The French Revolution and the National Convention: Background Guide
Greetings Delegates!
My name is Tyler Simeone and I will be your Crisis Director for the French Revolution
Crisis Committee at TUMUN. I am a sophomore here at Tufts studying International Relations
and French, with a particular interest in peace implementation and state building. I grew up in the
great (actually!) state of New Jersey and when I’m not in class or doing MUN, I work as a coleader of a refugee assistance program on campus and do mental health activism and advocacy.
Aside from that, I enjoy watching foreign films in bed, traveling, playing music in my room and
singing loudly and poorly when no one is around, and drinking more coffee than I probably
should.
My interest in International Relations and French stem primarily from the fact that I am a
huge French Revolution nerd, so I am very excited to lead you through the power struggles,
domestic violence, and guillotining that this committee is sure to offer. This committee will
surely prove challenging, as navigating the political sphere of a broken state is no small task, but
I expect that you as delegates will be able to do great things with your time here. The French
Revolution and the reorganizations and wars following it are some of the most pivotal events in
human political history, and I can’t wait to give you the chance to shape France—and the
world—as you see fit. Just make sure to keep your head.
Best,
Tyler Simeone
1
About the Committee
The French Revolution Crisis
Committee is a historical committee that
will center around the events following the
establishment of the First French Republic.
The committee will begin on September 20,
1792 with the founding of the National
Convention following the ousting of King
Louis XVI amid revolutionary violence,
widespread hunger, and threats from abroad.
Delegates will represent ministers, deputies,
and other characters involved with the
National Convention, split generally into
two rival political parties: the Girondins and
the Montagnards.
The goal of this committee will be to
determine the character and values of the
new French Republic following the fall of
the monarchy while grappling with growing
internal and external threats to the
revolution, partisan political tensions, and
power-hungry government officials.
Delegates will be tasked with enacting
legislation to shape their nascent country
while combatting these threats, determining
the structure of the political system, the role
of religion, the relationship the France has
with other states, and the ultimate fate of
King Louis XVI.
Of course, every delegate will have
their own agenda, and this period of French
history is known to be one of the bloodiest,
culminating in the Reign of Terror from
1793 to 1794 and the execution of thousands
of political “enemies” to ensure the
consolidation of power in the hands of
certain government officials. Each delegate
will have portfolio powers with which they
can combat enemies of their cause and
ensure their rise to the top, but those will be
revealed to each delegate prior to the
conference. The committee will operate
under standard parliamentary procedure, but
it will be up to the delegates how they want
to use their time, their voices, and their
portfolio powers to advance their nation’s—
and their own—interests.
Background
This committee will revolve around
the National Convention, the central
legislative and governing body of the First
French Republic in 1792.
The Ancien Régime
The Ancien Régime was the
predominant political and social system that
governed France from the 15th century to the
Revolution in 1789.1 An order developed
with the goal of centralization after the
medieval feudal system, the Ancien Régime
concentrated power in the hands of the
monarch while dividing the country into
estates or provinces with their own limited
governing power.
Though the monarch had absolute
power by divine right, he was advised by a
team of councilors from the nobility,
including ministers and state secretaries.
This royal court was moved in 1682 by
Louis XIV (r. 1643-1715) to a lavish palace
in Versailles, a village outside of Paris,
allowing the king to sequester his advisors
and limit their influence while also
distancing himself from the goings-on of the
city. This palace would become one of the
symbols of the decadence and the
indifference of the monarchy to the plight of
the common people.
The monarch engrained his rule in
Church doctrine by asserting his claim to the
throne by decree of God himself, tying the
French crown to the Catholic Church and
giving the clergy substantial political and
social influence.
1
“Ancien Régime.” Wikipedia. September 24, 2016.
Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ancien_R%C3%A9gim
e.
2
These two social classes—the
nobility and the clergy—constituted two of
the three estates of the realm, with the third
comprising the rest of the subjects of the
French king. The First Estate (the clergy),
the Second Estate (the nobility), and the
Third Estate (the commoners) were
organized in a rigid social hierarchy with
enormous discrepancies in population,
wealth, and power; while the First and
Second Estates comprised only 0.5% and
1.5% of the population respectively, the
relatively powerless Third Estate comprised
the other 98% of French subjects.2 The
Third Estate was relied on for all the labor,
paid disproportionately high taxes, and were
hardest hit by food shortages. Social
mobility was nearly impossible and the
members of the Third Estate had virtually no
influence over royal policy.
The three estates convened as a
citizen assembly called the Estates-General
when called by the king, and would do so in
1789 to tackle the financial problems facing
the country that would eventually lead to the
Revolution.
Causes of the French Revolution
The outbreak of the French
Revolution in 1789 can be attributed to three
factors: economic instability, royal
decadence and indifference, and
Enlightenment ideas.3
The French state in 1789 was deep in
debt to the tune of 1.3 billion livres--$13
billion today4—for a few reasons. One was
the indulgence of the monarchy and the
2
“Estates of the realm.” Wikipedia. November 22,
2016. Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Estates_of_the_realm.
3
“Causes of the French Revolution.” Wikipedia.
December 1, 2016. Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Causes_of_the_French_
Revolution.
4
Schiff, Stacy. Benjamin Franklin and the Birth of
America: Franklin's French Adventure 1776-85.
London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2006.
court, especially under the reign of Louis
XIV, with spending funneled toward the
construction of the magnificent palace at
Versailles and the lavish lifestyles the
courtiers lived there. This would later serve
as a symbol of the irresponsibility of the
ruling class and the enormous discrepancies
between estates. Other sources of France’s
debt include costly participation (and loss)
in the Seven Years’ War against England
and the support of American revolutionaries
in their war for independence. The
bankruptcy of the state would necessitate a
dramatic increase in taxes, the burden of
which fell most heavily on the economically
vulnerable and politically weak Third
Estate.5 The benefits of these taxes were
rarely seen by the Third Estate and were
used mostly to fund the luxurious court
lifestyle at Versailles and, while the
courtiers indulged, the commoners were
struck by an agrarian crisis caused by
deregulation in the grain market and a
particularly meager grain harvest. The
subsequent skyrocketing of bread prices
caused widespread hunger exacerbated by
very high taxes, with many believing that
the bread shortage was a government plot to
starve the poor.
The state debt that translated into
outrageous taxes and widespread famine,
however, did little to impact the First and
Second Estates, and the physical and social
distance between the people and the
monarchy at Versailles did not help. King
Luis XVI, his wife Marie Antoinette, and
the nobility in the court would become
symbols of the decadence and
irresponsibility of monarchy itself,
demonstrating the vast rift between social
classes and the continued luxury of court life
amid national food insecurity. The
centralization of the government at
Versailles would also prevent local solutions
to the food crisis from being implemented,
5
“Causes of the French Revolution.”
3
and provincial parlements would become
strong opponents to the regime and to the
absolute power central to monarchical
doctrine.
Support for action against the state in
response to these political and economic
tensions would be garnered by the spread of
Enlightenment ideas of equality and
democracy.6 The works of thinkers like
Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Voltaire would
popularize the political philosophies of
republicanism, popular sovereignty, and
liberty of the individual, and these ideas
spread rapidly amongst French intellectuals.
The American Revolution just a decade
earlier would see these precepts put into
practice, which only further encouraged
opponents of the monarchy to act to
replicate the American success at home. The
ideas of the Enlightenment were reflected in
a popular motto during the Revolution that
would become the national motto of the
French Republic: liberté, égalité, fraternité
(“liberty, equality, fraternity”).
The Estates-General of 1789
In response to the national debt and
growing famine in the Third Estate, King
Louis XVI called the Estates-General to
meeting in 1789, the first time since 1614.7
The goal of the committee was to discuss
solutions to the debt crisis, but it would first
have to decide how to vote: by estate, giving
the First and Second Estates the advantage,
or all together, giving the much larger Third
Estate the advantage. The nobility and the
clergy demanded a vote by estate and were
supported in this position by the king, who
barred the Third Estate from proceedings.
The outraged Third Estate delegates,
knowing they would have no power over
6
“Causes of the French Revolution.”
7
Marcuse, Harold. “The French Revolution: Phases
and Dates.” Western Civilization, 1715-Present,
University of California, Santa Barbara. Accessed
November 29, 2016.
state policy under the heel of the First and
Second Estates, moved their discussion to a
nearby tennis court and swore the Tennis
Court Oath, declaring themselves the
National Assembly and vowing not to
separate until a new constitution was
established.8 The Tennis Court Oath would
mark the first act of organization against the
king and the nobility, serving as a
foundation for future assemblies of the
common people against the monarchy and
establishing legitimacy for the Third
Estate’s cause.
Later that year, a physician named
Joseph-Ignace Guillotin suggested to the
National Assembly a humane form of capital
punishment by swift decapitation. In line
with the Enlightenment idea of universal
equality of men, this device, which became
known as the guillotine, would execute
quickly, painlessly, and identically for all
people.9 The guillotine would become a
symbol of the revolutionary totalitarianism,
earning the nickname of the “Rasoir
National” (“National Razor”).
Outbreak of the Revolution
On July 14, 1789, encouraged by the
establishment of the National Assembly and
growing opposition to the monarchy and the
nobility, a mob stormed a Parisian prison
called La Bastille. Though the prison only
held seven prisoners, it stood as a symbol of
royal authority and abuses of the common
urban people of Paris, and its capture and
eventual destruction was the first violent act
of revolution against the monarchy. Upon
hearing of the Storming of the Bastille,
Louis XVI is reported to have asked a duke
8
Doyle, William. The Oxford History of the French
Revolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.
9
“Guillotine.” Wikipedia. November 26, 2016.
Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guillotine.
4
at Versailles, “Is it a revolt?”. “No, sire,” he
responded, “it is a revolution.”10
In August, the National Assembly
officially drafted its pivotal Declaration of
the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, a
declaration that affirmed the universal
natural rights of all men, in accordance with
Enlightenment ideas of liberty and equality.
The Declaration of the Rights of Man was
not a perfect document—its principles
applied only to citizens, which did not
include women or slaves—but it is an
essential piece of historical literature that
directly attacks the divine right and absolute
power of the monarchy, espousing values of
popular sovereignty and natural rights.
Rights were now decreed to come not from
God or from the monarch, but from human
nature itself, protected by the people and
exercised through liberal democracy.
Though not represented in the
Declaration of the Rights of Man, the role of
women in the outbreak of the Revolution
cannot be understated, with the Women’s
March on Versailles in October 1789
serving as one of the most significant
instances of early revolutionary action.
Outraged by high bread prices and
widespread hunger, the market women of
Paris stormed the palace at Versailles,
demanding political and economic reform
and succeeding in bringing the king and his
court back to Paris with them. The Women’s
March effectively breached the gap between
the king’s court and the common people,
forcing the king to recognize the dire state of
the country, pulling him and his courtiers
from their safe and luxurious lives at
Versailles and demonstrating the newfound
power of the lower classes over state affairs.
Following the seizure of the king and
the spread of revolutionary violence, the
other monarchies of Europe began to fear
10
Chaussinand-Nogaret, Guy. La Bastille est prise:
la Révolution française commence. Brussels: Éditions
Complexe, 1988.
the delegitimization of absolutism and the
disruption of balance of power on the
continent. Issuing the Declaration of
Pillnitz11 with Prussia, the Austrian crown
gave a warning to French revolutionaries
that serious consequences would befall them
should Louis XVI be put in danger.
The king, now held captive by
revolutionaries in the center of Paris, would
eventually attempt to escape in 1791 but
would be captured in Varennes near the
present-day Belgian border.12 The royal
flight eradicated whatever trust in the
monarchy the revolutionaries had left and, in
September of 1791, the National Assembly
drafted a constitution and held elections,
changing its name to the National
Convention.13 By September of 1792, the
monarchy was officially abolished and the
French First Republic was established.
The National Convention
In the first three years of the
republic, the National Convention served as
the unicameral legislative and executive
body of the nascent state, the first in France
to be elected by universal male suffrage.
Consisting of 749 deputies and six ministers
from all social classes, the National
Convention convened at the Tuileries Palace
in Paris for the first time on September 20,
1792,14 which will serve as the start date for
this committee. Deputies held a range of
political beliefs, but the primary political
parties they represented were the radical left
Montagne (“The Mountain”), the
comparatively right-wing Gironde, and, to a
lesser extent, the centrist Marais (“The
11
Marcuse. “The French Revolution: Phases and
Dates.”
12
Marcuse. “The French Revolution: Phases and
Dates.”
13
“National Convention.” Wikipedia. December 1,
2016. Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Convention.
14
“National Convention.”
5
Marsh”).15 The Convention’s deputies sat
per position on the political spectrum, giving
rise to the terms left- and right-wing.
The Montagnards represented the
most radical leftist constituency in the
Convention, often coming into conflict with
the Girondins over their differing visions of
the future of the republic, the fate of the
monarchy, and the importance of the
Revolution.16 Committed to radicalism, most
Montagnards supported the total abolition of
the monarchy and royal institutions, the deChristianization of France, and a hardline
response to threats to the Revolution.
The primary opposition to the
Montagnards were the Girondins, a centerleft faction that, while republican and
liberal, was “right-wing” in comparison to
the radical Montagnards. In 1792, the
Girondins controlled most ministerial
positions, thus the first phase of the
Convention’s history is often referred to as
the Girondin Convention.17 Though
supportive of the abolition of the monarchy,
the Girondins were less enthusiastic about
the uncontrollable progression of the
Revolution and the cultural and political
upheaval advocated by their rivals,
promoting instead an aggressive foreign
policy and a free market system.
A third faction also existed in the
Convention, known as the Maraisards.
Political centrists, the Maraisards held little
influence over the Convention themselves
due to the power of the Montagnards and the
Girondins and they were often criticized for
their perceived lack of committal to any
certain ideology. Depending on the issue,
15
Patrick, Alison. "Political Divisions in the French
National Convention, 1792-93." The Journal of
Modern History 41, no. 4 (December 1969): 421-74.
Accessed November 30, 2016.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/1878003?seq=1#page_sc
an_tab_contents.
16
Patrick. "Political Divisions in the French National
Convention, 1792-93."
17
“National Convention.”
individual Maraisards would side with either
the Girondins or the Montagnards.18
The intense political rivalry of the
National Convention’s factions would make
it an often-chaotic body. The three years of
the Convention were plagued by high
tensions, accusations of treason, and
executions, eventually culminating in the
Reign of Terror and the execution of
political opponents to the Revolution by
guillotine. The Convention’s polarization
was an essential part of its history,
eventually leading the Revolution to ruin,
but whether this strife is replicated in
committee is up to the delegates to decide.
The Committee’s Task
The monarchy has been overthrown
and the French First Republic born of its
ashes. The issue now stands of molding that
Republic into a functioning state, safe from
threats internal and external and operating
under a legitimate and favorable code of
law. The goal of the National Convention
will be to do just that: identify the policies
and values of the state, quell revolutionary
violence, deal with threats from Europe’s
other powers, and resolve the crippling debt
crisis. Delegates will represent various
ministers and deputies within the
Convention, each with their own solutions
and visions of the nature of their newborn
state. The committee must decide how to
handle its financial crisis and draft
legislation codifying the principles with
which they fought the monarchy, all while
maintaining the Republic’s relationships
with its neighbors, namely Austria, Prussia,
Great Britain, and Spain.
Though the king has been removed
from power, the Revolution marches on, and
the members of the Convention must decide
18
Patrick. "Political Divisions in the French National
Convention, 1792-93."
6
how to put their revolutionary ideas into
practice. Not everyone is a supporter of the
Revolution, however, and existing royalist
factions and political moderates may seek to
slow or derail the progression of radicalism.
The Convention must decide where to stand
ideologically and, should it face opposition,
what to do with its enemies.
Each minister and deputy of the
Convention is not simply a pawn of the
Revolution and they will all have their own
personal beliefs and goals which they wish
to attain. The French state is a fragile and
malleable one, vulnerable to the scheming
and influence of self-interested government
officials. Each member of the Convention
must use their portfolio powers—some of
them secret—to achieve their ends, molding
France to match their vision and maybe
enriching their own position along the way.
Discussion Questions
The Debt Crisis
One of the central causes of the
Revolution was the crushing government
debt and the subsequent tax hikes that fueled
resentment of the monarchy and exacerbated
the effects of the grain shortage, especially
within the Third Estate.19 This debt was not
erased by the transfer of power, and the
National Convention must wrestle with
continued economic distress and hunger
before the population becomes too restless
again. This may involve changes in the tax
policy, the grain market, or government
spending and will take a concerted effort by
the Convention and the Ministry of Finance.
Whatever action the Convention decides to
take, this issue is time-sensitive; people in
France are getting hungrier by the day and
have already demonstrated their willingness
to fight the government for their fill.
19
“Causes of the French Revolution.”
Revolutionary Violence
The monarchy may be deposed, but
the violence of the Revolution continues.
Just weeks before the founding of the
Republic, mobs in Paris, under the urging of
Jean-Paul Marat, murdered more than 1,000
prisoners for fears that they would rise in
royalist rebellion. Similar violent acts have
been perpetrated by militant lower-class
sans-culottes (those “without breeches”),
urban workers with the strong support of
more radical Montagnards. Attacks on
anyone perceived inefficiently revolutionary
have spiked in Paris, and the Convention
may want to find a way to quell such
violence lest it grow out of control. Outside
of Paris, royalist factions are taking up arms
against the Revolution itself, especially in
the Vendée region on the Atlantic coast.20
Will the members of the Convention attempt
to fight back against these violent groups?
Or might they use their radicalism to their
advantage?
The Fate of Louis XVI
The National Convention must now
also decide what to do with its most famous
and reviled prisoner: King Louis XVI. After
capturing him and his wife Queen Marie
Antoinette in Varennes, his fate has become
a topic of intense debate among the
members of the Convention. Some, like
Brissot, oppose his execution because he can
be used as a bargaining chip with violent
royalist counter-revolutionaries in the
Vendée and elsewhere.21 Other opponents to
execution fear that the king’s death would
only feed into the royalist cause and anger
the other more powerful monarchies of
Europe. However, those who support his
20
“War in the Vendée.” Wikipedia. December 14,
2016. Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_in_the_Vend%C3
%A9e.
21
“Jacques Pierre Brissot.” Wikipedia. November 16,
2016. Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacques_Pierre_Brissot.
7
execution see the king as a symbol of all the
evils of the monarchy and believe that the
only way to legitimize their Republic is to
sever—quite literally—all ties to the former
regime. Ultimately, the fate of the king and
queen will be up to the Convention and the
justice system.
War with Austria
The Declaration of Pillnitz was a
strong warning to the new Revolutionary
government that Europe’s monarchies would
have a heavy hand in curbing the tide of
liberalism. This warning was backed with
threats of a precautionary war which would
surely be costly to the young Republic.
However, many members of the
Convention—mostly Girondins—actively
petitioned for war with Austria, believing
that a victory could garner legitimacy for the
Republic, improve domestic morale, provide
supplies through pillaging, and possibly
open doors for territory gains in the Austrian
Netherlands (modern-day Belgium) and the
liberation of oppressed Belgians. Most
Montagnards opposed war, fearing that the
Republic did not yet have the means to
combat Europe’s greatest powers and
wishing instead to focus on internal threats.
While Prussia, most Italian states, and Great
Britain all support Austria in their
condemnation of the Revolution, the
Convention may be able to find some
sympathizers in Spain and with Belgian
separatists.
Role of the Church
Under the Ancien Régime, the
Catholic Church held considerable influence
over political and social life in France.22 The
monarchy received its legitimacy from the
Church through the doctrine of divine right
and thus the clergy, representing the First
22
Estate, sat even above the nobles in the
social hierarchy. This clergy was often seen
as intolerant and corrupt; Protestants were
not protected under the law while the clergy
was exempt from the harsh state taxation. To
many Montagnards and their supporters, the
Church now represents the absolute power
of the monarchy, contradicting
Enlightenment rationalism and humanist
individualism. Many French citizens,
however, are still devout Catholics. It will
be up to the Convention to decide what role
the Church will play in its new society; will
it be necessary to shatter the relationship
between Church and state, or will religion
find a place in the Republic?
Further Reading/Research
Relevant Wikipedia Articles
o https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nationa
l_Convention
o https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_of
_the_First_Coalition
o https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Girondi
ns
o https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_M
ountain
o https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sansculottes
o https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reign_
of_Terror
Other Sources
o The French Revolution: Crash
Course World History #29 –
YouTube
o BBC Documentary 2015: The
French Revolution - History
Channel, YouTube
Ministers and Deputies of the
National Convention
“Ancien Régime.”
8
The following characters are
ministers and deputies in the National
Convention as of September 1792.23 The
delegates will each be assigned one of these
characters and will use their debate skills
and portfolio powers to advance their
interests in accordance with their belief
systems and relationships with other
committee members.
Jean-Marie Roland, vicomte de la Platière –
Minister of the Interior (Girondin)
Roland is the current Minister of the
Interior, leader of the Girondin faction, and
one half of a husband-and-wife political
activist duo. Originally a manufacturer,
Roland, along with his wife Madame Marie
Roland, became involved in politics in the
first year of the Revolution, entertaining
future Girondins in intellectual salons and
writing articles in the Parisian press.24
Appointed Minister of the Interior in 1792,
Roland is a central opponent to Robespierre
and a champion of provincial governments,
attacking centralization in Paris and
demanding a popular vote for the fate of
King Louis XVI.
In his capacity as Minister of the
Interior, Roland oversees national security
and law enforcement, relationships between
the federal and provincial governments, and
immigration. His sympathies for provincial
politicians and lawmakers have earned him
several friends in local governments, many
of which have come to resent Paris’ grip on
the country at large. Though considered a
shrewd if not brusque and bourgeois
23
“Ministers of the French National Convention.”
Wikipedia. October 19, 2016. Accessed November
30, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ministers_of_the_Frenc
h_National_Convention.
24
“Jean-Marie Roland, vicomte de la Platière.”
Wikipedia. October 7, 2016. Accessed November 29,
2016. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/JeanMarie_Roland%2C_vicomte_de_la_Plati%C3%A8re.
politician, Roland has come under attack for
the perceived influence of his wife Madame
Roland over his policy positions.
Charles François Dumouriez – Minister of
War (Girondin)
A career soldier and renowned
general, Dumouriez is the current Minister
of War. Though his roots are primarily in
the military—Dumouriez served in the
Seven Years’ War with distinction—his
political career began at the outset of the
Revolution when he was named military
advisor and eventual Minister of War. He
later served as a military envoy of the new
Republic to Belgium, the independence of
which from Austria and Spain he would
champion his whole life.25 He is a member
of the Girondin party not for ideology, but
for convenience; Dumouriez needed support
from the Convention for his cause and the
Girondins needed a general to establish
legitimacy.
As Minister of War, Dumouriez
oversees the use and supervision of the
French Armed Forces. Respected by his
allies and considered old-fashioned by his
enemies, Dumouriez’s long military history
makes him an expert in war strategy, an
expertise which he is eager to show off.
Aside from his staunch commitment to
Belgian independence, Dumouriez’s
revolutionary streak does not carry very far
in France, demonstrated by his opposition to
the king’s execution and suspicions of the
Convection’s more radical actors.
Étienne Clavière – Minister of Finance
(Girondin)
A Swiss financier, Clavière now
serves as Minister of Finance. His political
history is rife with revisionist tendencies; he
25
“Charles François Dumouriez.” Wikipedia. July
30, 2016. Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_Fran%C3%A7
ois_Dumouriez.
9
was an important democratic leader in the
Geneva Republic but was forced to escape
to England after intervention of bourgeois
elites.26 There, he attempted to establish a
New Geneva with his new friend Jean-Paul
Marat, but would leave again for France as
the Revolution began to foment. In France,
he became a leader in the abolitionist
movement, publishing anti-slavery literature
and issuing addresses to the National
Assembly. Though revolutionary, Clavière
is not a radical and allies himself with the
Girondin party, advocating both a stay of the
king’s execution for bargaining purposes
and war with Austria. It is unclear whether
his new political alliances have affected his
relationship with Marat.
As Minister of Finance, Clavière is
responsible for approving the use of national
funds, taxation laws, and the federal budget.
His position gives him great power over the
finances of the Republic; he acts as the face
of the state of the economy and is tasked
with resolving France’s debt crisis as well as
any other financial issues that may arise.
Pierre Henri Hélène Marie Lebrun-Tondu –
Minister of Foreign Affairs (Girondin)
Lebrun-Tondu is the current Minister
of Foreign Affairs. An apparent synthesis of
the causes of his friends—the revisionist
Clavière and the pro-Belgian Dumouriez—
Lebrun-Tondu played an active role in the
revolution in Liège, Belgium in 1789.27
After it failed, he moved to France and
became active in revolutionary politics
26
“Étienne Clavière.” Wikipedia. September 6, 2016.
Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%89tienne_Clavi
%C3%A8re.
27
“Pierre Henri Hélène Marie Lebrun-Tondu.”
Wikipedia. April 29, 2016. Accessed November 29,
2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pierre_Henri_H%C3%
A9l%C3%A8ne_Marie_Lebrun-Tondu.
there, eventually being appointed Minister
of Foreign Affairs for his knowledge of
European great power politics. His exile did
not end his committal to Liège, however,
and he still maintains contacts amongst the
revolutionary actors there. An advocate of
peaceful relations with Prussia and war with
Austria, Lebrun-Tondu’s vision of the
Republic includes an annexed Netherlands
and Belgium. Additionally, he supports the
execution of King Louis XVI.
In his position as Minister of Foreign
Affairs, Lebrun-Tondu is the first contact
point between the French Republic and the
rest of Europe’s powers. He is responsible
for the negotiation of treaties and the
maintenance of relations abroad and will be
called upon for his skill in diplomacy. His
comradery with key Girondins like
Dumouriez, Clavière, and Brissot has made
him a target of Montagnard suspicions,
while Robespierre seems to harbor a
personal grudge against him for unknown
reasons.
Georges Jacques Danton – Minister of
Justice (Montagnard)
A well-respected—if not feared—
lawyer, Danton serves as the current
Minister of Justice. His stature is striking,
his voice booming, and his demeanor less
than agreeable, making him one of the more
imposing members of the Convention. The
only minister representing the Montagnards,
Danton works closely with Marat and
Robespierre not for friendship but for
practicality; though he finds Robespierre
distasteful, they have the same objectives,
and Danton serves often as a moderating
force in his party.28 He is accused of having
had part in orchestrating the September
Massacres, but there is no strong evidence to
substantiate this claim. Despite his support
28
“Georges Danton.” Wikipedia. December 5, 2016.
Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georges_Danton.
10
of Parisian centralization, the king’s
execution, and the avoidance of war with
Austria, Danton is known to be lenient with
enemies of the Revolution.
As Minister of Justice, Danton is
responsible for the administration of the
court system, the supervision of public trials,
and legislation regarding criminal law. His
influence over the courts his strong; whether
commoner, minister, or the king himself,
anyone tried by the Republic will face
Danton and though his word is not final, it is
powerful. As a minister, he is also known to
be susceptible to bribes and nepotism.
Jacques-Pierre Brissot – Deputy (Girondin)
Brissot serves as a deputy of the
Convention and a loyal member of the
Girondin party. His political past as a writer
has earned him both praise and
condemnation; he wrote pamphlets
advocating the overthrow of the monarchy
and the abolition of slavery, but spent a
short time in the Bastille for publishing a
pornographic pamphlet about Queen Marie
Antoinette.29 Thereafter, Brissot has always
been regarded with suspicion by his
enemies, who accuse him of spying and
counter-revolutionary activity.
A faithful Girondin, Brissot supports
the war with Austria and argues against the
king’s execution, fearing a royalist revolt
and hoping to use him to bargain with
royalist factions. Eager but indecisive, the
once staunchly radical Brissot fears the
uncontrollable progression of the Revolution
and has even argued to reinstate a
constitutional monarchy to quell political
violence.
Maximilien Robespierre – Deputy
(Montagnard)
One of the most infamous figures of
the Revolution, Robespierre serves as a
deputy of the Convention and as the leader
29
“Jacques Pierre Brissot.”
of the Montagnard party. Influenced by the
philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau,
Robespierre went into politics as a champion
of democracy and of the rights of the poor,
earning him great influence over Parisian
sans-culottes.30 He eventually became
embroiled in revolutionary politics through
his association with the Montagnards, who
would come to look to him as a leader. A
skilled orator and resolute politician,
Robespierre earned the moniker “the
Incorruptible”, but his fierce opposition to
counter-revolutionary elements earned him a
reputation for extreme suspicion and
brutality.
Like most Montagnards, Robespierre
argues for the execution of the king, opposes
war with Austria, and advocates the
abolition of slavery. However, his position
on the fate of the Church differs from that of
some of his contemporaries; a spiritual but
not necessarily religious man, he seeks to
establish a less corrupt state religion with
foundations in Enlightenment rationality.
His hostility toward political enemies is well
known, and he has expressed ruthlessness in
dealing with them.
Bertrand Barère – Deputy (Montagnard)
Bertrand Barère is a deputy of the
Convention and a member of the
Montagnard party. He is one of the most
respected and active members of the
Convention and became involved in
revolutionary politics after the royal flight to
Varennes. A former representative of the
Third Estate at the Estates-General, Barère
is a fierce nationalist and advocate of the
revolutionary cause, championing freedom
of speech and press and encouraging the
Republic’s citizens to be active in politics
30
“Maximilien Robespierre.” Wikipedia. December
15, 2016. Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maximilien_Robespierr
e.
11
and education. His relationship with
Robespierre is strained and he is known to
have attacked Robespierre personally on
several occasions.31 However, he continues
to be an advocate of Montagnard policy and
supports the suppression of antirevolutionary elements.
He is a fierce supporter of the
execution of the king, stating once, “the tree
of liberty grows only when watered by the
blood of tyrants.” He hopes to play an active
role in the king’s trial. In addition to his
commitment to patriotism, Barère believes
in universal education and civil participation
of the whole citizenry, asserting that an
active and engaged populace can only enrich
the fatherland.
Louis-Antoine de Saint-Just – Deputy
(Montagnard)
Saint-Just is a deputy of the
Convention and close ally to Robespierre
and the most radical Montagnards. Aged just
24, Saint-Just is the youngest member of the
Convention and perhaps the fiercest, known
for his extreme discipline and menacing
tactics of political intimidation.32 Lauded but
feared as a lieutenant-general in the National
Guard, his reputation carried him to the
Convention, which he shocked with a
speech demanding the king be tried (and
punished) not as a citizen, but as a traitor.
An advocate of the principles of liberal
democracy, Saint-Just also champions a
Greek model of simple majority by
nationwide vote, rejecting more complex
systems of election law.
Like Robespierre, Saint-Just is a
fierce supporter of merciless action toward
31
“Bertrand Barère.” Wikipedia. December 1, 2016.
Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bertrand_Bar%C3%A8
re.
32
“Louis Antoine de Saint-Just.” Wikipedia.
December 11, 2016. Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis_Antoine_de_Sain
t-Just.
enemies of the Revolution. The public face
of ruthlessness, Saint-Just has earned the
nickname “the Angel of Death” for his
frequent calls for the use of capital
punishment for minor offenses against the
Republic. His radicalism has made him quite
critical—even suspicious—of more
moderate members of the Convention, and
he has made clear his desires to have
political enemies arrested and tried for
treason.
Jacques Nicolas Billaud-Varenne – Deputy
(Montagnard)
Billaud-Varenne serves as a deputy
of the Convention. One of the most extreme
anti-royalists in the Convention, BillaudVarenne is a close ally of Robespierre and a
champion for some of the legislature’s most
radical proposals. He worked as a key figure
in the establishment of the Republic,
advocating the abolition of monarchy and
the summary execution of the king. He has
put forward several stirring proposals to the
Convention, including a plan to deport all
foreigners, tax the rich heavily, monitor
former nobles, and issue the death penalty to
failed generals.33 He also calls for
substantial social reform, proposing a
French Revolutionary Calendar and
advocating the purge of all royalist and
religious elements from state social life.
His extreme radicalism and close
allegiance to the Montagnards has caused
him to condemn the Girondins on multiple
occasions. However, he is not a rigid
ideologue and has been known to turn on
allies and enemies alike to secure his selfinterest.
Abbé Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès – Clergyman
and Deputy (Maraisard)
33
“Jacques Nicolas Billaud-Varenne.” Wikipedia.
November 17, 2016. Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacques_Nicolas_Billau
d-Varenne.
12
Sieyès is a deputy of the Convention
and Roman Catholic abbé (abbot). Both a
faithful clergyman and prolific activist,
Sieyès was one of the first defenders of the
Third Estate on the public stage, known
foremost for his pamphlet What is the Third
Estate? that motivated the establishment of
the National Assembly.34 He later worked to
draft the Declaration of the Rights of Man,
championing ideas of national sovereignty
and advocating a bourgeois revolution. As a
member of the clergy, he naturally opposes
the confiscation of Church lands and the
intense persecution of clergy supported by
some Montagnards.
As a Maraisard, Sieyès’ allegiance
with members of the Convention differs
across the issues. Though a supporter of the
execution of the king, he does not carry the
same radical fervor of the Montagnards and
fears the brutality of Saint-Just and BillaudVarenne. He also signed with the Girondins
in the writing of the first constitution.
Ultimately, his most treasured cause is the
plight of the Third Estate and the assurance
of equal rights among all men under the law;
his second is self-preservation.
Jean-Paul Marat – Journalist and Deputy
(Montagnard)
A deputy of the Convention, Marat is
more widely known as a popular journalist
and ally of the Montagnards. Famous for his
inflammatory and extreme-left positions,
Marat has been able to influence public
opinion through his broadly-read newspaper
L’Ami du peuple (“Friend of the People”).35
Defending the rights of the poor and
advocating the immediate overthrow of the
34
“Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès.” Wikipedia. November
9, 2016. Accessed November 29. 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emmanuel_Joseph_Sie
y%C3%A8s.
35
“Jean-Paul Marat.” December 5, 2016. Accessed
November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean-Paul_Marat.
monarchy, Marat has earned the support of
Parisian sans-culottes and radical members
of the Convention like Robespierre. He
eventually became the public voice of the
Revolution, calling for the executions of
counter-revolutionaries and loudly
condemning Girondins for their moderate
stances. A firebrand and puppet-master of
public opinion, Marat uses his newspaper as
a vehicle for spreading revolutionary
propaganda and turning the sentiments of
the people against his enemies.
Despite his fierce and imposing
public image, Marat has been described as
hideous and deformed in face and suffers
from a debilitating skin disease for which he
takes regular medicated baths at home.
Bibliography
“Ancien Régime.” Wikipedia. September
24, 2016. Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ancien
_R%C3%A9gime.
“Bertrand Barère.” Wikipedia. December 1,
2016. Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bertran
d_Bar%C3%A8re.
“Causes of the French Revolution.”
Wikipedia. December 1, 2016. Accessed
November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Causes
_of_the_French_Revolution.
“Charles François Dumouriez.” Wikipedia.
July 30, 2016. Accessed November 29,
2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles
_Fran%C3%A7ois_Dumouriez.
Chaussinand-Nogaret, Guy. La Bastille est
prise: la Révolution française commence.
Brussels: Éditions Complexe, 1988.
13
Doyle, William. The Oxford History of the
French Revolution. Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2002.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/JeanMarie_Roland%2C_vicomte_de_la_Plati%C
3%A8re.
“Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès.” Wikipedia.
November 9, 2016. Accessed November 29.
2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emman
uel_Joseph_Siey%C3%A8s.
“Jean-Paul Marat.” December 5, 2016.
Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/JeanPaul_Marat.
“Estates of the realm.” Wikipedia.
November 22, 2016. Accessed November
29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Estates
_of_the_realm.
“Étienne Clavière.” Wikipedia. September
6, 2016. Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%
89tienne_Clavi%C3%A8re.
“Georges Danton.” Wikipedia. December 5,
2016. Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George
s_Danton.
“Guillotine.” Wikipedia. November 26,
2016. Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guilloti
ne.
“Jacques Pierre Brissot.” Wikipedia.
November 16, 2016. Accessed November
29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacques
_Pierre_Brissot.
“Jacques Nicolas Billaud-Varenne.”
Wikipedia. November 17, 2016. Accessed
November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacques
_Nicolas_Billaud-Varenne.
“Jean-Marie Roland, vicomte de la Platière.”
Wikipedia. October 7, 2016. Accessed
November 29, 2016.
“Louis Antoine de Saint-Just.” Wikipedia.
December 11, 2016. Accessed November
29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis_
Antoine_de_Saint-Just.
Marcuse, Harold. “The French Revolution:
Phases and Dates.” Western Civilization,
1715-Present, University of California,
Santa Barbara. Accessed November 29,
2016.
“Maximilien Robespierre.” Wikipedia.
December 15, 2016. Accessed November
29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maximi
lien_Robespierre.
“Ministers of the French National
Convention.” Wikipedia. October 19, 2016.
Accessed November 30, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ministe
rs_of_the_French_National_Convention.
“National Convention.” Wikipedia.
December 1, 2016. Accessed November 29,
2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nationa
l_Convention.
Patrick, Alison. "Political Divisions in the
French National Convention, 1792-93." The
Journal of Modern History 41, no. 4
(December 1969): 421-74. Accessed
November 30, 2016.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/1878003
?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents.
14
“Pierre Henri Hélène Marie Lebrun-Tondu.”
Wikipedia. April 29, 2016. Accessed
November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pierre_
Henri_H%C3%A9l%C3%A8ne_Marie_Leb
run-Tondu.
Schiff, Stacy. Benjamin Franklin and the
Birth of America: Franklin's French
Adventure 1776-85. London: Bloomsbury
Publishing, 2006.
“War in the Vendée.” Wikipedia. December
14, 2016. Accessed November 29, 2016.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_in
_the_Vend%C3%A9e.
15