DEMOCRACY
01/2015
ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG
SOUTHERN AFRICA
“WE CAN’T EVEN SLEEP AT NIGHT”
THE STATE OF XENOPHOBIA IN JOHANNESBURG
MELANIE LENK
Loud music intermingled with
the almost rhythmic sound of
constant hooting signals just
another busy day in Alexandra,
one of Johannesburg’s oldest
and most congested townships. 1
Located in the north-east of
the city, one cannot miss
seeing
Sandton,
the
silhouette
“Africa’s
of
richest
square mile”, an affluent area
that serves as the country’s
Alex township with the Sandton skyline in the distance.
(Photo courtesy http://www.vocfm.co.za/18059/)
business and financial centre.
Alex, the way residents refer to the township, is right on its doorstep. The differences between these
neighbouring parts of the city couldn’t be starker.
I am about to meet an Ethiopian man in his late twenties who fled his country six years ago because,
as he says, “there was too much struggle going on”. It took a while to actually find somebody who
was willing to share their story with me because immigrants in Alex are either reluctant at best or
utterly scared at worst, to speak to anyone about their lives in the overcrowded township that is Alex.
1
The total population of Alex is disputed, estimates range from a few hundred thousand up to two million. According to Luke Sinwell &
Neo Podi, the 2km squared area is home to 350 000 people, with the majority living in 74 000 shacks. (L. Sinwell & N. Podi 2010,
“Evaluating Civil Society and Local Government Responses to Xenophobic Violence in Alexandra”, accessible at:
http://www.gcro.ac.za/sites/default/files/News_items/Xeno_reports_July2010/case_studies/6_Alexandra, p. 6.)
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1
We meet in his small tuck shop 2 that caters for your everyday needs - from bread and milk to cooking
oil and mobile airtime - you can buy these goods at slightly higher prices than in the big supermarkets
like Pick’n’Pay or Shoprite. While we talk, customers periodically step up to purchase something and it
is fair to say that his neighbourhood profits from the convenient operating hours, since he trades
seven days a week from six in the morning until late at night.
For him and his wife, living in the township is characterised by sleepless nights with an overall feeling
of insecurity and the ongoing fear of possible attack. Twice, as he tells me, armed and masked
strangers entered the shop at night taking his family’s goods and personal belongings. During the
latest xenophobic outbreaks in April this year, he had to close the shop for several weeks and took
shelter in Marlboro where they stayed with other Ethiopians waiting for the situation to calm down and
things to return to “normal”. If he could, he says, he and his wife would leave Alex immediately and
live somewhere where they would feel safer and more at home.
“THEY TOOK
EVERYTHING, EVEN THE FRIDGE”
A similar story is told by two other Ethiopians I meet in a container-like spaza shop just a few blocks
down the road. We communicate through the openings in burglar bars; in fact, many foreign-owned
shops in Alex operate from behind closed doors, a common security measure. Their journey to South
Africa dates back years ago; departing from Ethiopia’s capital city Addis Ababa, they crossed the
borders of Kenya, Tanzania and Mozambique to eventually arrive in Johannesburg after almost three
months of travelling on the back of buses and trucks. The metropolis is a key entry point for many
African migrants 3 who flee from war, government persecution, economic crises, poverty and other
hardships they face in their home countries to seek a new and better life in South Africa.
During our conversation, these two Ethiopian men recall several incidents where they had their
belongings ripped off, as one stated, regularly armed gangs would come to collect money and if you
dared refuse, they would loot your shop. They, too, closed their shop in April for a few days and took
shelter elsewhere. A fellow Ethiopian and friend of theirs weren’t that “lucky”. His shop was
completely plundered: “The angry mob took everything, even the fridge”. Having lost his source of
income, he now has to start all over again and, due to his status as an undocumented migrant, he
most likely won’t receive any support from the government.
The circumstances foreign nationals face in Alex provides just a microcosm of what is happening in
many parts of the country: a current xenophobic crisis can quickly escalate into concrete violent
action. The latest nationwide outburst of violence happened as recently as April this year. From
Durban in KwaZulu-Natal it spread like wildfire throughout the country leaving at least six people dead,
over a thousand displaced and relieved of their belongings while countless foreign-owned shops and
homes were looted and destroyed. 4
2
Tuck or Spaza shops are informal corner stores that constitute a major, visible component of everyday township life.
3
In the following, the term is used to refer to persons who moved to South Africa from another country, regardless of whether she or
he is now a regular (documented) or irregular (undocumented) resident in the country.
4
Preceding the peak of xenophobic violence in April, spaza shops, mostly owned by Somalis, Ethiopians and Bangladeshis, were looted
in Soweto in January. These attacks were triggered by the killing of a boy who was shot by a Somali shop owner for alleged robbery.
2
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XENOPHOBIA IN SOUTH AFRICA: A NATIONAL DISEASE
5
Anti-foreigner sentiment, harassment and violence 6 are an ongoing reality in post-apartheid South
Africa. In fact, CoRMSA (Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South Africa) has listed numerous
violent incidents against foreign nationals since the end of apartheid ranging from the damaging,
looting and burning of foreign-owned shops and homes to deliberate killing of people because they
were not South African citizens. These attacks are by no means restricted to certain areas; rather, they
occur nationwide in small towns and big cities alike. 7
The xenophobic attacks reached a tragic climax in May 2008. It started with armed youth attacking
foreigners in a hostel in Alexandra and progressed to the looting of shops and the raping and killing of
people across the country, affecting mostly
What is Xenophobia?
“The term “xenophobia” comes from the Greek words ξένος
(xenos), meaning “foreigner”, “stranger”, and φόβος
(phobos), meaning “fear”. Manifestations of xenophobia are
usually triggered by intense dislike or hatred against people
that are perceived as outsiders, strangers or foreigners to a
group, community or nation […] Manifestations of xenophobia
include acts of direct discrimination, hostility or violence and
incitement to hatred. Xenophobic acts are intentional as the
goal is to humiliate, denigrate and/or hurt the person(s) and
the “associated” group of people.”
--------------------------------------------
Source: United Nations, 2013
http://nhri.ohchr.org/EN/Themes/Durban/Documents/
Xenophobia.pdf
urban areas and communities in Gauteng,
KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern and Western
Cape. Shocking images of the gruesome
murder of Mozambican immigrant, Ernesto
Alfabeto
Nhamuave,
in
Ramaphosa
Township in Johannesburg’s East Rand
circulated worldwide. Beaten up, stabbed
and set alight, his agonising death has
become a tragic symbol of the brutal nature
of xenophobic violence that left 62 people
dead, a third of them South African citizens.
Moreover, hundreds of people were injured;
thousands were dislodged from their homes
and countless lost their belongings and
livelihoods. 8
For detailed information see: B.C. Simelane & G. Nicholson, “Xenophobia rears its head again: Looting, shooting, dying in Soweto”, 22
January 2015. This can be accessed at: http://www.dailymaverick. co.za/article/2015-01-22-xenophobia-rears-its-head-again-lootingshooting-dying-in-soweto/ #.VbIRPvmqpBc.
5
This apt description was coined by Michael Neocosmos, Professor at Rhodes University, who refers to the findings of a range of
surveys conducted from the 1990s onwards that show that many South African citizens, irrespective of race, gender, class or age,
express xenophobic views, attitudes and behaviour. (M. Neocosmos, 2015 “The Sickness of Xenophobia, and the Need for a Politics of
Healing”, Amandla!, Issue No. 39, pp. 18-22).
6
There is an ongoing debate both in media as well as academia whether to call the attacks against foreign nationals Negrophobia or
Afrophobia since it is predominantly targeted against Black African migrants. For instance, Andile Mngxitama argues, “Afrophobia is
what we wrongly call xenophobia. If we really hated and feared foreigners, then we wouldn’t be targeting blacks only, so for precision
it should be called negrophobia-Afrophobia” (“The State is perpetuating Afrophobia” 15 May 2015, to be accessed at
http://mg.co.za/article/2015-05-14-the-state-is-perpetuating-afrophobia). However, critics point out that these terms do not capture
the whole picture: “[they] simply do not account for regular attacks on Chinese or South Asians. Nor do they help us understand why
citizens of Swaziland and Lesotho were relatively unscathed while some South Africans were targeted.” (L. Landau, 2012 “Introducing
the Demons”, in: L. Landau (ed.) Exorcising the Demons Within. Xenophobia, Violence and Statecraft in Contemporary South Africa,
United Nations University Press, p.3).
7
The complete list can be accessed at: http://www.cormsa.org.za/wp-content/uploads/ 2009/05/may-2008-violence-against-foreignnationals-in-south-africa.pdf.
8
E. Worby, S. Hassim & T. Kupe, 2008 “Go Home or Die Here. Violence, Xenophobia and the Reinvention of Difference in South Africa”,
Wits University Press.
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The horrifying events of 2008 left the whole country in shock and confusion and questions of how the
violence should be explained and who was to blame and be held accountable for what transpired were
soon raised by the public at large. As Loren Landau, director of the African Centre for Migration and
Society at the University of the Witwatersrand states, official responses and explanations by the
government “were confused, contradictory, and often overly ideological. During the violence, the
government first denied that there was a crisis, then blamed criminal elements, opposition parties and
‘sinister forces’.” 9
For instance, former president Thabo Mbeki’s speech at a memorial event for victims of the attacks
not only attempted to describe the violence as mere acts of “naked criminal activity”, but also refuses
to admit that xenophobia exists in South Africa:
As many were killed or maimed during the dark days of May, thousands displaced,
businesses and homes looted, and homes and businesses destroyed by arson, I heard it
said insistently that my people have turned or have become xenophobic. The word
xenophobia means a deep antipathy towards or hatred of foreigners. When I heard some
accuse my people of xenophobia, of hatred of foreigners, I wondered what the accusers
knew about my people, which I did not know. […].These masses are neither antipathetic
towards, nor do they hate foreigners. And this I must also say - none in our society has any
right to encourage or incite xenophobia by trying to explain naked criminal activity by
cloaking it in the garb of xenophobia. 10
However, in academic discourse and in large parts of (mainstream) media, it is clear that the antiforeign violence is indeed fuelled by xenophobic sentiments and motives. But why is xenophobia so
rife in democratic South Africa? Why are a considerable number of people ready to turn violent against
innocent individuals whose only “crime” is not having a South African ID?
GETTING TO THE ROOT OF XENOPHOBIA
In explaining and understanding the root causes of xenophobia in South Africa, one has to look at a
variety of factors, which partly intersect and overlap with each other. While it is beyond the scope of
this paper to provide an extensive analysis of the root causes, I will refer to the most common
explanations that can be found in (academic) literature.
As many authors suggest, xenophobia in South Africa is mainly driven by economic and socio-political
factors such as high unemployment, acute deprivation and other social hardships faced by many in the
country. David Everatt, for instance, argues that xenophobic sentiments and attitudes against foreign
nationals are especially widespread among the (still largely Black) urban poor that view immigrants as
competing with them over scarce resources:
Unemployment was blamed on foreigners undercutting locals; lack of housing occurred
because foreigners bribed officials; lack of services resulted from the same, which saw
9
L. Landau, 2012 p.1.
10
Address of the President of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki at the National Tribute in Remembrance of the victims of attacks on foreign
nationals, Tshwane, 03 July 2008. The complete speech can be accessed at: http://www.thepresidency. gov.za/pebble.asp?relid=3330.
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foreigners jump to the front of the queue; there were no small-scale market entry
opportunities because foreigners had taken them. 11
In fact, in some of the conversations I had with residents in Alex and elsewhere, I heard more than
once that “they (foreigners) steal our jobs”. For example, the owner of a Hair Salon complained about
migrant (mostly Mozambican) hairdressers who operate in small booths on the streets, stating that:
“They kill our businesses. They offer their services for less money, we can’t compete with them”.
Furthermore, migrants are scapegoated for crime, prostitution, the spread of diseases like HIV and
other social ills. Certain nationalities are culturally stereotyped and stigmatised, such as Nigerians who
often get accused of being criminals engaging in drug trade and prostitution. As some authors
suggest, the politics of scapegoating immigrants for everything that goes wrong in the country is
closely linked to the specific nature of identity politics in the post-apartheid state. After the end of
apartheid, the new democracy needed to construct a “new, non-racial sense of South African national
identity” that resulted in the “creation of a new oppositional ‘other’” 12. Increasingly the “new other” is
perceived to be in the figure of the undocumented (Black African) migrant. According to researchers
Jonathan Crush and Sujata Ramachandran, creating the notion of the post-apartheid South African
citizen came, to a certain extent, at the expense of immigrants:
After 1994, South Africans of all races and backgrounds could agree on one thing: ‘illegal
aliens’ were pouring into the country, undermining the new nation and depriving citizens
of scarce resources. All African migrants were typecast and vilified in increasingly strident
and insulting language. 13
In fact, in popular statements like “They take our jobs, houses, women, etc.”; the insider/outsider
dichotomy becomes evident. Migrants are regarded as benefitting from and unjustifiably enriching
themselves with what, in the sense of many South Africans, is restricted to persons in possession of
South African citizenship. This culture of entitlement, the feeling that certain rights and privileges are
reserved for certain people, paired with the jealous protection of those rights and benefits provides
fertile ground for xenophobia to flourish. 14
But not only has the “ordinary South African citizen” complained about the presence of foreign
nationals, xenophobic statements and sentiments can be traced back to the highest levels of state
policies. As Joshua Kirshner contends:
11
D. Everatt, 2010 “Overview & Prospects”, in: “South African Civil Society and Xenophobia”,
http://www.atlanticphilanthropies. org/sites/default/files/uploads/1_Synthesis_consolidated_c.pdf, pp. 6-7.
12
B. Dodson, 2010 “Locating Xenophobia: Debate, Discourse, and Everyday Experience in Cape Town, South Africa”, Africa Today 65(3),
p6.
13
Crush & Ramachandran, 2010 “Xenophobia, International Migration and Development”, Journal of Human Development and
Capabilities 11(2), p. 214.
14
B. Dodson, 2010, p. 6.
accessible
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at:
Rather than blaming the poor and marginalised for mistrust and exclusion of outsiders, we
must understand xenophobia as deeply rooted in South Africa [...], often fed by powerful
opinion leaders, officials and politicians [and] the media. 15
In fact, as many authors suggest, forms of institutionalised xenophobia are common practice in South
Africa. State institutions such as the South African Police Service and the Department of Home Affairs
play significant roles in the harassment and abuse of immigrants: from denying immigrants access to
information and legal protection to illegal arrests, detention and deportation “based only on their
physical appearance, their inability to speak the right language or for simply fitting an undocumentedmigrant 'profile'”. 16
Furthermore, practices of bribery and corruption are widespread among many state officials and police
officers and immigrants are often treated as “mobile ATMs”. 17
Additionally, the repertoire of words used in state and media discourses to refer to migration is itself
shaped by xenophobic attitudes. Increasingly you can hear or read that South Africa is “flooded” or
“invaded” by a “wave” or a “human tsunami” of “illegal foreigners”. Such language does not only
contribute to false conceptions about the number of immigrants in the country, it also feeds popular
perceptions that immigrants are a threat to the socio-economic well-being of its citizens. 18 For
instance, small business development Minister Lindiwe Zulu recently said, in an interview with
Business Day, that:
Foreigners need to understand that they are here as a courtesy and our priority is to the
people of the country first and foremost. A platform is needed for business owners to
communicate and share ideas. They cannot barricade themselves in and not share their
practices with local business owners. 19
By accusing foreign shop owners of barricading themselves in, the minister implies that immigrants
are simply not interested in interacting with their South African counterparts. Blaming immigrants for
their alleged non-integration into local communities, she seems to forget that the vast majority of
foreign shop owners probably do not feel welcome and are deliberately excluded from these very
communities. Similarly disturbing is the statement made by Water Affairs and Sanitation Minister,
Nomvula Mokonyane, on social media:
Almost every second outlet [spaza] or even former general dealer shops are run by people
of Somali or Pakistan [sic] origin in a yard that we know who the original owners were. I
15
J. Kirshner, 2014 “Reconceptualising Xenophobia, Urban Governance and Inclusion: the Case of Khutsong”, in C. Haferburg & M.
Huchzermeyer (eds.), Urban governance in Post-Apartheid Cities. Modes of Engagement in South Africa's Metropoles. Borntraeger, p.
120.
16
L. Landau, 2012, p. 8.
17
Ibid. A study conducted by Human Rights Watch on the treatment of undocumented migrants, asylum-seekers and refugees in South
Africa states that there is “extensive corruption in the refugee determination process, with Home Affairs officials demanding bribes
for the scheduling of interviews and for the granting of permits” (Human Rights Watch, 1998, to be accessed at:
http://www.hrw.org/legacy/reports98/sareport/#_1_2).
18
J. Crush & S. Ramachandran, 2010, p. 216; B. Dodson, 2010, p. 7.
19
Business Day, 28 January 2015, to be accessed at: http://www.bdlive.co.za/national/2015/01/28/ reveal-trade-secrets-minister-tellsforeigners.
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am not xenophobic fellow comrades and friends but this is a recipe for disaster which I will
take issue with the authorities relevant. […]. This phenomenon needs a coherent formal
attention. Our townships cannot be a site of subtle takeover and build up for other
situations we have seen in other countries. I am ready to state my view formally in defence
of our communities. 20
Here again, the aforementioned insider/outsider dichotomy becomes apparent: They (migrants) are
taking over what, in Mokonyane's view, rightfully so belongs to us (South Africans).
To conclude, it seems that xenophobic attitudes are deeply entrenched in large parts of South African
society, from the township dweller complaining about foreigners “killing businesses and stealing jobs”
to high level politicians that view the presence of foreign-owned shops as a “recipe for disaster”.
Furthermore, as this small review
shows,
xenophobia
regarded
as
phenomenon
must
a
be
complex
rooted
in
an
overlapping set of factors that defy
any
simplistic
Structural
factors
explanation.
like
mass
unemployment and high inequality,
identity politics as well as the
legacy of apartheid have to be
taken into account in order to
better understand and to fight
against xenophobia in South Africa.
So far, a lot has been written about
the xenophobic crisis the country
currently finds itself in, but it seems
that the voice of xenophobia's
targets, the African migrant, is
Yeoville with Hillbrow’s Ponte Tower in the background
(Photo by author)
largely excluded in these writings.
How do they experience life in South Africa and to what extent are they affected by xenophobic
sentiments? Equipped with these and others questions, I moved around Johannesburg to ask migrants
in Alexandra, Yeoville, Hillbrow and Orange Farm about their everyday experiences in the metropolis
that is home for thousands of migrants from all over the continent.
MIGRANT VOICES
My journey collecting migrants’ stories and testimonies started in Alex, where after I travelled to
Yeoville to meet representatives of the African Diaspora Forum (ADF) to discuss the current
xenophobic crisis. Yeoville, an area in the inner city of Johannesburg, is best described as “Africa in
20
The Daily Vox, 02 February 2015, to be accessed at: http://www.thedailyvox.co.za/sowetoattacks-five-responses-by-the-anc/.
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miniature”, a vibrant and cosmopolitan community of migrants from all over the country and the rest
of Africa.
The ADF, founded shortly after the nationwide xenophobic outbreaks in May 2008, is a federation of
African migrant associations in South Africa dedicated to build an integrated society, free of
xenophobia and other forms of discrimination. Pan-African at heart, the non-profit organisation so far
represents 21 African countries. Attempting to act as a bridge between migrant communities and the
South African government, its main areas of expertise are advocacy, lobbying, awareness campaigns
and fundraising to support victims of xenophobic violence. It also provides a Migrants Legal Advice
and Referral Hotline, to which people can report xenophobic attitudes and incidents.
ADF’s deputy chairperson, himself a victim of the 2008 xenophobic violence, explained the high
prevalence of anti-foreigner sentiments and attitudes as an outcome of socioeconomic, political,
cultural and historical peculiarities. Firstly, he stated that because apartheid disconnected and isolated
the country from the rest of the continent, many South Africans still feel that they are not part of
Africa, which, in turn, contributes to a general lack of knowledge about other African cultures as well
as isolates African migrants. Furthermore, he criticised the lack of accountability in public and state
discourses on migration issues. Xenophobic statements that are frequently expressed by various
official authorities not only fuel xenophobic sentiments “on the ground”, they also legitimise
xenophobia because these statements can be
made with impunity. 21 Thus, migrants become
soft targets and can easily be blamed for all
sorts of problems the country is currently
facing. He concluded that politically motivated
xenophobia,
combined
with
poor
socio-
economic conditions and a low level of
education in marginalized communities, serves
as a perfect breeding ground for xenophobia.
Another ADF member from Zimbabwe added
that
in
addition
to
everyday
forms
of
xenophobic resentment, many migrants are
confronted with institutionalised xenophobia.
The widespread use of corruption, bribery and
inhumane treatment by different government
bodies, such as the Department of Home
Affairs, aims to deliberately discriminate and
criminalise migrants. This is done, as he puts
it, “by design, to fatigue these people”. He
21
The concrete jungle of Hillbrow
(Photo by author)
In January 2015, the ADF wrote an open letter to President Jacob Zuma addressing these issues and request the South African
government to not only publicly and strongly condemn the xenophobic violence, but also that “public official or politician making
xenophobic statements should be held accountable and strongly sanctioned, as all officials and politicians have a leadership role to
play”. The complete open letter can be accessed at: http://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2015-01-2 6-african-diaspora-forumopen-letter-to-president-zuma-attacks-are-xenophobic-not-criminal/#.Vckf Q2NmDeo
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speaks from personal experience. He came to South Africa over ten years ago and is still denied a
Permanent Residency Permit, apparently, Home Affairs told him, “his file is nowhere to be found”.
Another personal account was made by a Cameroonian journalist who was a victim of the latest spate
of xenophobic violence. Late in the evening on 17 April an angry mob of armed South Africans
attacked his apartment block, because, as he states, it is well known that this building is owned by a
Mozambican and many tenants are migrants from Kenya, Malawi, Zimbabwe and other African
countries. He recalled that people tried to break into his apartment, screaming “Go back or we kill you,
Kwerekwere 22”. Before they managed to break through his second security door, he escaped through
a window, climbed to the top of the roof and waited for the police to arrive. This horrific incident left
him traumatised and he moved away from Jeppestown because he didn’t feel safe there any longer.
Additionally, the violent crowd that broke into his apartment took money, his laptop and other
valuables leaving his apartment in a complete shambles. So far, no suspects have been found or
apprehended by the police.
Not far from Yeoville is Hillbrow, an overpopulated inner city neighbourhood with apartment buildings
so tall and so close that they prevent the sunlight from reaching the ground. Hillbrow is home to many
migrants from all over Africa and was one of the areas affected by the latest xenophobic violent
outbreaks in April 2015.
Unlike Alex it was not that difficult to find migrants who were willing to share their stories. On one of
Hillbrow’s many busy street markets, I talk to a Nigerian street vendor who tries to make a living by
selling fruit and vegetables. Originally from the Niger delta, he came to South Africa in 2010. His family
is still there and he regularly sends money home to support them financially. When I ask him about
how he has experienced the latest violent outbreaks, he lifts up his cap and shows me a huge scar on
his forehead, a visible reminder of what happened to him. Not far from his stand on one of Hillbrow’s
major streets he was attacked by four strangers armed with knives who, not only robbed him off his
cell phone and other personal belongings but also took his political asylum documents.
A few days later, when the police and SANDF (South African National Defence Force) conducted a
massive raid in Hillbrow 23, he was stopped for having no papers to prove his status as an asylum
seeker. The police officers only let him go, after he, in his words, “bought his freedom”. Now, he told
me, he is compelled to engage in the lengthy process of applying for new papers. Equipped with only
an affidavit, he is hesitant to travel to Pretoria to Home Affairs because he fears that in the event he is
22
Kwerekwere or Makwerekwere is a derogatory term for foreigners (predominantly directed towards African migrants) that has
entered South African everyday speech. According to Rob Nixon, its origin is linked to what South Africans understand when they
listen to foreign African languages: “The word is supposedly onomatopoeic. The Greeks dubbed foreigners "barbarians" because, to
Greek ears, they brayed "bar, bar" in unintelligible tongues; South Africans claim to hear "kwere, kwere" when immigrants open their
mouths.” (R. Nixon, 2001 “South Africans only”, accessible at: http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2001/11/southafricans-only/302335/)
23
These joint operations were also carried out in other areas that were affected by xenophobic riots. The stop-and-search operation was
ordered by the government and, according to Minister Jeffrey Radebe, aimed to restore order in communities prone to high
criminality and violence: “Government is determined to restore and maintain order within our communities. Operation Fiela-Reclaim
is an operation to rid our country of illegal weapons, drug dens, prostitution rings and other illegal activities”. The operation also
targeted undocumented immigrants. In Hillbrow alone, over 60 migrants were arrested. For more information see: Q. Hunter, “Govt
moves to restore order after xenophobic attacks”, 28 April 2015. To be accessed at: http://mg.co.za/article/2015-04-28-governmentmoves-to-restore-order-after-xenophobic-attacks.
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apprehended, the police might not accept his proof, but instead arrest him and perhaps even deport
him. He has the impression that the situation for migrants in South Africa is deteriorating and lives in
constant fear of experiencing another threat to his life just because he has the “wrong citizenship”.
Just a few stalls further down the street, I meet a woman in her fifties from Zimbabwe who came to
South Africa in 2002. When I ask the reason why she migrated to South Africa, she refers to the
economic crisis and political instability in Zimbabwe that has caused many to leave the country, stating
that “the situation was terrible; we didn’t even have food to feed the children”. She also sends money
every month to her children and other relatives who remained in her home town somewhere in
Midlands Province. She is one of approximately 250 000 Zimbabweans that successfully applied for
the Zimbabwean Special Dispensation permit (ZSP) that allows permit-holders to study, work or
conduct business in South Africa. However, as she tells me, this permit will expire in 2017 and a
second renewal will not be granted by the South African government. 24 What will you do then, I ask
her? She shrugs her shoulders and answers, “I don’t know, maybe I will go back if the situation gets
better in Zimbabwe”. I enquire whether she enjoys living in Johannesburg to which she replies that
even though she thinks South Africa is fine, she also feels unsafe here, because she mistrusts most
South Africans. Luckily, as she states, she is never confronted with any direct form of xenophobic
resentment or violence but her general impression is that many South Africans don’t like the presence
of migrants. Since she understands at least two South African languages besides English, she recalls
numerous occasions in which she overheard conversations by South Africans complaining about
migrants, saying that “they must go, because they take our jobs, our women, everything”. Does she
feel at home in Johannesburg? She looks at me, shakes her head and says “No”.
In fact, many of the migrants I interviewed would say that South Africa has not (yet) become their
home, even though some of them haven’t been to their native countries for years. This, of course is
not to say that South Africa in general is a hostile place that doesn’t welcome people from other
countries.
For instance, Orange Farm, a township
located
in
the
far
south-west
of
Johannesburg, approximately 40 km away
from the inner city, didn’t experience the
latest xenophobic attacks in April 2015.
Here, I met an Ethiopian man in his forties
who owns a small spaza shop. He told me
that he didn’t feel the need to close his
business because he knew that nobody
would turn violent. When I asked him how
he experiences life in Orange Farm, he
stated that he felt safe to work and live in
The semi-rural settlement Orange Farm situated on the
outskirts of Johannesburg (Photo by author)
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Introduced in 2010 under the name Dispensation of Zimbabweans Project (DZP), the permit was initially valid for four years, but was
renewed in 2014 for a second term (S. Chiumia & A. van Wyk, 2014 “Factsheet: The new special dispensation permit and what it
means for Zimbabweans in SA”, accessible at: https://africacheck.org/factsheets/what-does-the-new-special-dispensation-permitmean-for-zimbabweans-in-sa/)
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Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung
the community: “People here are nice - I have a good relationship with them”.
After all, the approach of collecting personal accounts from African migrants living and working in
different parts of Johannesburg shows that every story is unique and making broad generalisations
about the current migrant situation is too simplistic. Nevertheless what it reveals is that there are some
commonalities in everyday experiences for migrants in the metropolis. Their testimonies show the
many struggles and problems they face; from being publicly accused of stealing jobs, discriminated
against by state institutions right up to getting attacked because they are foreigners. The frequency
and intensity of xenophobic sentiments to which migrants are exposed is shaped by many factors
such as their physical appearance, their ability to speak certain languages 25 as well as the locality in
which they find themselves. In fact, as I observed during this study, locality matters tremendously
since the prevalence of xenophobia is very much linked to the “politics on the ground”. Even though
xenophobia’s violent manifestations mainly occur in marginalised and impoverished communities it
doesn’t mean that every township or poor urban neighbourhood is affected by it.
Melanie Lenk was born in Berlin, Germany and obtained a degree in MA African Studies with particular focus
on Social and Cultural Anthropology, Gender Studies and Political Science, from the University of Leipzig,
Germany in 2015. After studying for a semester at the University of Cape Town in 2013 and conducting
fieldwork for her Master’s thesis entitled “Hair Stories – The Politics of Hair among Black Women in Cape
Town, South Africa”, she returned to South Africa to conduct a study, through the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung
Southern Africa, on the experiences of migrants in the light of xenophobia.
_______________________________________
26
Several authors note that in establishing who is allegedly a migrant, ordinary South African citizens as well as state authorities, use
unreliable means such as complexion (“being too dark to be South African”), people’s ability to name certain words in major South
African languages, having a foreign sounding name or inoculation marks. (L. Landau, 2012, p. 8; Human Rights Watch, 1998).
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25
Several authors note that in establishing who is allegedly a migrant, ordinary South African citizens as well as state authorities use
unreliable means such as complexion (“being too dark to be South African”), people’s ability to name certain words in major South
African languages, having a foreign sounding name or inoculation marks. (L. Landau, 2012, p. 8; Human Rights Watch, 1998).
ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG
Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung
The view s and opinions expressed by the author do not necessarily represent those of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation
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