‫ الياس خلف‬.‫د‬.‫أ‬
4102 - 5 ‫ – العدد‬63 ‫مجلة جامعة البعث – المجلد‬
King Henry V:
From a Legendary Figure to a Tragic Hero
Prof. Elias Khalaf
Dept. of English
Al-Baath University
Homs
Abstract
This paper seeks to show the development to Henry V's image
from a legendary figure into a tragic hero. It first explores his
legendary image in the anonymous chronicle play entitled The
Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth, where he appears as a folk
hero with his patriotic vaunting. Then this study moves to examine
the image of Henry V in Shakespeare's Henry IV and Henry V, and
proceeds to assert that the playwright presents this hero as an
individual who has his personal ambitions for loyalty. But, despite
his heroic feats, we note that Shakespeare ironises him because the
letter conceals some qualms about his father's usurpation and
complicity in Richard II's murder.
Key Words:
Legendary figure, tragic hero, Shakespeare, history play, folk
hero.
55
‫الملك هنري الخامس‪ :‬من شخصية أسطورية إلى بطل تراجيدي‬
‫الملك هنري الخامس‪:‬‬
‫من شخصية أسطورية إلى بطل تراجيدي‬
‫يهخص‬
‫تسعى ْزِ انٕسقح إنى إظٓاس تطٕس صٕسج ُْشي انخايس يٍ شخصٍح أسطٕسٌح إنى‬
‫تطم تشاجٍذي‪ٔ ،‬تستكشف فً انثذاٌح صٕستّ األسطٕسٌح فً يسشحٍح تاسٌخٍح نًجٕٓل‬
‫تذعى‪( :‬اَتصاساخ ُْشي انخايس انشٍٓشج)‪ ،‬حٍث ٌثذٔ تطالً شعثٍا ً را صشخاخ ٔطٍُح‪.‬‬
‫ثى تُتقم ْزِ انذساسح نتتفحص صٕسج ُْشي فً يسشحٍتٍٍ نشكسثٍش ًْا‪ُْ( :‬شي‬
‫انشاتع) ٔ (ُْشي انخايس)‪ٔ .‬تًضً نتؤكذ أٌ ْزا انكاتة انًسشحً ٌقذو تطهّ تٕصفّ‬
‫فشداً را يطايع شخصٍح نهًُصة انًهكً‪ٔ .‬نكٍ‪ٔ ،‬عهى انشغى يٍ صُائعّ انثطٕنٍح‪ ،‬فئَُا‬
‫َهحع أٌ شكسثٍش ٌسخش يُّ ألٌ ُْشي ٌخفً ٔخز ضًٍشِ تسثة ٔثٕب أتٍّ إنى انعشش‬
‫انًهكً ٔ تٕسطّ فً يقتم سٌتشاسد انثاًَ‪.‬‬
‫انكهًاخ انًفتاحٍح‪:‬‬
‫شخصٍح أسطٕسٌح‪ ،‬تطم تشاجٍذي‪ ،‬شكسثٍش‪ ،‬يسشحٍح تاسٌخٍح‪ ،‬تطم شعثً‪.‬‬
‫‪53‬‬
‫ الياس خلف‬.‫د‬.‫أ‬
4102 - 5 ‫ – العدد‬63 ‫مجلة جامعة البعث – المجلد‬
King Henry V:
From a Legendary Figure to a Tragic Hero
In endeavouring to explore Henry V's image as a legendary figure,
it is first advisable to define the term "legendary". "Legend", so J.
A. Cuddon wrote in his Dictionary of Literary Terms and Literary
Theory, meant in Middle Latin: "things to be read." (1). Then the
same critic adds:
Originally legends were the stories of lives of
saints, which, in monastic life, might be read in
church or in the refectory and therefore
belonged to hagiography. (2)
As a genre of chronicling or biographical writing, hagiography
(which means in Greek "sacred writing") or hagiology is "the
writing or study of the lives of the saints….often inspired by
veneration". (3)
The term "legend", however, witnessed a secularisation as it
started to mean "a story or narrative which [lay] somewhere
between myth [i.e. the Greek muthos, anything uttered by word of
mouth"] and historical fact and which, as a rule, is about a
particular figure or person." (4). It is in terms of this secularisation
that we can best appreciate the folk narratives about such famous
figures as Faust, Hamlet, Beowulf, King Arthur, Robin Hood and
others. Like these popular folk figures, Henry V was an object of
national pride, as shown by the very title of the anonymous play,
The Famous Victories of Henry V. As a paratext, the title, so
Gerard Gennette argues, serves "to designate, to indicate subject
matter and to tempt the public." (5) It is in terms of these
55
‫ من شخصية أسطورية إلى بطل تراجيدي‬:‫الملك هنري الخامس‬
paratextual views that the play's title asserts its importance as a
device that impresses its readers/spectators and encourages them to
glorify the title character's military exploits. (6) Indeed, the play's
detailed title: "The Famous Victories of Henry V" and the
"Honorable Battle of Agincourt" serves as an impetus to the
glorification of this legendary hero.
Evidently, the purpose of this glorification is a patriotic one.
It is in the light of this patriotic design that we can best appreciate
the play's presentation of Henry V in terms of his public office, a
presentation apparent in his famous defence of one of his fellow
thieves:
Henry 5: Why, my Lord, I pray you, who am I?
Justice: If it please your Grace, you are my Lord the
young Prince, our king, that shall be after the decease
of
Our sovereign Lord King Henry the Fourth. (7)
Henry's abuse of his royal office is part and parcel of his youth as a
wastrel that came down as romantic folklore. (8) On the prince's
wild youth, I. Ribner wrote:
He is an actual robber, and he strikes the Lord
Justice of England who has him committed to the
Fleet, an incident well established in English
legendry. (9)
The incident is dramatized in the play as follows:
Henry 5: You say true my Lord.
And will you hang my man?
57
‫ الياس خلف‬.‫د‬.‫أ‬
4102 - 5 ‫ – العدد‬63 ‫مجلة جامعة البعث – المجلد‬
Justice: And like your Grace, I must needs do
justice.
Prince: But will you not let him go?
Justice: I'm sorie that his case is so ill.
Prince: Tush! Case me no casings! Shal I haue my
man?
Justice: I cannot, nor I may not, my Lord.
Prince: Nay, and I shal not say & then I am
answered?
Justice: No.
Prince: No! Then I wil haue him.
(He giues him a boxe
on the eare.)
(Scene II. 346 – 357)
Henry's recourse to the interjection "tush!" is extremely
significant here because it reveals his disdain of the Judge's judicial
office. This disdain is reinforced in his efforts to undermine the
Judge's assertion that the robber's "case is so ill". Henry's furious
retort "Case me no casings" and the "boxe" he gives the Judge on
the "eare" are a flagrant instance of his abuse of his status as a
prince.
Another scene of purely comedic buffoonery reflects Henry's
entire conception of himself in view of his office as heir apparent.
Joking with his "knavish friends" (10) about his father's death which
they all wish and hope that it will take place soon, Henry promises
them as follows:
All: We are readie to waite vpon your grace.
57
‫ من شخصية أسطورية إلى بطل تراجيدي‬:‫الملك هنري الخامس‬
Henry5: Gogs wounds waite, we will go
altogither.
We are all followes, I tell you sirs, and the King
My father were dead, we would be all Kings.
(Scene II. 91 – 4)
Of course, Henry's promise to king himself and his reprobate
fellows emerges as a sacrilege because this royal office is treated
with no respect. But this is not foreign to him because he is
presented as a folk figure in English legendry.
Another popular scene established in folk legendry is one in
which Henry appears as clad in a coat full of needles:
Jockey: Wil you goe to the Courte with that cloake
so full of needles?
Henry5: Cloake, ilate-holes [i.e. eyelet-holes]
needles, and all was of mine owne deuising, and
therefore I wil weare it. (Scene 6: 482-5)
This "cloake" that is "so full of needles" emerges as a
signifier whose signified takes the form of his impatience to "clap
the Crowne on [his] head." (Scene 6: 553) 11. This point asserts
itself when Henry V uses the very term "sign" which semiotises
his intention behind devising and wearing the cloak:
Tom: I pray you my Lord, what may be the
meaning thereof.
Henry 5: Why man, 'tis a signe that I stand vpon
thorns, til the Crowne be on my head. (Scene 6:
48-8)
As a stock legendary figure, Henry "undergoes a sudden and
entirely unprepared-for reformation"12 Henry says: "My conscience
accuseth me". (Scene 6: 553) Henry's recourse to his conscience has
triggered his resolution to annul the public signs which have
71
‫ الياس خلف‬.‫د‬.‫أ‬
4102 - 5 ‫ – العدد‬63 ‫مجلة جامعة البعث – المجلد‬
magnified his "sinfull life" (Scene 6: 572). These signs have found
expressions in "those vilde & reprobate company" that he will
"abandon" and this "ruffianly cloake" that he "tear[s] from [his]
backe." (Scene 6: 564, 566 – 7)
Henry's reformation is conducted as a rebirth. "No doubt but
this day", he promises his dying father:
Euen this day, I am born new againe. (Scene 6. 5801)
This rebirth is not convincing, but we have to accept it in terms of
the play's patriotic and didactic plan. In view of the play's patriotic
and moralistic design, this rebirth asserts its pertinence as a
necessary step towards his military praxis as a legendary hero-king.
Henry's image as a consummate legendary warrior-king
culminates in the scene of the Battle at Agincourt where he
jingoistically brags about the myth of the invincibility of his English
army, and belittles the French troops that outnumber them:
They threescore thousand,
And we but two thousand…..
They threescore thousand footmen,
And we twelue thousand.
They are a hundred thousand,
And we fortie thousand, ten to one:
My lords and louing Countrymen,
Though we be fewe, and they many,
Feare not…
Pluck vp your hearts, for this day we shal either
haue
70
‫ من شخصية أسطورية إلى بطل تراجيدي‬:‫الملك هنري الخامس‬
A valiant victory, or an honorable death.
(Scene
14.1149-
1159)
On Henry's shouts of national pride, Ribner rightly notes:
Patriotic vaunting, it must be remembered, had
always been a part of heroic folk legendry. (13)
As a legendary hero-king, Henry proceeds to chronicle this
historic victory in England's heroic historiography by having
recourse to the meta-historical device of nomenclature or calling:
Henry 5: What Castle is this so neere adioining to
our Camp?
Herald: And it please your Maietie, 'tis cald the
Castle of Agincourt.
Henry 5: Well then, my lords of England, for the
more honor of our Englishmen, I will that be
forever cald the Battle of Agincourt.
(Scene.15.1255-1260)
This celebratory chronicling has not escaped the attention of
critics. E. M.W. Tillyard notes that this glorification of Henry V
makes The Famous Victories into a chronicle play that ''
brings……...great men into prominence and serves as ''memorial''
of them''. (14)Likewise, Ribner remarks that this drama ''is in the
tradition of the heroic romance, in which a glamorous popular idol
is glorified in a series of loosely connected episodic scenes."(15)
The play's preoccupation with the idolisation of Henry V as
a legendary hero suggests the ''milieu'' in which the history play
originated.''16 The term "milieu'' brings in the historical context
during which The Famous Victories was authored and staged. At
that time, so Tillyard writes,
74
‫ الياس خلف‬.‫د‬.‫أ‬
4102 - 5 ‫ – العدد‬63 ‫مجلة جامعة البعث – المجلد‬
There was a strong desire to be instructed in the fact of history
and that
this desire was due in past to the rise in the patriotic
temperature of
England after the defeat of the Spanish Armada.17
This contextualization of the play entails the notion of literature as
a mirror of reality itself.
Literature, we are told, is vitally engaged with the living
situations of men
and women: it is concrete rather than abstract, displays life in
all its rich
variousness.18
From this we note that The Famous Victories is the product of the
climate of Elizabethan political propaganda in which Henry V was
hailed a heroic legendary hero.
Yet, minute scrutiny elucidates that Shakespeare's image of
Henry V is not a replica of its counterpart in Elizabethan legendry.
Unlike the anonymous author of The Famous Victories who
presents Henry V as an emblem of a hero-king within a pageant of
patriotism, Shakespeare pauses to individualise his stage Henry.
This process of individualisation is an attempt at re-writing Henry’s
personal history, an attempt that proceeds along the theatrical
device of the soliloquy. Henry's (or Hal's) famous soliloquy (''I
know you all….'') emphasises his dissimulation or his ''loose
behaviour'', and invites us into his struggle towards kingship in
terms of which he hopes to re-character himself. 19
76
‫ من شخصية أسطورية إلى بطل تراجيدي‬:‫الملك هنري الخامس‬
Henry's impatience for royalty or for personal power has
been emphasised in the soliloquies where he steals the crown and
puts it on. He crowns himself on the grounds that he thinks his
sleeping father to be dead. "Thy due from me '', Henry addresses
his sleeping father,
Is tears and heavy sorrows of the blood…
My due from thee in this imperial crown,
Which, as immediate from thy place and blood,
Derives itself to me. (Henry IV, Part II.4.5. 37-43)
Careful inspection shows that Henry regards the crown as a family
heritage, a point developed after putting the crown on his head:
Lo where it sits –
Which God shall guard; and put the world’s whole strength
Into one giant arm, it shall not force
This lineal honour from me. This from thee
Will I to mine leave, as 'tis left to me. (Henry IV, Part II,
4.5. 44-8)
It is to be stressed that Henry’s view of the crown as a ''lineal''
or family legacy and his vehement determination to maintain it
indicate his ambition for personal power in terms of which he plans
to individuate or re-character himself. Henry's ambition for royalty
and personal identity finds subtle support because this speech
amounts to a soliloquy in view of his father's sleep. Another
evidence of Henry's personal ambition occurs in his interview with
72
‫ الياس خلف‬.‫د‬.‫أ‬
4102 - 5 ‫ – العدد‬63 ‫مجلة جامعة البعث – المجلد‬
his waking father. In response to his father's '' very latest counsel ''
on how to keep the crown, Henry affirms:
You won it, wore it, kept it, gave it me;
Then plain and right must possession be,
Which I with more than with a common pain
'Gainst all the world will rightfully maintain.
(Henry IV, Part II,
4. 5. 222-5)
Henry’s use of the terms (''won'' and ''wore'') subtly indicates his
awareness of his father as a de facto king rather than a de jure one.
Hence, it shows his father's usurpation. Henry's recourse to the term
''possession'' is telling here because this term smacks of Henry’s
awareness of his illegitimacy as an heir apparent. The idea of
''possession'' as the reverse of legitimacy occurs in Shakespeare's
King John whose title monarch’s royalty is referred as ''borrowed
majesty.'' 20Then King John is asked to lay aside the sword
Which sways usurpingly these several titles,
And put the same into young Arthur's hand,
Thy nephew and right royal sovereign.
(1. 1. 12-15)
Thus, unlike Arthur who is the ''right royal sovereign'', John is
merely a usurper or a possessor of the crown. This point finds every
force in the following confidential exchange between John and his
mother, Queen Elinor:
75
‫ من شخصية أسطورية إلى بطل تراجيدي‬:‫الملك هنري الخامس‬
King John: Our strong possession and our right for us!
Elinor: Your strong possession much more than your right,
Or else it must go wrong with you and me;
So much my conscience whispers in your ear,
Which none but heaven and you and I shall hear.
(1. 1 .39-43)
It is in view of the pejorative connotations of the term ''
possession'' that we would best note Henry V’s tacit awareness of
his own possession of the crown which he vows to "rightfully
maintain...……...'Gainst all the world''. Henry V’s vows to ''show
th’ incredulous would /The noble change that [he has] purposed''
reveal his conception of his forthcoming royalty as a role which he
intends to play before a public spectatorship. (Henry IV, Part II, 4.
5. 154-5) Henry V’s intention to assume the role of a king-player is
soon enclosed by his dying father who succinctly sums up his regal
career in theatrical terms:
For all my reign hath been but as a scene
Acting that argument. (Henry IV, Part II, 4. 5. 198 -9)
The notion of playing or acting a role entails the discrepancy
between being and seeming. If being implies one's awareness of
one's self, then seeming refers to one's histrionics which are
intended to make a good impression on one's spectators. No sooner
had Henry V acceded to the throne, than he assumed his role and
office as a king with its fitting royal idiom through which he
73
‫ الياس خلف‬.‫د‬.‫أ‬
4102 - 5 ‫ – العدد‬63 ‫مجلة جامعة البعث – المجلد‬
presents the state as a body politic, that is, a state politically
organized under a single governmental authority.21 Like Henry's
"body politic" metaphor, which is intended to impress the
spectating court, with his allegiance to the realm, his following
shout prior to his war with FranceEither our history shall with full mouth
Speak freely of our acts, or else our grave,
Like Turkish mute, shall have a tongueless mouth,
Not worshipped with a waxen epitaphis meant to emphasise his concern for his country's heroic
historiography and fame. (Henry V.1.1.229-233)
It is to be stressed that the play's "swelling scene[s]" and warlike chants have subtle ironic undertones. (Prologue. 1-8) Indeed,
Shakespeare's endeavours to ironise Henry's victories take the form
of a studied disjunction between the Choruses and the play proper
in Henry V. And, in endorsing this ironisation, the dramatist has the
Chorus anticipate the disintegration of Henry's conquests.
(Epilogue: 9-13)
Besides, there are some remarks thrown here and there in
the play that serve to meticulously ironise Henry V's image who has
been presented in the prologue as an epical figure akin to "Mars",
the god of war in Roman mythology. (Prologue.6) These ironic
remarks occur in the scene prior to the Battle of Agincourt with the
French troops. There he first laments his status as a king who sees
his office as a mere burden:
O hard condition …
What infinite heart's ease
75
‫ من شخصية أسطورية إلى بطل تراجيدي‬:‫الملك هنري الخامس‬
Must kings neglect that private men enjoy
And what have kings that privates have not too,
Save ceremony – save general ceremony.
(Henry V, 4.1. 229-235)
This lamentation is the product of his implicit awareness of his
father's (and hence his own) illegitimacy as a king. This point
powerfully occurs in his following prayer in which he passionately
implores God to pardon his father:
Not to-day, O Lord,
O, not-today, think not upon the fault
My father made in compassing the crown.
(Henry V, 4.1. 287-8)
This reference to his father's past as a de facto rather than a de jure
monarch finds its pertinence in terms of the play's incessant effort
to undermine Henry V's public image as a undefeatable hero.
A more corroborative evidence of the ironisation of Henry
can be seen in the play's assertion that he was not magnanimous in
victory. Fluellen poignantly laments that Henry V has not acted in
accordance with "the law of arms". Commenting on the king's
command "Then every soldier kill his prisoners; / Give the word
through", Fluellen complains to Gower, his counterpart in the
English army (6.4. 37-8) :
Fluellen : Kill the poys [i.e. boys] and the luggage! 'Tis
expressly against the law of arms; " tis as
arrant a piece of knavery, mark you now,
77
‫ الياس خلف‬.‫د‬.‫أ‬
4102 - 5 ‫ – العدد‬63 ‫مجلة جامعة البعث – المجلد‬
as can be offert [i.e. offered]; in your conscience,
now, is it not?
Gower:
'Tis certain there's not a boy left alive.
(Henry V, 4.7. 1-5)
The ironisation of Henry V brilliantly emerges when the play
singles out the Duke of York and the Earl of Suffolk for celebration
and glorification for their chivalry. This point also occurs in
Fluellen's eulogy of Exeter's heroic feats:
The Duke of Exeter is as magnanimous as Agamemnon …
He keeps the bridge most valiantly, with excellent discipline.
(Henry
V,
3.5.6,
12-13)
Of course, the play's celebration of these heroes shows that Henry
V is no longer the centre of the play's heroisation.
Fluellen subtly proceeds with his subtle endeavours to assert
Henry's lack of magnanimity by reminding the readers/spectators of
the latter's harsh banishment of Falstaff. In response to Gower's
statement ("Our king is not like him [i.e. Alexander the Great] in
that: he never kill'd any of his friends"), Fluellen elaborates:
It is not well done, mark you now,
To take the tales out of my mouth
Ere it is made and finished. I speak but in
The figures and comparisons of it; as Alexander
Kill'd his friend Cleitus, being in his ales and
77
‫ من شخصية أسطورية إلى بطل تراجيدي‬:‫الملك هنري الخامس‬
his cups, so also Harry Monmouth,
being in his right wits and his good judgements,
turn'd away the fat knight with the great
belly doublet …
(Henry V, 4.7. 38-48)
Fluellen's recourse to "figures and comparisons" in terms of which
he aligns Henry to Alexander amounts to the play's urge that we
have to think and deliberate before jumping to hasty judgments.
But the most corroborative evidence of the play's process of
ironising Henry V and hence representing him as a suffering figure
occur in the scene where he courts Katherine of France. Within this
intimate scene Shakespeare turns his dramatic camera inside
Henry's chaotic mind where the latter ravels his covert sense of the
burden of his father's guilt:
Now beshrew [i.e. curse] my father's ambition!
He was thinking of civil wars when he got
me; therefore was I created with
a stubborn outside, with an aspect of iron,
that when I come to woo ladies I fright them.
(Henry
V,
5.2.
226-30)
This outburst vehemently asseverates that all the euphoria
following the victories at Agincourt has failed to uproot Henry's
anxiety of his father's regicide and usurpation.
71
‫ الياس خلف‬.‫د‬.‫أ‬
4102 - 5 ‫ – العدد‬63 ‫مجلة جامعة البعث – المجلد‬
From this, we note that Shakespeare is not a propagandist writer
who is keen on presenting Henry V as a replica of his counterpart in
The Famous Victories. Shakespeare is indeed a dramatist who
wholly looks at Henry as an individual who cannot erase the
"memory" of his father's former days" (Henry IV, 5. 1. 215) Hence,
Henry V emerges a drama of experience presented within an outer
frame of historical events. Shakespeare's dramatic energies are
focussed on undermining and hence ionizing the popular image of
Henry. Therefore Henry appears as an individual akin to a tragic
hero who is burdened with the gloomy legacy of his father's
usurpation.
Shakespeare's recourse to the minute signs of Henry's
somberness emerges as an authorial invitation that
readers/spectators should not respond to events at their face value.
They should think and pause so as to reach the play's real targets.
This reading negates the views of those critics who hail and heroise
Henry. Maria Jose Alvarez Faedo has strangely seen the play as
promoting Henry's image as that of "the greatest of men", and that
of "a king whose life was immaculate". (23). Similarly, Jorge Luis
Bueno Alonso concentrates on Henry's military exploits and sees
him as a victorious emperor". (24) These views are one-sided
because they rely upon Henry's marital praxis, neglecting his
personal sufferings which present themselves in his soliloquies and
his public speeches which are intended to impress the spectating
court.
One last word has to be stressed here. The Henry V of The
Famous Victories is presented as a popular folk hero because the
play is basically a heroic pageant of patriotism. It does not look at
the title figure's personal life. The Shakespearean Henry, however,
is an individual whose deep sense of his father's misdeeds agonises
him and makes him appear as a tragic hero. His feats of valour have
70
‫ من شخصية أسطورية إلى بطل تراجيدي‬:‫الملك هنري الخامس‬
failed to eradicate his concealed anxieties as an individual because
they are too heavy a burden to bear.
Notes
1. Cuddon, J. A. 1976: Dictionary of Literary Terms and
Literary Theory (1976), revised by C.E. Preston, Penguin
Books Ltd, London, 1999, p.451
2. Ibid: p.451
3. Ibid: p.371
4. Ibid: pp. 452, 525
5. Gennette, G. 1987: Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation,
translated by Jane E. Lewin, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, 1997, p.76
6. Thompson, Stith, 1961: "Literature for the Unlettered", in
Comparative Literature: Method and Perspective, edited by
Newton P. Stallknecht and Horst Frenz, revised 1971,
Southern Illinois University Press, Carbondale, p.208
7. The Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth, 1598, printed by
Thomas Creede, London.
8. Ribner, Irving. 1957. The English History Play in the Age of
Shakespeare, Princeton University Press, Princeton, p.73
9. Ibid: p.71
10. The Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth, dramatis personae,
p.3
11. De Saussure, F. 1950: General Course in English
Linguistics, translated by Wade Baskin, introduced by
Jonathan Culler, and edited by Charles Bally et al.
74
‫ الياس خلف‬.‫د‬.‫أ‬
4102 - 5 ‫ – العدد‬63 ‫مجلة جامعة البعث – المجلد‬
Philosophical Library, New York, 1950, revised 1947,
reprinted 1978, p.67
12. Ribner, p. 72
13. Ribner, p. 73
14. Tillyard, E. M. W. 1944: Shakespeare's History Plays,
reissued in Penguin Shakespeare Library 1969, Penguin
Books, Harmondsworth, p. 106
15. Ribner, p.72
16. Marlowe, Christopher: Edward II, edited by W. D. Briggs,
London, 1940, pp. lxxx -lxxxi
17. Tillyard, p. 61
18- Eagleton, Terry, 1983: Literary Theory: An Introduction,
Basil Blackwell Publisher Limited, Oxford, p. 196. For similar
views, see Webster, Roger, 1990: Studying Literary Theory: An
Introduction, Edward Arnold, London, p.108, and Williams,
Raymond, 1961: "The Long Revolution" in The Theory of
Criticism from Plato to the Present: A Reader, edited and
introduced by Raman Selden, Longman, London, p. 433
19-Shakespeare, William, Henry IV, Part One, in The Alexander
Text of William Shakespeare: The Complete Works, 1951, edited by
Peter Alexander, Collins, London, I.ii 187
20- Shakespeare, King John, in The Alexander Text .
21-Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary, 1979, G & C. Merriam
Company, Springfield, Massachusetts.
22-Shakespeare, Henry V, in The Alexander Text.
23-Alvarez Faedo, M. J. 1997: "The Epic Tone in Shakespeare's
Henry V", SEDERI 7: 249-252, p.270
76
‫ من شخصية أسطورية إلى بطل تراجيدي‬:‫الملك هنري الخامس‬
24-Bueno Alonso, J. L. 1998: "History, Patriotism and Religion in
William Shakespeare's Henry ", SEDERI 9: 271-84, p.278
Bibliography
Alvarez Faedo, M. J. 1997: "The Epic Tone in Shakespeare's
Henry V", SEDERI 7: 249-252.
Bueno Alonso, J. L. 1998: "History, Patriotism and Religion
in William Shakespeare's Henry V", SEDERI 9: 271 – 84.
Cuddon, J. A. 1976: Dictionary of Literary Terms and
Literary Theory (1976), revised by C.E. Preston, Penguin
Books Ltd, London, 1999.
De Saussure, F. 1950: General Course in English
Linguistics, translated by Wade Baskin, introduced by
Jonathan Culler, and edited by Charles Bally et al.
Philosophical Library, New York, 1950, revised 1947,
reprinted 1978.
Eagleton, Terry, 1983: Literary Theory: An Introduction,
Basil Blackwell Publisher Limited, Oxford.
The Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth, 1598, printed by
Thomas Creede, London.
72
‫ الياس خلف‬.‫د‬.‫أ‬
4102 - 5 ‫ – العدد‬63 ‫مجلة جامعة البعث – المجلد‬
Gennette, C. 1987: Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation,
translated by Jane E. Lewin, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, 1997.
Marlowe, Christopher: Edward II, edited by W. D. Briggs,
London, 1940.
Ribner, Irving, 1957: The English History Play in the Age of
Shakespeare, Princeton University Press, Princeton.
Shakespeare, William, Henry IV, Part I, in The Alexander
Text of William Shakespeare: The Complete Works, 1951,
edited by Peter Alexander, Collins, London.
____, Henry IV, Part II, in The Alexander Text of William
Shakespeare.
____, Henry V, in The Alexander Text of William
Shakespeare.
____, King John, in The Alexander Text of William
Shakespeare.
Thompson, Stith, 1961: "Literature for the Unlettered", in
Comparative Literature: Method and Perspective, edited by
Newton P. Stallknecht and Horest Frenz, revised 1971,
Southern Illinois University Press, Carbondale.
Tillyard, E. M. W. 1944: Shakespeare's History Plays,
reissued in Penguin Shakespeare Library, 1969, Penguin
Books, Harmondsworth.
75
‫ من شخصية أسطورية إلى بطل تراجيدي‬:‫الملك هنري الخامس‬
Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary, G & C. Merriam
Company, Springfield, Massachusetts.
Webster, Roger. 1990: Studying Literary Theory: An
Introduction,
Edward Arnold, London.
Williams, Raymond, 1961: "The Long Revolution" in The
Theory of
Criticism from Plato to the Present: A Reader edited and
introduced by
Raman Selden, Longman, London.
73