. What happens if we cut the aid? • Egypt’s view: We’re seen as in opposition of the el-Sisi regime, and in favor of the Muslim
Brotherhood (regardless of whether or not this is true). We lose an important ally, and the guiding
force of the region. As the term goes, “So goes Egypt, so goes the Middle East” (a.k.a. why the
Camp David Accords was one of the biggest diplomatic achievements ever).
• Israel’s view: Israel is a big fan of el-Sisi because he has brought stability to Egypt and has began
wresting control over the volatile Sinai peninsula. We’re seen against Egyptian stability, against elSisi, and against a stable mid-east. We also lose ground with an ultra-important ally, who’s not so
keen on us after the Iranian nuclear deal.
• U.S. view: We gain….the favor of the human rights community for taking a stand against a military
leader. 1
Meyer, Theodoric. "F.A.Q. on U.S. Aid to Egypt: Where Does the Money Go, And How Is It Spent?" ProPublica. Pro
Publica Inc., 9 Oct. 2013. Web. 13 Dec. 2013. <http://www.propublica.org/blog/item/f.a.q.-on-u.s.-aid-to-egypt-wheredoes-the-money-go-who-decides-how-spent>.
2
Snowden, Edward. "US Embassy Cables: Egypt's Strategic Importance to the US.”theguardian.com. Guardian News
and Media, 28 Jan. 2011. Web. 15 Dec. 2013. <http://www.theguardian.com/world/us-embassy-cables-documents/
199866>
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Some argue that cutting off aid wouldn’t even matter, as Saudi Arabia has pledged to make
up the difference if the U.S. cuts aid3. That argument forgets that the U.S. aid is not in hard cash,
rather it is in proprietary military technology, a condition that greatly sweetened the deal when it first
began. In addition, we lose Egypt as an ally, and we’re seen as abandoning the region by Saudi
Arabia and an array of important gulf states.
When el-Sisi took power from the democratically-elected Mohammed Morsi, many people
sprung up saying that a. this was coup and b. according to the Foreign Assistance Act, the U.S.
must cut aid to the country. I don’t dispute that this was a military coup, it was, by definition, a
military coup. I also don’t dispute that according to the text of the law, we should cut aid to Egypt.
But, as we discovered this summer, the U.S. found a clever trick to circumvent this condition4. They
simply didn’t call it a coup. I support this action, not because it is the proper action, but because it
is the logical action. If what we have to do to maintain mid-east peace, and keep important allies is
circumvent some diplomatic language, I’m all for it. In fact, I have my own qualms with this “coup
clause”. It’s excessively idealistic (think of the million circumstances where an radical regime is
overtaken by a moderate rational one) and ignorant of the diplomatic realities and circumstances
that I mentioned.
el-Sisi isn’t perfect. He’s not even very good. Nor average. He kinda sucks. He’s been harsh
on dissenters and he hasn’t done much to improve the country. But he supports maintaining a
democratic Egypt--they just have to work out a solution that is best for a stable, prosperous,
democratic Egypt. President Mohammed Morsi led the country into economic stagnation, took
nearly dictatorial measures that he used to further an Islamist agenda that upon which he had
promised not to act, and was less of an ally to the U.S. than el-Sisi appears to be. The first Egyptian
experiment into democracy did not work. el-Sisi supports a new constitution that seems to rectify
the mistakes in the first (reminiscent of U.S. under the Articles of Confederation needing the
Constitution)5. Cutting U.S. aid would effectively denounce el-Sisi, cause untold problems politically
in Egypt, disrupt the Egyptian re-transition into democratic rule, and all of the diplomatic problems I
previously mentioned.
I argue that keeping the U.S. aid intact, maintaining a stable region, keeping crucial allies,
and placating important friends is more important than standing by an idealistic, impractical clause
that would make only the Human Rights Watch happy.
3
Sly, Liz. "Backing Egypt’s Generals, Saudi Arabia Promises Financial Support."Washington Post. Jeff Bezos' Moneypit, 19 Aug. 2013. Web. 15 Dec. 2013. <http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2013-08-19/world/
41424062_1_saudi-arabia-obama-administration-saudi-leaders>.
4
Landler, Mark. "Aid to Egypt Can Keep Flowing, Despite Overthrow, White House Decides." The New York Times. The
New York Times Company, 25 July 2013. Web. 15 Dec. 2013. <http://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/26/world/middleeast/
aid-to-egypt-can-keep-flowing-despite-overthrow-white-house-decides.html?_r=1&>.
5
Spencer, Richard. "Egypt Military to Retain Key Powers in New Constitution." The Telegraph. Telegraph Media Group, 23
May 0021. Web. 15 Dec. 2013. <http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/egypt/10465842/
Egypt-military-to-retain-key-powers-in-new-constitution.html>.
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Works Cited
Images:
http://media.web.britannica.com/eb-media/99/90099-050-0302422F.jpg
http://multimedia.pol.dk/archive/00772/Mideast_Egypt_New_L_772348a.jpg
http://cdn.theatlantic.com/static/infocus/egyptchange021011/e01_08967231.jpg
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Footnotes
Landler, Mark. "Aid to Egypt Can Keep Flowing, Despite Overthrow, White House Decides." The New York
Times. The New York Times Company, 25 July 2013. Web. 15 Dec. 2013. <http://www.nytimes.com/
2013/07/26/world/middleeast/aid-to-egypt-can-keep-flowing-despite-overthrow-white-house-
decides.html?_r=1&>.
Meyer, Theodoric. "F.A.Q. on U.S. Aid to Egypt: Where Does the Money Go, And How Is It Spent?" ProPublica. Pro Publica Inc., 9 Oct. 2013. Web. 13 Dec. 2013. <http://www.propublica.org/blog/item/
f.a.q.-on-u.s.-aid-to-egypt-where-does-the-money-go-who-decides-how-spent>.
Sly, Liz. "Backing Egypt’s Generals, Saudi Arabia Promises Financial Support."Washington Post. Jeff Bezos'
Moneypit, 19 Aug. 2013. Web. 15 Dec. 2013. <http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2013-08-19/world/
41424062_1_saudi-arabia-obama-administration-saudi-leaders>.
Snowden, Edward. "US Embassy Cables: Egypt's Strategic Importance to the US."Theguardian.com. Guardian News and Media, 28 Jan. 2011. Web. 15 Dec. 2013. <http://www.theguardian.com/world/
us-embassy-cables-documents/199866>.
Spencer, Richard. "Egypt Military to Retain Key Powers in New Constitution." The Telegraph. Telegraph Media Group, 23 May 0021. Web. 15 Dec. 2013. <http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/
africaandindianocean/egypt/10465842/Egypt-military-to-retain-key-powers-in-new-
constitution.html>.
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Credits
Written by Uma Ilavarasan (Background and Pro) and Austin Weinstein (Con)
Formatted and Compiled by Hari Mahesh
Posted on the Website by Julian Boss
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