Arab-American Identity Construction

Ghent University
Faculty of Arts and Philosophy
Arab-American Identity Construction:
A Comparison between Pre- and Post-9/11
Literature
Supervisor:
Prof. Dr. Ilka Saal
Paper submitted in partial fulfilment
of the requirements for the degree of
―Master in de Taal-en Letterkunde:
Engels-Spaans‖
by Silke Dewulf
May, 2009
1
Table of Contents
I. Introduction
3
I.1 Identity Construction and Boundaries
4
I.2 Arab and/or Muslim
8
II. Pre-9/11 Literature
II.1 Drops of This Story (1996) by Suheir Hammad
12
12
II.1.1 Religion
12
II.1.2 Language
15
II.1.3 Music
18
II.1.4 Food
20
II.1.5 Gender
23
II.1.6 Class
26
II.1.7 Conclusion
29
II.2 House of Sand and Fog (2000) by Andre Dubus III
30
II.2.1 Religion
32
II.2.2 Language
33
II.2.3 Music
36
II.2.4 Food
37
II.2.5 Gender
39
II.2.6 Class
41
II.2.7 Conclusion
44
II.3 Comparative Conclusion
III. Post-9/11 Literature
III.1 Once in a Promised Land (2007) by Laila Halaby
III.1.1 Religion
45
46
46
48
2
III.1.2 Language
49
III.1.3 Music
51
III.1.4 Food
52
III.1.5 Gender
54
III.1.6 Class
56
III.1.7 Conclusion
57
III.2 ―Profile of an Arab Daughter‖ (2001) by Elmaz Abinader
58
III.3 Comparative Conclusion
63
IV. Post-9/11 Literature with a pre-9/11 Content
IV.1 ―Just Off Main Street‖ (2002) by Elmaz Abinader
64
64
IV.1.1 Religion
65
IV.1.2 Language
65
IV.1.3 Music
66
IV.1.4 Food
67
IV.1.5 Gender
68
IV.1.6 Class
68
IV.1.7 Conclusion
69
IV.2 ―This Crutch That I Love‖ (2002) by Naomi Shihab Nye
71
IV.3 Comparative Conclusion
74
V. Conclusion
75
VI. Works Cited
82
VI.1 Primary Literature
82
VI.2 Secondary Literature
82
3
I. Introduction
The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 have redefined the meaning of being Arab
in America. Before 9/11, Nadine Naber defined the Arab community as being invisible in the
United States.1 This reality radically changed with the events of 9/11, resulting in the
foregrounding of this ethno-racial group in media, politics, etc. This paper seeks to provide a
better view on the identity of Arab Americans through the analysis of works of literature that
deal with the themes of immigrant experience and second-generation immigrant experience.
In particular, the aim is to examine the situation of Arab Americans in the United States as
seen from the inside as well as from the outside; both pre- and post-9/11. Consequently, this
paper addresses how the identity of Arab Americans is constructed and performed both from
the inside as well as the outside along with the problems these processes pose for Arab
Americans as the boundaries through which this identity is established are constantly
questioned and reasserted. In this manner, I seek to draw attention to the potential difference
between the boundaries that are drawn by the inside, immigrant group and by the outside,
white group both pre- and post-9/11. The analyses of the works of literature will point out that
the Arab-American protagonists are not always situated on the inside or the outside of the
established boundaries, but generally live on the boundary. The events of 9/11 reinforce this
feeling of living on the boundary as American society views Arab Americans with distrust
due to the War on Terror. However, the boundaries drawn by the outside American group do
not differ completely from those established before 9/11; rather pre-9/11 boundaries are
drawn more rigidly. Arab Americans react to this process with disbelief and feel the need to
justify their position within American society which results in a feeling of dislocation and
alienation from both their home and host country. Hence, this experience reinforces their in-
1
Naber, Nadine. ―Ambiguous insiders: an investigation of Arab American invisibility.‖ Ethnic and Racial
Studies 23.1 (2000): 37-61.
4
between position which is strikingly described by Gloria Anzaldúa in Borderlands/La
Frontera (1999):
Chicanos and other people of color suffer economically for not acculturating.
This voluntary (yet forced) alienation makes for psychological conflict, a kind
of dual identity – we don‘t identify with the Anglo-American cultural values
and we don‘t totally identify with the Mexican cultural values. We are a
synergy of two cultures with various degrees of Mexicanness or Angloness. 2
In similarity with the work of Anzaldúa and in order to get a view on this hyphenated
cultural identity, the focus will be on how the selected works of literature foreground ArabAmerican identity through the characteristics of religion, language, music, food, gender and
class. The thorough analysis of these markers of ethnicity demonstrates how the identity of
Arab Americans is determined by the establishment of social, cultural, physical and
symbolical boundaries. Sometimes they are situated inside or outside the boundary, but most
of the time they live on the boundary and occupy an in-between position. In similarity with
Anzaldúa, the Arab-American protagonists learn to ―juggle cultures‖ (Anzaldúa 101).
In what follows, there is first an exploration of the theme of identity construction and
the importance of boundaries. Secondly, the terms Arab and Muslim are clarified and the
concept of ―identity salience‖ is put forward.
I.1 Identity Construction and Boundaries
Identity construction has to do with how one is in proportion both to oneself and to the
other. At the most basic level everyone is equal. However, identity construction regards how
one experiences oneself and how one stands in the world in addition to how one is perceived
2
Anzaldúa, Gloria. Borderlands/La Frontera. The New Mestiza. 2nd ed. San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books: 1999:
85.
5
by others. The most difficult part of the creation of an identity consists in the fact that the only
way to do this is to measure one‘s individuality, both wittingly and unwittingly, with the
differences and similarities between the self and the others. In other words, people create their
identity by comparing themselves with others and by denominating the differences and
similarities between oneself and the other on all possible levels. As a result, the establishment
of one‘s identity comes down to the constant drawing and redrawing of boundaries and nonboundaries between the self and the others. It is exactly the constant renegotiation of these
boundaries and non-boundaries that constitutes the core of the process of identity
construction. However, this drawing of boundaries is only partly a conscious process. Most
boundaries are established unconsciously on an intuitive level or as a reaction to some event.
As stated by Vince Marotta, the German sociologist Georg Simmel was the first to
explicitly emphasize the importance of boundaries in the understanding of social interaction
and the human condition.3 According to Simmel, social, cultural, physical and symbolical
boundaries define the essence of the human condition. Moreover, he draws attention to the
ambiguity of boundaries in his metaphor of the door by indicating that the door represents
limitations as well as the possibility of openness. Actually, the door separates and connects,
but also contains the threshold which symbolizes the in-between position. Furthermore,
Marotta explicitly states that ―the problem is not boundaries in themselves, but how they are
used, the type of boundaries and who imposes the boundaries and why‖ (299). In other words,
both the negative and the positive effects of the drawing of boundaries depend on the
intentions of the individual or the group.
A clear example of the impact of the drawing of boundaries, both from the inside and
the outside, can be found in the classification of the different waves of Arab immigrants in the
3
Marotta, Vince P. ―The Hybrid Self and the Ambivalence of Boundaries.‖ Social Identities 14.3 (2008):295-
312.
6
United States. As pointed out by Naber, Arab immigrants arrived in the United States in three
major waves. The first wave of Arab immigrants can be situated between 1880 and 1945 and
included mainly Christian Arabs who were drawn to the US by economic opportunities. This
first wave consisted mainly of immigrants from Greater Syria, which for most of that time
belonged to the Ottoman Empire. As a result, the US government at first classified these
immigrants as Turks and only later on as Syrians. However, the Arab immigrants identified
themselves according to other categories, such as family, kinship, village affiliation and/or
religious sect (Naber 38). Hence, there is a great discrepancy between the identity boundaries
established by the US government on the one hand, and those established by the Arab
immigrants on the other hand. The US government emphasized the immigrants‘ nonEuropean origin and in this way drew attention to the fact that they were different, even
though they were Christians. So, from early on, the Arab Americans occupied a difficult
position in America since their racial background classified them as outsiders, while their
religious affiliation classified them as insiders.
The second wave of Arab-speaking immigrants arrived between 1945 and 1965 and
included a larger number of Muslim immigrants. It also included refugees who had been
displaced by the 1948 Palestine War. Furthermore, unlike the earlier influx, this second wave
was characterized by the arrival of many professionals and university students. According to
Naber, this immigrant group ―brought new and specific forms of Arab nationalism to the US
and began to self-identify according to the classification ‗Arab‘ more than the previous
immigrant wave‖ (40). In other words, the boundaries by which this second immigrant group
identified itself had shifted in comparison with those of the first immigrant group. The fact
that this second immigrant group was more nationalistic than the earlier group emphasized the
differences between Arab Americans and Americans and contributed to the awareness of a
distinct Arab-American identity.
7
The third immigrant wave is characterized by the Immigration Act of 1965. The
relaxation of immigration laws caused a rapid influx of Arab immigrants in the US. This last
group of Arab immigrants was both geographically and religiously the most diverse one.
Moreover, this wave included again many professionals and students, but was also
characterized by refugees who fled their home country due to political instability and war.
However, the main distinction with the two previous waves consists of the fact that this third
category possesses a much stronger sense of Arab nationalism (Naber 40). In particular, the
Arab-Israeli War of 1967 caused the shift towards ―a rising, ethno-political consciousness
among members of the Arab American community‖ (Naber 41). In other words, since the
United States supported Israel instead of the Arab world, Arab Americans felt the need to
emphasize their distinct identity and claim their rights as a minority group. So, the
nationalistic attitude that characterizes this third group is much more intense and politically
loaded than the nationalism of the second wave.
Consequently, the overview of how the different Arab immigrant waves are classified,
indicate that ―immigration to the United States includes the experience of being placed into a
racial hierarchy, which becomes one of the primary means by which identity is established‖
(Ajrouch 860). This emphasis on race as a salient marker of identity is principally a
construction from the outside group. Moreover, the classification of this diverse group of
Arab immigrants is based on multiple and conflicting categories, such as country of origin,
skin colour, religious affiliation, etc. In other words, the boundaries by which the Arab
Americans are classified are variable over time and not always transparent to both the inside
and the outside group. Actually, boundaries can be bright or blurred, as Richard Alba
maintains. 4 According to him, a bright boundary implicates that there is no ambiguity in the
4
Alba, Richard. ―Bright vs. Blurred Boundaries: Second-generation Assimilation and Exclusion in France,
Germany, and the United States.‖ Ethnic and Racial Studies 28.1 (2005): 20-49.
8
location of the individual with respect to the boundary. In other words, a bright boundary
means that the individual belongs completely to one of the two groups. A blurred boundary,
on the other hand, means that the location with respect to the boundary is ambiguous. As
stated by Alba, ―this could mean that individuals are seen as simultaneously members of the
groups on both sides of the boundary or that sometimes they appear to be members of one and
at other times members of the other‖ (25). This in-between position can be actively chosen by
the immigrant or can be assigned by the outside group. In other words, individuals are not
forced to choose between the two groups, which results in a hyphenated identity allowing
them to identify in some situations with the majority group and with the minority group in
others. As the analyses will point out, this hyphenated identity characterizes the immigrant
experience of the Arab-American protagonists of the selected works of literature. In other
words, the protagonists try to establish an identity on the boundary, which is not always that
easy, as is also stated by Anzaldúa. ―Living on borders and in margins, keeping intact one‘s
shifting and multiple identity and integrity, is like trying to swim in a new element, an ‗alien‘
element‖ (Preface).
I.2 Arab and/or Muslim
As the overview of the different immigrant waves demonstrates, the term Arab causes
some confusion and seems to incorporate both Muslim and Christian immigrants.
Nevertheless, in order to grasp the notion of Arab-American identity, it seems useful to be
fully aware of the correct use of this term. As stated by Suleiman, many people use both terms
interchangeably. ―While the categories ‗Muslim‘ and ‗Arab‘ are very broad and composed of
many distinct peoples or countries, they are, nevertheless, often seen by Americans as one
9
‗people‘ and generally viewed in a negative light.‖5 This negative view often depends on the
political conflicts between America and the Arab world, such as the Arab-Israeli War and the
Gulf War. The distinction between the terms ‗Arab‘ and ‗Muslim‘ is clearly elaborated by Pia
Rebello Britto in the following passage:
The word Arab usually connotes people who are either from one of the
22 Arab States spanning from north Africa to the Middle East (Algeria,
Bahrain, Comoro Islands, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon,
Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia,
Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen) or whose ancestors
come from this region, even though not everybody who comes from these
countries is necessarily an Arab. It often entails having Arabic as a first or
familial language. Muslims are followers of Islam, irrespective of ethnicity,
sect, or language. 6
The selected works of literature include Arab-American, Muslim-American as well as ArabMuslim American protagonists. Moreover, the authors of these novels and short stories, with
exception of Andre Dubus III, are also of Arab, Muslim or Arab-Muslim descent. By
including these different groups this paper acknowledges that the conflation of the categories
Arab, Middle Eastern and Muslim forms part of popular representation. In other words, this
paper studies the immigrant experience of both people who identify as Arab Americans and
people who are perceived as Arabs by American society.
The fact that most people around the world consider Arabs and Muslims as belonging
to one and the same group heightens the immigrants‘ awareness and difficulty of establishing
5
Suleiman, Michael W., ―Islam, Muslims and Arabs in America: The Other of the Other of the Other…‖ Journal
of Muslim Minority Affairs 19.1 (1999): 44.
6
Britto, Pia Rebello. ―Who Am I? Ethnic Identity Formation of Arab Muslim Children in Contemporary U.S.
Society.‖ Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry 47.8 (2008): 853-854.
10
an identity. Moreover, the identity construction of these immigrants is characterized by some
salient markers. The introduction of the article by Lori Peek points out the usefulness of the
concept of ―identity salience‖ with respect to identity construction. 7 According to Peek, the
concept refers to the ―contributing factors and processes that make one identity […] of
greater, even paramount, importance in the hierarchy of multiple identities that comprise a
sense of self‖ (217). In other words, some aspects of the self are considered more important
than others and, consequently, serve as a means to identify oneself. The analyses of the works
will put forward that the salient markers of one‘s identity as conceived by oneself do not
always correspond to what the outside community perceives as being the immigrant‘s salient
identity characteristic. This different view on the immigrant by the outside group indicates
that there still exists a lot of ignorance about the culture and identity of the ‗other‘. According
to Anzaldúa,
The answer to the problem between the white race and the colored, […], lies in
healing the split that originates in the very foundation of our lives, our culture,
our languages, our thoughts. A massive uprooting of dualistic thinking in the
individual and collective consciousness is the beginning of a long struggle, but
one that could, in our best hopes, bring us to the end of rape, of violence, of
war. (102)
In what follows, the selected works of literature undergo a thorough analysis. These
works of literature are chosen according to availability and in view of a well-balanced
representation of different literary genres both pre- and post-9/11. Consequently, the first
chapter will be dedicated to the analysis of pre-9/11 literature on the Arab immigrant
experience represented by the memoir Drops of This Story (1996) by Suheir Hammad and the
7
Peek, Lori. ―Becoming Muslim: The Development of a Religious Identity.‖ Sociology of Religion 66.3 (2005):
215-242.
11
novel House of Sand and Fog (2000) by Andre Dubus III. The second chapter concerns the
analyses of the novel Once in a Promised Land (2007) by Laila Halaby and the short story
―Profile of an Arab Daughter‖ (2001) by Elmaz Abinader, both written in the aftermath of
September 11. In addition, the analyses of the short stories ―Just Off Main Street‖ (2002) by
Elmaz Abinader and ―This Crutch that I Love‖ (2002) by Naomi Shihab Nye will be included.
Both short stories are published after 9/11, but deal with cases of Arab-American identity
experience before 9/11 which makes them difficult to classify within one of the two previous
categories. By including these short stories, attention is drawn to the possible influence of the
events of 9/11 on the way in which Arab-American writers tell their pre-9/11 stories.
The different analyses are presented chronologically and focus on the importance of
religion, language, music, food, gender and class. Moreover, each analysis is completed with
a conclusion and the paper is supported by intermediate conclusions which compare each time
the two works of literature that represent one of the three categories, namely pre-9/11, post9/11 and post-9/11 with pre-9/11 contents. Finally, the paper will result in a nuanced
conclusion which will bring to the surface that 9/11 effectively has changed the immigrant
experience for Arab Americans. Although the basic doubts and difficulties with the
hyphenated identity are quite similar pre- and post-9/11, different boundaries are drawn after
the events, especially by the outside American group. However, the boundaries drawn by the
outside American group do not differ completely from those established before 9/11; rather
pre-9/11 boundaries are drawn more rigidly and translate into cases of prejudice and
discrimination on levels which before were considerably free of boundaries, such as airport
security or work environment. Arab Americans react to this process with disbelief and feel the
need to justify their position within American society which results in a heightened awareness
of their hyphenated identity and the feeling of alienation from both the home and the host
country.
12
II. Pre-9/11 Literature
II.1 Drops of This Story (1996) by Suheir Hammad
The first work of literature that will be discussed is Drops of This Story (1996), a pre9/11 memoir by the Palestinian author Suheir Hammad who was born in Jordan and raised in
Brooklyn. Although the book is referred to as a memoir on the book jacket, this label does not
seem to cover the contents of the book. According to the definition of José Amícola, Drops of
This Story (1996) mixes characteristics of both a classical memoir and an autobiography. 8
The difficulty of assigning a clear genre to the work corresponds to the difficulty faced by
Hammad to get the pieces of her own identity together. As can be derived from the many
revisions, the work is the exact reproduction of her struggle to come to terms with her mixed
identity. Through writing she finds a way to handle her turbid feelings about her identity. It
seems as if writing is the only therapy to come to terms with her hyphenated identity.
With respect to the question of race and ethnicity Suheir Hammad, who is both the
writer and the protagonist of the book, is of Arab descent as she was born in Jordan to
Palestinian refugee parents. In addition, she is also a follower of Islam and can thus be called
an Arab-Muslim American. In what follows the aim is to grasp how Hammad deals with this
mixed ethnicity by focussing on the importance of religion, language, music, food, gender and
class in the identity construction.
II.1.1 Religion
In her so-called memoir Hammad does not emphasize the importance of religion in the
construction of her identity. The references to Islam and religion in general are intertwined
with the story of self-investigation and self-construction. In the preliminary note the author
8
Amícola, José. Autobiografía como Autofiguración: Estrategias Discursivas del Yo y Cuestiones del Género.
Rosario: Beatriz Viterbo Editora, 2007: 11-43.
13
refers, on the one hand, to the Qur‘an, the holy book of Islam, but on the other hand, she also
mentions Orisha, a supernatural spirit that belongs to African religions, as well as a church
choir. This intermingling of religious concepts is the result of the intercultural neighbourhood
in which Hammad was raised and contributes to the complex make-up of her identity. From
the occasional references to other religions, religious groups (e.g. Jehovah‘s Witnesses), 9 and
religious concepts, one can surmise that Hammad is a modern Islamist who recognizes and
respects other religions. For example, she turns to both the Bible and the Qur‘an to search for
an explanation of the holy wars that destruct whole countries, such as Palestine. However, she
concludes that these holy books contradict each other in some matters and bring no
clarification. ―I come out with more questions than I had before I opened them books‖ (82).
In contrast, her parents seem to be more conservative in their ideas concerning
religion. Hammad recalls one moment in which her mother took her to the public clinic and
tried to get the Pakistani doctor because he was Muslim. According to Hammad, her mother
―figured that even if he was too tired to be competent, after seeing all them kids, Allah would
give him divine guidance, and I‘d get better‖(17). Further on in the book, she mentions how
her parents told her it was a sin to worship humans and only Allah could be praised. Hammad
did not succeed in explaining to them that the heroes of the youth were just cool and were not
considered gods. Nevertheless, the thoughts of her parents influenced the vision of the young
Hammad as appears from the next quote, ―I was sure that the Devil was up to no good, ‗cause
my parents kept saying I was sinning every time I did something‖ (57).
Throughout the work there are several references to the Islamic faith. Some references,
such as to the Qur‘an, imam and Allah, can be recognized very quickly because of their
universal use and therefore produce a direct link with Islam in the reader. Other references,
however, are less explicit because these words are not known universally and therefore less
9
Hammad, Suheir. Drops of This Story. New York: Harlem River Press, 1996: 79.
14
likely to be recognized as references to Islam. Jinns10, for example, are ugly and evil demons
typical of Arab and Muslim folklore and are mentioned when Hammad is talking about her
memories before birth and the calming feeling she experienced there because of the thrusting
voice of God who told her ―she would be protected by spirits and jinns who watch her back‖
(25). The hybridity that marks this sentence by referring both to spirits and jinns seems to
indicate that Hammad will be confronted with both positive spirits and evil demons in her life.
Moreover, she cannot always rely on the protection of God as appears from the next passage
where she refers to the abuse she suffered when she was younger. ―I would wonder if God
also saw the things, especially the bad, that men tried to do behind closed doors. Why didn‘t
the eye cry out a heavy drop of rock to stop it? I know now that the eye looks away
sometimes‖ (58). Since God does not always protect her, she realizes that she has to fight the
jinns on her own.
In the development of the story, the references to religion made by Hammad become
more personal. On page thirty nine she calls her story ―the story of God‖ because she
experiences that God is within her. Although she feels that God is a part of her, she questions
her amount of love for God and concludes that one cannot love God more or less, the fact that
you love him is enough. Further on in the story, she remembers how she pictured to see God‘s
eye in the clouds when she was flying to America at the age of five. ―That‘s what I used to
think God was, one big eyeball. God saw everything you did, especially the bad […]‖ (57).
Moreover, it appears that Hammad was somewhat afraid of God when she was younger and
considered him to be responsible for her bad eyesight. ―Sure that God was punishing me for
wanting to know too much‖ (50). She also tells about how she hated Ramadan when she was
a child because she had to explain to other children and teachers why she had to fast and
10
Hefner, Alan G. ―Jinn‖. Encyclopedia Mythica. 29 January 2009
<http://www.pantheon.org/articles/j/jinn.html>.
15
could not eat what other children ate. ―I taste past Ramadans that left me angry at the god
who decided we needed to fast so our sins would be forgiven, and so we could empathize with
the hungry‖ (16). Again, she sees God as the responsible person for her problems since it was
him who decided that they had to fast on Ramadan. The above stated examples clearly
represent the mixed feelings Hammad has towards religion and God. On the one hand, God
seems to be made responsible for punishment and is considered to see the bad things one
does, except the bad things that men do. So, she cannot always count on his protection. On the
other hand, she prays to God for help. ―I prayed to God to keep my eyes dry until I reached
home‖ (83). Moreover, she considers God to be a part of her (39) which might indicate that
religion functions as a salient feature of her identity.
In conclusion, one can say that religion in general, and Islam in particular, plays an
important role in both the past and present life of Hammad. However, religion is not
excessively present in her story when compared to other factors contributing to the
construction of her identity. Furthermore, Hammad and her parents establish different
religious boundaries. While Hammad integrates elements from different religions in her life,
her parents rigidly hold on to the Islamic traditions. On the other hand, Hammad herself
seems to have undergone some boundary shift with respect to religion. As a child she
imagined God as the all-seeing eye and feared God, while she now has found a healthy and
open-minded way of dealing with religion.
II.1.2 Language
The importance of language, the second factor in the identity construction of Hammad,
can be sensed from the very beginning of the book. Hammad uses everyday language to
convert her thoughts into words and writes these words down as they come to her mind. The
result is a rather fragmented story, a succession of different episodes that convey the story of
16
her young life when considered as a whole. The fragmented style reflects the difficulty she
experiences when trying to come to terms with her identity. Moreover, the language she uses
is the language with which she grew up, it is the vernacular of the Brooklyn neighbourhood
where several ethnicities live together.
At all times her tale is marked by the language use that characterizes the habitual
speech of less educated classes in America such as the use of ain't as a general negative
indicator which can be used where Standard English would use am not, isn't, aren't, haven't
and hasn't, ―[…] translations ain‘t no good‖ (4) and ―There ain‘t no love story here‖ (29).
Another characteristic that keeps reoccurring in the text is the use of them, as for example in
―Them young kids inspired an entire generation […]‖ (60). Moreover, Hammad is aware of
the influence the neighbourhood had on her language use as appears from what she says in an
interview with Marcy Jane Knopf-Newman. ―So I was able to right away know that Spanglish
and Ebonics and all of these different grammars that we were all using around each other
were legitimate, and so I never had the issue of how do I use proper English, because I was
never taught proper English.‖11 Moreover, there are several allusions to be found to the use of
abusive words and the influence of Spanish.
My memory conspires with this story to force me to write words that I‘d rather
not remember. Words that marked childhoods; nigga, spick, camel, bitch.
Words used when people don‘t know your name. We all heard it, we all said it.
We lived by it. Girls were bitches and sluts. Boys were niggas and faggots. Of
course, there was the dash of motherfucker and bloodclot, along with the drop
of puta and pendeho, to add to the stew. (55)
11
Knopf-Newman, Marcy J. Interview with Suheir Hammad. MELUS. 31.4 (2006): 79.
17
These abusive words form part of the slang of the neighbourhood which reflects the tough and
violent atmosphere in which Hammad grew up. Moreover, the quote is full of ethnic slurs that
refer to the racial alterity.
Next to the important role of vernacular English, Suheir also calls attention to the
function of the Arabic language in her identity construction. She tells the reader how she only
learned the Arabic language, to which she refers significantly as ―my parent‘s language‖ (4),
at age seventeen so she would be able to understand the lyrics of the songs by the Egyptian
singer Abdel-Halem Hafez. This reason for learning Arabic does not appear to form part of a
deeper longing for a connection with the country of birth at first sight. However, as becomes
clear from the following quote, she gradually comes to appreciate the characteristics of the
Arabic language. ―The English language is dry and deficient in the words of love, pride, hope,
and spirit (that‘s why Abdel-Halem sang in Arabic). There are just too many words for hate,
poverty, hunger, and fear in English‖ (56). In addition, when she addresses her father, she
alternates between the English and the Arabic denomination. The usage of both ―dad‖ and
―baba‖ in the same situation indicates that both languages have acquired a similar level of
intimacy in the opinion of Suheir.
What is more, Hammad foregrounds the importance of language to feel at home in a
place. When she describes how she had a heat stroke when she was visiting her family in
Jordan as a twelve-year-old, she strikingly expresses how she feels marginalized by both the
Arab and the American group to which she would like to claim membership. ―By the time I
came to, I had all of these people talking to me in Arabic. When I couldn‘t reply, they started
to laugh. I was just another American tourist who couldn‘t handle the heat. I was an American
to them, but to the Americans I was just another immigrant‖(32-33, my underlining). This
insight clearly shows that Hammad feels as if she lives between two worlds and in none of
them can feel truly at home. Both the Arab and the American society establish boundaries by
18
which Hammad is classified as an outsider. Consequently, this creates a sense of nonbelonging in Hammad.
II.1.3 Music
The role of music, the third dimension that marks the identity construction of
Hammad, is already put forward in the beginning of the book. In the preliminary note one can
read, ―Stories are songs, and singers are prophets. No matter what we think of someone‘s
politics or personal business, if they do us right with their song, ‗kill us softly‘, we listen,
intent, to find ourselves in their voices.‖ From the varied references that appear throughout
the book we can derive that Hammad is interested in and influenced by divergent music
styles. She mentions, for example, Sam Cooke, Public Enemy, and Abdel-Halem Hafez in one
paragraph. This mixture of music styles seems to symbolize the mixed identity of Hammad.
On the one hand, Sam Cooke is a well-known African-American soul singer and a symbol of
the American Civil Rights movement and therefore might be interpreted as the representation
of the black part of the identity of Hammad. On the other hand, the musical group Public
Enemy represents the influence Hip Hop has on the identity construction of Hammad. At last,
she mentions the Egyptian singer Abdel-Halem Hafez, who seems to represent the Arabic part
of her identity. In other words, Hammad seems to identify with these three different musical
icons which can consequently be interpreted as representing the three major influences on her
identity construction: black culture, Hip Hop culture, and Arab culture.
With regard to the influence of Sam Cooke, an article by Michelle Hartman provides
some deeper insight.12 According to Hartman, Hammad uses a strategy of identity building as
Arab American which affiliates and aligns her with African Americans. Hartman argues that
12
Hartman, Michelle. ―‗this sweet / sweet music‘: Jazz, Sam Cooke, and Reading Arab American Literary
Identities.‖ MELUS. 31.4 (2006): 145-165.
19
this alignment is accomplished through the deployment of specific symbols in the text that
represent black America. In other words, Drops of This Story (1996) invokes AfricanAmerican music (as well as language) as a metonym for black America and proposes that this
is a location for potential solidarity in the construction of Arab-American identities (Hartman
146). Thus, Hammad understands jazz as black and invokes this symbolically and draws upon
the African-American musical icons Sam Cooke and Miles Davis. According to Hartman,
within the complex situation of racial and cultural politics involving Arab Americans and
African Americans,
black music offers a powerful and positive symbolic site for Arab Americans to
invoke connections between these two groups. Often, invocations of African
American music by Arab American writers are positive and celebratory,
underlining a shared understanding through culture rather than establishing a
bond between the two groups which is only based on shared oppression. (148)
This underlining of a shared culture is also brought forward in the story of Hammad,
when she expresses her desire to form part of the African community. ―The first time I
wrapped my hair in a gele, an African head wrap. Using material from Senegal, I shaped it
around my head the way my friends had shown me. Wanted to wrap myself in the beauty of
sisterhood‖ (46). However, contrary to the statements made by Hartman, the bond between
African Americans and Arab Americans does have a clear basis of shared oppression in Drops
of This Story (1996). When Hammad refers to Malcolm X, she tells how she cried as she
finished his autobiography, which indicates that she identifies with him. On another occasion,
she describes how she asked a teacher to lend her a book on slavery. This attitude shows how
Hammad searches actively to get into contact with African-American history. Again she gets
overwhelmed by emotions and cries while reading about African-American slavery. These
passages clearly demonstrate how Hammad feels connected to the African-American
20
community as she considers both groups to suffer from discrimination and prejudices. An
example of this unifying force of discrimination is to be found when she tells how her white
teacher did not believe that she read Tolstoy in seventh grade and called her a liar. ―Those
teachers wouldn‘t admit that a Black, Asian, Latino, or Arab kid could read the Western
masters and understand them‖ (50). In other words, Hammad seems to choose to live a
racially marked life and consciously decides to self-identify as person of colour to distinguish
herself from American whites and to align herself with the African Americans. The fact that
Hammad evokes solidarity with African Americans and not with Native Americans or Asian
Americans might have to do with the fact that the situation of the African Americans is
universally best known. Moreover, their oppressive past is well-documented in literature and
provides a stable background for identification.
However, Hammad feels equally connected to and influenced by other music styles
and/or icons as appears from the many references throughout the book. She mentions salsa
and merengue, clear influences from the Spanish inhabitants of Brooklyn, as well as Bob
Marley and reggae. Furthermore, one can encounter saxophone and jazz next to TKA, Al B
Sure and Public Enemy. In conclusion, music in all its forms constitutes a significant factor in
the construction of the identity of Hammad and seems to form a clear reproduction of the
mixture of influences Hammad experiences in her youth.
II.1.4 Food
With respect to the characteristics of food in Drops of This Story (1996), the influence
of the multicultural neighbourhood in which Hammad grew up surfaces again. ―I tell you I
was raised around the delicious stinks of the ghetto. Fried plantains and smoked reefers, my
mother‘s stuffed eggplant and the neighbor‘s pork ribs. Our apartment building was always
swaying with the smells of the East, the Caribbean, and the South‖(6). Although she loves
21
Arab food, she seems to deny this and is eager to conform to the typical American food
habits. ―Why couldn‘t we just eat pancakes and bacon like everybody else? We had to have
olives at every meal and pita bread with everything. I know now that I always loved that food.
It‘s just hard to be different all the time‖ (51). This statement expresses how Hammad finally
has come to fully appreciate Arab food and how she used to detest this food just because it
made her feel different.
However, when eating Arab food becomes more common and popular, she does not
feel better. On the contrary, she feels irritated about the way western people deal with Arab
food.
The time I heard them white girls order falafel in their oh-so-cute voices. They
wanted it extra crispy, as though it were some fried chicken or potato chips. I
wanted to let them know that falafel is only made two ways; good and not
good. […] Almost choked when I heard them ask for ‗ghummus‘ on their
sandwiches. Wanted to tell them it was pronounced hummus. […] When they
were walking out, I hear them talking about how much they loved Israeli food
and wasn‘t that belly dance music oh-so-cute? I swallowed it down. Wanted to
belly dance on their heads. (72)
This attitude gives away the fact that Hammad loves and cherishes Arab culture, in particular
Arab food, more than appears from previous stories on food. On the one hand, she wants to
get rid of this difference in food habits and eat the same ‗American‘ things as other children.
But on the other hand, she does not want others to interfere in the traditional preparation of
Arab food and cannot stand other people who like ‗her‘ food. This episode clearly
demonstrates the unstable feeling Suheir possesses concerning her Arab background as she
refers simultaneously to the can of Pepsi she had to drink to force her food down her throat
after witnessing the conversation of the white girls. In other words, Hammad establishes a
22
food boundary from the inside Arab community by commenting on the attitude of the
American girls with respect to Arab food. On the one hand, she wants to be seen as an insider
by the American society, but on the other hand, she wants to keep the Americans outside ‗her‘
community.
Furthermore, the Americanization of Hammad manifests itself in an opaque way on
several occasions and is only once recognized as such by Hammad herself when she narrates
about how she disliked Ramadan just because she could not join the other children in lunch
and eat candy:
The worse part was when they would serve chicken patties in the cafeteria, and
I‘d have to watch all the other kids, whose appetites were already spoiled from
too many Skittles and Charleston Chews, chew on my favorite food. What I‘d
eat at home later, my mother‘s food, which I knew took hours to prepare, was
never as appreciated as that nasty patty would have been. (16)
At other moments the reference to the Americanization of Suheir is less explicit. The first
slight reference to an Americanized Suheir appears in the paragraph about the public clinic
she was taken to when she was ill. Her mother always wanted the Pakistani doctor because he
was Muslim, and Suheir liked the idea of having a Muslim doctor, feeling ―pretty cool‖ (17)
about it. Yet, she was afraid of the needle and cried, just like all other American children.
However, she knew she had to stop crying if she wanted to get cheese doodles on the way
home, a typical American snack which she really liked. Another, more explicit example is to
be found when Hammad describes how her grandfather raised chickens in the Middle East to
kill and eat them. ―My grandpa would yell at me when I wouldn‘t eat his chickens. I was used
to Perdue13, not these sorry, straggly birds that just a few days ago I saw running around the
13
Brand of poultry products.
23
roof. He‘d give me one of his daughter‘s dirty looks and call me a spoiled American brat‖
(41-42).
All these allusions to both Arab and American food illustrate the fluctuating feeling
Hammad encounters within herself when she tries to come to terms with her mixed identity.
In addition, it is not only Hammad who does not know to which group she belongs. American
citizens consider her to be Arabic as she eats hummus, falafel and fasts on Ramadan, while
Arab family members regard her as an American. So, the food boundaries add up to the
language boundaries (see II.1.2) and heighten the sense of non-belonging in Hammad as she
is considered an outsider by both the Arab and the American group.
II.1.5 Gender
Exploring how adolescent children of Muslim immigrants from Lebanon and Palestine
define what it means to be Arab, a study by Kristine J. Ajrouch contributes to the emerging
work on gender relations and ethnic identity.14 Ajrouch examines the ethnic description
children of Lebanese and Palestinian immigrants give themselves because they constitute ―an
ethnic group that is understudied but currently the target of much attention, particularly in the
wake of Arab-Muslim attacks on U.S. soil and the resulting turmoil in the Middle East‖ (372).
According to Ajrouch, the study of symbolic boundaries helps to understand how individuals
and groups distinguish identities. Moreover, she claims that boundary definitions are
particularly relevant for second-generation immigrants, who must negotiate between the
cultures of the parents and the host country – an issue certainly relevant to Hammad since she
was born in Jordan to Palestinian refugee parents and moved to America when she was five.
The above-mentioned themes of religion, language, music, and food have established the
14
Ajrouch, Kristine J. ―Gender, Race, and Symbolic Boundaries: Contested Spaces of Identity among Arab
American Adolescents.‖ Sociological Perspectives. 47.4 (2004): 371-393.
24
difficulties Hammad encounters as a result of living between two worlds, namely the Arab
culture of her parents and the American culture in which she grew up.
When comparing Ajrouch‘s text to references made in Drops of This Story (1996), one
can detect some similarities. According to the study, cultural norms are informed by religious
norms among Muslim-Arab Americans in the United States. Ajrouch quotes Haddad and
Smith to give expression to this idea 15:
The values of Islam have shaped and confirmed Arab cultural values and thus
continue to influence, however indirectly, the expectations of those who do not
participate directly in religious activities. This is especially true in the
definition of gender roles and in setting the parameters for what constitutes
proper social interaction between the sexes. (Ajrouch 387)
In other words, this group of adolescents qualifies itself as not particularly religious since they
do not assume Muslim identity above all other identities. However, they do allow religion to
guide their ‗Arabness‘, especially with respect to the behaviour of girls. As is mentioned in
the study, select interpretations of Islam serve to control the behaviour of girls, particularly
during adolescence. Examples of this way of reasoning can be found in Drops of This Story
(1996) when Hammad is told by her father that the beauty of a girl lies in her hair and her
virtue. She has to be a virgin with long hair, which she has to wear in braids because, ―Loose
hair meant a loose woman‖ (14), according to her father. In another paragraph the restrictions
on the behaviour of young girls are uttered by Arab women, who tell the protagonist ―that
young girls who drank coffee would grow heavy mustaches‖ (80). Other warnings are, ―a girl
who curses has the Devil in her mouth,‖ or ―a girl who wore tight jeans wanted boys to touch
her, and a girl who lets boys touch her was no good. No good was the girl who looked grown
15
Haddad Y. Y. and J. I. Smith. 1996. ―Islamic Values among American Muslims.‖ Family and Gender among
American Muslims Ed. B. C. Aswad and B. Bilge. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 19-40.
25
men dead in the eyes and told them to stop feeling upon her, ‗cause you wasn‘t supposed to
look no man in the eyes‖ (80).
Moreover, Hammad‘s father clings to the tradition of an arranged marriage for his
daughter and invites several suitors to ask her hand in marriage. Suheir does not understand
how people can agree with an arranged marriage and wants to avoid ending up in ―a dry,
unwanted union‖ (36). Further on in the book, she refers to the arranged marriage of her own
parents when she talks about domestic abuse. She writes about how ―arranged marriages
become deranged lives‖ (78). The little girl brides are told that patience and obedience is their
key to heaven and live often in oppression as appears from the next quote.
These women would talk about how so and so‘s husband was copping some
female. The voices would be hushed and devious, as they slurped their coffee
and smoked their hidden cigarettes. […] These women knew they were talking
about themselves the whole time. It makes it easier to complain when you use
another name. Bore babies like it was going out of style, while cooking daily
feasts for adulterous husbands. (80-81)
However, Hammad clearly indicates that this treatment of women is not inherent to Arab
culture, but is to be found in all cultures, even though the reasons for the abuse differ from
culture to culture. She refers to the abuse Latina, Yemeni, black, and white women have to
endure and dares to challenge the virtue of patience, ―patience ain‘t some damn virtue. It‘s a
threatening chain of socially accepted submission that has got us down for the count‖ (79). In
addition, when Suheir praises the Palestinian activist Hanan Ashrawi, 16 her father expresses
his derogatory view on women who seem to have made it, implying that she had to sleep with
other men in order to get where she stands now. ―A woman was nothing without her bed‖
(63).
16
Palestinian legislator, activist and scholar, leader during the first intifada.
26
The critical touch Hammad gives to the stories about gender roles in her environment
demonstrates how she dares to question Muslim traditional beliefs concerning gender roles
without abandoning her Arab identity. In other words, she wants to adjust the gender
boundaries that characterize her environment. Although she might not yet fully realize it, she
has the ability to adopt the positive elements from both cultures. Furthermore, the conclusion
of Ajrouch‘s study seems to match perfectly with the attitude of Hammad and the difficulties
she experiences trying to reconcile both cultures.
Arab American girls must negotiate between two worlds and two sets of
cultural values that often seem incompatible. Restrictions on girls‘ behavior
represent a social practice whereby boundaries emerge to designate in-group
membership. However, these social practices do not go unchallenged. The
contested nature of these boundaries again suggests that girls are actively
questioning the gendered hierarchy. The adolescents‘ narratives illuminate
where restrictions are identified, discussed, and ultimately challenged,
providing some context to the experience of growing up Arab American in an
ethnic community. (Ajrouch 388)
II.1.6 Class
A last factor that influences the identity construction of Hammad is class experience.
The story of her life is clearly marked by the low-class neighbourhood of Brooklyn where she
grew up. On the one hand, she refers several times to the negative sides of life in this
neighbourhood, but on the other hand, she succeeds in representing the special atmosphere
that characterizes the neighbourhood in spite of the violence and poverty that surrounds her.
In the previous-mentioned interview with Marcy Jane Knopf-Newman, Suheir expresses her
27
gratitude for having been raised in a working-class, multicultural community, which
differentiates her from most other Arab-American authors.
Because hip-hop vernacular and aesthetics are at the core of my Americanness
I was able to appreciate Naomi's [Shihab Nye], Etel Adnan's, and Darwish's
contributions, but I knew enough about myself to know that they weren't
speaking to my particular urban, lower-class experience. And I was too young
to know that was okay. So I felt this need to document what I saw and to
always do it from this very specific perspective as the daughter of Palestinian
refugees, but to understand that my Puerto Rican and Haitian and Italian and
Jewish neighbors were part of my story. You know what I'm saying? So I didn't
have that initial kind of Arab American writer's reality of being in white
suburbia or people not really knowing what you were. (Knopf-Newman 79)
In order to picture the misery and the toughness of the Brooklyn neighbourhood, Hammad
tells lively stories about her classmates who were drug dealers or died of overdoses of drugs,
or others who were drunk all day. She also mentions the frequent cases of teenage mothers
and the indifferent reactions this caused among the classmates as this was almost of daily
occurrence.
Furthermore, some stories address the poor financial situation of the family. A first
reference to the financial worries of her parents is to be found in the story about toys and the
one Barbie doll she possesses and later decapitates.
Didn‘t have many toys when we were growing up. My parents needed money
to spend on five kids with big stomachs, not toys. I did have one Barbie
though. […] I was happy with her, even though I had really wanted a Cabbage
Patch Kid. That was the year when they were selling for a good 100.00 dollars
a piece. […] Anyway, Barbie was good enough. Until… I realized that she‘d
28
need her limo, pool, mansion, […]. That shit cost money. That‘s when I
decapitated her. (16-17)
Another result of their lower financial status is the fact that the family had to live in a threeroom apartment with five children which caused some irritations. Further on in the story, she
also qualifies her snow boots as being cheap which serves as another indication for their lower
class status.
However, towards the end of the book she tells how the American dream finally
comes true for her family as they move into a house on Staten Island. Consequently, Hammad
enters a whole new neighbourhood and has to deal with the characteristics of this higher class.
Her classmates are no longer poor drug addicts, but come to school in expensive cars, wear
expensive clothes, and are fond of football and cheerleading. On the other hand, despite the
proper outward appearances, many things are the same; they are just dealt with differently.
―Most of the students were having sex, only here, the parents took them to get good birth
control and sometimes abortions. […] Kids took drugs just like they did in Brooklyn, but here
crack wasn‘t the flavor like pure cocaine or steroids‖ (74-75).
Moreover, living in a white and higher class neighbourhood brings along more
questions regarding her ethnicity, while in Brooklyn being non-white was almost the norm.
―Staten Island let me know that any shades other than pale winter pink and temporary summer
tan weren‘t cool. They let me know it with their oh-so-polite questions regarding what I was.
What the hell was I?‖ (73) Both children and teachers question her Palestinian roots by calling
her a terrorist or an animal or by denying the existence of Palestine. She is also victim to
several prejudices as appears from the next quote. ―[…] my teacher kept her eye on me,
‗cause she was sure I was gonna cheat. She was so busy copping me, wouldn‘t notice the
other students scheming right under her nose. […] the Shakespeare I had to re-read so new
teachers would believe that I understood it‖ (75).
29
In short, the boundaries that classify Hammad as an insider in Brooklyn disappear
when the family moves to Staten Island. In contrast with Brooklyn, people in Staten Island
draw different boundaries and classify her as an outsider because of her skin colour. In other
words, colour appears to be a salient marker of identity in Staten Island, while in Brooklyn
listening to the same music and speaking the same vernacular serve as the boundaries by
which Hammad is considered an insider.
II.1.7 Conclusion
Through the difficult writing process of her memoir Suheir Hammad tries to accept
and comprehend her mixed identity. By telling the many different stories that make up her
past and present Hammad touches upon the traditional markers of ethnicity, namely religion,
food, language, music, gender and class. While at the beginning of the book her intention is to
search a clear denomination for her particular case, she realizes towards the end of the novel
that she does not need to be only one thing, she can be all this different influences in one
person. ―All of the above and more. I no longer excuse myself for being all and more‖ (86).
When she asks some wise women to define what she really is, these women give her three
different answers. ―Some answered, you are the place you are born. I was born in a refugee
camp in Jordan, but never belonged to those hills. Others said, you are what your family
tradition wants you to be. I‘m Palestinian, even though I have yet to set lips on that land. […]
The wisest of these women answers: You are what your experiences make you…‖ (85).
In other words, Hammad does not identify as Arab, American or Arab American, but
stresses the influence of the Brooklyn neighbourhood on her identity construction. ―These
stories are one. Our story. We who believed graffiti was art. We knew our vernacular to be
language as sophisticated and romantic as any other. We were fly and knew it, Brooklyn
style‖ (author‘s note). On the one hand, she feels as if her identity is fragmented because she
30
is characterized by both an Arab and an American part, but on the other hand, she has a strong
sense of wholeness because of the solidarity that the Brooklyn neighbourhood offers her.
II.2 House of Sand and Fog (2000) by Andre Dubus III
Unlike the other works included in this paper, the second work of pre-9/11 literature
that will be scrutinized deals with the immigrant experience of Iranian Americans instead of
Arab Americans. However, as stated by Nabeel Abraham and as also appears from the novel,
it is a common misconception among Americans that Iranians are Arabs.17 In other words,
even though the boundary that labels Iranians as Arabs is drawn on an inaccurate basis, it does
contribute to the general view of this immigrant group as being outsiders. As a result, the
inclusion of this novel can be considered imperative in the discussion of the impact of
boundary work on the identity construction of Middle Eastern immigrants. Another
characteristic that distinguishes House of Sand and Fog (2000) from the other novels is the
fact that the writer is not an immigrant American of Arab or Iranian descent. However, to
state that his account of the immigrant experience is less authentic because of his nationality
would be wrong. As appears from the interview that Larry Weissman conducted with Dubus,
the writer had a relationship with an Iranian girl for three years and absorbed a lot of her
culture and acquired the Persian language when spending time with the girl and her family. 18
So, Dubus does know what he is writing about and in that way is able to create an effective
novel that covers all aspects of the difficult immigrant experience and identity construction
faced by the Iranian protagonists.
17
Abraham, Nabeel. ―Arab Americans.‖ 25 April 2009 <http://www.everyculture.com/multi/A-Br/Arab-
Americans.html>.
18
Weissman, Larry. Interview with Andre Dubus III. Bold Type.March 2000. 4 February 2009
<http://www.randomhouse.com/boldtype/0300/dubus/interview.html>.
31
House of Sand and Fog (2000) is a novel that brings the story of the Iranian Massoud
Amir Behrani, a former colonel in the Imperial Airforce under the Shah. He and his family
fled Iran four years ago in search for a safer life and are trying to live their American dream.
However, things are not that easy as Behrani cannot find a job that equals his former prestige
and has to work as a garbage collector. In order to obtain his American dream Behrani puts all
his hopes on a house he buys at auction. Unfortunately, the house belonged to Kathy Nicolo,
an alcoholic who wants it back. From then on the problems start and eventually lead to a
personal confrontation between Behrani and Kathy.
The use of alternating first-person narratives allows the reader to become acquainted
with both sides of the tragic story. In this way the novel puts forward the mutual
incomprehension and differences between Behrani, representing the Middle Eastern Muslim
immigrants, and Kathy, who represents the American side of the story. Both adversaries hold
negative views of the other party and tend to generalize the actions of their adversary as being
typical of the group to which s/he belongs. On the one hand, Behrani already has a negative
view of Americans and this view is reinforced by his experiences with Kathy. ―I sit and I
regard these cows, these radishes, and I again think to myself: These people do not deserve
what they have‖ (123). On the other hand, Kathy refers several times to Behrani and his
family as being Arab pricks. However, according to the definition of Britto, as stated in the
introduction of this paper, Behrani cannot be qualified as an Arab American since Iran does
not belong to one of the twenty two states mentioned. In contrast, Behrani does appear to be
an adherent of the Islamic faith and thus can be called a Muslim American. The fact that
Kathy keeps stressing the Arabness of the Behrani family demonstrates the ignorance of many
Americans of the correct use of the term Arab. ―I tried to remember the right way to
pronounce her name, the way Les had said it, but all I could come up with is the way I
remembered first hearing it from the carpenter on the roof: Barmeeny. And were they Arab?
32
Or Iranian? And what was the difference?‖ (189) With this attitude Kathy confirms the idea
expressed by Suleiman, ―Americans rarely distinguish between Muslims and Arabs, and view
both of these groups as alien to themselves as well as to Western heritage. The overall
consequence is that the term ‗Muslim‘ or ‗Arab‘ conjures up American hostile reactions to a
large variety of peoples who remain indistinguishable to the general public‖ (33). In contrast,
Lester, the married man who has an affair with Kathy, seems to be fully aware of the
importance and meaning of these labels. When Kathy calls Behrani an Arab prick, Lester
reacts immediately, ―He‘s not an Arab, he‘s Iranian‖ (173-174).
In what follows the focus is again on the characteristics of religion, language, music,
food, gender and class. These different aspects provide an overall picture of the immigrant
experience of the Behrani family.
II.2.1 Religion
Throughout the novel Behrani is the only character who speaks about religious
matters. Consequently, religion is not dominantly present in the story and Behrani does not
consider himself to be a deeply religious man. ―[…] in my country I would not be considered
a religious man, but simple one of the many comforted by its ancient practices‖ (187). In
other words, he does not consider religion to be a salient marker of his identity. On the other
hand, religious boundaries are also constructed from the outside group as his immigrant
colleagues seem to think that he is a devout Muslim because he respects Ramadan. To them
Behrani‘s religious affiliation does form a salient characteristic of his identity. Some of his
co-workers even refuse to speak to him during his fasting. When Behrani explains them what
Ramadan is about, one of them reacts rather violently, saying, ―‗Suit yourself, Camello. But
go tell Allah I have a crew to run, man.‘‖ (187). The boundary established by his co-workers
puts Behrani clearly on the outside because he is Muslim. However, Behrani is not deterred
33
by this reaction and likes the effect the fasting has on his mind and body. ―After those first ten
days, the midday hunger and weakness disappeared, replaced by a lightness in the body, a
clarity in the head, a wide and open space in the chest‖ (187).
Moreover, from his allusions to religion and God one can derive that the move to
America has affected Behrani‘s religious life. ―But many nights after many long days in
America, I have forgotten God and thought only of my troubles, […]‖ (48). His unsuccessful
efforts to find a job disappoint him and trouble his mind all the time. Consequently, he feels
that there is no time left to thank and think about God. However, when he decides to buy the
house of Kathy, he feels that things might turn out positive now and he wants to thank God
for this opportunity. ―[…] I nod five times to the east and thank God, my mouth beginning to
tremble, for the freedom He has granted me once again, for the return of dignity I was
beginning to believe I would never recover‖ (48).
II.2.2 Language
The role of language is very prominent in the story. Clearly all members of the
Behrani family deal differently with both the mother language, Farsi, and the English
language. Firstly, Massoud himself speaks both languages and switches regularly between
both of them. Because of his job he already speaks and reads English twenty five years, so he
can be considered a proficient practitioner. However, he does encounter some difficulties
when reading the Legal Notices and Auctions page in the paper and discovers that the
language of some domains differs thoroughly in America and Iran.
Secondly, the fact that his wife Nadereh speaks mainly Farsi is especially noticeable at
the beginning of the novel. ―‗What do you think you are looking at, Behrani?‘ she says in our
mother language […]. ‗Nadi-joon, today there may be a big opportunity for us.‘ I of course
say this in English, but it is never any use for if she answers at all it is only in Farsi‖ (24). The
34
persistence of using the mother tongue appears to be an indicator of Nadereh‘s homesickness
for Iran, the country to which she still clings. However, as the story develops she uses more
English. Nadereh clearly goes through a positive evolution and this pleases her husband, even
though she handles a rather broken style of English. ―Even though she would not speak to me,
I enjoyed listening to Nadi talk with the large moving men in English, informing them please
to be calculated, and please to work slowful and avoid to shatter very supreme furniture, thank
you, sirs‖ (54-55). At another moment in the novel father and son smile at one another over
the English of Nadi. Moreover, it appears that Nadi makes an effort to speak English with
Kathy because she wants to help the young woman and understand what is going on between
Massoud and Kathy. The evolution made by Nadi clearly indicates that she has adjusted her
boundaries concerning language and is making progress in her acculturation process.
However, when Massoud hits Nadi because she calls him a liar for not telling her what
is going on, she curses him in their mother language and he is ―grateful it is a tongue that no
one in this village understands‖ (169). Furthermore, when she suspects that Massoud is hiding
things for her, she switches to Farsi which can be considered the language of intimacy and
family life. This function of Farsi can also be detected when Nadi calls her son to help her
with Kathy when she hurt herself. She calls Esmail in Farsi and then asks Kathy in English
how she is doing. In other words, she alternates between the languages of the two countries to
which she belongs.
Thirdly, Esmail, their only son and youngest child, is able to switch fluently between
both languages. ―He said something to her – Arabic, I decided – then he said to me with no
accent at all, ‗I use it for skateboarding. Don‘t worry, I washed it‖ (74). This quote indicates
that Esmail, besides speaking Farsi, masters the English language perfectly. Moreover, this is
affirmed by Behrani who states that Esmail is better at speaking English than Farsi. ―His eyes
35
grew wet, and in Farsi that has not developed as well as his English he asked his father, ‗What
are you going to do, Bawbaw?‘‖ (281).
In contrast, the Farsi language remains an enigma to both Kathy and Lester. Kathy
refers to the language as ―that tongue that sounded older than the earth‖ (248). Moreover, she
also notices Nadi‘s difficulty with speaking English and talks about the ―thick accent‖ (189)
of Nadi. Similarly, Lester knows nothing about the Farsi language and finds it difficult to
detect what the conversation is about in the following passage. ―He could hear the colonel‘s
voice, his and a woman‘s, both of them speaking Persian in some kind of heated exchange,
though Lester couldn‘t be sure it was heated because all Middle Eastern conversations
sounded that way to him […]‖ (257). Furthermore, when Lester holds the Behrani family
hostage, the family uses Farsi as a kind of code language, knowing that Lester and Kathy will
remain in the dark about the contents of their conversations. However, Lester tries to derive
from the intonation and other paralinguistic features what the family is up to. ―On the other
side of the bathroom door the colonel was speaking low in Farsi to his teenage son. But the
son was quiet and Lester wondered if he was scared. The colonel certainly didn‘t sound
scared‖ (303). In other words, by using Farsi as a code language, the Behrani family
establishes a language boundary that puts Lester and Kathy on the outside.
Throughout the novel many Farsi words appear intermingled with English words,
indicating that the mother tongue still occupies a considerable place in their lives. At the end
of the novel, when Behrani is about to commit suicide after having killed his wife, he writes
two letters. The first one is in Farsi and is addressed to his daughter Soraya, who does not live
with her parents anymore after her recent marriage. The second letter is written in English and
states that he leaves the house as well as all his other possessions to his daughter. This choice
for the Farsi language to address his daughter underlines the importance of Farsi as the
language of family life and emotions, while English remains at the surface and is only used
36
for legal matters. In other words, by writing these two letters in different languages Behrani
indicates that he draws a clear boundary between the use of the English and the Farsi
language.
II.2.3 Music
Whenever a reference to music appears in House of Sand and Fog (2000) it always
regards Persian music. It is especially Nadereh who clings to the music of her mother country
because she seems to find comfort in it. When she is sad and has difficulties with her new life
in America, she retreats in her bedroom and listens to the music of Daryoosh.19 The music
allows her to flee reality and return for a moment to the life she had in Iran. Even Kathy feels
the importance of the music, although she is ignorant of the instruments used. ―I could hear
Middle Eastern music coming from inside the house, from behind a closed door, a man
singing high to a backdrop of Arabian guitars. Sitars, I guess‖ (188). Furthermore, this Persian
music appears to serve as a means to bring husband and wife back together both emotionally
and physically. ―We lay together in the darkness listening to a new cassette of a singer
reciting the rubaiyats of Fayez Dashtestani. Behind this a man softly played the ney, a
shepherd‘s flute, and soon she pulled me to her […]‖ (69).
What is more, as the novel develops, Nadi goes through an evolution in her
acculturation process and speaks English more frequently. Simultaneously, she experiences
more moments of happiness, for example when she goes shopping with her daughter Soraya
and buys new tape cassettes of Persian music. Her choice for recent Persian music indicates
that she finally found a way to deal with the new home situation. Nadi is willing to move on,
still picking music from her mother country, but opting for new influences. Behrani, on the
other hand, does not understand her choice. ―The music was most recent, and I did not like it.
19
Popular Iranian singer whose lyrics are often emotional.
37
There were still the old instruments being used – the tar, kamancheh, and domback – but
electric guitar as well, and the singer sounded to me like a whining child; I was surprised Nadi
had chosen it‖ (149-150). In spite of previous indications, Behrani appears to be clinging
more to the old habits than he wants to admit. Unlike Nadi, he is not ready to change the
boundaries to which he used to live, not even with respect to music.
Moreover, it is not only Nadi who experiences the Persian music as comforting. When
Behrani commits suicide after having killed Nadi, he too feels the need for Persian music. ―I
feel Nadi‘s shoulder pressed to mine and I regret not having played music on her new player.
I have a sharp desire to hear it, the poetry of Dashtestani, the ney and the domback, the
beckoning music of home‖ (339). This statement demonstrates the strength of traditional
elements, such as the Persian music, in the construction of an identity. It appears that the
music brings back memories and the feeling of being in the home country that had to be
abandoned abruptly.
II.2.4 Food
Food already takes a prominent place in the novel from the beginning as Behrani puts
forward the different food habits in America and Iran. ―Soraya used to save the tadiq for me,
the hard cake of rice at the bottom of the pot Americans throw away, but for us, for Persians,
it is the jewel‖ (18). One of his co-workers, the Vietnamese Tran, also eats rice. This
similarity in eating habits seems to reinforce their mutual understanding since Tran is the only
one with whom Behrani seems to get along at work. The importance of food differences is
also shown by the incomprehension of the Latin American Torez when Behrani is fasting
during Ramadan (see II.2.1).
Moreover, the Behrani family does not only differ from the western style by what they
eat, but also the way in which they eat is different. ―A dinner of obgoosht and rice and
38
yoghurt with cucumber followed by tea, I dismissed my son from the sofreh upon the floor
where we eat barefoot‖ (23). However, when the family moves into the house that previously
belonged to Kathy, they eat pizza. This indicates that they already have undergone a certain
degree of Americanization although they still eat on the floor and not at the table.
Consequently, this episode exemplifies how this immigrant family is trying to find a balance
between the two worlds to which they belong.
Nevertheless, when their daughter Soraya and her new husband come to visit them
together with the parents of the groom for a celebration, Massoud and Nadereh attach great
importance to the traditional food that will be served. ―I will instruct Nadi to prepare her best
chelo kebab, both barg and the tender meat of the kubehdeh. I will purchase champagne […]‖
(81-82). Behrani‘s attitude with respect to food indicates that he considers food to be an
important parameter for status. In addition, also the drinking habits in the Air force of Iran
appear to reflect social hierarchy and status. Behrani wants to continue this ritual of drinking
together with other Persian men in his apartment building, but the fact that they have been
educated in America seems to have affected their drinking habits. ―They do not know that the
oldest and most experienced in the room is the saghi, that he, and only he, holds the vodka
bottle and he will fill, or not fill, those cups around him‖ (58).
Another striking observation that can be made is the importance of tea to Behrani. At
all moments he drinks tea and it seems as if the drinking of tea brings him comfort. Similarly,
Persian music helps Nadi to soften her grief. Moreover, both the drinking of tea and the
listening to Persian music occur especially at times of difficulties or at times of doubts or
troubles. Consequently, both the tea and the Persian music appear to function as emotional
anchors.
39
II.2.5 Gender
Although Behrani seems to consider himself as treating his wife with respect, many
situations in the novel indicate that he has difficulties to see Nadi and other women as his
equals. The very fact that he decides to buy the bungalow of Kathy without discussing it with
his wife indicates that he also functions as a colonel in their household. He clearly takes the
lead and makes choices that affect the whole family without consulting them. ―[…] and I told
my wife that beginning tomorrow she will begin packing and there is no more to discuss, Mrs.
Behrani. Do not open your lips‖ (33). Moreover, Behrani treats his wife like a child that needs
protection and keeps the problems with Kathy secret. ―And I knew I could not tell her my
worries. I knew I would prefer to have her this way, cheerful and innocent as a child‖ (150).
When Nadi finally gets to know through Kathy what is going on between Behrani and Kathy,
she curses and blames him in Farsi. Again, he treats her like a child, but she continues to curse
him and blames him for the fact that they can never return to their home country. The fact that
he seems to lose his grip on his wife makes Behrani change his attitude towards her. ―But for
perhaps the very first time, as I sat as heavy as sand upon the sofa while she continued to be
as hysterical as a drunk gypsy, I wanted no more to do with his woman‖ (210).
Although Behrani states that he does not approve of women abuse, he admits that he
has struck his wife before and was filled with regret afterwards.
Once at our home in Tehran, I slapped Nadi‘s face for raising her voice to me
in the presence of a junior officer. Her eyes filled with sadness and humiliation
and she ran crying from the room. Later that evening, when she would still to
me not speak, I rolled up my shirtsleeve, lighted a Turkish cigar, and pressed
the glowing ash into my flesh. (153)
In Iran he punishes himself for beating his wife because he believes he is stronger than that.
Moreover, when he tells how his uncle beat and killed his daughter because she had a
40
relationship with an American man without being married, he clearly expresses his disgust. ―I
hated my uncle, believing he had acted rashly and with too much passion. We are an educated
family; we do not need to live as the peasant class, resolving our troubles with spilled blood‖
(152). However, this statement indicates that he does not approve of women abuse because of
the low status he associates this behaviour with rather than because he is concerned about the
equal rights of women. In spite of his disapproval, the difficult situation in which the family
has ended up causes him to lose his temper more frequently in America. The novel refers to
two occasions on which Behrani hits his wife because she blames him for ruining her life and
her home country. At one moment Esmail has to pull his father off Nadi in order to prevent
worse. So, it appears that the boundary for violence has changed since Behrani is in America.
He hits his wife more frequently and feels as if he wants to kill Kathy because she wants to
take away the future of his family, which he believes to depend on the possessing of the
house. ―[…] I wanted to shoot her in the head; for with each of her false accusations, she was
attempting to take from me not simply my future, but my family‘s food and water, our shelter,
our clothes‖ (153).
Furthermore, Behrani looks down upon Kathy and the way she dresses and behaves,
comparing her to a prostitute. He generalizes Kathy‘s behaviour as being typical of all
American women and refuses to take on a more nuanced attitude. In contrast, he considers his
daughter Soraya to be the most fine and well-mannered young woman. In imitation of her
parents, Soraya undergoes an arranged marriage for which she and her parents prepare
thoroughly. Traditionally, the time when young men can ask for their daughter‘s hand is
called hastegar. ―[…] when young men from good families send roses to her and our family,
when their fathers call me to talk, and their mothers call Nadi to introduce. And naturally,
because our daughter is very beautiful, with long straight black hair, a small face, and the eyes
of a queen, she had many offers […]‖ (19). In this quote one notices the reference to the
41
importance of long and straight hair for women. Similarly, in the story about Behrani‘s uncle
who killed his daughter, one observes that loose and wild hair is associated with women who
lack chastity. ―She was dressed in long white nightclothes, her hair loose and wild upon her
shoulders, her small face bruised and swelled from the beatings‖ (151).
II.2.6 Class
Finally, class appears to be one of the most salient markers of identity for the Behrani
family. Especially Nadi and Massoud find it difficult to accept their lower status as
immigrants in America as opposed to the prestige they were used to in Iran. They lived a
privileged and luxurious life in Iran thanks to Behrani‘s important function in the Shah‘s
regime. Behrani does not succeed in taking distance from this former status and clings to the
many memories he has of their life in Iran. For instance, when he is looking at the mansions
of Pacific Heights, Behrani is reminiscent of his old life, ―My driver in the capital city,
Bahman, he drove for me a gray Mercedes-Benz limousine. Inside was a television, a
telephone, and a bar‖ (20).
Nadi too wants to keep up their appearances, especially when they have to welcome
potential candidates for the arranged marriage of their daughter.
Of course I argued many times for a more reasonable place to live, but Nadi
fought me; we must keep up our appearance. We must act as if we can live as
we are accustomed. […] Nadi had to make certain our daughter did not attract
any common Persians; she ordered all the best furniture and lamps and carpets.
(19)
As a result, the family lives in an apartment building where many other rich Persians live.
However, the Behrani family lives above its standards since Behrani does not earn that much
money as a garbage collector. Besides, nobody except Nadi knows what her husband does for
42
a living. The extremity of their rigid way to maintain their high status culminates in the fact
that Behrani changes clothes in a hotel before he goes home after work in order to keep up
appearances for his children and his neighbours. In this hotel Behrani is once more confronted
with the importance of status. When he wears his work clothes, the people in the hotel give
him derogatory looks and view him ―no longer than a man would take for a dead insect upon
his windshield while driving‖ (23). In contrast, when he has changed clothes in the lavatory
and appears in his costume, he notices a difference in reactions towards him as people smile at
him and some even bow their head. This situation clearly demonstrates how Behrani is seen
as an outsider when he is wearing his work clothes, while he is considered to be an insider
when he is dressed neatly. This adjustment of boundaries indicates that the people at the hotel
attach more importance to status or class than to race or ethnicity in the establishment of their
boundaries.
Furthermore, Behrani has great difficulty with the fact that people in America do not
treat him the same way as in Iran. He still considers himself to impersonate the role of colonel
and wants to be treated as a colonel. Moreover, as appears from the following quote, he is not
used to be contradicted by others since he was the one who formulated orders in Iran. ―Who
are these people? To whom do they think they are speaking?‖ (104) Furthermore, he feels
superior to the Americans.
When I first came to these United States, I expected to see more of the caliber
of men I met in my business dealings in Tehran. […] But I was quite mistaken
[…] these people have the eyes of very small children who are forever looking
for their next source of distraction, entertainment, […]. And it is no longer to
me a surprise that it is the recent immigrants who excel in this land, the
Orientals, the Greeks, and yes, the Persians. We know rich opportunity when
we see it. (123-124)
43
Furthermore, when the visit of Soraya and her husband‘s parents draws closer, Nadi
hangs the photograph of Behrani and General Pourat with king Shahanshah on the wall in
their new house. However, the photograph is not only there to impress the in-laws, but
reminds Nadi of their old status which she tries to preserve in this way. The picture forms a
shrill contrast to their lives now. In the United States they are outsiders, immigrants who are
looked down upon, while before they were the ones who looked down upon others. They are
situated now on the other side of the boundary and the desperate clinging to their former
status illustrates the dramatic consequences of this changing situation. Lester clearly
recognizes the importance of the picture in the house and realizes that Behrani is a man with
prestige ―‗I think he‘s probably got money coming out of his ears too. Or at least he used to.
There‘s a picture of him on the wall with the Shah. The Shah. That guy had his own mint‘‖
(174).
Moreover, Behrani knows that people look down upon him in America and wants to
avoid that his daughter adopts the same attitude towards him. He feels poor and old and wants
to lunch with his daughter to make some matters clear.
―What do I say to my daughter? Please do not look down upon me because I no
longer have a powerful position in our society? I am not to blame our society
no longer exists? It is not my fault we are in America now where only money is
respected? Please daughter, make an attempt to forget how we once lived, put
it behind you, and do not shame us by talking of it as if we are nothing at all
now without recalling what we once were?‖ but he does not believe the words
he just uttered himself. (213)
In the above stated quote Behrani blames America for respecting only money. However, since
he bought Kathy‘s house, all he thinks about is how to make money out of the house and in
this way restore the standards they used to live to in Iran. In contrast, his son Esmail does not
44
reason in a similar way, he does not want to move again and is trying to make new friends in
the neighbourhood. ―‗Tomorrow, people are coming to view this house for buying. If we are
fortunate, we can make a large amount of money. […] ‗Will we have to move?‘ […] I suspect
he is making friends with the local young people along the beach here‖ (143-144). Since
Esmail already had to leave his friends behind when the family moved out of their apartment,
he wants to avoid another move. It appears that Esmail values friendship more than money
and luxury. Unlike his son, Behrani seems to be blinded by the importance of status and
forgets to enjoy life and constantly thinks about how to earn more money. Status means
everything to Behrani and he believes that it is the only thing that he can restore from their
former life. According to him, the family will be happier then. Unfortunately, the outcome of
the novel is not a happy ending, but a tragic drama.
II.2.7 Conclusion
Through the struggle over the ownership of a house House of Sand and Fog (2000)
addresses the personal struggle of Behrani with his new immigrant status in America. The
novel clearly puts forward the problems of the self and alienation that seem to characterize not
only Behrani, but also Kathy. Moreover, the analysis shows how class is the salient marker of
identity for Behrani and influences his decisions and behaviour. No matter how hard he tries
to restore his former prestige, he has to accept that he has now the status of immigrant and no
longer is viewed as a powerful colonel. However, Behrani keeps holding on to the boundaries
that characterized his life in Iran, while American society classifies Behrani according to
different boundaries and considers him mainly as an outsider.
45
II.3 Comparative Conclusion
The two works of pre-9/11 literature analysed above differ completely on numerous
levels. Not only the genre and the style differ thoroughly, also the immigrant experience that
is described is totally different. While Drops of This Story (1996) deals with the story of the
Arab American Suheir Hammad who came to the United States as a five-year-old, House of
Sand and Fog (2000) brings the story of the Iranian American Behrani family which had to
flee Iran recently. Consequently, the different background of the protagonists leads to a
different attitude with respect to some of the markers that were analysed. The most striking
differences can be found with respect to class, language and music. For example, the
importance of class on the identity construction differs thoroughly. Behrani, as a former
colonel, cannot cope with his low class immigrant status and desperately wants to restore his
prestigious status, whereas Hammad prefers the solidarity of the low class neighbourhood in
Brooklyn to the life in the higher class neighbourhood in Staten Island. In contrast, there are
some striking similarities on the level of religion, food and gender. For example, both
protagonists stress the importance of the food of the mother country. Moreover, both
protagonists experience how boundaries established by the outside American group decide
whether they are included as insiders or excluded as outsiders.
46
III. Post-9/11 Literature
III.1 Once in a Promised Land (2007) by Laila Halaby
The first work of post-9/11 literature that will be discussed in this paper is again a
novel that brings the two sides of an intriguing story. Just like in House of Sand and Fog
(2000) the reader becomes acquainted with both sides of the story through the use of
alternative viewpoints. However, here the dichotomy of voices represents an immigrant
couple that deals differently with the effects of 9/11 on their lives. By following the thoughts
of both of them the reader witnesses how the prejudices and the sad reality of being
considered outsiders causes the couple‘s alienation not only from American society, but also
from each other. Their lack of communication causes the accumulation of secrets to a point
where it seems impossible to tell the other what is going on and they begin to lead parallel
lives. On the one hand, Salwa, a banker and real estate agent, is haunted by a miscarriage after
becoming pregnant against her husband‘s wishes and gets entangled in an affair with Jake, her
younger co-worker. On the other hand, Jassim, a hydrologist, seeks comfort in the company
of a waitress named Penny after having killed a boy in a car accident. In addition, the account
of the experiences of Jassim and Salwa is alternated with the thoughts of some of the
characters that cross the couple‘s path. As a result, the reader gets a nuanced view on the
events that influence the identity perception of the immigrant characters both from the inside
and the outside.
The writer, who is born in Lebanon to a Jordanian father and an American mother,
starts her novel by asking the reader to get rid of the prejudices and stereotypes s/he may have
regarding Arabs and Muslims before starting to read the novel. However, Halaby does not ask
this in a straightforward way. She depicts a situation where she is profiled at the airport (see
also III.2) because of her appearance and has to step aside for further examination of her
luggage. In this way she indicates the consequences of 9/11 for herself, as an Arab American.
47
Likewise, the protagonists of the story are also Arab Americans since both have emigrated
from Jordan, one of the twenty two states listed by Britto. Moreover, both Salwa and Jassim
are raised Muslims. However, the situation of Salwa is somewhat complicated as she is raised
in Jordan to Palestinian parents, but born in the United States. ―Salwa is Palestinian by blood,
Jordanian by residence, and American by citizenship‖ (70). This mixture of places clearly
makes it more difficult for Salwa to establish an identity for herself. As a result of the blurred
physical boundaries, the drawing of mental boundaries becomes equally confusing.
In contrast, Jack Franks, a client of Salwa and a retired marine officer, has less
difficulty with drawing boundaries. When Jack meets Jassim and learns that he is from
Jordan, he immediately considers Jassim as an outsider because of personal experiences. He
seems to associate Jassim with the Jordanian man to whom his daughter married against
Jack‘s will. Consequently, he projects all his bad feelings on Jassim and considers him to be a
potential terrorist. In contrast to what Jack thinks, Jassim loves America and does not have
any intention to harm the country where he is planning to live the rest of his life. ―[Jordan]
would always be home, but here, nine years after he and Salwa had wed, he had no desire to
return to Jordan‖ (71). He even assimilates some typical American social practices, such as
the antisocial behaviour with respect to people you do not know personally. ―That was
something Jassim admired about Americans, something he had done his best to absorb for
himself: they didn‘t allow social constraints to get in the way of the day‘s plan‖ (8). The quote
indicates that Jassim has conformed some of his boundaries to those of the host society.
However, after the accident Jassim admits that he longs for Jordan, his home. ―And for the
first time he felt unsettled in his beloved America, vaguely longed for home, where he could
nestle in the safe, predictable bosom of other Arabs‖ (165).
48
In what follows the themes of religion, language, music, food, gender and class will be
looked at in detail in order to find out the impact of these markers on the identity formation of
both Jassim and Salwa.
III.1.1 Religion
Although both Salwa and Jassim are referred to as being Muslims in the ‗before‘
section of the novel, the first page of the novel identifies Jassim as a non-believer. ―Jassim did
not believe in God, but he did believe in Balance‖ (3). Later in the novel Jassim reflects on
how his belief in God weakened, while his awareness of his bodily instincts became stronger
through swimming. He also remembers how his father said that ―without God there would be
no hope‖ (46) when Jassim asked him why he believed in God. However, Jassim does not
agree with his father, but does not say out loud what he thinks. ―I don’t believe in God, and I
hope‖ (46). Although Jassim identifies himself as a non-believer, the novel indicates that he
and Salwa do celebrate Eid. 20
Even though religion is not dominantly present in the story, the language use of Salwa
and her Arab friend Randa demonstrates the influence of religion on their language. Similarly,
the telephone call between Salwa and Hassan, her Jordanian ex-boyfriend, is full of references
to God. The expressions ―Thank God‖, ―God willing‖ and ―Praise God‖ seem to be integrated
in every sentence. The same can be noticed in the conversations between Salwa and Randa,
although here the occurrence of such expressions is less dominant. The reason for integrating
religious expressions in their language might be the existence of an implicit boundary that
distinguishes their language use of the language use of Americans. In other words, it can be
interpreted as a means to maintain a connection with the home country where the language is
full of such expressions.
20
Celebration that characterizes the end of Ramadan.
49
III.1.2 Language
Language and communication play an important part in the story. On the one hand,
there is the constant alternation between the language of the host country, English, and
Arabic, the native tongue of Jassim and Salwa. On the other hand, communication in general
is one of the main themes of this novel as the protagonists lie to each other and keep secrets
for their partner. This lack of communication aggravates the situation and leads to a tragic
denouement. When Salwa tells Jassim about her plans to go back to Jordan for some time
without him, he realizes that the lack of communication might mean the end of their
relationship. ―In leaving out what was most on his mind, Jassim realized that they had spent
their lives together not saying what mattered most, […]‖ (303).
After nine years in the United States it appears that Jassim and Salwa are very fluent in
their English language use. However, immediately after the accident Jassim experiences some
difficulty with his own English language use. It seems as if the tragic accident makes Jassim
go back to his native language. ―For all the years his tongue had been using English to
communicate, he now found it difficult to work through, standing at the end of each sentence
and translating it back to make sure he said what he had wanted to say‖ (120). Moreover, he
feels as if the police officers and the paramedics do not understand him correctly. ―[…] as
with many American conversations, the words he spoke had not conveyed what he had
intended by them. He could never decide if it was his English, his actual use of language, or if
it was because people didn‘t really listen and instead put into words they heard the words they
expected to hear‖ (125). In other words, although Jassim is proficient in English, the shock of
the accident makes the use of English more difficult for him.
In spite of Jassim‘s troubles with English after the accident, there are no other
indications in the novel that the couple has difficulties with the English language. On the
contrary, both Jassim and Salwa constantly switch between the two languages in their
50
everyday language use. Randa, Salwa‘s best friend, also switches between both languages as
appears from the next quote. ―‗I‘m cleaning the kitchen, folding laundry, and watching a
Lebanese game show.‘ And then in English she added, ‗I am Randa, Mistress of Multitasking.
I‘ll make tea‘‖ (282). Furthermore, the quote indicates that not only the languages of both
countries, but also the habits of the two countries are intermingled. Randa uses the English
term ‗multitasking‘ to refer to the typical American way she has adopted to run her
household, but at the same time she is watching a Lebanese TV program. Hence, this quote
indicates the prototypical duality that characterizes these hyphenated immigrants who search
their way in the host society without losing the connection with their homeland.
Furthermore, throughout the novel the reader notices that the protagonists attribute
different functions to both languages. Already in the beginning of the novel Salwa defines the
Arabic language as ―her language of thought and intimacy‖ (10). However, when they are
faced with what can be called their American problems; both Salwa and Jassim use the
English language. For example, when Salwa contemplates her hidden pregnancy she talks to
herself in English. A second example of how Salwa consciously creates a boundary between
the two languages can be found in her reasoning after she has kissed Jake. ―‗What have I
done?‘ Salwa demanded herself in English, this being an American problem, an American
situation. She promised herself to think about it only in English, even as her brain shouted at
her in Arabic, cursed her with her mother‘s words‖ (175). However, maintaining those
boundaries appears to be less easy as she scolds herself in both English and Arabic after
kissing Jake again. Similarly, Jassim tries to handle his ‗American‘ problems in the American
language. After the accident he gives himself a pep talk in English in order to prevent himself
to be eaten away by what has happened. Moreover, when he feels sexually attracted to Penny,
the waitress at Denny‘s, and invites her to go on a kind of date with him, he reprimands
himself in English. ―‗What in God‘s name, on God‘s earth, am I doing?‘ he asked himself out
51
loud in English‖ (157). However, when he decides to cancel the date, he speaks Arabic, as if it
is his Arabic side that prevents him from having sex with Penny. ―‗I can‘t do this,‘ he said
aloud in Arabic‖ (158).
Moreover, language plays an important role in the unfaithfulness of Salwa. Jake takes
Arabic lessons and uses his knowledge of her native language to impress Salwa. Salwa enjoys
the attention she gets from him and is intrigued by his hunger for knowledge about the Arabic
language and customs. Consequently, she gives in to the seduction and cheats on her husband.
―His voice, his accented Arabic, slid into her veins, spread throughout her body, made her
unsteady on her two feet‖ (183). However, Salwa cannot live with her secret and tells Randa
about her affair. Here again the choice of language depends on the contents of the words,
resulting in the alternation between English, to discuss immoral and indecent things, and
Arabic. ―‗Friends is okay,‘ Randa said in English, and then switched back to Arabic. ‗Lovers
is another story. God keep catastrophes far from you‘‖ (284). In the following quote Salwa
indicates that she uses English to tell Randa about her affair because she considers the English
language to be further removed from herself, while Arabic stands closer to her intimate self.
―‗And I don‘t know how, but I…I …God, Randa, I can barely say it.‘ Not in Arabic. She
switched languages, pushed if further away from herself. ‗I made love with him‘‖ (286). In
conclusion, both Jassim and Salwa draw clear boundaries with respect to the use of English
and Arabic and refuse to use their native language to discuss their so-called American
problems.
III.1.3 Music
References to music appear to be practically absent in the novel. Consequently, one
can assume that music does not function as a marker of identity in the lives of Jassim and
Salwa.
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III.1.4 Food
Although references to food are not excessively present in the story, food does play a
significant role in the identity formation of the Arab-American protagonists. In spite of the
fact that Salwa and Jassim already live nine years in the United States, their food habits are
still very Arabic. Salwa prepares Arabic dishes, such as musakhan. She hopes that the
delicious food will distract her husband from the symptoms of pregnancy she shows.
Moreover, the typical Arabic dishes appear to constitute an important anchor in the memories
of the homeland. During his swim session Jassim remembers a scene from his childhood in
Jordan and is even able to recall the lunch they ate. ―[…] lamb that had been roasted with
garlic in the outdoor stove. For years to come Jassim could taste it, the garlic having left a
pleasant taste in […] his mouth and, later, in his years of being away, a taste of home‖ (39).
Similarly, Salwa enjoys the Arabic coffee made by Randa because ―the coffee boiled away
thousands of miles of homesickness‖ (284). The coffee brings back the feeling of being in
Jordan, not only because of its taste, but also because of the customs that are tied to it. ―‗I‘ll
make you Arabic coffee. You can‘t come over here unannounced and not have tea or coffee.
That would be too American‘‖(282). In this quote Randa points to the differences in
hospitality in America and Jordan as in the latter it is common to offer the guest some coffee
or tea and a titbit.
On the other hand, some American food habits did find access in their way of life. The
phenomenon of pickup or delivery food, for instance, appears to have found its way in their
lives. After the accident Jassim does not feel like cooking and decides to order some Thai
food. ―Thankful for the luxury of living in a country where any kind of food was minutes
away, he got the pile of menus from a drawer beneath the counter and began picking through‖
(131). In contrast, there are still some American food habits that the couple has no experience
with. After the accident Jassim deviates from his morning routine and instead of going to the
53
Fitness Bar to swim, he goes to Denny‘s to drink some coffee. It is the first time since he lives
in America that he enters such a place and consequently, he is not familiar with the typical
breakfasts served there. While he normally never takes breakfast, he is seduced by Penny, the
waitress, to try it out. As a result, he ends up eating sausages and eggs which, to his own
surprise, taste good. ―He bit into a biscuit and was startled by how tasty it was. Not heavy or
filling, though, and he found himself eating quickly, propelled by each bite to have another
one‖ (155). When he visits the bar a second time he immediately orders some breakfast,
namely pancakes and sausages. So, it appears that Jassim again adjusts a boundary to that of
the host country.
Furthermore, it is not only Penny who seems to seduce Jassim partly with food. Jake,
Salwa‘s co-worker, tries to win Salwa‘s heart by showing comprehension and interest in her
Arab roots. For example, he asks her about Ramadan and Eid and in this way triggers off
memories about celebrating Eid in Jordan. ―Back home we would be cleaning for Eid for days
before. Fasting and cooking and cleaning and fasting and cooking and cleaning more‖ (147).
Another example of how Jake makes abuse of Salwa‘s homesickness to seduce her can be
found in the excerpt where she is at Jake‘s house to eat lasagne. When she is on the verge of
leaving, he offers her shumur which is a typical ingredient of the Arab kitchen. Consequently,
the shumur reminds Salwa of Jordan. ―The crack of fennel in her mouth brought back desserts
eaten only during Ramadan, brought back home in one tiny burst and then another, fireworks
in her mouth that took away her breath‖ (209). The shumur seems to transport Salwa back to
her homeland and in this way reminds the reader of Proust‘s madeleine as the taste of the
shumur activates Salwa‘s memory and brings back memories of her life in Jordan.
In conclusion, food is an important marker of identity for Jassim and Salwa and is
strongly connected to memories of the homeland. Jake knows this and uses Arabic food to
prevent Salwa from leaving. Unlike Salwa, Jassim is more open to American food habits and
54
crosses a food boundary when he enters Denny‘s, representing the stereotypical American
eating culture.
III.1.5 Gender
Although the marriage of Jassim and Salwa is not an arranged marriage, it cannot be
considered a romantic one. Their versions of how they meet each other and decide to marry
clearly indicate that they do not marry out of love. Although they do feel a kind of attraction
to each other, Jassim‘s marriage proposal seems to appear out of the blue rather than to be a
well-considered decision. However, Salwa does not act surprised at his proposal and answers
rather rationally, ―‗I would like that very much. I would like to go to America too‘‖ (68). This
reaction seems to surprise Jassim as much as the reader. ―He had been shocked, not expecting
her to agree so quickly without asking questions‖ (69). Consequently, when Jassim and his
parents visit Salwa and her family to ask her hand in marriage officially, it becomes clear that
there is a lack of knowledge about each other. For instance, Jassim is not aware of the fact
that Salwa does not need a visa to go to America because she was born there. As a result, the
reader gets the impression that Salwa accepted Jassim‘s proposal partly to get out of Jordan
and come to the United States.
Furthermore, Salwa is a strong and assertive woman who knows what she wants. A
clear example of her assertive attitude can be found in the fact that she fights for her
husband‘s rights when he is the victim of discrimination in a shop. Salwa confronts the shopassistant with her behaviour and involves the shop manager in the discussion. Unlike Jassim,
Salwa feels the urge to defend herself as an immigrant and wants to convince people to see
through the prejudices against Arab Americans that the War on Terror has caused. This
situation points to an inversion of the traditional role model. Salwa is the one who takes the
protective role instead of being the one who receives protection. This idea is affirmed when
55
Jassim expresses the need for Salwa when he is interrogated by the FBI. ―Salwa, whom he
longed for right now. If Salwa were here, she would be able to make this right, would turn the
investigators‘ questions around so they could see how ridiculous they were‖ (232). Moreover,
at the end of the novel, when Salwa is in hospital after being attacked by Jake, Jassim realizes
that he has failed to take up his protective role as a husband. ‗Salwa, I am so sorry it has come
to this. For what happened. I feel that I am responsible‖ (326).
Moreover, the assertive and non-traditional attitude of Salwa appears to be recognized
by other Arab or Arab-American characters. For example, when Hassan calls Salwa and gets
her voicemail, he learns that Salwa has taken on Jassim‘s last name. He clearly does not
approve of this and thinks it clashes with her character. ―Even if a lot of women did take their
husband‘s names, he never thought Salwa would be one of them. She had erased Palestine
from her very name. He couldn‘t believe it‖ (36). As appears from this quote ethnic identity is
extremely important to Hassan. It appears that Salwa crosses a boundary established by the
community in Jordan by erasing her ethnic background from her name. As a result, she is no
longer an insider according to Hassan. Besides, also Munir, Randa‘s husband, has his doubts
concerning Salwa‘s attitude and expresses his gratitude for being married to someone like
Randa, who is easygoing, and not to a woman like Salwa. ―What he really thought was that he
did not approve of Salwa Haddad. […] She [Randa] was so easygoing, so giving. How
blessed he was not to have married a woman who thought only of herself‖ (86).
Furthermore, the novel pays attention to some prejudices with regard to gender roles.
A first prejudice is uttered by Salwa who generalizes her idea about American men. ―Her
impression of him was one she had had of many young American men she had met: no
purpose, and that lack of purpose had translated into lack of manliness‖ (59). The man she is
referring to is Jake and although she sounds critical about him, she will begin an affair with
him. This prejudice of Salwa about American men is counterbalanced by a prejudice about the
56
treatment of women by Arab men. This prejudice is expressed by Penny‘s roommate who
warns Penny for Jassim and his traditions. ―Men over there can marry four women at once,
make them wear those sheets over their whole bodies‖ (281). In sum, there are several
boundaries, both from the inside and the outside, that affect the perception and ideas about
gender roles in America and in the Arab world. Both groups express prejudices about the
other group which hinder a thorough mutual understanding. The novel draws attention to the
existence of such prejudices, but shows how reality mostly deviates from those stereotypes,
for example by presenting Salwa as an assertive and independent woman.
III.1.6 Class
Salwa and Jassim clearly lead a comfortable life and therefore can be classified as
belonging to the middle class of American society. Both are very career-oriented and their
hard work is translated into a wealthy house, expensive cars and a luxurious lifestyle. Money
seems to be no problem as appears from the fact that both Jassim and Salwa donate a
considerable amount of money to others without posting their partner. Salwa usually sends a
few hundred dollars each month to her family in Jordan, but since she works as a real estate
broker she has send them fourteen thousand dollars. Later on in the novel, when the FBI runs
an investigation against Jassim, the fact that she wired such a large amount on September 12
contributes to the suspicion that Jassim has terrorist affiliations. Jassim, on the other hand,
gives Mary Parker, the mother of the boy he killed in the accident, two times an envelope with
money for a total amount of eight hundred dollars. When he visits her, it becomes clear to him
that he never entered a poor neighbourhood before and he feels out of space in his Mercedes,
wearing his pressed dress pants and his Armani tie.
Both Salwa and Jassim feel sexually attracted to persons from a lower class. Both Jake
and Penny are marked by a difficult past in which drugs, violence, sorrow and misery
57
prevailed. When Jassim accompanies Penny to go shopping in Wal-Mart, she admits that his
wealth is new to her. ―I‘ve never been in a Mercedes before‖ (276). Jassim, on the other hand,
associates Wal-Mart with poor people. ―The ways of the poor were new to him, and yes, he
assumed that the people shopping in Wal-Mart were poor, all of them‖ (276). Even though he
lives in the United States for almost ten years, he never saw this side of American society
before. When Jassim is in Wal-Mart with Penny, he hears a Jordanian couple talking in
Jordanian Arabic and ―in one breath he was in the souq in Amman, a place he couldn‘t stand,
for the same reason he wouldn‘t have liked Wal-Mart if he hadn‘t been invited to go with
Penny: too many poor people, […]‖ (278). In contrast with Jassim, this Jordanian couple
looks as if they have not left Jordan and are still looking, behaving and speaking as back
home. So, Jassim crosses a boundary by entering the lower class shopping centre. In addition,
he is confronted with the differences within the inside community of Arab Americans.
Although Jassim and the Jordanian couple have the same origins, they live by different
boundaries. Whereas Jassim has adjusted many of his boundaries to those of American
society, the couple strictly holds on to Jordanian traditions, such as the typical clothing for
women.
III.1.7 Conclusion
The detailed analysis of Once in a Promised Land (2007) indicates that the Arab
culture constitutes an integral part of the identity of both Salwa and Jassim. Even though
before 9/11 their life in the United States is quite comfortable, the events of 9/11 cause a
feeling of misplacement and heighten their need for the familiarity of Jordan. Actually, the
events of 9/11 have a greater impact on their lives than they dare to admit. Their story affirms
Marotta‘s statement that ―the hybrid experience may result in emotional distress,
psychological vulnerability and cultural homesickness when the social conditions of the host
society are less favourable. Due to the experience of racism and discrimination their hybrid
58
condition causes anger and frustration and heightens their feelings of detachment and
alienation‖ (Marotta 306). Salwa, for example, begins to doubt her future in America, while
before she was determined to live her American dream, combining two jobs with a good
marriage and a perfect house. ―It is different now, she thought. If I am pregnant, I cannot raise
my child here, away from everything I know. […] In the past month that distance had been
stronger, an aftereffect of what had happened in New York and Washington, like cars
sprouting American flags from their windows, […], electric fences willing her to leave‖ (54).
Consequently, both the direct and indirect effects of 9/11 cause the protagonists to question
and revise the established boundaries as they experience that the outside American world has
adjusted their boundaries with respect to Arab Americans.
III.2 “Profile of an Arab Daughter” (2001) by Elmaz Abinader
The second work of post-9/11 literature is an autobiographical short story that deals
with the effects of 9/11 on the life of Arab Americans. The story draws upon the parallel
occurrence of two tragedies. On the one hand, there is the collapsing of the Twin Towers, a
tragedy on world scale and on the other hand, there is the fall of the writer‘s mother, a tragedy
on family scale. By describing the two events simultaneously Abinader mixes the events of
9/11 with the fall of her mother and evokes in this way the negative effects of 9/11 on the
Arab-American community to which she and her family belong.
―Profile of an Arab Daughter‖ is written by the American born and raised Elmaz
Abinader who has Lebanese roots. As Lebanon is included in the list of Britto, Elmaz and her
family belong to the category of Arab Americans. However, in the short story Abinader draws
attention to the fact that her mother radically distinguishes herself from the label Arab. ―My
mother never considered herself an Arab. ‗We‘re Lebanese, descendants of the
Phoenicians.‘‖(2) As appears from the following quote Abinader‘s mother uses the term Arab
59
to refer to the Muslims in Lebanon. ―She talks about Arabs as them, the other population in
Lebanon, her home country. They are Muhammadans, not Catholic, like us. Them — despite
our common looks, language, music, politics, food, customs‖ (4). The fact that Abinader‘s
mother defines herself as a non-Arab because of her Catholic background shows the impact of
the drawing of boundaries from the inside. Abinader‘s mother draws a religious boundary
which causes her to profile herself as an outsider to the Arab community. On the other hand,
the last line of the quote indicates that Abinader herself focuses mainly on the similarities
instead of on the differences between the diverse Arab groups and sees herself as an Arab
American.
Due to the limited length of the short story the analysis will not be divided into
different segments. However, the markers of religion, language, music, food, gender and class
will be scrutinized. Firstly, with respect to the importance of religion the above discussion on
the Arabness of the family already hints at the saliency of religion on the family‘s identity.
The parents of Abinader are devout Christians who pray their rosary daily and attend church
every week. According to the mother, their Christianity distinguishes the family from the
label Arab as she identifies Arabs with Muslims.
Secondly, the role of language is less documented in this short story. There are only
two short allusions to the fact that the family speaks English as well as Arabic. However,
towards the end of the short story it appears that the parents still speak mainly Arabic to each
other. ―They have been in the United States for 63 years, they have attended Catholic church
every week of their lives, but they speak Arabic and originate from a troubled region‖ (4).
This quote points to the ‗Americanness‘ of the family that lives in the United States for so
long and consists of Christians, just like the mainstream American family. However, the fact
that they speak Arabic and were born in another part of the world causes them to be labelled
as outsiders.
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Thirdly, the markers of food and class are only implicitly present in the story. In the
second paragraph, Abinader refers to the peanut butter that her mother wanted to reach before
she fell. This reference to a typical American food product seems to function as a symbol for
the family‘s American side. On the other hand, Abinader mentions the eating of raw lamb
which refers to the Arabic side of the family. Even though these are the only two food
references, the reader has enough information to understand that the family combines food
traditions of the two cultures that form part of their hyphenated identity.
Likewise, class is also referred to implicitly. It appears that the father was able to set
up three businesses and in this way provided his children with the opportunity to get an
education. One of his children, namely Abinader‘s brother Jean, works for an Arab advocacy
institute and appears on television shortly after the collapse of the Twin Towers to discuss the
discrimination against Arab Americans that the events of 9/11 might produce. Apart from
indicating that the family can be classified as belonging to the middle class, the job of Jean
signals that he, unlike his mother, considers himself an Arab American. The fact that he
works for an advocacy institute indicates that he is very aware of the in-between position of
his identity and the problems it may give rise to. Finally, the roles of music and gender are not
documented in this short story, but are addressed in the other short story by Elmaz Abinader
that will be analysed below (see IV.1).
At the core of ―Profile of an Arab Daughter‖ there is the crossheading ‗In Profile‘
which serves partly as an introduction to the feelings caused by the profiling at the airport that
is recounted under the next crossheading. Abinader goes back to her childhood and
remembers the feeling of being different when the teacher draws the profile of her and her
classmates. Abinader strikingly describes the fear and inconvenience that the thought of being
profiled brings along. As Abinader waits for her turn she watches how the profiles of the other
girls are drawn and anxiously observes the typical American traits in the other girls who ―had
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gentle lines of faces, silky hair, slender noses‖ (2). In contrast, when it is her turn, Abinader
fears the result of the profiling and realizes that her differences will be noticed easily. ―I
imagined the profile she would draw — the only one with a hook nose, a sharp chin. It couldn‘t disguise the
chaos of my thick curly mop, it couldn‘t hide my ‗large bottom‘ or cover my dark hairy arms. When everyone
saw the portrait, they would say ‗sand nigger,‘ like Dave Lupinsky on the playground‖ (3). The same feeling
of being different is experienced by Abinader when she is profiled at the airport after 9/11.
Although many years have passed, the profiling at the airport seems to trigger off the memory
of being profiled at school. Abinader draws a parallel between the two events by choosing
almost identical titles for these two paragraphs. Both ‗In Profile‘ and ‗Profiled‘ draw attention
to the fact that her appearance differentiates Abinader from the insider group in spite of the
fact that she is born and raised in the United States. Both stories call attention to the important
position appearance occupies in Abinader‘s identity construction. In this way Abinader‘s
story fits in with the statements of Frantz Fanon 21 who notes that the fact of being black is
inescapable as it is ―a ‗fact‘ which forces on ‗negro‘ people a heightened level of bodily selfconsciousness, since it is the body which is the inescapable, visible sign of their oppression
and denigration.‖ (Ashcroft 321) Although Abinader is not a ‗negro‘, she too feels the focus
on her appearance both before and after 9/11.
In conclusion, the identity construction and the drawing of boundaries within the
Abinader family seem to differ. On the one hand, the mother establishes an identity for herself
on the basis of her religious affiliation and excludes herself in this way from the ArabAmerican group as she considers all Arabs to be Muslims. On the other hand, the identity
construction of Elmaz, the writer, appears to be dominated by her appearance. The fact of
being profiled at the airport after 9/11 reminds her of being drawn in profile at school. Both
acts underline her different looks and take this different appearance as a sign of her
21
Fanon, Frantz. ―The Fact of Blackness.‖ The Post-Colonial Studies Reader. Ed. Bill Ashcroft, et al. London:
Routledge, 1995. 323-326.
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‗otherness‘ although she is born and raised in the United States. ―That is my face, the one I
grew into. The one that causes all the trouble. They caution, when you travel, try not to look
so . . . Arab? Yes, Arab‖ (2). This quote clearly indicates that Abinader considers her
appearance to be the most salient characteristic of her identity construction as it has the most
effect on how people see her.
In the case of Elmaz the boundaries drawn before and after 9/11 seem to be quite
similar. When she was a child, she was considered an outsider among the other kids because
of her different appearance. Similarly, as an adult she is picked out due to her appearance.
However, there can be observed a difference in the impact of the boundaries pre- and post9/11. The boundary that Abinader was confronted with as a child was very local and can be
considered typical for children as they often react without scruples to differences. Hence, their
drawing of boundaries is not directed against Arab Americans in particular since they will
draw the same boundary for American children that look somewhat different from the
mainstream. Actually, children tend to exclude people who look different in general and not
because they have Arab roots. In contrast, the nature of the boundary drawn post-9/11 is
totally different. The fact that the security people at the airport focus on people with Arab
roots is a very exclusive and discriminating measure. ―I read about security guards being
trained in what a terrorist is likely to look like as they pass through security. But not any kind
of terrorists: ones with dark hair, aquiline features, deep eyes. By the end of the article, my
entire family was indicted‖ (4). Unlike the boundary Abinader was confronted with during
childhood, this new boundary has become almost universal and instigates worldwide fear and
prejudice against Arab Americans.
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III.3 Comparative Conclusion
The analysed works of post-9/11 literature belong to different genres and deal with
different immigrant stories. While the protagonists of Once in a Promised Land (2007) grew
up in Jordan and only recently immigrated to the United States, the situation of Elmaz is
different as she was born and raised in America. However, the events of 9/11 have a similar
effect on their lives. Even though Elmaz lives in America since she was born, the government
measure at the airport indicates that she is considered to form a possible threat for the nation
because she is from Arab descent. Likewise, the well-integrated Jassim and Salwa experience
how the War on Terror affect their lives when Jassim is seen as a potential terrorist in a shop
and is suspected by the FBI. In other words, both works clearly indicate that 9/11 causes the
drawing of new boundaries from the outside which target and exclude Arab Americans who
before had little problems of prejudice and discrimination.
Furthermore, it is not only the outside group that draws different boundaries after 9/11.
Although the drawing of new boundaries happens rather unconsciously with Salwa and
Jassim, they do adjust their boundaries. Salwa, for example, crosses the boundary that
prevents her from betraying her husband, while Jassim crosses the boundary of eating
breakfast in a restaurant or entering a lower class neighbourhood. Although these new
boundaries are not immediate consequences of 9/11, they do follow indirectly from the events
as the consequences of 9/11 are partly responsible for the alienation between Salwa and
Jassim. In contrast, the events of 9/11 do not seem to produce new boundaries in ―Profile of
an Arab Daughter‖, but remind Elmaz of the boundaries she was confronted with in her
childhood. In both works the consequences of 9/11 reinforce the existing feeling of otherness
and cause in the protagonists a heightened struggle with the hyphenated identity.
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IV. Post-9/11 Literature with a pre-9/11 Content
The following two short stories that will be analysed are published after 9/11, but deal
with cases of Arab-American identity experience before 9/11. Both stories are published in
Writers on America (2002) which is a government sponsored publication and contains essays
written by a diverse group of American writers who combine American values with values
from the country of their roots. The analysis will focus on the characteristics of religion,
language, music, food, gender and class in order to get a view on the identity construction of
these hyphenated writers.
Even though the content of these stories is mainly pre-9/11, the fact that they are
written after 9/11 might have an influence on the way in which the pre-9/11 events are
perceived. In other words, the events of 9/11 might, both consciously and unconsciously, alter
the way in which the writers tell their pre-9/11 story. However, as the analyses will
demonstrate there are no clear references to 9/11 although both writers postulate their wish for
a better understanding between the different cultures that live in the United States.
IV.1 “Just Off Main Street” (2002) by Elmaz Abinader
The first short story that will be analysed is written by the same author as ―Profile of
an Arab Daughter‖. Even though ―Just Off Main Street‖ dates from a year later, it deals with
the story of Abinader‘s life that precedes the story told in ―Profile of an Arab Daughter‖. In
the first part of the story, titled ‗Crossing the Threshold‘, the reader becomes acquainted with
the family life and customs of the Abinader family and how the clash between the family life
and the social life thwarts the identity construction of the young Elmaz. In the second part of
the story, titled ‗Making a Writer‖, Abinader tells how entering college changes her view on
her identity and helps her to recognize the benefits of her hyphenated identity. To what extent
65
the construction of her identity is marked by boundaries of religion, language, music, food,
gender and class will be studied below.
IV.1.1 Religion
As already appeared from the post-9/11 short story ―Profile of an Arab Daughter‖, the
Abinader family consists of devoted Christians. Abinader tells how one of the three things
that dominate her life as a child is devotion to God. Moreover, the family has a priest in their
midst who blesses the table before they start eating. With respect to the language in which the
family practices its religion, Elmaz states that the rosary is always delivered in English. The
fact that the family chooses English as their religious language instead of Arabic can be
explained by what Elmaz tells us in ―Profile of an Arab Daughter‖ about her mother‘s
conception of the term Arab (see III.2). The mother associates the term Arab with being
Muslim which might explain why she abandons the Arabic language for the practice of her
religion and turns to English. In other words, she applies the boundary by which she
distinguishes herself from Arab people to the choice of her religious language.
IV.1.2 Language
The story indicates that the family Abinader is bilingual, but establishes a clear
division between both languages in terms of their use. ―Mother-to-daughter orders were
delivered in Arabic -- homework, conversations, and the rosary, in the most precise English
possible‖ (3). This quote indicates that Arabic is mainly used for informal conversations that
occur inside the household. Moreover, when the family‘s Arab relatives visit their house on
weekends or during the summer, Elmaz narrates how the house is filled with ―chatter of
Arabic‖ (3). In other words, Arabic is confined to the familial atmosphere. English, on the
other hand, is reserved for more formal matters, such as homework and the rosary. A possible
66
explanation for the choice of English as religious language can be found in the discussion on
religion (IV.1.1). Furthermore, Abinader makes a reference to the fact that her father speaks
English with ―a heavy accent‖ (4) which contributes to the fact of being perceived as different
by the other children. Consequently, the fact that she speaks Arabic at home creates another
boundary that classifies Abinader as an outsider.
IV.1.3 Music
Arabic music forms an important part of the atmosphere that characterizes the
gatherings of relatives at their house. ―Before we knew it, someone started a line dance and
others linked arms, and stomping and kicking and clapping shook the house‖ (3). However,
Abinader knows that she cannot share the feeling of happiness that produce these family
scenes as their way of celebrating and dancing is too far removed from the lives of her peers.
―Looking different was enough; having a father with a heavy accent already marked me,
dancing in circles would bury me as a social outcast‖ (4). In other words, this third boundary
would erase her social life completely.
However, in college Abinader is no longer ashamed for her Arab background and even
plays music of Oum Khalthourn at gatherings at her house.22 Entering college brings along a
shift in Abinader‘s identity awareness as it ―marks the most critical period of reflection and
identity transition‖ (Peek 227). In accordance with Peek‘s statements, it appears that the
college setting provides space and time to explore her identity and make choices about who
she wants to be and how she wants to live her life. Ultimately, it enables Abinader to come to
terms with her hyphenated identity.
22
Oum Khalthourn was an Egyptian singer, songwriter, and actress.
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IV.1.4 Food
Arabic food seems to be one of the dominant markers of Abinader‘s identity during
childhood as the theme of food is omnipresent in the first part of the story. The role of the
Arabic food is a comforting one because the food makes Abinader forget the problems that
her differences cause at school. ―The smell was hypnotic and mitigated the melancholy I
carried home with my lessons to do that night‖ (3). She tells that on Wednesday her mother
cooks several delicious Arabic specialities such as ―triangles of spinach pies, cinnamon rolls,
and fruit pies‖ (2). Furthermore, when the relatives gather at their house, her mother cooks a
festive meal for everyone.
Relatives from towns around Pennsylvania and Ohio filled our living room and
dining room, circling the table crowded with my mother's fabulous array of
Arabic dishes: hummus, chick bean dip, baba ghanouj, eggplant with sesame,
stuffed grape leaves, shish kebob, kibbee, raw or fried lamb and bulgur wheat
patties, a leg of lamb, a turkey stuffed with rice and raisins and platter after
platter of side dishes. (3)
This enumeration of Arabic dishes evokes the vibrant and pleasant atmosphere that fills their
house during these gatherings. Later, in college, when she is ready to expose her Arab
background, she invites her friends and cooks Arabic food to introduce them to her Arabic
side. Moreover, Abinader refers to the different term that Americans use to denominate the
typical Arabic bread. ―[…] as it cools, the bread flattens to what Americans recognize as
‗pita‘ bread‖ (2). She also indicates that Arabic bread is the only bread eaten in their house,
even when they eat a typical American dish, such as hot dogs. ―Other bread was rarely eaten
in our house; even when we put hot dogs on the grill, they were dropped into a half of
"cohbs," then covered with ketchup‖ (2). This quote exemplifies how the family mixes the
culture of their host country with the traditions of their home country.
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IV.1.5 Gender
The references to gender roles in ―Just Off Main Street‖ indicate that the ArabAmerican community draws clear boundaries from the inside with respect to the partition of
tasks. Abinader narrates how she and her five sisters and brothers are expected to fulfil their
after-school duties. ―My three brothers reported to the store to clean and manage the
inventory, and we three girls shared the demands of house and garden‖ (3). There is a clear
difference in the tasks that have to be done by the boys and those for the girls. The partition
evokes a traditional view on gender roles as the girls are confined to do the household, while
the boys are supposed to take pity on the well-being of the store. Moreover, when the relatives
are dancing at the gatherings at their house, the girls clear the table, clean the dishes and bring
the adults what they want.
Furthermore, there is not only an inside boundary between boys and girls, but also
between Arab-American children on the one hand and American children on the other hand.
While Abinader and her brothers and sisters have to do after-school duties, other children can
play and relax. ―Barbies, coloring books, after-school sports were other children's worlds, not
ours‖ (3).
IV.1.6 Class
Although the family does not belong to the highest class in America, the story hints at
the fact that they probably do have the means to live more comfortable than they do now.
However, according to Abinader, the reputation of her family relies on the perfection of the
children rather than on wealth. It appears that the family lives with nine people in a little
house even though Abinader‘s father and uncle run three businesses together and in this way
provide in many needs of the neighbourhood. Both men are dressed with style which makes it
difficult to distinguish them from other Americans. ―My father and my uncle stood in the
69
doorways of their establishments, perfectly dressed in gray suits and white shirts, ties, and
glossy polished shoes. At that moment, frozen in second grade, at the threshold of the store, I
saw no difference between my father, uncle, and the people who passed by‖ (1-2). However,
Abinader does experience that her family is different when she is confronted with the stories
of other children. ―I listened with fascination to the descriptions of a house for Barbie, her car,
and her wardrobe. Jeannie wrapped her finger around her blond pony tail as she described
Barbie's ball gown. Renee pulled her spit curl into a C as she showed us pictures of her trip to
Virginia Beach‖ (2). It appears that Abinader feels perfectly happy when she is within her
family environment, but when she enters the outside world and is confronted with the
different lifestyle of her family, she feels like an outcast. She realizes that her life and that of
her peers are ―separated by the magic door‖ (2). Even though the children do not know how
her life exactly looks like, ―they circled me in the playground and shouted ‗darkie‘ […] or
‗ape‘‖ (2).
In short, the fact that the Abinader family attaches more importance to the fulfilment
of the values they want to live up to than to wealth distinguishes them obviously from the
other Americans. Moreover, the boundaries drawn by both the inside and the outside group
affect the identity construction of Abinader as she feels that her Arabic family life prevents
her from being accepted by other children.
IV.1.7 Conclusion
In this post-9/11 short story with pre-9/11 content there are no clear references to the
event of 9/11 and its effects. The only statement that might allude to it is the following one,
although it can be interpreted in a more general sense instead of applying it to 9/11 in
particular: ―Times have been challenging for Arab Americans because our countries of origin
are often embroiled in conflict and political controversy‖ (5).
70
In this story Abinader tells how the physical boundary established by the door of her
house symbolizes the boundary that divides her between the inside, Arab world and the
outside, American world. In similarity with the ideas of Simmel, as explained by Marotta, the
door in ―Just Off Main Street‖ represents boundaries, but also the possibility of openness.
That is to say, ―boundaries can be oppressive and limiting, but they can also provide an
ethical basis for respecting the otherness of the other‖ (Marotta 299). An example of the door
representing a bordering experience can be found in Abinader‘s childhood. The door of her
house represents a boundary between her family life on the inside and her social life on the
outside. The elements that characterize the inside of the door are too different from what
happens on the outside, which causes Abinader to feel lonely as nobody on either side of the
door knows what she is going through. On the other hand, the story also presents the door as a
debordering experience symbolized by the Nationality Classrooms in college where students
have the opportunity to enter different cultures. Abinader takes her friends to the SyriaLebanese room where they are confronted with the beautiful heritage that characterizes
Elmaz.
Although college awakens her pride of being of Arab descent and allows her to share
this heritage with her friends, Elmaz realizes that the existence of such a Syria-Lebanese room
does not change the fact that Arab influences are quasi absent in the curriculum. As a result,
she still feels an outsider and has difficulties reconciling both parts of her identity. Eventually,
Abinader states that she found a home in the community of other American writers of colour
who experience the same troubles with respect to their hyphenated identity. To conclude her
story, Abinader expresses the wish to live in a world where all doors represent openness. ―I
have a new small town. It's not anywhere in particular, or maybe it's everywhere. In this
village, people live with their doors open, moving back and forth over the threshold of what
has been exclusive to what will some day be inclusive‖ (6).
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IV.2 “This Crutch That I Love” (2002) by Naomi Shihab Nye
The second short story is written by Naomi Shihab Nye, who is born to a Palestinian
father and an American mother, and also appeared in Writers on America (2002). Just like
―Just Off Main Street‖ this short story is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the
past of Nye‘s life and focuses on her childhood. The second part deals with the present life of
the writer in which she muses about the importance of acceptance of other voices. Due to the
limited length of the short story the analysis will not be split up into different crossheadings in
order to study the importance of religion, language, music, food, gender and class on the
identity construction of Nye.
With respect to the role of religion in Nye‘s life, the story indicates that her parents
teach her that all religions are equally right. Hence, Naomi appears to be an adherent of no
religion in particular. Although her parents are both raised with a particular religious
background, they seem to opt for a less strict religious education for their daughter. It appears
that especially her American mother grew up in a severe Lutheran family. As a result, when
her mother leaves the parental home, she wants to discover other religions and drags her
family along. ―She took us to Quaker meetings and the Vedanta Society […].23 We attended
an inclusive, modern church called Unity that said every path was an honorable path. My
father visited these halls of worship with us, though he had been raised Muslim‖ (2).
Although her Arab father was raised Muslim, he too participates in this search for other
religious experiences. Her parents teach her that ―anyone who said a single religion or culture
was the only "right one" was delusional and ridiculous‖ (2). This open-minded view on
religion indicates that Naomi‘s parents dare to defy the boundaries established by their
23
Vedanta is the philosophical foundation of Hinduism; but while Hinduism includes aspects of Indian culture,
Vedanta is universal in its application and is equally relevant to all countries, all cultures, and all religious
backgrounds.
72
respective communities and invite their daughter to cross the religious boundaries in order to
respect otherness.
Next, Nye reminds the neighbourhood where she grew up as being characterized by
an ―air full of accents‖ (1). This quote indicates that the presence of a variety of languages
influenced the way she sees communication. According to Nye, it is important that all people
can raise their voice; no matter in what language. She is grateful for the many translations that
make it possible to read other voices. ―Translation has opened so many worlds between
countries -- it is our privilege and responsibility to read each other‖ (5). She considers
translation as a means to cross boundaries between languages and cultures. Nye is only
interested in the message itself and does not pay attention to the language in which it is
conveyed. In this way she wants to delete the language boundaries that separate people.
Further, through references of music and food the story puts forward that her father
brings some elements of the Arab culture into the family life. For example, she mentions that
her father sings in Arabic and that she and her family ―ate hummus while the neighborhood
ate hamburgers and spaghetti‖ (2). So, even though Naomi is only partly of Arab descent, the
Arab culture does have a reasonable influence on her life and consequently, on her identity
construction.
With respect to the role of gender and class there are again little references, yet it is
possible to form an idea about the impact of these markers on Naomi‘s identity construction.
Although Nye does not give away information about how she experiences and perceives
gender roles, she does refer to the strict education of her mother who had ―a strict Lutheran
father, and a shy, repressed mother‖ (2). In that way the writer seems to indicate that it is not
always within Arab communities that the traditional role model is employed as many
stereotypes suggest. Furthermore, the strict education leads her mother to do exactly the
opposite with her daughter. As a result, Naomi learns that such boundaries do not need to be
73
maintained and that she, both as a woman and a writer, can say what she thinks without being
silenced. In addition, the references to class in the story indicate that her father came to the
United States as a university scholarship student. However, the family lives in a
neighbourhood where ―no one had much money, but everyone had hope‖ (3). The story shows
how living in a neighbourhood with other immigrant families shapes the identity of Naomi.
―Living in a primarily Latino neighborhood in downtown San Antonio, Texas, gave me a
culture that was not mine by blood, but one I care greatly about. Perhaps I had to live in a
Latino city to learn what it really meant to be Arab-American -- how precious the spectrum of
flavors, how many ways they intersect and blend‖ (6).
In conclusion, one can state that there are no explicit references to 9/11. However, the
reason for writing this story might be the heightened intolerance that followed the events of
9/11. It appears that with this story Nye wants to draw attention to the importance of
acceptance and mutual understanding by indicating that diverse races, ethnicities and
identities make up the history of the United States. Besides, she mentions how she has
difficulties with boundaries drawn by other people. ―It was always hard to understand where
people drew their lines‖ (3). Moreover, she indicates that although there is always a reason to
focus on the differences between people, deep down all people are alike. ―If we only looked at
outer surfaces of situations, we could easily feel separate from others. Contemplating deeper
meanings or implications, the metaphorical possibilities of any scene, one might find endless
shining and connected cords‖ (4). As a result, she does not identify herself in terms of any of
the markers analysed above, but recognizes the mixture of influences that make up her
identity. Moreover, she has found in the community of writers kindred spirits who ignore
boundaries and are open to otherness. ―I look around the giant smoky space at poets and
listeners of all ages and think, Incredible. Every voice is welcomed. No one says, Use my
style. I think, This is my second family. The family that adopted me‖ (7). Therefore, she wants
74
to hold up this community as an example for the world so that acceptance finds its way there
too. ―If I had to choose one word to describe this world, it would be acceptance. In a family
of voices this wide, no one can be excluded‖ (7).
IV.3 Comparative Conclusion
Since both stories are published in Writers on America (2002) they both deal with the
dual influence that the birth and host countries exercise on the identity, both as writers and as
American citizens. Likewise, both writers seem to have gone through a difficult process of
identity construction, struggling with boundaries that characterize the inside group as well as
the outside group. Although religion, language, music, food, gender and class play an
important role in their identity formation, these markers cannot be considered salient.
Towards the end of their story the writers indicate that they have found a community that
embraces them for who they are without focussing on boundaries and differences. Apparently,
for both writers that community is their community of writers. Moreover, in the case of
Abinader that community is reduced to writers of colour because they share the same feeling
of being constantly on the verge of boundaries, sometimes being excluded and other times
being included.
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V. Conclusion
Throughout this paper the detailed analyses of the works of literature clearly
demonstrate that ―Arab Americans feel sometimes as if they are removed (of their own
accord) from the Middle East, but equally removed (not of their own accord) from the United
States.‖24 This hybrid feeling characterizes the protagonists and corresponds with Anzaldúa‘s
feeling of being ―alienated from her mother culture [and] ‗alien‘ in the dominant culture‖
(Anzaldúa 42). The works of literature tell the story of how the protagonists try to find a way
of dealing with this dual feeling by establishing boundaries and adapting to boundaries drawn
by American society. The stories are marked by the characteristics of religion, language,
music, food, gender and class which seem to shape the identity of the protagonists. Although
all stories deal with the same theme of Arab-American immigrant experience, each story tells
the unique experience of its protagonist and in this way draws attention to the diverse makeup of the Arab-American population which contains Christians and Muslims, rich and poor,
recent immigrants and people raised in America, etc.
A first distinction that can be made is between novels that deal with immigrant
experience characterized by a recent immigration, like House of Sand and Fog (2000) and
Once in a Promised Land (2007), and novels that deal with experience of second-generation
immigrants who were raised in the United States, like Drops of This Story (1996) and the
short stories by Abinader and Nye. Within this distinction the analyses have indicated that the
second-generation immigrants identify with a community rather than with one of the two parts
of their hyphenated identities. Hammad, for example, appears to identify principally with the
Brooklyn neighbourhood instead of with the Arab or American community. Similarly, both
Abinader and Nye identify themselves primarily as members of their community of writers
24
Salaita, Steven. ―Ethnic Identity and Imperative Patriotism: Arab Americans Before and After
9/11.‖ College Literature 32.2 (2005): 153.
76
and not as Arabs and/or Americans. In contrast, the recently immigrated protagonists of
House of Sand and Fog (2000) and Once in a Promised Land (2007) identify to a high degree
with the homeland. However, there is a distinction to be noted between the situation of Salwa
and Jassim on the one hand and that of Behrani on the other hand. The latter still clings
primarily to Iranian traditions, while Jassim and Salwa, in spite of their recent immigration,
appear to be very Americanized in their way of thinking.
Another observation that can be made is that the processes of identity construction and
boundary drawing are highly influenced by age or generation. This is especially noticeable in
the relationships between Hammad and her father, Esmail and his father and, to a lesser
extent, Abinader and her mother. The older generation clearly holds on to traditional customs,
such as arranged marriages and the preferred use of the mother language. In contrast, the
younger generation is more Americanized in its ideas concerning gender roles and generally
masters the English language well. Moreover, the younger generation will recognize the
hyphenated identity more easily and, even though they too struggle with the mixed make-up
of their identity, they try to benefit from both worlds.
Subsequently, a closer look at the markers of ethnicity that have been analysed in
every work of literature gives an idea about the importance of these markers in the identity
construction of the protagonists. Firstly, with respect to the importance of religion on the
identity formation of the protagonists, one can state that, regardless whether they are Muslim
or Christian, religion is not a salient marker of the protagonists‘ identity. In other words,
religion is just a composite of Arab-American identity, but not a paramount feature since none
of the protagonists identifies primarily as Muslim or Christian American. However, the
outside community seems to think differently about the importance of religious affiliation
and, as appears from what is experienced by Hammad, Behrani and Jassim, considers religion
to be a salient characteristic of the protagonists‘ identity. Moreover, American society seems
77
to use the adherence to Islam as a means for constructing a religious boundary that situates the
protagonists on the outside.
Secondly, the analyses pointed out that language is a frequent site of boundary
construction, especially for the inside Arab-American community. Most protagonists develop
a clear boundary between the use of English and the mother language. For example, Behrani,
Salwa and Jassim consider the mother tongue as their language of intimacy, while the use of
English is constrained to the public sphere. In contrast, Hammad clearly states that English
and Arabic have reached a similar level of intimacy for her. Abinader, on the other hand,
reconstructs in ―Just Off Main Street‖ the rigid language boundary which was established
during her childhood and which connected certain messages and usages with one of the two
languages. Moreover, there is again a clear difference to be noted between the different
generations that are represented in the stories in the attitude towards language. For instance,
both Hammad and Esmail appear to be less proficient in the mother language than in English.
Thirdly, the importance of music is only represented in the two pre-9/11 novels and in
Abinader‘s ―Just Off Main Street‖. In the case of Hammad, the different music styles that are
mentioned serve as a means to unite the different influences that characterize her identity,
while in the case of Behrani and his wife, music serves as a strong memory of the homeland.
So, in the stories of Hammad and Behrani music does not really serve as a site of boundary
construction, but appears to be a means by which the protagonists deal with the mixed
emotions concerning their hybrid identity. In contrast, Abinader tells how music did function
as a boundary in her childhood. She expresses her fear to tell the other children what kind of
music and dance characterize her family life because they would consider her an outsider. So,
although she likes Arabic music, she decides to silence her preference in order to avoid
prejudices and discrimination by other children. The other works of literature do not focus on
the influence of music on the protagonists‘ identities and only mention it briefly.
78
Fourthly, food appears to play an important role in all the analysed works of literature.
As stated by Anita Mannur, ―food [...] becomes a potent symbol for signifying the ethnic
integrity of Arab Americans, serving both as a placeholder for marking cultural
distinctiveness and as a palliative for dislocation.‖25 In other words, the distinct food habits of
Arab Americans function as a boundary between the inside and the outside group, but the
food also serves as a memory of the homeland. This function of food can be detected in every
story. Some stories do not only draw attention to the different food habits, but also to the Arab
custom of hospitality that exists around food. For example, Nadereh prepares tea for Kathy,
her husband‘s enemy, and brings her a bowl of grapes. Similarly, Salwa‘s friend Randa insists
on serving some Arabic coffee when Salwa visits because it would be considered too
American if she would visit without drinking something. Likewise, in Abinader‘s story the
reader gets to know the typical atmosphere and the abundance of food that go together with
the large family gatherings at their house.
Fifthly, with respect to gender roles, the majority of the stories refers to the traditional
role model that is maintained by the older generation. Abinader, for example, tells how she
and her sisters were confined to do the household, while her brothers took pity on the shops.
Similarly, Nadereh is kept silent and childish by her husband who takes important decisions
on his own without consulting his wife. Likewise, Hammad‘s father gives his derogatory
opinion about women who seem to have made it and claims that a woman is nothing without
her bed. So, the inside group clearly draws gender boundaries. However, the younger
generation fights for the rights of women and let their female voices hear in American society.
In contrast to the previous female characters, Salwa is an emancipated woman who does not
encounter this gender boundary in her home or work environment. Likewise, the education of
Nye appears to be an open-minded one that provides her many opportunities to develop her
25
Mannur, Anita. ―Culinary Nostalgia: Authenticity, Nationalism, and Diaspora.‖ MELUS. 32.4 (2007): 13.
79
identity without judging her on her gender. In other words, the works of literature bring a
nuanced view of Arab Americans‘ attitude towards gender roles by incorporating both
traditional and open-minded visions.
Finally, class appears to be a salient marker of identity for at least three protagonists.
As the analysis pointed out, Behrani‘s identity depends almost completely on his status and so
he is very eager to restore his former prestige. Secondly, Hammad‘s identity is characterized
by the low class Brooklyn neighbourhood in which she grew up and consequently, it is the
Brooklyn community with which she identifies instead of with the Arab and/or American
community. Thirdly, Salwa and Jassim belong to the middle class and appear to discover and
explore lower class neighbourhoods only after 9/11. Their confinement to the middle class
seems to have influenced their vision on America, excluding the poverty and sadness of some
neighbourhoods. So, although they do not consider class to be a salient marker of their
identity, it does influence their identity formation unconsciously. In contrast, the short stories
by Abinader and Nye only refer implicitly to class and consequently, the identity construction
is not influenced by class in these stories.
Furthermore, each story, except the short story by Nye, draws attention to the cases of
discrimination and prejudice suffered by the protagonists due to their different appearance.
Hammad, for example, especially is confronted with her different appearance when she
moves to Staten Island where a rigid colour boundary is established by the outside group,
classifying everyone who is not completely white as an outsider. Secondly, Behrani is referred
to as ‗camel‘ by his co-workers due to his skin colour. Moreover, his different appearance
seems to pose a problem in his search for a job that equals his former prestige. Thirdly, the
upwardly mobile Salwa and Jassim are confronted with racial discrimination when Jassim is
considered to form a terrorist threat in the shopping centre after 9/11. Their situation indicates
that the outside boundaries did change after 9/11 as the unfortunate coincidence of events
80
turns the rational and Americanized Jassim into a terrorist suspect. Finally, the two short
stories by Abinader draw attention to her different appearance. Especially ―Profile of an Arab
Daughter‖ addresses the impact of having a different appearance. In this story Abinader
reconstructs the confrontation with her different appearance during her childhood by telling
how she was drawn in profile and how her different traits distinguished her inescapably from
her white classmates. In the same story she refers to the fact of being profiled at the airport
after 9/11 because, according to the boundary established by American society, she ‗looks‘
like a terrorist due to her Arab roots. So, in these situations the protagonists are confronted
with the fact that their different appearance will always form a boundary and appears to
prevent them from the possibility of being considered a complete insider. The AngloAmerican sociologist Park acknowledges this situation in his definition of the ‗marginal man‘:
A man living and sharing intimately in the cultural life and traditions of two
distinct peoples; never quite willing to break, even if he were permitted to do
so, with his past and his traditions, and not quite accepted, because of racial
prejudice, in the new society in which he now sought to find a place. (Marotta
297)
As stated by Marotta, ―this new personality type lives on the border of two cultures and two
societies which never completely fuse‖ (297). This description of the difficulty of living on
the boundary that is experienced by the protagonists fits with the sentiment that Anzaldúa puts
into words in Borderlands/La Frontera (1999):
The ambivalence from the clash of voices results in mental and emotional
states of perplexity. Internal strife results in insecurity and indecisiveness. The
mestiza‘s dual or multiple personality is plagued by psychic restlessness. […]
Cradled in one culture, sandwiched between two cultures, […], la mestiza
81
undergoes a struggle of flesh, a struggle of borders, an inner war. (Anzaldúa
100)
This inner struggle is voiced in each of the selected works, but is convincingly represented in
Drops of This Story (1996) and ―Just Off Main Street‖ (2002). These stories appear to
reproduce in words the difficult mental processes that the protagonists are faced with.
Hammad‘s and Abinader‘s writings are the exact reproduction of the inner war they fight. For
them writing is a way of coming to terms with their hyphenated existence on the boundary.
Likewise, Anzaldúa states that ―living in a state of psychic unrest, in a Borderland, is what
makes poets write and artists create‖ (95).
As the analyses pointed out, this inner struggle characterizes the protagonists‘ identity
both pre- and post-9/11 and is caused by the different boundaries established by the inside
Arab-American group on the one hand, and the outside American group on the other hand. As
appeared from the analyses, the immigrant group especially draws language, food and gender
boundaries, while the American group mainly draws religious and colour boundaries. This
difference in boundaries makes it difficult for the Arab-American immigrant to find his/her
position within American society, since s/he is situated on the inside of the boundary in some
situations, while at other moment s/he is situated on the outside. Moreover, this situation
brings along the general feeling of living on the boundary, instead of on the inside or outside.
This hybrid feeling of living on the boundary is reinforced after 9/11 due to the heightened
attention and awareness of the immigrants‘ difference. The outside American group draws
pre-9/11 boundaries more rigidly after 9/11 and establishes boundaries on domains which
before were relatively free of boundaries, such as airport security and work environment.
Arab Americans react to this process with disbelief and feel the need to justify their position
within American society which results in a heightened awareness of their hyphenated identity
and the feeling of alienation from both the home and the host country.
82
VI. Works Cited
VI.1 Primary Literature
Abinader, Elmaz. ―Profile of an Arab Daughter.‖ Al Jadid Magazine 7.37 (2001). 28 Febr.
2009 <http://www.aljadid.com/features/0737abinader.html>.
Abinader, Elmaz. ―Just Off Main Street.‖ United States. Dept. of State. Writers on America
(2002) 27 February 2009 <http://www.america.gov/st/artsenglish/2008/May/20080625195015eaifas0.1367151.html>.
Dubus III, Andre. House of Sand and Fog. London: Heinemann, 2000.
Halaby, Laila. Once in a Promised Land. Boston: Beacon Press, 2007.
Hammad, Suheir. Drops of This Story. New York: Harlem River Press, 1996.
Nye, Naomi Shihab. ―This Crutch That I Love.‖ United States. Dept. of State. Writers on
America (2002) 27 Febr. 2009 <http://www.america.gov/st/artsenglish/2008/May/20080625212609eaifas0.454874.html>.
VI.2 Secondary Literature
Abraham, Nabeel. ―Arab Americans.‖ 25 April 2009 <http://www.everyculture.com/multi/ABr/Arab-Americans.html>.
Ajrouch, Kristine J. ―Gender, Race, and Symbolic Boundaries: Contested Spaces of Identity
among Arab American Adolescents.‖ Sociological Perspectives 47.4 (2004): 371-393.
JSTOR. 24 Febr. 2009 <http://www.jstor.org/sici?sici=07311214(2004)47:4%3C371:GRASBC%3E2.0.CO;2-#&origin=sfx%3Asfx>.
Alba, Richard. ―Bright vs. Blurred Boundaries: Second-generation Assimilation and
Exclusion in France, Germany, and the United States.‖ Ethnic and Racial Studies 28.1
(2005): 20-49. Informaworld Journals. 22 April 2009
<http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/content~content=a713722025~db=all>.
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Amícola, José. Autobiografía como Autofiguración: Estrategias Discursivas del Yo y
Cuestiones del Género. Rosario: Beatriz Viterbo Editora, 2007: 11-43.
Anzaldúa, Gloria. Borderlands/La Frontera. The New Mestiza. 2nd ed. San Francisco: Aunt
Lute Books: 1999.
Britto, Pia Rebello. ―Who Am I? Ethnic Identity Formation of Arab Muslim Children in
Contemporary U.S. Society‖ Journal of the American Academy of Child and
Adolescent Psychiatry 47.8 (2008): 853-857. Journals@Ovid. 4 March 2009
<http://ovidsp.tx.ovid.com/spa/ovidweb.cgi?WebLinkFrameset=1&S=EDFCFPHOEP
DDHPIFNCFLOAJJLOEGAA00&returnUrl=http%3a%2f%2fovidsp.tx.ovid.com%2f
spa%2fovidweb.cgi%3f%26Full%2bText%3dL%257cS.sh.15.16%257c0%257c00004
583-20080800000005%26S%3dEDFCFPHOEPDDHPIFNCFLOAJJLOEGAA00&directlink=http%3
a%2f%2fgraphics.tx.ovid.com%2fovftpdfs%2fFPDDNCJJOAIFEP00%2ffs046%2fov
ft%2flive%2fgv025%2f00004583%2f00004583-20080800000005.pdf&filename=Who+Am+I%3f+Ethnic+Identity+Formation+of+Arab+Muslim
+Children+in+Contemporary+U.S.+Society.>.
Fanon, Frantz. ―The Fact of Blackness.‖ The Post-Colonial Studies Reader. Ed. Bill Ashcroft,
et al. London: Routledge, 1995: 323-326.
Hartman, Michelle. ―‗this sweet / sweet music‘: Jazz, Sam Cooke, and Reading Arab
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