SIN AND DECLINE IN PURITAN NEW ENGLAND AND PRESENT-DAY US MICHAEL WIGGLESWORTH’S THE DAY OF DOOM AS A FRAMEWORK FOR RECONSTRUCTING A JEREMIAD ABOUT TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY US DIPLOMARBEIT zur Erlangung des Magistergrades an der Kultur- und Gesellschaftswissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Universität Salzburg Fachbereich Anglistik und Amerikanistik Gutachter: Univ.-Prof. Dr. Ralph J. Poole, MA eingereicht von Julia Weißenböck, BA Salzburg, Mai 2013 To my parents, my grandma, my family and friends. They guided, supported and pushed me, shaped my life and made me who I am. And to Salzburg, the city I lost my heart to. Acknowledgments When I was assigned a gloomy doomsday poem in the seminar “Colonial Muses and Puritan Masters” in summer 2012, I had never heard of Michael Wigglesworth and/or The Day of Doom before. But the deeper I delved into analysis and research, the more I liked it. Eventually, me and Michael Wigglesworth turned out to be a pretty good match and my fascination with the poem resulted first in a BA-thesis and now in this diploma thesis, because I soon realized that there was a lot more to tell about Wigglesworth, The Day of Doom and its relevance to present-day US. Who would have thought that a somewhat priggish, sometimes comical, and usually pessimistic Puritan minister could hold my attention for more than a year? Certainly not me. And although my thesis and my studies are now finished and another chapter of my life is about to start, Michael Wigglesworth’s jingling rhymes will probably stay with me and occasionally pop into my head just like that, proving that the poem is as catchy in the twenty-first century as it was in Puritan New England; only a few poems have that ability. Therefore, my congratulations and gratitude to Dr. Poole for choosing Michael Wigglesworth’s The Day of Doom as a reading for his seminar. Who knows if I would have come across it otherwise? I also thank Dr. Poole for not restricting my analysis in any way. He was always open to my ideas and very supportive in my decision to take a quite unusual cultural approach and relate a 350-year-old poem to present-day US. Many thanks also to a certain Dr. S with whom I had the chance to discuss my topic and who provided critical input and helped me find the missing link in my thesis. A very special thank you to my dear friends and colleagues for proof-reading this thesis, offering constructive criticism and pointing out inconsistencies which I had overlooked: Magdalena Kasperek, for applying her infallible feel for words and syntax; Gundula Ehringer, for reviewing with her critical eye for grammar and punctuation; and Stephan Ramp, for reading with great attention to detail and his unfailing sense of aesthetics. But most of all I thank my parents, who have always unconditionally supported me in whatever I wanted to do and whichever path I chose to pursue. I know they will probably say that this is just what parents do, and for that I thank them even more. CONTENT Introduction 1 Defining Terms 3 PART 1: DECLINE IN PURITAN NEW ENGLAND—THE HISTORICAL BASIS 4 1. 1.1. The Puritan Belief System Social Change 5 7 2. Michael Wigglesworth—A Brief Biographical Overview 10 3. The Day of Doom—A General Introduction 12 4. 4.1. 4.2. Introducing American Values: The American Jeremiad An Introduction The Jeremiad in Present-Day American Culture 14 14 16 5. 5.1. 5.2. 5.3. The Day of Doom—A (quasi-) Jeremiad Jeremiads Identify Problems Jeremiads Identify Turning Points Jeremiads Call for Reform, Repentance, or Renewal 18 18 20 22 6. 6.1. 6.2. 6.3. 6.4. 6.5. 6.6. 6.7. Classifying Sinners in The Day of Doom Hypocrites The Reliers on Works The Presumptuous The Misguided The Spiritually Lazy The Uninformed Summary 27 27 29 30 32 33 34 36 PART 2: DECLINE IN PRESENT-DAY US—A JEREMIAD RECONSTRUCTED 37 SETTING THE SCENE 38 7. 7.1. 7.2. 7.3. 7.4. 7.5. 38 39 41 42 43 44 Introducing American Values: The American Dream Puritan Origins The Declaration of Independence and Its Influence Upward Mobility Equality Homeownership 8. 8.1. 8.1.1. 8.1.2. 8.1.3. Is There an American Decline? American Supremacy Hard Power Soft Power Relative Power CLASSIFYING SINNERS IN PRESENT-DAY US 46 47 49 52 54 56 9. 9.1. 9.2. 9.3. 9.4. “Saying So, Don’t Make It So”—Hypocrisy The Right to Bear Arms The US Is a Greenhouse “For As Long As I Am President” Relevance to The Day of Doom 57 57 59 60 64 10. 10.1. 10.2. 10.3. Loosing Track of the Right Path—The Misguided Lifestyle of the Rich and Famous The Missing Middle Relevance to The Day of Doom 66 66 67 72 11. 11.1. 11.2. 11.3. 11.4. “An Age of Denial and Narcissism”—The Presumptuous The Myth of American Exceptionalism Fighting “a War for Civilization” “There Isn’t a Child in India [Asia] that Wouldn’t Come to America” Relevance to The Day of Doom 74 75 79 80 82 12. 12.1. 12.2. 12.3. “This Country’s Going to [...] Take Care of It”—The Reliers on Works Hurricane Katrina The BP Oil Spill Relevance to The Day of Doom 85 85 86 89 13. 13.1. 13.2. 13.3. Inconsistency with American Values—The Spiritually Lazy “America Doesn’t Torture” The Rise of the Disposable Worker Relevance to The Day of Doom 92 92 94 96 14. 14.1. 14.2. 14.3. “We Are Becoming a Stupid Country”—The Uninformed Hate Crimes Science Fair vs. Super Bowl Relevance to The Day of Doom 98 98 101 105 Conclusion 106 BIBLIOGRAPHY 109 FIGURES Figure 1: Voting Share in the World Bank. 48 Figure 2: Comparison of Economic Mobility. 49 Figure 3: The Global Debt Clock. 50 Figure 4a: Hate Crimes in the US in 2010. 98 Figure 4b: Hate Crimes in the US in 2010. 99 TABLES Table 1: Classes and Groups of Sinners. 36 Table 2: Comparison of Debts. 50 Table 3: Public Opinion about the US. 53 Table 4: Problems Facing the US. 55 Table 5: CO2 Emissions in 2007. 59 Table 6: Perceived Power of Major US Societal Entities. 61 Table 7: Honesty/Ethics of Lobbyists. 63 Table 8: Pisa Study. 102 Table 9: Comparison of Sins: Past and Present. 107 Awake, awake, O Sinner, and repent, And quarrel not, because I thus alarm Thy Soul, to save it from eternal harm. (Wigglesworth, “A Postscript Unto the Reader”) Thou hangest over the Infernal Pit By one small thread, and car’st not thou a whit? (ibid.) 1 Introduction The analysis in this thesis is a progressive one. It starts with explaining different ideas and concepts of Puritan New England and the society’s spiritual decline, which prompted the Puritan minister, Michael Wigglesworth to write The Day of Doom. Then it takes up the very same concepts of sin and decline as defined by Wigglesworth and applies them to present-day United States1, reconstructing a jeremiad in order to analyze whether the US is in a state of decline or not. This thesis consists of two parts, the first part of which forms the basis and serves as the theoretical background the second part is built on. First, there is a definition of the two most important concepts applied throughout this thesis, sin and decline. Then there follows a short historical overview of Puritan New England as well as an introduction to Puritan society, the Puritan belief system and the changes therein, which are necessary for a thorough understanding of Wigglesworth’s poem and this thesis as a whole. Having set the historical frame, the author of The Day of Doom, Michael Wigglesworth is introduced, a short biographical overview of his life is given and his reaction towards changes in society is explained. This serves to facilitate the understanding about what prompted him to write The Day of Doom, the characteristics and content of which are outlined in the next chapter. Tied to the peculiarities of the poem is also its use as a political tool, and while the following chapter on the American jeremiad first of all outlines what a jeremiad constitutes of, it ultimately also shows how Wigglesworth’s poem can be classified as a jeremiad and thus fits into the political genre as well. As the last chapter in the first part of this thesis, six groups of sinners are identified in The Day of Doom, which, together with the concept of the jeremiad, serve as a framework for the second part. The second part of this thesis starts with introducing the American Dream, because although the concepts and values it implies date far back to Puritan New England, they still influence American society today. Also, a basic notion of the concept of the American Dream will facilitate the general understanding of whether the US is in decline or not and serve as a bridge to the next chapter which provides an overall introduction to the current state of the US and how its status has changed 1 Henceforth, the United States will be abbreviated with US or U.S. respectively. 2 over the last couple of years. The main part in the second half consists of the reconstruction of a jeremiad. Using the framework from the first part of this thesis, examples for sinful behavior in present-day US are provided and classified according to the six categories of sinners identified in The Day of Doom. This analysis will then offer a possible answer to the question whether the US is in decline or not, and it will show that the concepts underlying sins in Puritan New England and present-day US are the same, if with different outcomes, and that it is thus possible to take up The Day of Doom, a (quasi-) jeremiad for Puritan society, and reconstruct a jeremiad about present-day US. 3 Defining Terms ‘sin’ The Oxford Dictionary defines ‘sin’ as “an immoral act considered to be a transgression against divine law,” and as “an act regarded as a serious or regrettable fault, offence, or omission.” ‘decline’ The Oxford Dictionary defines ‘decline’ as “a gradual and continuous loss of strength, numbers, or value,” such as in “a civilization in decline.” Throughout this thesis the terms ‘America’ and ‘(the) Americans’ are used synonymously to mean ‘the United States of America’ and ‘citizens of the United States of America’ respectively. 4 PART 1: DECLINE IN PURITAN NEW ENGLAND—THE HISTORICAL BASIS This part of the thesis aims to enhance the understanding of what prompted Michael Wigglesworth to write The Day of Doom, why it became to be so popular and was also used as a political tool. First, there is a short introduction to Puritan New England in order to set the scene, followed by a biographical overview of Michael Wigglesworth and his motivation to write The Day of Doom. Second, there is an overall introduction to the peculiarities of the poem and why it classifies as a jeremiad. Finally, decline and sin in Puritan New England are defined by classifying the sinners pictured in Wigglesworth’s poem into six categories. 5 1. The Puritan Belief System In order to understand The Day of Doom, and how it can be seen as a reaction towards the decline in society, it is necessary to have a basic understanding of Puritan life, most importantly their Puritan belief system. The subject is far too complex in order to provide an in-depth explanation of the religious conventions in seventeenth-century New England in this thesis. Therefore, merely an insight on certain aspects connected to The Day of Doom is provided so as to facilitate the understanding of Michael Wigglesworth’s work. The description of certain conventions of Puritan life thus may not be complete and may not reflect all aspects of Puritan society. 2 Describing the Puritans as ‘pious’ would almost be an understatement; as Perry Miller has pointed out, piety “was foolishness and fanaticism to their opponents, but to themselves it was [the key to] life eternal” (The New England Mind 5). Truly, if there was one primary goal the Puritans had, it was reaching a state where they would be allowed into heaven and live for eternity. The only way to achieve this goal was to live in a ‘social covenant’ with God, which obliged them to obey the rules of God, no questions asked. If one individual did not abide to these laws, this could result in God inflicting his wrath on the entire community. Thus, whenever there were earthquakes, thunderstorms or an unusually high mortality rate, it was clear for the Puritans that this was a sign of God being angry with them (cf. Stannard 41). God as such was incomprehensible to the Puritans and merely described as possessing certain attributes, such as “creation, providence, lordship, benignity, mercy, justice [...] wisdom, will, holiness, liberty, and omnipotency” (Miller, The New England Mind 12). Therefore, the concept of God was that of a ‘hidden’ one, who revealed himself partially only in the Scripture and through that he commanded people “of what ought to be” (Miller 21), i.e. his declared will; and of “what shall be” (ibid.), i.e. his secret will. No surprise that the Puritans were famous for their literalism. With no other means than the Bible, which was to them the one and only true word of God, the Puritans had to take the Scripture literal, or else they would have been left with no laws at all. No Puritan citizen would have dared to doubt the Bible because for them the Bible “[was] the inspired word of God[,] it [could not] be questioned, it alone [was] authority” (ibid. 20). 2 For further reading on the Puritans in general, please refer to the bibliography. 6 Another aspect central to Puritan belief was the conviction of everyone’s innate depravity of soul. They believed that “men don’t come into the world perfectly innocent in the sight of God” (Edwards 231) but that because all mankind stems from Adam, all share with him the burden of the original sin and are unworthy of any salvation. However, they also believed that their merciful God had selected and predetermined a few people for salvation. Therefore, convinced of predestination, the Puritans constantly examined their souls for signs that they were among the chosen ones. The Puritans at times fought a hard battle because they were constantly torn between soul (spirit) and body (flesh). Just how torn they were at times can also be seen by reading Michael Wigglesworth’s diary; excerpts are provided in chapter 23. According to their belief, God had originally implanted two kinds of principles in men: the inferior one, called natural (flesh), and the superior one, called divine (spirit). While the natural principle prompted men to strive for their own good, self-love, pleasure, honor and other earthly longings, the divine principle was about the spiritual image of God, the righteousness of men and their holiness and piety (cf. Edwards 233). The incongruence between the two was termed ‘sin’ and “[t]he gulf between sin and morality could be bridged only by grace” (Miller, New England Mind 49). This act of bridging the gap was called ‘regeneration’, “[t]he moment [...] in which God, out of His compassion, bestows grace upon man” (ibid. 25). But grace was not something people could actively and directly achieve. Grace was solely awarded divinely and people could do hardly any more than live as pious as possible, hoping that some day God would bestow them with grace. The part they could actively contribute to was called ‘preparation’, the—sometimes life-long—state of preparing for God’s saving faith/grace. This preparatory phase consisted of various stages and started with attending the Holy Mass to hear the word of God, knowing the law of God, becoming aware of what is evil and what is good, reflecting on one’s actions and recognizing one’s own sins, which would then lead to a state of despair of salvation. Everyone could reach this state, no matter if one was among the chosen ones or not. Now, however, only God’s elect would proceed. “God then kindled a spark of faith in their hearts” (Morgan 68), creating a will and desire to believe. At the same time the receivers of faith would always fight the battle between doubt and assurance. This miraculous 3 All cross-references to individual chapters refer to chapters of this thesis. 7 working was termed ‘covenant of grace.’ By receiving saving faith, people had entered into a covenant of grace with God, and this grace helped them in the battle against doubt and despair, and furthermore enabled them “to cry for pardon and sorrow for sin” (ibid. 69). Ultimately, grace was the only means that could save them from their depraved state, eternal ruin and damnation. As hell and damnation were very real to the Puritans, religious leaders would not hesitate to make use of vivid descriptions of hell when it suited their purposes. Therefore, the Puritans were utterly afraid of death and hell, despite—or perhaps even because of—their strong belief and reliance on God’s mercy. David Stannard summarizes that their fear of death was the natural consequence of what to them were three patently true and quite rational beliefs: that of their own utter and unalterable depravity; that of the omnipotence, justness, and inscrutability of God; and that of the unspeakable terrors of Hell. (89) 1.1. Social Change In the second half of the seventeenth century, there was a noticeable change in society, which led to decline of piety in Puritan New England. Clerical and political leaders agreed that the case was desperate and people needed to be led back to the right path. It was a time that really put the Puritan nation to the test. From 1650 onwards, most of the founders died and the second-generation Puritans were on the rise, attempting to continue the work of their fathers. But their faith was not as strong as those of the first-generation Puritans, and so it seemed that the Puritan faith had died with the founders (cf. Miller, “Preparation for Salvation” 253). According to David Minter, this rather desperate situation of the Puritans can be traced back to three major elements: “the crumbling of their design, the waning of their piety, and the waxing of their prosperity” (qtd. in Murphy 50). Already in the 1640s the colony’s economy had begun to diversify through fur trading, as well as fishing, lumber and shipbuilding industries. The colony soon started trading with Europe and the West Indies, which resulted in an enormous upswing in economy and led to an increase in wealth. The founders never had this kind of prosperity in their colony, their mission was solely divine, but now their children were provided with prosperity of a different kind—economic prosperity. 8 A new merchant class was on the rise and religious elites feared for the future of the colony. Andrew Murphy states that it was beyond dispute [...] that, [...] generational pressures (including the clamor for land among the rising generation) and a rising merchant class served to heighten fears [...] that the collective sense of mission they inherited from their parents was increasingly endangered” (39). By the late 1650s, the decline in church membership reached its peak and the Puritan society was threatened that soon most of its members would be unbaptized. Considering the fact that Puritan society—and thus also politics—was based on religion and clerical rule, the falling membership rates represented a serious danger (cf. Morgan 129). According to Puritan belief, a person could only become a full member of the church if he was baptized and had received saving faith, a kind of conversion experience. Prospective members had to prove that they had received saving faith by testifying that they had experienced workings of grace and then stand a cross-examination by the clergy (cf. Morgan 62). Unfortunately, if applicants failed this test, they could not become members of the church and their children could not be baptized. Baptism of infants was a privilege solely reserved to full members of the church, and since in the seventeenth century fewer people experienced saving faith, the number of unbaptized children was rising, while the number of full church members was falling. Thus, the New England church introduced the Halfway Covenant in 1662. The covenant held several propositions, the most important one being the fifth: Proposition 5th. Church-members who were admitted in minority, understanding the Doctrine of Faith, and publickly [sic!] professing their assent thereto; not scandalous in life, and solemnly owning the Covenant before the Church, wherein they give up themselves and their Children to the Lord, and subject themselves to the Government of Christ in the Church, their Children are to be Baptized. (qtd. in Morgan 130) The important message was that all the actions prescribed could be performed without the conversion experience. Thus, people who lacked the experience of saving faith retained a partial membership which yet excluded them from voting in church affairs and participating in the Lord’s Supper. Still, the benefits far outweighed the downsides: they were provided with church discipline, which meant that they could be admonished or even excommunicated for bad conduct—a regulation that applied to all church members and thus also offered protection and stability—and, of course, they could have 9 their children baptized (cf. ibid. 131-132). Moreover, their children in return—should they experience saving faith someday—would become full members of the church. Surely, the Halfway Covenant has to be reflected upon rather critically as well. On the one hand, it was a very progressive way of the New England church to sort of ‘loosen’ its strict rules in order to gain members, but on the other hand, their generous mercy can be seen as a mere means to maintain power. As Bercovitch has pointed out, “Puritan scholars have called the Halfway Covenant (1662) the locus classicus of the orthodoxy’s decline” (63). Around the same time, Puritanism (as a religious belief system) had shifted more into a political party in the Seventeenth century, so it was quite convenient that all members of the society constantly prepared themselves for grace because in doing so, they adhered to the rules laid out by the church (threat of excommunication, cf. above) and thus, also adhered to the rules of politics. As Perry Miller argues, the Halfway Covenant, as progressive as it was, was also “a symptom of the change that came over the Puritan movement as it became concerned more with the conquest of power than with the pursuit of holiness” (“Preparation for Salvation,” 262). So the Puritans back then were desperately trying to maintain their power just like the US now appears to be fighting hard to keep its supremacy. One who recognized the change in Puritan society and was very concerned with its decline, was Michael Wigglesworth, a minister and poet. 10 2. Michael Wigglesworth—A Brief Biographical Overview Michael Wigglesworth was born on 28 October 1631 in Yorkshire, England, as son to Edward Wigglesworth, a well-to-do tradesman. As the conditions in England turned ever more hostile to Puritans, Michael, aged seven, and his parents migrated to Charlestown in August 1638. Although his family’s means were small, Michael nonetheless received ministry education and at the age of eight, Ezekiel Cheever, who has widely been regarded “the chief representative of the colonial schoolmaster” (“Ezekiel Cheever”) became his teacher. In 1648 Michael Wigglesworth entered Harvard College, where he excelled at the top of his class and was selected as college tutor immediately after his graduation in 1651. This was also the time when young Michael Wigglesworth was most severely affected by doubts about his belief in God and continuously contemplated all his presumed sins. From this time also dates Wigglesworth’s journal which is laden with self-doubt and his never-ceasing urge to relate everything in life to the workings of God. Richard M. Gummere has defined the journal as a mixture of “religious devotion, self-castigation, and a running account of his physical troubles” (3) of which he had many because throughout his life, he suffered from poor lungs and frailty. Edward Morgan, editor of the 1946 version of The Diary of Michael Wigglesworth, writes in the introduction that “ if worrying would have saved New England, Wigglesworth would have saved it” (VI). Indeed, the accounts in his journal are somewhat wailing, so he wrote: “shame devours all my labours, in stead of admiring god I admire my self. for this I loath my self”4 (Morgan 8), “I find such unresistable torments of carnal lust or provocation unto the ejection of seed that I find my self [sic!] unable to read any thing [sic!] to inform me about my distemper because of the prevailing or rising of my lusts” (ibid. 4), or “[m]y proneness to satisfy my soul in my study’s or pupils’ progress, or anything without God, is the daily fear of my soul” (Gummere 4). Interestingly, although young Michael Wigglesworth was always struggling with his faith, he was nonetheless a well-respected and well-appreciated teacher and scholar. In 1655, Wigglesworth moved to Malden, Massachusetts, took office at minister and married his first of at least three wives, Mary. Often, his frequent illnesses and his weak voice kept him from performing his full duties as a pastor of Malden and he could not 4 The words in this quote reflect the original text. 11 hold any sermons because his voice would not come out loud enough. It is said that his bad conscience led him to become active in the community of Malden as a physician and a poet, so as to compensate for his shortcomings as pastor. In contrast to his earlier years, the older Michael Wigglesworth was also more in harmony with himself and his reputation among his congregation further grew. Because he was deeply orthodox and in line with the original Puritan idea, it troubled him to see how the third generation of Puritans seemed to decline in Puritan values and grow ever more impious (cf. Matthiessen; Gummere; Dean Ward). As materialism was on the rise and spiritualism in decline, he saw himself compelled to call for repentance and write about Judgment Day, in order to “set forth truth and win men’s souls to bliss” (Matthiessen 492). On 10 June 1705, Michael Wigglesworth died at age 74. While there is indeed some truth in Matthiessen’s claim that “it is easy to make fun of the Puritan [because] he was so painfully in earnest, so relentless in his pursuit of what he believed to be the truth, that he becomes for those who are out of sympathy with his aims, a great unconscious humorist” (491), it must be acknowledged that this humorist is remembered less as a comical figure but rather as the poet who published The Day of Doom, “the most popular poem ever written in America” (ibid. 492). 12 3. The Day of Doom—A General Introduction The Day of Doom: Or, a Poetical Description of the Great and Last Judgment was published in 1662 and it quickly became a huge success, selling 1,800 copies within the first year (cf. “Michael Wigglesworth”), something that any modern-day poet can only dream of. Its popularity is based on two main reasons: its structure and its subject. The structure of the poem is very simple as it is written in the ballad form and consists of 224 stanzas with eight lines each. The hymn meter applied is called ‘fourteener’ and consists of alternating, rhymed lines of eight and six syllables: Still was the night, Serene and Bright, (8) when all Men sleeping lay; (6) Calm was the season, and carnal reason (8) thought so 'twould [sic!] last for ay. (6) “Soul, take thine ease, let sorrow cease, (8) much good thou hast in store:” (6) This was their Song, their Cups among, (8) the Evening before. (6) (Wigglesworth, Day of Doom 15) Gerhard T. Alexis makes an interesting claim and states that the ‘fourteeners’ used in The Day of Doom “were really nothing more than a doubling of the 4, 3, 4, 3 stanza conspicuous in the Bay Psalm Book[, and that] one could sing all of [its stanzas] to York or some other readily recognized tune with the same meter” (574). Thus, with its jingling ballad meter, the poem provided a rhythm that made it easy to be memorized. But the popularity of the poem is also largely based on its well-known topic, Judgment Day. Presented as a narrative, it recounts the familiar story of the second coming of Christ, the resurrection of the dead, the reuniting of body and soul, and the final judgment. Emphasized with vivid imagery, the poem tells the reader about Christ’s fury with men’s sinful behavior and the separation of mankind into sheep, who go to heaven and will live in bliss, and goats, who committed various kinds of sins and are thus sent to hell where they will dwell in endless pain. Being the basis for all life and society, the Scripture and its stories were well-known and familiar to every good Puritan. Therefore, the familiar story of the poem, paired with references to biblical passages, confronted the readers with something they knew well, could relate to and identify themselves with, but it also gave the poem immense biblical authority and 5 As there are no line numbers given, the numbers provided in the parentheses refer to the stanzas. All subsequent references to Michael Wigglesworth’s poetry refer to The Day of Doom. Henceforth the title will be omitted. 13 made certain that “no readers could accuse [Wigglesworth’s] doomsday account of being sullied by the products of mere human invention” (Hammond 55-56). In addition, Wigglesworth’s poem certainly had a didactic message for the Puritans and it can be assumed that he tried to show people what punishment would await them if they continued their sinful way of life, by pointing out what was to be considered ‘sinful.’ But he also gave people a taste of what would await the pious who lived in accordance with Puritan law and the Scripture (which was, back then, basically the same). In this sense, the poem is at once reassuring and frightening, spanning the strenuous gap that defined Puritanism, despair and hope. Anxiety and assurance were both necessary to achieve the didactic goal underlying the poem. As harsh as it may seem, Wigglesworth needed to make use of fear because he “could not risk provoking even the slightest sympathy for the damned,” (Hammond 58) or else his didactic mission would have failed. On the contrary, those who read the poem knew exactly the ‘do’s and don’ts’ and had “another chance to knock at the door of redemption” (ibid. 62). With all the vivid images of tormenting hellfires and everlasting pain compared to blissful dwelling in heaven, The Day of Doom was a powerful means to steer people back onto the right path, prevent further decline, and restore obedience in society —both spiritual and political. It can be considered a political tool or even a jeremiad, which is further explained in the next chapter. 14 4. Introducing American Values: The American Jeremiad Alongside the American Dream, there is another powerful concept of American thought that needs to be mentioned because—just like the American Dream—it originated in Puritan New England and still heavily influences the way Americans think of themselves and of their past, present and future: the American jeremiad. In the first part of this chapter, the origins of the jeremiad as a political genre and occasional sermon are outlined briefly, a jeremiad’s content is elaborated, and its significance for Puritan New England is explained. Also, there follows an exploration of where to find the jeremiad in modern American culture, which also reveals parallels to the Puritans and shows how the web of the ideas behind various jeremiads has spun into the present. Furthermore, drawing on the explanations provided in this chapter, the last part presents The Day of Doom as a (quasi-) jeremiad and offers examples from the text to support this claim. 4.1. An Introduction For a first idea about what a jeremiad actually is, one does not have to look too far. Already the name ‘jeremiad’ gives a first hint: the name derives from Jeremiah, a prophet, who claimed that Israel was in decline because it had violated its covenant with God and drawn upon it his wrath. Jeremiah thus feared for punishment and felt that the nation was in a deep crisis. Driven by anxiety, he lamented society’s current state, reminded them of the punishment that might await them if they kept their evil ways, called for repentance and also held out hope for forgiveness should the people choose to return to obedience (cf. Murphy 6). The very same thing is done by Wigglesworth in The Day of Doom. It is not a coincidence that the very name of the jeremiad links back to the Israelites. The Puritans in general had a strong tendency to draw parallels between them and the people of Israel. It is widely claimed among scholars of Puritanism that this view is rooted in John Winthrop’s evocation of America as “a city on a hill,” an elect and chosen nation (cf. Murphy 10). While this mainly served as the starting point of an idea, it evolved over time. As Murphy pointed out, there were additional events in the 15 course of history, which further strengthened the belief of Americans as a chosen people: These presuppositions were deepened and strengthened by the events of the 1770s and 1780s, in which the notion of an American Israel throwing off oppression in order to take up its national mission settled ever more deeply into American public rhetoric. This link was only strengthened by the Revolutionary experience, the great evangelical revivals of the early nineteenth century, and the nation’s first movements westward. (10) In addition to the Puritans’ identification with the mission of the ancient Israelites, there was also a widespread belief in millennialism among the early New Englanders. This view implied that Christ would return to earth for a thousandyear reign and that, “when New Jerusalem should come down from Heaven America would be the seat of it” (Bercovitch 72). However, as Bercovitch so aptly put it: “Where much is given […] much is demanded” (4) and although the Puritans could feel quite safe considering that they were ‘the chosen nation,’ and rely that God would be concerned about the welfare of New England, the analogy to Israel cut both ways and with the chosenness also came a great responsibility and high expectations in fulfilling the covenant with God. Additionally, they were constantly afraid of the punishment that might await them if they failed to live up to these expectations (cf. Murphy 37). It is hardly surprising then, that the jeremiad established itself as a ritual for a culture on an errand, which means that the Puritans were very much concerned with a progressive spreading of faith and “gradual conquest of Satan’s wilderness world [America] for Christ” (Bercovitch 12). Therefore, the jeremiad was also closely connected to the growth of the colony and provided the population with a (new) regional tradition, a purpose which they could engage in, a direction in which to strive, as well as with a sense of continuity and assurance about their future. At the same time, the jeremiad also manifested itself as a political genre, offering itself as a tool for self-criticism and social discipline (cf. Bercovitch 80). It joined politics and piety together and most often appeared in the form of an “occasional sermon” (Murphy 23) which was usually delivered at a public event, such as fast days, thanksgiving, elections, and was thus officially authorized by civil government. As far as the content of these political sermons, here jeremiads, is concerned, it mostly focused on discourse on grace: 16 [T]he doctrine of grace served as a torture instrument to make them [the New Englanders] behave. With it, the ministers taught the believer who stumbled in taking hold of his inheritance about the nature of damnation. In their hands the covenant became a “halter” to restrain “slippery and unstable hearts,” a “hammer” with which “the soul can be broken,” an “Image of fear” to make “thee see plainly, that thou art become the heire [sic!] apparent of hell. (Bercovitch 51) Most of the time, jeremiads told the story of a society which was no longer able to conceive of the necessary piety to sustain a ‘city on a hill.’ While it was founded as a religiously based settlement, the former godly population had degenerated and turned away from piety towards worldliness. Cotton Mather even put together a list of sins, among these were: drunkenness, sensuality, luxurious apparel, meager support for ministers, swearing, dishonor to parents and magistrates, contention, pride in appearances, religious formality (no spirit involved), as well as covetousness and land speculation, to name but a few (cf. Murphy 19). Thus, the jeremiad developed a certain structure. First, it lamented the false dealings with God and betrayal of covenant promises, then it further condemned the behavior of the young and the overall ever-present lure of earthly profits and pleasures. Second, it reminded the people of the wrath of God and his swift and total revenge should they not repent. And finally, most jeremiads also included a positive outlook, a promise or hope that their course of fate can still be changed (cf. Bercovitch 4). Since, as mentioned before, these jeremiads were often recited at public events, even more often at political ones, they became a powerful political instrument, whose overall aim was to steer people into a certain direction. Jeremiads presented facts, the state of the nation as it was then (mostly negative), and ideal, the state of the nation as it could be (positive), and thus prompted the people to strive for a fulfillment of the ideal so that fact and ideal would be made to correspond (cf. Bercovitch 61). Through this tension between despair and hope, jeremiads perfectly fit into the Puritan belief system and had the ability to move people to social and political action and were also used accordingly (cf. Murphy 12). 4.2. The Jeremiad in Present-Day American Culture The jeremiad has managed to persevere through centuries and remains essential to self-understanding in the US. As outlined before, and as is further explained in the next part, the American jeremiad has a long-standing tradition: 17 [It’s] appropriation of the language of divine punishment for national offenses, [the] lament over a perceived decline from America’s virtuous origins, and [the] marshaling of claims about the past in search of an understanding of the present and future (Murphy 5) are far more mainstream and widely spread within American society as one might think. As Bercovitch explained, the jeremiad is at the same time a moral, religious, economic, social and intellectual consensus (cf. 176), it ties self-interest to social perfection insofar as it assigned to nationalism the importance of typology, to progress the assurance that everything will at least last another thousand years, to free enterprise it assigned grace, and to contract the absoluteness of a covenant with God (cf. ibid. 141). Only the US has managed to unite “nationality and universality, civic and spiritual selfhood, secular and redemptive history, the country’s past and paradise to be, in a single synthetic ideal” (ibid. 176) which is so aptly described in most jeremiads. Also, a sense of exceptionalism can be spotted because the errand of the New Englanders was never purely a material one, such as attaining more innocence, wealth, land or increasing the benefits of the population; it was always tied to something greater, namely to the vision that someday “America is to give law to the rest of the world” (Bercovitch 141). A vision of chosenness that has become true and that still “accounts for much of the best in America” (Murphy 161), but also, as the second part of this thesis shows, for much of the worst. 18 5. The Day of Doom—A (quasi-) Jeremiad Murphy defined the years between 1660 and 1685 as the time span in which the jeremiad reached its most highly developed form. As The Day of Doom was published in 1662, and because its topic and structure allow for the assumption that it might as well classify as a jeremiad, it is worth taking a closer look. In terms of a clear definition of what constitutes a jeremiad, there are two definitions whereof the one by Murphy will primarily be used because it offers a more detailed description and a better structure than the one by Bercovitch which will be explained at the end of this chapter. Murphy stated that a jeremiad has to contain three major characteristics: 1. 2. 3. 5.1. The Jeremiads identify problems that show a decline vis-à-vis the past. Jeremiads identify turning points. Jeremiads call for reform, repentance, or renewal. (7-9, italics omitted) Jeremiads Identify Problems This might as well be considered the heart of a jeremiad, as most jeremiads open with a recitation of what is wrong in society and how sinful people’s behavior is, especially in contrast to the past. Already in the second stanza, Wigglesworth starts to point out sins: Wallowing in all kind of sin, vile wretches lay secure: The best of men had scarcely then their Lamps kept in good ure. Virgins unwise, who through disguise amongst the best were number'd, Had clos'd their eyes; yea, and the wise through sloth and frailty slumber'd. Like as of old, when men grew bold, God’s threat’nings to contemn, Who stopt their Ear, and would not hear When Mercy warnéd [sic!] them[.] (Wigglesworth, Day of Doom 2-36) He does not yet go into detail about what kind of sins these people are “wallowing in,” but he makes clear that they are engaging in behavior that is deemed unfitting of a pious 6 As there are no line numbers given, the numbers provided in the parentheses refer to the stanzas. All subsequent references to Michael Wigglesworth’s poetry refer to The Day of Doom. Henceforth the title will be omitted. 19 society that has entered into a covenant with God. Even more so, the state of society appears to be a rather bad one, as even “the wise” have discarded of their previous lifestyle and are now counted among the lazy and those whose spirit is weak (as “frailty” is probably not meant as physically but spiritually fragile). There is also already a first sense of warning in the third stanza, when Wigglesworth describes the boldness of men and how they ignored all warnings and threats of impending punishment. A couple of stanzas later, he also talks of “Atheists blind” (8) who were brutish and did refuse to accept a God, as well as of “Apostates base and run-aways” (28) who had forsaken Christ, people who did not profess any kind of Godliness (cf. 29), “Idolaters, false worshippers,” (30) “Blasphemers […] and Swearers,” (31) and “Sabbath-polluters” (ibid.) who all desecrated God’s name and defiled purity. Moreover, Wigglesworth lists “presumptuous men,” (31) “Adulterers and Whoremongers,” (32) and “Murd’rers and Men of Blood, / Witches, Enchanters, and Ale-house haunters,” (33) who stood there before God “beyond account” (33). It is interesting to consider Wigglesworth’s use of “beyond account.” Throughout his whole poem his words seem well-chosen and thought-through, so it is likely that there is more to his use of these two words. It is probably indeed valid to suggest that his use of “beyond account” is supposed to emphasize for the reader that “Murd’rers” and so on were the most troubling and most often committed sins of his time. Continuing the search for examples that identify social problems in The Day of Doom, one also finds enough examples in the middle section of the poem, such as people who refused Grace and abused light (cf. 60), who had talents given to them by God but misspent and instead “on their Lust bestow[ed]” (ibid.) them, and again people who had the boldness and defiance to neglect the time given to them by God, rejected all means of grace (cf 61) and prized “sinful pleasures and earthly treasures” (63) much more than all God-given assets. On top of that, “[t]hey would embrace no saving Grace,” (64) which, as mentioned in previous chapters, was the original and overall ‘duty’ and highest aim for all Puritans. Wigglesworth then goes into detail and recites the process of how individual groups of sinners were brought before God and judged with their sins. Having a closer look at these sinners, one can identify six groups, namely hypocrites, the reliers on works, the presumptuous, the misguided, the spiritually lazy, and the uninformed. These groups are dealt with in a separate chapter, nonetheless it is important to point out that the description of these sinners and their evil deeds of course also counts 20 as ‘identifying problems’ and thus also serves as examples for Murphy’s first characteristic of a jeremiad, although these groups are not dealt with in detail in this part of the thesis. 5.2. Jeremiads Identify Turning Points In addition to a detailed description of the sins and trend towards decadence in society, there usually follows an attempt at providing answers to the question why this decline is happening and when and why the turning point for society to go wrong was (cf. Murphy 7). While examples of decline and sinful behavior are extremely explicit in The Day of Doom and also dealt with at length (the process of judging the individual groups of sinners), a clear definition of turning points can hardly be observed. These turning points often intermingle with the sins outlined, such as in “when he stood off’ring his Blood / […] / They would embrace no saving Grace” (64). Here the first part could be identified as a certain point in time when (as Christ offered his blood to men) the mentioned sinful behavior occurred for the first time (people refused to embrace saving Grace). Another example is “‘One day, one week wherein to seek / God’s face with all your hearts, / […] / what was your reason / such precious hours to waste?” (110), which offers the reader a clear reference to days and weeks when the people had the chance to prove their love to God. But, there are also more explicit hints towards a certain time, such as this, for example: You pray’d and wept, you Fast-days kept; but did you this to me? No, but for sin, you sought to win, the greater liberty[.]D(89) While praying and weeping once again are merely occasions listed, “Fast-days” is a clear reference to a fixed point in time when men behaved badly. However, there are also plenty examples which are more implicit. For example, “‘You that could preach, and others teach / what way to life doth lead, / Why were you slack to find that track” (71). Once again, the affront is explicit: People did not pursue their God-given ability to preach and teach others about God’s ways, but the cause lies D All quotations that are direct speech in the original text will henceforth be marked with “D”. 21 quite hidden in the first part and only becomes obvious when phrased a little different, such as when people had the chance to preach and teach, why did they not do it? Also, “‘Durst you draw near without due fear / Unto my holy Table?” (77), clearly the sin in this case was that people showed hardly any respect and far too little piousness. But in order to exhibit this kind of behavior at the table of God, they first needed to have the chance to come to that table, and in that lies the turning point which might be put like this: When they had the chance to come to God’s table, they did so without due respect. Similarly, “‘You nor receiv’d, nor yet believ’d / my Promises of Grace” (85) might mean: When God promised them Grace, they turned it down. Additionally such implicit references can be found in: We had thy Word,’ say some, ‘O Lord, but wiser men than we Could never yet interpret it, but always disagree.D (121) The sinners’ claim suggests that when, at a certain point in the past, they talked to wiser men about the Scripture, they did not receive a sufficient answer and thus simply decided not to adhere to a law that they could not understand. Another example is in stanza 137: With chords of love God often strove Your stubborn hearts to tame, Nevertheless your wickedness Did still resist the same.D Again, Wigglesworth implies that when God offered them love, men nonetheless rejected it. A similar turning point can be found a couple of stanzas later, in “The man whose ear refus’d to hear / the voice of Wisdom’s cry” (140). Here God offered wisdom to men at a specific occasion, but they would not listen. Similarly in stanza 154: But you, vile Race, rejected Grace, When Grace was freely proffer’d, No changed heart, no heav’nly part Would you, when it was offer’d[.]D Here, even when God offered them a piece of heaven, people turned it down and further rejected Grace. So, instead of referring to specific points of time in the past, Wigglesworth most often merely hints towards certain occasions where people chose the wrong path. 22 But as Murphy’s definition does not specify any further on how these turning points should be identified, the references in The Day of Doom suffice to qualify the poem as a jeremiad. 5.3. Jeremiads Call for Reform, Repentance, or Renewal Murphy explained that in addition to all the descriptions of decline and sin, a jeremiad also needs to provide a call for reform or repentance. It should suggest what needs to be done in order to change the course of fate. Hence, the jeremiad also has a consoling function, because through these suggestions certain promises towards a better life are made, which in return give the people hope for a progress towards the ‘ideal’ as it is represented in the jeremiad (cf. Murphy 6, 9). The first incident of a call for repentance, but one that also entails hope, in The Day of Doom is when the goats are separated from the sheep on Judgment Day. It is worth quoting this passage at length: At Christ's right hand the Sheep do stand, his holy Martyrs, who For his dear Name suffering shame, calamity and woe, Like Champions stood, and with their Blood their testimony sealed; Whose innocence without offence, to Christ their Judge appealed. Next unto whom there find a room all Christ's afflicted ones, Who being chastised, neither despised nor sank amidst their groans: Who by the Rod were turn'd to God, and loved him the more, Not murmuring nor quarrelling when they were chast'ned sore. Moreover, such as loved much, that had not such a trial, As might constrain to so great pain, and such deep self denial: Yet ready were the Cross to bear, when Christ them call'd thereto, And did rejoice to hear his voice, they're counted Sheep also. (22-24) 23 Every stanza here lists reasons why these people are counted sheep and implied in this reasons are also the suggestions for improvement, what could be done by the readers of this poem in order to be counted as sheep as well. In the first stanza, those people are counted as sheep who defended the name of God, who were willing to suffer shame and even die (martyrs) should their faith in God require it. Clearly, it needs a strong belief and trust in God to stand great pain and suffering, and Wigglesworth obviously implies that this is no longer the case in Puritan society. Yet, through showing his readers what would make them sheep in God’s eyes, he offers them a way of repentance. Similarly, he suggests that “innocence without offence” would make Christ have mercy on them, implicitly advising his readership not to offend God any further and return to a more pious life. In the second stanza, he strikes an even more violent tone, outlining that people who were chastened (either by others, or maybe even by themselves) were turned to God (and so could his strayed fellow-settlers), making the pain and suffering appear a small price to pay, considering the outlook of being counted among the sheep when judgment comes. Finally, in the third stanza, he emphasizes that, as long as one is willing to defend the name of God, and would not hesitate to take the cross from Christ, suffering pain and shame is not necessary. Surely, being counted among the sheep was already a fair promise and a good outlook for a deeply religious society, but Wigglesworth continues to describe just how happy and glorious his readers might consider themselves once they abjured their evil ways: All stand before their Savi-or, in long white Robes yclad [sic!], Their countenance full of pleasance, appearing wond’rous glad. O glorious sight! Behold how bright dust-heaps are made to shine[.] (26) In this stanza, Wigglesworth creates a rather strong image, full of meaning. First, there are the white robes which are promised to the readers. White resembling ‘innocence,’ as if their new clothes would wash them clean of their sins and be a clear sign that their score was cleared by Christ “their Savi-or” (they are no longer “dust-heaps”). Interestingly, the concept of ‘pleasure’ and ‘pride,’ (and in stanza 63 also ‘wealth’) all damned as sin throughout the work (cf. also chapter 1and 4 for what was considered ‘sinful’ in Puritan New England), are now turned around and made perfectly acceptable. 24 Thus, the newly turned innocents may now without fear of punishment indulge in pleasure and heavenly wealth, and pride themselves with their new robes because their enjoyments are God-given and no longer considered a sin. The general tenor of these positive outlooks is one without fear. For example in stanzas 38, 44 and also 171 when Christ says: My Sheep draw near, your Sentence hear, which is to you no dread, Who clearly now discern, and know Your sins are pardoned. […] That they of bliss and happiness might firmly be assur'd. […] God doth such doom forbid, That men should dye eternally for what they never did.D In combination with the suggestions for improvement listed before, these stanzas serve as additional affirmation for the readers and imply the message: If you are pious, you will be rewarded and have nothing to fear—even on Judgment Day. But Wigglesworth also draws on some of the earliest principles of the Puritan settlers in order to make his poem a more powerful (political) tool. He cleverly evokes this idea of chosenness when he writes “That they [the sheep] may be (as now you see) / a chosen Generation” (42) and God tells them “I do save / none but mine own Elect” (180). Furthermore, he draws on the idea of America as a ruling nation in “That Heav’n is theirs” (47) and also in stanza 48: Come, Blessed Ones, and sit on Thrones, Judging the World with me: Come, and possess your happiness, and bought felicity. Henceforth no fears, no care, no tears, no sin shall you annoy, Nor any thing that grief doth bring: Eternal Rest enjoy.D Sitting on thrones alongside God and judging all other nations is a fair outlook for a society in which a sense of election and exceptionalism has always played a role, and in which the very same goal has continuously moved out of reach due to a loss of piety. Further evoking images of early colonialism, Wigglesworth writes: “Receive 25 the Crown that’s now your own; / come, and a Kingdom take” (49), which is of course a fair promise to a colonial nation, who parted with the homeland in order to search for its own country to rule. As these lines suggest, if men show repentance, renewal will come about and God will eventually consider the New Englanders fit for the crown and ready to claim their own kingdom. And if this was not already a more than positive outlook, this country, so Wigglesworth writes, will not be on earth, but in heaven “to Heav’n they all ascend” (220), and they will reign alongside God “where face to face / Jehovah may be seen” (221), “Made Kings and Priests to God […] / […] / [t]here to remain and there to reign / with him Eternally” (224) forever, without any fears or sorrows haunting them—the ultimate promise for a society which is constantly torn between despair and hope. This analysis has shown that there are incidents of all of Murphy’s characteristics for a jeremiad to be found in The Day of Doom, and although at times theses examples are not explicit, certain parallels to the jeremiad cannot be denied. Now, finally it is also worth taking a look at the definition provided by Bercovitch. According to him, a jeremiad needs to entail: [F]irst, a precedent from Scripture that sets out the communal norms; then, a series of condemnations that details the actual state of the community (at the same time insinuating the covenantal promises that ensure success), and finally a prophetic vision that unveils the promises, announces the good things to come, and explains away the gap between fact and ideal. (16) Bercovitch’s definition basically covers the same ideas as Murphy’s but is more ‘open’ and less strictly structured as to how promises ensuring success and decline of society are to be realized. Thinking back to the general introduction about The Day of Doom it is important to remember that throughout the poem, Wigglesworth used direct biblical references, presumably to enhance the godly authority of his text, a procedure which is also reflected in Bercovitch’s definition above. In its description of the sins of people, the (often very implied) suggestions for repentance, and the promises of eternal life and reign, The Day of Doom fully coheres with Bercovitch’s definition. The reason why Wigglesworth’s work is merely considered a ‘(quasi-)’ jeremiad in this thesis is that, at times, it does not explicitly fulfill Murphy’s criteria for a jeremiad but one has to uncover implied hints and suggestions. Nonetheless, denying it the status of 26 a jeremiad would be plainly wrong, as there are traces and features which cannot be overlooked and also Wigglesworth’s presumed motivation for writing the poem (cf. chapter 4) reflects the purpose of a jeremiad. Moreover, as Murphy pointed out, there are different kinds of jeremiads, “[s]ome jeremiads lean heavily on imagery of chosenness and sinfulness; others offer a detailed time line of the nation’s descent into moral and spiritual decline” (11), in that respect, The Day of Doom certainly belongs to the first category. 27 6. Classifying Sinners in The Day of Doom The following part of this thesis is an attempt to describe the sins that led to decline in Puritan society. Jeffrey Hammond has described six classes of sinners in The Day of Doom, and Thomas Long has stated that ten groups of sinners are addressed. Based on these two concepts, the sins of each group are identified and each group of sinners is assigned to a certain class. The six classes of sinners are (cf. Hammond 46): - 6.1. hypocrites the reliers on works the presumptuous the misguided the spiritually lazy the uninformed Hypocrites (stanzas 68-91) Wigglesworth describes two groups of sinners. Though there is no evidence in any literature, it seems very likely that the first group consists of members of the clergy, for example ministers, preachers, priests, who did not really have any faith in God but only pretended so in order to maintain their position. Proof for this assumption can be found when the hypocrites speak for the first time: Our powerful teaching, and pow’rful preaching by thine own wondrous might, Did thoroughly win to God from sin many a wretched wight[.]D (69) Their claim is that they actively spread the word of God and helped others to regain their faith in God, therefore they can hardly be accused of leading a sinful life. They continue arguing that they have taken part in the Holy Mass and Holy Communion and therefore they believed that God had bestowed grace upon them. Now they can hardly believe that they should be damned: Of strength’ning Seals, of sweetest Meals, have we so oft partaken; And shall we be cast off by thee, and utterly forsaken?D (75) 28 But Christ makes clear to them that they are unworthy of his blood and body, and that since they did not take in salvation or grace, they rid themselves even further into damnation with every bite they took and every gulp they swallowed. Christ refutes their argument implying that they enjoyed the opportunity to get their share of divinity, while at the same time what they really wanted were natural, earthly assets: “Your fancies fed on heav’nly Bread, / your hearts fed on some Lust” (79). Then the hypocrites are accused of abusing “things ordain’d for good” (80) and judged guilty. This final charge is especially curious because it might suggest that these clergy men only held their positions within the church as a cover-up for their real motivations (earthly pleasures, power), and to finance the very same. Miller also stated that “ruling not to benefit society but from a lust for power” (New England Mind 41) was termed sin. Compared to average members of society, people who held a position within the clergy were usually wealthy and well-respected (no one would doubt the faith of a minister), so it seems very likely that this was the motivation for their pretense and hypocrisy. The hypocrites of the second type freely admit they have sinned, but they also claim that they believed in God’s mercy and did everything they could to repent their sins and prepare for salvation. They argue that they kept “Fast-dayes” (82), “pray’d and wept” (ibid.) and eschewed “lewd ways” (ibid.), and so they thought that their sins had been forgiven. But again Christ refutes them, claiming that they did not have any interest in true repentance and their sole motivation for praying, weeping and keeping the laws of God was to silence their bad conscience: Your Penitence, your diligence to Read, to Pray, to Hear, Were but to drown'd the clamorous sound of Conscience in your ear[.]D (90) Once their conscience was cleared and they believed themselves freed of all sins, they would start indulging anew, knowing that they could always repent. Here, however, Wigglesworth makes it clear that repentance only for the sake of being able to commit new sins, is not real repentance and must be punished with damnation as well. To sum this up, it can be said that hypocrites are guilty of pretending to be faithful to God (on the outside) when really they are not (on the inside). 29 6.2. The Reliers on Works (stanzas 92-106) This class only consists of one group, namely “Civil honest Men” (92) who are brought before Christ after the hypocrites. It is worth noting that the emphasis is absolutely on pointing out that they indeed lived a respectable ‘civil’ life; a life that Wigglesworth chose to describe almost exclusively with what they were not or did not. They “hated stealing”, “ne’er wrong’d their Bretheren [sic!]”, “No Whoremongers, no Murderers, / no quarrelers nor strivers” (all 92), no they were “Idolaters, Adulterers, / Church-robbers [...] / Nor false dealers, nor cozeners” (93). The enumeration surely serves a double purpose: First it emphasizes what respectable men these civil honest men were, and second, by describing what they were not, it defines even more sins, which are not explicitly dealt with in the poem but need to be called to attention nonetheless. The initial plea of the civil honest men shows why they can be classified as ‘reliers on their works’: “let our good deeds, we pray, / Find some regard and some reward / with thee” (95). They believe that they have done good work only and that this must now finally gain them some reward. Christ, however, explains to them that people are not only judged according to their actions, but, more importantly, by what is inside their hearts. It is not possible to escape damnation if one does not feel true faith or love for God. Therefore, Christ tells them that “without love all actions prove / but barren empty things” (100). Also the respective Bible passage for this stanza is unmistakably clear: “But without faith it is impossible to please him” (King James Bible, Heb. 11:6; italics not mine). According to Christ, they wanted to “scale Heav’n’s lofty Wall / by Ladders of [their] own” (101), the ‘ladders’ being their works, but reaching heaven is only possible if faith in one’s own work and faith in God are equally strong. So Christ accuses them of being guilty of one of the seven deadly sins, pride. He argues that they were so convinced of their own abilities that they did not need God, and “laid [Christ] aside, / And trampled on [his] blood” (102). Furthermore, it was pride that made them strive for even greater achievements, so as to increase their good reputation among society. Miller has pointed out that actions only “become reprehensible the moment they are practiced for their delectability alone” (New England Mind 41). Since those civil honest men thrived in appreciation by others, their achievements and self-love (all connected to pride) were their sole motivation for their works, and thus also their guilt and cause for their damnation. 30 6.3. The Presumptuous (stanzas 107-113, 124-129, 130-143, 166-181) Presumptuousness seems to have been the despicable trait of character a person could possess, for there are four groups of sinners which can be put in this class: “those who claim lack of opportunity to repent,” “those who feared prosecution,” “those who plead the preeminence of God’s mercy,” and “unbaptized, reprobate infants” (all Long). ‘Those who claim lack of opportunity to repent’ argue that they had the intention of repentance but died unexpectedly and therefore did not have a chance to turn their plans into action. Christ responds and asks them why they did not use the time that was given to them, and he continues to wonder why they did not have time for God, if they even had time for “vain pastime,” “fading joys” or “carnal Pleasure” (all 111). Surely, they must have known that death may strike at any age, after all, even the Bible tells them so: “Boast not thyself of to morrow [sic!], for thou knowest not what a day may bring forth” (Prov. 27:1). Ultimately, Christ judges them guilty for lack of faith, repentance, and desire for repentance (laziness, sloth). He justifies his decision as follows: Had your intent been to repent, and had you it desir’d, There would have been endeavors seen, before your time expir’d.D (113) ‘Those who feared prosecution’ try to justify their unholy life by explaining that they lived among foes and therefore did not dare to reveal their love to God, afraid that they might be despised by the community they lived in, lose their estates—or worse —lose their lives. They are also deemed guilty because “they loved the praise of men more than the praise of God” (John 12:43). With a slightly mocking undertone (so it seems), Christ is astonished that they feared the rage of their community more than hellfire and damnation, as if men could do more harm than God. Then he passes judgment upon them: To please your kin, men’s love to win, to flow in worldly wealth, To save your skin, these things have bin more than Eternal health. You had your choice, wherein rejoice, it was your portion, For which you chose your Souls t'expose [sic!] unto perdition[.]D (128) 31 Thus, they are guilty of worldliness, their striving for love of others, luxury and the enjoyment of perishing things, when instead they could have chosen faith and lived in heaven eternally. Judging from the Bible passages given in the margins of the poem, ‘those who plead the preeminence of God’s mercy’ are guilty because they are “contentious, and do not obey the truth, but obey unrighteousness, indignation and wrath [...] [and do] evil” (Rom 2:8-9). First they flatter God, boasting about how merciful he is and that surely he cannot enjoy seeing men suffer. Then they try to talk themselves out of their damnation and ask Christ if it would not bring even greater praise unto the Lord if he pardoned them, instead of sending them to hell. But Christ refutes them as well and replies: God hath no joy to crush or 'stroy [sic!], and ruin wretched wights; But to display the glorious Ray of Justice he delights. To manifest he doth detest, and throughly [sic!] hate all sin, By plaguing it as is most fit, this shall him glory win[.]D (148) With this Wigglesworth once more points out that divine justice is unfailing and that it is better to be known for strict but fair decisions than for pardoning sinners. The last group of the presumptuous consists of “unbaptized, reprobate infants.” They ask Christ how they could be judged guilty, when they had never committed any sin themselves. But the Puritan concept of Original Sin is very clear about this: Since all mankind are offspring of Adam, all share in his sin and therefore all humans are naturally depraved. Thus, the infants’ claim, that it was not them but Adam who ate of the tree, does not help their case at all. As they spot Adam among the sheep, they exclaim: “Behold we see Adam set free, / And sav’d from his trespass” and then they wonder if Christ could not pardon them as well, when even “he finds grace before thy face, / who was the chief offender?” (all 170). This prompts Christ to point out that Adam is the root of all mankind, and if he had not committed a sin but lived a faithful life, a lot of good would have happened to mankind and they probably would not have minded getting their share of prosperity. He thus confronts them: 32 Since then to share in his welfare, you could have been content, You may with reason share in his treason, and in the punishment[.]D (175) Furthermore, he is offended by their accusation that Adam was freed of his sins, although he brought to fall all mankind. “Will you teach me whom to set free” (179) he asks them, and goes on: You sinners are, and such a share as sinners may expect, Such you shall have; for I do save none but mine own Elect[.]D (180) Once again, divine authority is very explicitly stressed here as Christ points out that no one may tell him whom to save, for he alone chooses those who may live with him in heaven. So, as harsh as it may seem, considering that these sinners are merely infants, the Puritan belief required them to be damned. “[T]o the Puritan the child was [...] a loved one polluted with sin and natural depravity. In this [...] he was no different from any other member if the family or community” (Stannard 59), and therefore the child was not treated any differently, also not on Judgment Day. Eventually though, Christ shows mercy and admits that compared to others who lived longer and sinned all their life, the sins of a mere infant seem comparably small. Nonetheless, they are guilty of the Original Sin, lack of repentance, and their “desire to shift the consequences of sin to someone else” (Hammond 48). Since they are mere infants, they are assigned to “the easiest room in Hell” (181). This judging of unbaptized infants is perhaps the most explicit reaction to the national decline (especially the Halfway Covenant) in the poem. 6.4. The Misguided (stanzas 114-120) The class of the misguided only consists of one group of sinners: “those who followed the bad example of their betters or of religious men” (Long). As they plead their case, they justify their ways by saying that they merely followed the example set out by wiser, more educated men who “had more ample / abilities” (114). These men were keen on arts and learning, so this group of sinners concluded that these men must lead a good life, and thus decided to do as they did. Unfortunately, the life these men lived was not 33 in accordance with the laws of God but full of sin, and by following these men the sinners also blindly followed them into damnation. Christ has no pity on them and tells them that the rules of God are laid out quite clearly, and that every human is equipped with eyes and ears to find the right way in life, which, if followed with true love and faith, would always steer them in the right direction. Furthermore, he points out how foolish they were to “choose / vile men to imitate” (117), when it is a well-known fact that most men are liars who are “[‘i]n word professing holiness, / in deed thereof deniers” (ibid.), and that true piety cannot be imitated but needs to come from inside. As Miller has pointed out, piety “was something that men either had or had not, it could not be taught or acquired” (New England Mind 5). Finally, the sinners try once more to get rid of their sins and claim that those who misguided them are now saved by God, and not damned as they are. Christ replies that those men whose example they so blindly followed repented their sins and are therefore saved: You little car'd, nor once prepar'd your hearts to seek my face. They did repent, and truly rent their hearts for all known sin: You did offend, but not amend, to follow them therein[.]D (120) With this final word of Christ, the misguided are judged guilty of trusting men instead of God and lacking true piety. They are silenced and their fate is sealed. 6.5. The Spiritually Lazy (stanzas 121-123, 144-156) Two groups of sinners constitute the class of the spiritual lazy: “those who plead the obscurity of scripture [sic!] or disagreement among its interpreters,” and “those who blame God” (all Long). ‘Those who plead the obscurity of Scripture’ wonder how they, as mere “fools” (121), could have followed the rules laid out in the word of God, when even men who were wise did not understand them. In turn, Christ replies that the Bible may contain hard passages as well, but they never even tried to understand, and what is even more despicable, is that they did not care to follow the simple, plain rules either: 34 If to fulfil [sic!] God’s holy will had seemed good to you, You would have sought light as you ought, and done the good you knew[.]D (123) Therefore, they are guilty of laziness, as well as lack of piety and love for God, or else they would have had more motivation to follow and practice the word of God. ‘Those who blame God’ accuse him of his unalterable laws that bring endless pain, and that they never really had a chance in the first place because God never elected them. Furthermore, they say that they do not believe that any member of the fallen race can obtain true holiness or grace, and that even if they had tried to, their efforts would have been meaningless to God: Had we applied our selves, and tried as much as who did most God’s love to gain, our busy pain and labor had been lost[.]D (146) Christ disagrees and tells them that they are not judged because they were rejected or not among the elect, but because they broke the laws of God by not striving for piety and faith. Rather, they chose to pursue “a loose desire” (149) and so it was themselves who had forced them to hell, not God. Additionally, Christ, referring to the Bible which states: “Ask, and it shall be given you; seek, and ye shall find; knock, and it shall be opened unto you” (Matt 7:7), scolds them for their claim that entrance was refused to them, when they never knocked on God’s door in the first place. Eventually, they are deemed guilty because of their laziness in striving for faith and following God’s laws (rebellion against his laws when pleading their cases), and so Christ passes judgment: Not for his Can is any man adjudged unto Hell: But for his Will to do what’s ill, and nilling [sic!] to do well[.]D (153) 6.6. The Uninformed (Stanzas 156-165) This class only consists of one group, “the heathens” (Long). They argue that they never knew a God, have never heard of the word of God and thus did not know that they were laden with Original Sin and that it was their duty to repent. Their only guidance was nature and nature’s light (in contrast to the glory of God), which is a deep offense 35 towards God, the creator of all life. Thus Christ replies: “‘How came your mind to be so blind? / I once you knowledge gave, / Clearness of sight, and judgment right” (162), and indicates that through this knowledge, they could have chosen the right path, but instead they chose nature. Interestingly, the heathens then seem to turn on nature, as they realize that it is the reason for their damnation, for they claim: But Natures Light shin’d not so bright to teach us the right way: We might have lov’d it, and well improv’d it, And yet have gone astray[.]D (161) Finally, this claim seems to be the one that seals their faith because Christ replies: You, sinful Crew, have not been true unto the Light of Nature, Nor done the good you understood, nor ownéd [sic!] your Creator[.]D (164) Therefore the heathens are guilty of several things: their reliance on natural gifts, their betrayal of nature (surely, if they turn on nature, they might as well turn on God), and their lack of pursuing faith. 36 6.7. Summary As a summary of this chapter, it is useful to once more provide a tabular overview of all the classes with their groups of sinners and the sins they are guilty of: Class Group Guilt members of the clergy Hypocrites The reliers on works those who freely admit that they have sinned Civil honest men Those who claim lack of opportunity to repent Those who feared prosecution pretended faith in God striving for appraisal by others, self-love, pride in worldly achievements, trust in themselves rather than in God lack of repentance, lack of desire for repentance (laziness, sloth) worldliness, striving for love of others, luxury and the enjoyment of perishing things The presumptuous The misguided The spiritually lazy Those who plead the preeminence of God’s mercy contentiousness, not obeying the truth, unrighteousness, indignation, wrath, evilness Unbaptized, reprobate infants original sin, lack of repentance, cowardice/desire to blame someone else Those who followed the bad example of their betters trusting men instead of God, lacking true piety Those who plead the obscurity of Scripture Those who blame God The uninformed The heathens laziness, lack of piety and love for God laziness in striving for faith and following God’s laws, rebellion against God, blaming God reliance on natural gifts, betrayal of nature, lack of pursuing faith Table 1: Classes and Groups of Sinners. Most of these sins were also mentioned by Murphy: “[W]orldliness, profanity, covetousness, swearing, luxury, apostasy, libertinism, Sabbath-breaking, sensuality, drunkenness, and hypocrisy […] decried the fallen nature of New England society” (27). Therefore, Michael Wigglesworth’s Day of Doom effectively identifies sins that are ultimately tied to the decline of Puritan society. These categories serve as a framework in the next part of this thesis in order to reconstruct a jeremiad about present-day US. 37 PART 2: DECLINE IN PRESENT-DAY US—A JEREMIAD RECONSTRUCTED The second part of this thesis progresses from Puritan New England into twenty-first century US. At first, it introduces another important American concept, the American Dream, as this is necessary for the examples of decline provided and to understand how these examples represent a decline vis-à-vis the past and truly American values. After an overview of the American Dream, there follows a general introduction about decline in US society, how it can be perceived internationally and what proof there is to even speak of a decline. Finally, this part, and also this thesis, concludes with reconstructing a jeremiad about present-day US by taking up Wigglesworth’s concept of sin and decline and finding relevant examples for each of his six groups of sinners in twenty-first century US. 38 SETTING THE SCENE 7. Introducing American Values: The American Dream There has also been the American Dream, that dream of a land in which life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, … a dream of a social order in which each man and each woman shall be able to attain the fullest stature of which they are innately capable, and be recognized by others for what they are, regardless of the fortuitous circumstances of birth or position. (James Truslow Adams qtd. in Etges and Fluck 215) The American Dream has developed into such a renowned phrase, that it is now perfectly understood in all parts of the world. The comparison might be a bit clumsy, but then again not so wrong at all: The American Dream is a little like Coca Cola —a trademark that is recognized across the globe, and, more importantly, one that is truly American. So, while the American Dream as such is a concept everyone has heard of and most of the people also have an idea of what it is, defining what it is exactly is not so easy. Of course, the main underlying idea is basically as James Truslow Adams said, to live a better, richer and fuller life. Yet, what does better, richer and fuller mean? Over the past, the American Dream has come to embody various dreams rather than just one fixed dream. The American Dream can mean aspire, explore, blossom, learn, earn, win, conquer, become rich, be healthy, be happy, be satisfied—the list could be continued endlessly. As Jim Cullen has pointed out in his book The American Dream, the basic underlying idea of all American Dreams “assumes that one can advance confidently in the direction of one’s dreams to live out an imagined life” (10). This idea has shaped American identity and thus also society. Cullen even suggests that it is the most immediate trait of American identity and far more meaningful to Americans than terms such as “‘democracy,’ ‘Constitution’ or even ‘the United States’” (5). Therefore, it is necessary to explore the development of the American Dream and its different individual dreams in order to better understand American society and judge whether the society itself, and with it its values, are in decline or not. 39 7.1. Puritan Origins Not only are the Puritans indispensable for American tradition, they were also the first ‘Americans’ to aspire to something better, richer and fuller, and thus the first who pursued an American Dream. What made the first settlers leave Europe were mainly religious and resulting political reasons. The pilgrims aboard the Mayflower, for example, left England and broke from the Anglican Church because they believed it to be corrupt and in need of reformation. Although they still shared some of the beliefs and assumptions of the Anglican Church, they nevertheless avowedly broke with it and were therefore considered ‘Separatists’ (cf. Cullen 14). The founders of Massachusetts Bay Colony were ‘non-Separatists,’ and still members of the Church of England. They left out of protest, so to say, and hoped that the members of the Church back home would finally realize its corrupt state, their undisciplined behavior, and reform the Church into a more Puritan one (cf. ibid. 15). Here one of the earliest and most important concepts of the American Dream already becomes apparent: reform. As Cullen has summarized, what all these early settlers and pilgrims had in common was “a belief that the world was a corrupt place, but one that could be reformed [… t]hings—religious and otherwise—could be different” (15). Their strong believe in a better place, where they could lead their lives according to their own rules and reform their beliefs, was what made them seek a new home in the first place. In New England they had the chance to start all over again with a newly reformed society and create a new life for themselves as well as their children. The idea that one’s children might have the chance of a better life has persevered throughout the centuries and is also today a concept that is frequently associated with the American Dream. Leaving behind Europe and sailing across the Atlantic was of course not an easy task. The journey was long and troublesome; yet, the early settlers were willing to gamble everything for the vision they had. Their strong belief in themselves, their mission and, of course, God, made them live through and master most of the difficulties they encountered during their journey and early years in the New World. Hence, they became masters of their own destiny and “accomplished the core task in the achievement of any American Dream” (Cullen 18). The driving force behind the Puritans’ patience and determination in terms of their mission can be summarized in one word: liberty. 40 Liberty implies everything that they were after and it was the main impetus that helped them face and deal with all the dangers and discouragements. Their resolute determination also surfaced in the way they dealt with native tribes. Everyone had to follow their lead; toleration of any kind was out of the question. Those who had other religious beliefs could either join their Protestant system, or were forcefully converted because “the leaders of the Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay colonies planned to be in charge in both sacred and secular realms” (21). Interestingly, this idea of ruling others or ‘civilize’ others is still very present today, for example former President George W. Bush’s claim of “fighting a war for civilization” (cf. chapter 11). However ambitious their original mission, as time went on the Puritans more and more struggled to keep up their enthusiasm. They were frequently torn between what they believed to be their spiritual destiny, and what they believed to be their man-made future. As they descended from the Calvinists, the early Puritans were ‘predestinarians,’ which means that they were convinced that a certain path in life was laid out for them by God and there was nothing they could do to change it (cf. Cullen 18). Their faith was sealed. Naturally, this was in stark contrast to their obligation that it was a person’s duty to take part in making this world a better place (cf. ibid. 19). Second- and thirdgeneration Puritans struggled even more so and as trade relationships with other countries and colonies were flourishing and a new merchant class emerging, the values of the community shifted (cf. chapter 1): Now “becoming healthy, wealthy, and wise had gone beyond an instrument of salvation into being a practical end in its own right” (Cullen 30), if hard work yielded affluence, this was interpreted as a sign of God’s favor (cf. ibid. 63). Although values had changed, the main driving force was still improvement, be it improvement of self, family, society, religious or spiritual matters, economy or trade relationships. Striving for improvement was of course closely tied to the Puritans’ concept of the errand, whose ”very concept […] implied a state of unfulfillment” (Bercovitch 23, italics not mine). All these values of the early settlers can still be found in American society today. As Mauk and Oakland have tried to define American identity: “Features such as restlessness, escape from restraints, change, action, mobility, quests for new experiences, self-improvement and a belief in potential supposedly constitute typical American behavior” (14). Tracing these values back to the Puritans, it becomes apparent that “[l]iberty, equality, and property were not merely civic ideas. They were part of God’s plan. America, as the home of libertarian principles” (Bercovitch 111). 41 7.2. The Declaration of Independence and Its Influence The opening clause of the second paragraph in the Declaration of Independence is probably the most well-known and the ideas expressed in these lines have often been called the “source code” (Cullen 36) of the American Dream: We hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness. (qtd. in Cullen 38) Similar to the American Dream itself, the Declaration of Independence, which was written in 1776, has not lost any importance until today. Every American child is taught the Declaration in school and with them is a whole society, which holds on to these same values. The Declaration is not only a source for the American Dream, but also influences the way Americans live their lives. Cullen furthermore argues that the document plays a major role in the decisions Americans make, for example where they live, which school they choose for their children, what job they have, which car they drive—virtually every part of American life is somehow tied to the three, probably most important concepts of US history: life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Living a life that is mainly based in these ideas is also what distinguishes the US most significantly from other nations, which usually base their decisions in life on their belief in God, their ancestors, or on what they believe is best for their country. Americans usually do not do that, to them it seems atypical. Again, it is obvious that the US is a culture that heavily relies on each individual’s striving to improve; Americans take action, just as it is written in the Declaration, for them ‘the pursuit of happiness’ is something they can actively achieve, happiness to them is something that can be realized. (cf. Cullen 38) Still, the path to happiness is never completed, but rather is the current state never completely acceptable or satisfying enough, which goes back to the Puritan idea of the errand and pushes Americans further and further. In order to achieve their goals and live the credo of the Declaration, people need certain freedoms. In 1940, Franklin Roosevelt thus announced ‘the Four Freedoms’ and claimed that they were the birthright of every American. These are “freedom of speech, freedom of worship, freedom from want, and freedom from fear” (qtd. in Cullen 57). Seven years later, Harry Truman altered these freedoms and substituted “freedom from want” and “freedom from fear” with “freedom of enterprise” (Cullen 58). With this 42 change, Truman might have further spurred the American entrepreneurialism and also rooted the idea of pursuing not only one’s happiness but also one’s business in American identity. “Americans generally have a belief in individualism and a freeenterprise system, which is supposed to deliver goods and services demanded by the consumer market” (Mauk and Oakland 9). However positive that might be, there is also a downside because “[t]he competitive nature of American life creates considerable disparities of wealth, social inequalities and varying life opportunities” (ibid.). Not only does the striving for better, richer and fuller at times create an unequal society, the interpretation of terms such as ‘pursuit of happiness’ also varies and has been shifting. While in former days ‘life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness’ often entailed hard work and never ceasing to strive for more, people nowadays view them more as an individual fulfillment and being at ease. However, no matter how the interpretations of the ideas in the Declaration of Independence are going to shift over time, no matter what people are going to pursue in fulfillment of their personal American Dream, one thing is for sure: The original ideas of the Declaration remain the same and they will continue to constitute the American Dream (cf. Cullen 39, 58). 7.3. Upward Mobility Andrew Jackson once said about the US: “We are a nation of self-made men” (qtd. in Cullen 69). With this he precisely summarized how the US has developed ever since the first settlers arrived. The basic idea was that anyone could achieve something in the US and anyone could get ahead, this is what has been called ‘upward mobility.’ Even if one was born poor, one could become rich. Upward mobility defines the classic theme of the German saying ‘Vom Tellerwäscher zum Millionär.’ In the US it was (is?) possible, that a boy born in a log cabin becomes president of the United States, as it was the case with Abraham Lincoln (cf. Cullen 94). The benchmarks defining upward mobility are, for example, “economic self-sufficiency, a secure and esteemed profession […], the leisure to pursue a career in politics” (Cullen 61). As the name suggests, the ultimate goal is to move up, to strive further, to aspire. The past is only relevant insofar, as it serves as a measure for future aspirations and resulting success. 43 While striving for personal fulfillment was not an entirely new concept, the idea of striving for economic success and wealth was. The reason for this can be attributed to Benjamin Franklin, who often publicly expressed his belief that heavenly and earthly rewards are basically the same and could both be attained. Just like Franklin, Andrew Jackson is also referred to as a founding father of the American Dream because he was born poor, and his success was largely forged by himself, the belief in his abilities, strength, convictions and his will and determination (cf. Cullen 69). No wonder he referred to the US as a nation of self-made men, for he was a self-made man himself. Tied to this new idea of upward mobility was a new sense of individualism, a term coined by Alexis de Tocqueville. He described ‘individualism’ as a new form of “secular striving,” thus echoing Franklin and his idea of heavenly and earthly rewards being the same. Furthermore, Tocqueville defined another credo of American life which he described as follows: “self-interest rightly understood” (qtd. in Cullen 69). Meanwhile, the right dose of self-interest has led many people to success and the US is no longer just a nation of ‘self-made men’ but also of ‘self-made women.’ The most famous of all is probably Oprah Winfrey, who built her media empire largely on nothing and is now ranked number one among the twenty richest women in entertainment with a net worth of $1,500 million (cf. Goldman and Blakeley). Forbes online writes: Reared in poor, rural Mississippi, Oprah today is the richest woman in entertainment and the only black female billionaire […] Today, she pockets an estimated $225 million annually from TV […] satellite radio, magazines and other multimedia endeavors” (ibid.). A dream of upward mobility come true indeed. 7.4. Equality Oprah Winfrey is a good example that the principle of the American Dream applies to everyone. Everyone is eligible for the dream, thus equality underlies it and its principles extend to everyone. Cullen speaks of different kinds of equalities, such as, “political equality (the rights of citizens in relation to the government), civil equality (the rights of citizens in the public sphere), and social equality (the rights of citizens in their 44 personal dealings with each other)” (105). However, equality is easier said than done and reality often proves the concept of equality wrong. Yet, Americans with their neverceasing optimism have found a way of getting around this problem, namely equality of opportunity. In short, this means that although the starting points might be different (i.e. unequal) for some people, the chances of achieving the goal are hypothetically equal and considered fair. For example, if one is lucky, one might win the lottery; if a Latina child studies hard, there is nothing that can hold him/her back from attending an Ivy League University; and if one has enough money, one might fly to the moon. Thus, the belief in equality has somehow been twisted. Americans have no problem with accepting states of inequality, as long as there is an outlook to a different, i.e. better, outcome. Unfortunately, this understanding of equality of opportunity can also prevent equality from being realized because people might think that as long as it is possible to have a different (equal) outcome in the future, they do not have to change the present (unequal) conditions (cf. Cullen 108). Most prominent examples that suffer from this idea are all kinds of minorities: black Americans, Latinos, as well as gay and transgender people, but also women, old and poor people. Arguing with the equality of opportunity, there is no need to create equality now because they all have the same (hypothetical) chances of becoming the masters of their own destinies. 7.5. Homeownership Cullen argues that “[n]o American Dream has broader appeal, and no American Dream has been quite so widely realized” as the dream of homeownership (136). To fully grasp its importance in American society, one has to go back to the Puritans once again. As mentioned before, many of them had left Europe as refugees, religious and political. In contrast to Spanish, French or Dutch settlers, the English settlers did not only see the marketable value of the New World, to them it was primarily a new home (cf. Cullen 138). From this time on, land has always been a valuable asset. When America was still a frontier state, land was the coin of the time, in contrast to a welfare state, where money is the measure of all things. The importance of land during the frontier years makes sense, as it was more easily accessible than money —not to forget that there was no national currency at the time—and it was mainly stable and abundant. Just how abundant it was showed the Homestead Act from 1862 which 45 allowed every family or adult male who was—or had the intention to become —an American citizen to claim 160 acres of land. Settlers only had to pay a small registration fee and commit to staying there for five years, after these years, the land that they had occupied would be transferred to them—they would own land, they would own a home. Although the US is no longer a frontier state, at least not in geographical terms, the importance of owning a home has not ceased. As a country that was largely built on great wages, it enabled its workers to buy big houses and helped them achieve a part of their American dream. If one looks at suburbia, it is hard to miss that the dream of homeownership is probably the one that is most widely realized (cf. ibid. 141-145). It cannot be missed that the American Dream runs through American history like a red thread, it might even be the red thread that holds American culture together. While other nations have defined themselves over geography, religion, ancestry, common history or language, the US is based on a common imagination: What makes the American Dream American is not that our dreams are any better, worse, or more interesting than anyone else’s, but that we live in a country constituted of dreams, whose very justification continues to rest on it being a place where one can, for better and worse, pursue distant goals. (Cullen 182) As Laura Bieger argues, the relevance of the American Dream for American society lies not in the fact that the dream came true for everyone, which seconds the equality of opportunity principle mentioned before, but rather in the fact that it provides a collective vision, a silent agreement among all members of society. This vision forms the basis for the norms, ethics and values of American society and also their social coexistence (cf. Etges and Fluck 215). Thus it also provides important information necessary for the understanding for the decline of American society which is introduced in the next chapter. 46 8. Is There an American Decline? It is easy to claim that the US is in decline, especially since there have been many books and articles about the country’s current state. Also, media provides a pretty good picture about what is going on: The economy is weak, unemployment rates are high, the former high quality in education suffers, and the US still struggles with racism and discrimination. It is hard to miss the conclusion these clues suggest: The US is declining and experiencing a crisis, not only economically, but also in terms of its values: “Unübersehbar ist die gegenwärtige Krise auch eine des amerikanischen Selbstverständnisses und damit des Glaubens an einen amerikanischen Exzeptionalismus“ (Etges and Fluck 7). These claims are not merely based on personal assumptions; a GallUp poll from February 2011 shows that 72 percent of Americans answered the question “In general, are you satisfied or dissatisfied with the way things are going in the United States at this time?” (italics not mine) with “dissatisfied.” Only 27 percent said that they were satisfied with the current situation. The results of this poll are very telling, and the percentages are by no means an anomaly. In the past, GallUp polls have shown that ever since 2007, the percentage of Americans who said that they were satisfied with the situation in their country has not been above 30 percent (cf. Saad, “Democrats Push U.S. Satisfaction”). Based on these polls, it can be said that Americans are in general negative about the direction the US is taking. So, obviously there is something wrong within the US. Yet, the causes that constitute what is wrong with and within the US are manifold. However, before focusing on examples of American decline, it might be useful to ask these questions: How come the US is still considered the most influential country in the world? How come the US is so powerful? And, most of all, what constitutes its power? 47 8.1. American Supremacy Apart from the belief of exceptionalism, which is inherent to American culture (cf. chapter 1 and 11), the supremacy of the US has gained an enormous boost after World War Two. In her article “Das Ende des American Century” Lora Ann Viola argues that the dominant role of the US is based on, what she calls, the “Grand Bargain” of World War Two. This bargain entails that most of the countries involved (mainly the smaller, inferior countries) accept that they only have limited power and influence as far as international relations and global politics are concerned, and in return the superior countries—especially the US—take responsibility for maintaining security, order and peace (cf. Viola 162). After World War Two, this was an extremely good deal for most of the smaller countries, of which many were severely affected by the war and did not have the necessary resources, military, economically, and financially, for taking part in stabilizing a post-war world. Clearly, this gave way to the rise of the US as super power. In this role it has served as military protector of Europe and Asia and has often led intervention in times of economic and military crises in other parts of the world, thus largely promoting world-wide peace. Furthermore, the US dollar has become the world’s major reserve currency and thanks to US naval power, international sea routes are largely secured and goods can be transported safely around the world. In addition to its military and economic importance, the US has long been the most valuable source for humanitarian, foreign and development aid and is now only surpassed by the EU which donated $72.3 billion in 2011, whereas the US donated $30.7 billion (cf. OECD; Viola 162). Naturally, the power of the US is also reflected in international institutions and committees, which leads to an unequal distribution of power—the price the rest of the world pays for the US as economic and military protector. In the International Monetary Fund (IMF), where the votes of the individual countries reflect their global economic position, the US holds most votes (16.75 percent) and thus has the most influence on the IMF, whereas developing countries, such as most African states, only hold 3.29 percent (cf. IMF). The same holds true for the World Bank; here the US currently holds 15.85 percent of the total votes and leads the field, as the graph of the leading twelve nations on the following page shows: 48 Voting Share in percent (after 2010) 15,85 Voting Share in percent 6,84 4,42 4 3,75 3,75 2,91 2,77 2,77 2,64 2,43 2,24 Figure 1: Voting Share in the World Bank. (cf. Economist online) In the past there have been frequent complaints by other countries with little influence in the IMF and World Bank. Up until 2010, countries such as China for example, which is one of the—maybe the—rising economic power and which are important partners for solving global issues, terrorism and climate change for instance, had far too little votes in order to participate actively in any decisions. Naturally these countries cried for a reform. The new voting share in the IMF and World Bank is now more aligned with a nation’s gross national product. These reforms in the IMF and World Bank were a first taste of what might be about to come in the future: The supremacy of the US is going to shrink. The “Grand Bargain” is no longer applicable because times are changing. The idea behind the “Grand Bargain” was that the hegemony of the US, and with it all its privileges, apply as long as it is able to provide collective goods on a global scale. But these days there are two major changes happening, which render the bargain void. First, as mentioned before, the US hegemony is going down. Second, other aspiring countries are on the rise, China for example. The US is now no longer able to keep its side of the bargain, neither is it able to meet its former standards in terms of promoting global peace, nor provide solutions for terrorism, climate change, nuclear weapons, humanitarian and economic crises. Furthermore, the US more and more relies on cooperation with other countries for a successful foreign policy. For the future this means that the US will have to step down with their demands and preferences in order to have other countries on its side that are willing to share “Global Governance” with the US (cf. Viola 168): America’s traditional allies in Europe—Britain, France, Italy, even Germany—are slipping down the economic ranks. New powers are on the rise: India, Brazil, Turkey. They each have their own foreign-policy preferences, which collectively 49 constrain America’s ability to shape the world. Think of how India and Brazil sided with China at the global climate-change talks. Or the votes by Turkey and Brazil against America at the United Nations on sanctions against Iran. (Rachman) Thus, it seems that the American Century is coming to an end; now it is no longer the US which is the lone super power, but the trend suggests ‘Global Governance,’ where multiple influential countries share responsibilities and votes (cf. Viola 162-163). In general, the power of a nation can be pinned down to three different forms: hard power, soft power, relative power (cf. Viola 162). The shrinking supremacy of the US—and the rise of other powers which is connected to it—can be better understood when viewed in terms of these three categories. 8.1.1. Hard Power Hard power is compromised of a country’s economic and military strength. Speaking in economic terms, the US has seen better times. Nowadays, especially after the financial crises of the past years, there is a high unemployment rate, slow economic growth and an increase in national debt. According to Edward Luce, an unemployment rate is not a good means to measure in economic terms, he rather refers to the economic participation rate, which was only 58 percent of the total population in 2011, and has thus clearly fallen (in 2000, it was still 64 percent). The rate now even resembles a post-war low (cf. Luce 93). The Economic Mobility Project conducted a survey and found out that in the US, income mobility is very low compared to other industrialized countries: Ratio of Relative Mobilty to the US 4,0 3,25 3,0 2,45 2,0 1,0 0,9 1 1,25 1,5 2,6 2,75 Finland Norway 1,7 0,0 United Kingdom United States France Germany Sweden Canada Figure 2: Comparison of Economic Mobility. (cf. Moran) Denmark 50 The figure on the last page emphasizes Luce’s claim that “the United States has fallen to the lowest rate of income mobility in the industrialized world. […] If you are born poor in Canada, you are more than twice as likely to move up to a wealthier income bracket in your lifetime than if you are born American” (172). Moreover, there is a national budget deficit which has increased over the last couple of years and has now reached 75.1 percent of the gross national product. While this does not seem too bad compared to the United Kingdom, it is nonetheless almost five times as much as China’s national debt, which is interesting as China is one of the rising economic powers. Figure 3: The Global Debt Clock. (cf. The Economist) United States China United Kingdom $11,795,981,147,541 $1,364,065,573,770 $2,260,041,803,279 $37,492 $1,025 $35,762 314,675,683 1,330,202,185 63,157,103 Public debt as % of GDP 75.1% 16.0% 91.2% Total annual debt change 14.0% 17.5% 10.1% Public debt Public debt/person Population Table 2: Comparison of Debts. (cf. The Economist) The impact of the current percentage of national debt in the US becomes even clearer when comparing it to past years. In 2010, the national debt of the US was 55.4 percent 51 (China 16.5, UK 71.2), in 2011 it was 63.5 percent (China 16.2, UK 80.6), and in 2012 it was 68.7 percent (China 15.4, UK 86.9) (cf. The Economist). In addition to economic problems, the people in the US face major social disparity, the country’s infrastructure is outdated, the quality of the education system has suffered and the US is also likely to lose its leading role in terms of new technology. An example for social disparity is “zip-code Apartheid,” as Edward Luce calls it. It means that the lower the property values in a certain area are, the less money is spent on educating children or training workforce (cf. Luce 91). Luce also argues that “America’s bridges, roads, schools, electricity grid, waterways, rail system, air traffic network, and levees have dropped to second world level” (134). In 2009, the country’s infrastructure was analyzed by the American Society of Engineers and only received an overall grade D. Not a big surprise when considered that the US only spent 2.3 percent of its GDP that year on infrastructure. As a comparison, the EU spent 5 percent, China spent 9 percent. To maintain the current state of its infrastructure, the US would have to spend $450 billion over the next five years (cf. ibid.). Even more shocking is the fact that the US now ranks twelfth among all nations in proportion to its young people with graduate degrees; a generation earlier, the US still ranked number one (cf. ibid. 80). Also, talent has shifted. It is not unlikely that the US is losing its role as leader in new technologies. As the 2011 Global Talent Mobility Survey suggests, the top three areas of talent in the US are Health and Medicine, Education and Training, Administrative Support and Secretarial —there is no engineering to be found among the top three, whereas in Asia the top three areas are Sales; Engineering and Technology; Banking, Finance Services and Insurances (cf. The Network 15). Another important factor is that the US is struggling to stay a ‘welfare state’; a lot of people are retiring, mostly “babyboomers” born between 1946 and 1964, and in order to cover their retirement pensions, cuts in the military sector will have to be made (cf. Viola 163). As Gideon Rachman has argued “the U.S. military budget is clearly going to come under pressure in this new age of austerity” (4-5). If the US’ military presence in the Pacific suffers due to budget cuts, it is very likely that its former allies in the region, Japan, South Korea and India, will turn on the US, realizing that it is no longer the former strong partner, and side with China which has put enormous 52 sums of money into the development of missile and anti-satellite technology and is now actively threatening the US supremacy in the Pacific (cf. Rachman). Joined by former US allies, China’s influence in the Pacific region would dramatically increase, and “the Asia-Pacific region—the emerging center of the global economy—will become China’s backyard” (Rachman). While the US still maintains the world’s second largest and most modern army, at least for now, it has not been able to win the wars in Afghanistan or Iraq. The US army is stationed around the world; about a quarter is stationed in 150 countries. But the soldiers are getting tired. As the Quadrennial Defense Review Report issued by the Pentagon in 2010 showed, the US will probably not be able to find enough soldiers for the coming years in order to maintain its current state, let alone expand its army (cf. ibid.). Less power in the Pacific region and also in other countries diminishes the US army’s reputation as sole military power. As an anonymous air force colonel has put it in an interview with Edward Luce: “People forget that America’s military strength is because of our power. It didn’t cause it” (qtd. in Luce 8). 8.1.2. Soft Power Soft power implies non-material aspects of political power, such as moral authority and political legitimacy, as well as the ability to convince others to join a country’s lead (cf. Viola 164). Soft power is of course also tied to hard power; if the US loses its economic and military supremacy, it also loses its legitimacy. And the legitimacy of the US is shrinking. Lora Ann Viola mentions the US’ reaction to the financial crisis, which the EU did not approve of, and the inability of the US to convince China to actively take part in helping with a recovery from the crisis. It seems that fewer countries are listening to the US. In addition, the financial crisis and its effect on the housing market, as well as the debate on health care, have caused the American Dream to be more of an illusion and this all contributes to a less convincing, less powerful US. The inconsistency with its values is an issue that will be dealt with in detail later in this thesis (cf. chapter 13), but it is important to list some examples here as well. The way the US treated its prisoners in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo has not shed a good light on the US as an exceptional country with high moral standards, and also within the US racism and discrimination are still a big issue (cf. ibid.). 53 The 2012 National Urban League Equality Index shows that for black Americans the index is at 71.5 percent, for Latinos it is at 76.1 percent. This means that black Americans and Latinos still suffer inequalities in terms of income, homeownership, health insurance and education (cf. Muhammad, “The State of Black America 2012”). Furthermore, The Williams Institute on Sexual Orientation Law and Public Policy reported in 2011 that “[f]ifteen percent to 43 percent of gay and transgender workers have experienced some form of discrimination on the job” and “[n]inety percent of transgender individuals have encountered some form of harassment or mistreatment on the job” (Burns and Krehely). Ever since Obama came into office, the nation’s soft power has gained a significant boost. As Rachman points out, polls show that Obama is the most charismatic leader in the world, and in addition “America [still] boasts the global allure of its creative industries (Hollywood and all that), its values, the increasing universality of the English language, and the attractiveness of the American Dream” (Rachman). And yet, a 2011 Harris Poll shows that despite a charismatic Obama and the still looming lore of the American Dream, people in the US are becoming increasingly unhappy with the nation’s course: People feel that… 2011 2010 the rich are getting richer and the poor are getting poorer. 73% 68% the people running the country don’t really care what happens to you. 73% 50% what you think doesn’t count very much anymore. 66% 52% most people in power try to take advantage of people like you. 63% 53% they are left out of things going on around them. 41% 37% the people in Washington are out of touch with the rest of the country. 87% 70% Table 3: Public Opinion about the US. (cf. Harris Interactive) Another quadrennial poll from 2009 shows that “41% of the public says the United States plays a less important and powerful role as a world leader today than it did 10 years ago” and “a plurality (49%) says the United States should ‘mind its own business internationally’ and let other countries get along the best they can on their own” (Pew Research). The same study also showed that 53 percent believe that China’s emerging power is a major threat to the US economy, all of which are clear indications that the soft power of the US is also declining. 54 8.1.3. Relative Power Relative power describes a country’s power in relation to other countries. Naturally, this is also tied to hard and soft power as well. Lora Anne Viola argues that a country’s contribution to the global economy is a good indicator for relative power (cf. 165). The Conference Board’s Global Economic Outlook 2013, shows that the US distribution of world output is 18.2 percent, that of the EU 20.3 percent, that of China already 16.4 percent. While these results already give an idea of the US ceasing economic leadership, it becomes even more apparent when considering the fact that the US once held 32 percent of the world output (cf. Viola 165). Once more, China presents itself as the number one rival to the US. This holds true also in terms of economic growth. As Gideon Rachman points out “[China’s] economy has been growing at 9 to 10 percent a year … for roughly three decades. It is now the world’s leading exporter and its biggest manufacturer, and it is sitting on more than $2.5 trillion of foreign reserves.” In contrast to that, the GDP growth rate in the US was a mere 1.7 percent in 2011 (cf. The World Bank). Thus, China needs to be taken seriously in terms of economic competition to the US. With more than four times the population of the US, it is equipped with a major work force and considering the GDP growth rates above, the projection by Goldman Sachs that “China’s economy will be bigger than that of the United States by 2027” (Rachman) seems not too far-fetched. Rachman even predicts that “[a]t the current pace, China could be No. 1 well before then.” As of October 2012, media reported that the US and the EU will start negotiations about a free-trade deal in spring 2013. As the following numbers show, the US and the EU seem to be acting in concert as far as their trade relations with China are concerned: In 2011, Europeans bought three times more U.S. goods ($286.1 billion) than did the Chinese, and Europeans sold about twice as much merchandise to the U.S. ($368 billion) as they did to China. Investment flows dwarf these figures: In 2010, U.S. direct investment in the EU reached $1.9 trillion, while the EU’s share in the U.S. was $1.5 trillion. (The Editors of Bloomberg) If the US and the EU partner up, they would hold about half of the world economic output and probably push economy on both sides, create new jobs —“[a]bout 15 million jobs are [already] directly linked to the transatlantic trade” (ibid.). In light of China’s 55 rising power and US decline, a coalition with the EU comes in handy and might as well be the best chance for the US to foster its economic position. After defining the problems of the US in terms of economic and military power, its moral standards and relation to other countries, it is now interesting to see what Americans themselves consider the major problems their country is facing at the moment. A 2013 GallUp poll asked: What do you think is the most important problem facing this country today? Economy in general 21% Federal budget deficit 20% Dissatisfaction with government 18% Unemployment 16% Lack of money 5% Taxes 4% Guns/Gun control 4% Ethics 4% Poor healthcare 4% Immigration 3% Education 2% Judicial system 2% Crime/Violence 2% Foreign aid 2% Lack of respect for each other 2% Table 4: Problems Facing the US. (cf. Newport) In addition Luce has pointed out “[i]n late 2011 Congress fell to a historic low of just 9 percent approval. In other words, [there is] decline in public trust for Washington” (185). Thus, pairing the views of Americans with current international developments and statistics leaves hardly any doubt about the country’s most pressing problems and about the fact that the US is definitely in decline—economically, politically, military and also morally. 56 CLASSIFYING SINNERS IN PRESENT-DAY US While Wigglesworth is quite clear about the shortcomings of his fellow citizens in The Day of Doom and a classification of sinners into six groups is easily done, the case with present-day US is a different one. In a social system as complex as the US, and in twenty-first century in general, different traits of behavior intermingle and it is extremely difficult to pin down instances of certain sins and assign them to one category only. Most of the examples provided in the following part of this thesis overlap and could be put into another category as well. The aim here was an attempt to choose the most illustrative examples for each category of sinners and show its ties to The Day of Doom in the best possible way. Hoping that this will enhance the understanding a social system as a net, rather than a clear-cut puzzle, overlaps between the individual categories of sinful behavior are pointed out if necessary. 57 9. “Saying So, Don’t Make It So”—Hypocrisy The Oxford Dictionary defines ‘Hypocrisy’ as “the practice of claiming to have moral standards or beliefs to which one’s own behavior does not conform.” To illustrate the concept of hypocrisy in the US, one does not have to look far. 9.1. The Right to Bear Arms In 2012, the US saw two of the most tragic mass homicides in its recent history. On July 20, a masked man entered a movie theater in Aurora, Colorado, and opened fire. He killed twelve people and wounded at least fifty-eight, before he was arrested by the police (cf. Frosch and Johnson). On December 14, another gunman forced his way into Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut, shooting twenty-six people, among them twenty children between ages five and ten, before killing himself (cf. Barron). Naturally, each of these two tragic incidents has spurred a new debate on gun control in the US. In reaction to the Newtown shooting, poll findings already hinted towards a general trend in the US that called for stricter gun laws. A GallUp poll conducted in December 2012 found that 58 percent of surveyed people want the gun laws to be made stricter, 34 percent said that they want them to be kept as they are, and 6 percent said they should be made less strict (cf. Saad, “Americans Want Stricter Gun Laws”). While polls as this one show a clear call for reform, the case is still difficult. Asked the question if they think there should be a ban on the possession of handguns except by the police and other authorized persons, 74 percent said there should not be a ban and only a mere 24 percent said there should (cf. ibid.). That is clearly a hypocritical controversy because on the one hand, polls show that the majority of US citizens would like to have stricter gun laws and are outraged and shocked at massacres such as in Aurora or Newtown, yet, on the other hand, only a minority would favor a general ban on handguns. Why are the Americans so undecided in terms of gun control? Again, this behavior can be traced far back, in this case to the Founding Fathers of the US and the Constitution. The Second Amendment of the Constitution of the United States defines the carrying of a gun as a constitutional right, it says: 58 “A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed” (Kiger). The protection of one’s own personal rights is one of the highest goods in US society, even today. As another GallUp poll shows, 77 percent of Americans interviewed named “individual freedoms” as the nation’s highest virtue (cf. Saad, “Americans Consider”). Any politician trying to argue with that is probably going to have a hard time because 51 percent of Americans expressed their concern that a potential gun ban would infringe on people’s personal freedom as outlined in the Second Amendment (cf. Raum and Agiesta). Interestingly, US Congress already banned handguns once; from 1994 to 2004 the manufacture and sale of new assault weapons (mainly semi-automatic rifles) was prohibited. Unfortunately, there is hardly any data as to what effect this ban had on crime statistics, only a 2007 study by the University of Pennsylvania offers some insights. Their survey revealed that between 1995 and 2003 gun crimes involving such banned rifles declined by 17 up to 72 percent in six cities in the US (cf. Kiger). In March this year, President Obama proposed a new plan for stricter gun control. This plan includes “expanded background checks, tougher laws against gun trafficking and straw purchases, and improving safety at schools” (Cohen). With his sweeping proposal, Obama kept what he promised in his Inaugural Address in January, in which he repeatedly referred to the unsatisfying state of gun control and claimed that the journey of the US “is not complete until all our children […] know that they are cared for, and cherished, and always safe from harm” (Wilkie). In the very same speech, the president also said that being true to the founding principles does not mean that the whole nation has to agree on every aspect of (public) life, and that it is only natural that different people interpret terms such as ‘liberty’ in different ways (cf. Wilkie). The most feverish proponent of the claim that a prohibition of gun-control would be an infringement of the rights defined in the Second Amendment is the National Rifle Association (NRA), which has been the leading gun-lobbyist in the US for over two decades. While the NRA only has around 4.3 million members, it is one of the major donators for election campaigns donating in the 2012 election alone $719,596 ($634,146 to Republican candidates) and thus has indeed a word to say in US politics —even if only indirectly. Most notoriously, after the Newtown shooting, the NRA 59 proposed that more guns would result in less crime, thus further feeding into the public debate on gun control (cf. Kiger). The NRA suggested a “National School Shield Emergency Response Program” (Castillo) which implied that all schools should be staffed with specially trained (and armed!) security personnel to protect the children. But just like the NRA’s “good-guy shoots bad-guy” strategy has its opponents among Americans, so does Obama’s plan. At the moment, it looks like a tie: Support for gun control has dropped since December (cf. Cohen) and there are still enough influential people and groups in the US who think that more guns can enhance safety (cf. Raum and Agiesta). Perhaps, Connecticut may serve as a model in terms of gun control. On 3 April 2013, the Connecticut Senate voted on what is considered the strictest guncontrol bill in the US. It requires background checks for gun sales, bans magazines holding more than ten bullets, and raises the age limit for purchasing a gun to twenty one (cf. Udoma; ORF). Despite Connecticut’s example, for now, the US remains a nation of guns, and no other country is as heavily armed as the US. “The U.S. comprises 5 percent of the world's population, but owns between 35 and 50 percent of the world's civilian firearms” (Kiger), which amounts to a total of 114 million handguns, 110 million rifles, and 86 million shotguns (for 314 million residents in 2012) and makes a rate of about 97 guns per 100 people (cf. ibid.). 9.2. The US Is a Greenhouse Climate change and greenhouse gas emissions have for years now been one of the most troubling problems today, prompting the United Nations to issue the Kyoto Protocol in 1997. By 2011, 191 countries had signed and ratified the protocol—the US was not one of them, and still is not (cf. United Nations). Yet, the US produces a fifth of the worldwide CO2 emissions, and also its per capita emissions are alarming: CO2 emissions in 2007 United States European Union China 5.7 x 109 tons 3.9 x 109 tons 6.1 x 109 tons Population 306 M 496 M 1,327 M World CO2 20% 13% 20% 18.7 tons 7.8 tons 4.6 tons Total Per capita Table 5: CO2 Emissions in 2007. (qtd. in Peer) 60 In 2009, the US co-drafted the Copenhagen Accord, a non-binding commitment that encouraged countries to set goals for the reduction of their emissions (cf. Wynn). The US estimated to have reduced its emissions in 2020 by 17 percent below the levels of 2005 (Bianco et al.). Yet, so far fruits of this endeavor can hardly be seen. According to the US Energy Information Administration (EIA), the CO 2 emissions in 2005 totaled in 5.9 x 109 tons; those in 2010 in 5.6 x 109 tons, which resembles not even half of the estimated reduction by 2020 but merely 6.37 percent. Arguing that it is the largest single energy consumer in the US, President Obama announced in 2010 that “the Federal Government will reduce its greenhouse gas (GHG) pollution by 28 percent by 2020” (The White House). As encouraging as it may sound, so far, the US’ promises to effectively reduce gas emissions have mostly remained empty ones. 9.3. “For As Long As I Am President” When Barack Obama won the election in 2008, he announced an ethics reform in terms of lobbying and said that he would “change the way Washington does business” (President Obama qtd. in Luce 224) and furthermore, that “[t]he future doesn’t have lobbyists. They’ll never have as many lobbyists as the vested interests. Never have as many lobbyists as the past does” (Obama qtd. in Harnden). Apparently though, time has shown that even Obama is not immune to the lobbyists’ immense power. Today, ‘lobbying’ mainly implies ‘corruption,’ but it is interesting to reflect that lobbyists have always been present in US politics, representing goals of so-called ‘special interest’ groups. For example, the oil industry wants looser restrictions on offshore drilling; the telecommunications industry wants to widen its wireless network, and so on. To simplify the matter, it can be said that every citizen is actually part of some ‘special interest’ group because of age, gender, race, occupation, and religion, to name but a few (cf. Roos). So, in its most basic terms, there is nothing corrupt about lobbying; it is even defined in the First Amendment of the Constitution as “the right of the people […] to petition the government for a redress of grievances” (Roos), and lobbying is one of the means by which people may petition the government. Even more so, the government relies on lobbying because government officials usually do not have enough knowledge, or the time to acquire the respective knowledge, to become experts on the issues that are of immediate concern to different 61 ‘special interest’ groups. Therefore, the main function of lobbyists is to advise government officials on certain topics, draft legislation, as well as fight for consent of bills in Congress (cf. Roos). While this is all perfectly legal and absolutely necessary, it cannot be denied that lobbyists are also well paid for advocating certain issues and so the “[t]otal spending on lobbyists surpassed $3.3 billion in 2011” (Roos). The money mainly comes from big companies, which then, of course, try to put forward their interests and overrule those of the average Americans (cf. Roos). Thus, it is the influence of money which gives a bitter taste to lobbying and makes lobbyists often balance on the fringe of breaking the law. And yet, as mentioned before, politics, as well as economy, cannot do without lobbyists. The following example illustrates how influential lobbying is: It’s hard to imagine how it makes economic sense for a company like defense contractor Northrop Grumman to spend $176 million just to bend the ears of Congressmen. But a quick Google search shows a $189 million contract awarded to Northrop Grumman in March 2012 for a new cybersecurity system for the Department of Defense. Then NATO signed a $1.7 billion contract with Northrop Grumman in May 2012 to build five unarmed surveillance drones. Good lobbying, it turns out, is a great investment. (Roos) As a result, by now, a majority of the American public thinks that lobbyists have too much influence, as a GallUp poll shows: Perceived Power of Major US Societal Entities Too much (%) About right (%) Not enough (%) Lobbyists 71 13 8 Major corporations 67 21 9 Banks and financial institutions 67 23 8 Federal government 58 30 9 Labor unions 43 28 24 Government in individual states 34 49 15 Courts, legal system and judges 34 49 14 Organized religion and churches 25 46 24 Municipal or local government 22 53 21 The military 14 53 28 Table 6: Perceived Power of Major US Societal Entities. (cf. Saad, “American Decry”) 62 In the past, the US undertook efforts to limit the lobbyists’ influence and reduce the potential for illegal activities and bribing. In 1995, government passed the Lobbying Disclosure Act (LDA) and in 2007 the Honest Leadership and Open Government Act, both of which offer clear descriptions of what a lobbyist is, and which require lobbyists who meet the respective criteria to register. However, it has been argued that these laws define lobbyists in a far too strict and highly specific way, so that there is a lot of room to avoid the criteria outlined and not be registered as a lobbyist (but still work as one) (cf. Roos). This legal loophole has also served President Obama. Although, lobbyists are not allowed to directly give money to government officials in order to support them, there is no law that keeps them from throwing fundraising events where friends and clients of the lobbyists donate money to an elected official (cf. Roos). As The New York Times reported, at least fifteen of Obama’s ‘bundlers’ (people who support the campaign using their own money and solicit it from others) during his re-election campaign were consulting big companies and industries. Because none of these people were registered lobbyists (four of them had been in the past), the Obama administration did not break its pledge not to take money from lobbyists (cf. Lichtblau). However, during his 2008 electoral campaign, Obama’s top ten donors included big companies such as, Goldman Sachs, J.P. Morgan, Citigroup, Microsoft, and Time Warner (cf. Luce 217). After his re-election, President Obama declared that “[n]o one who had recently worked as a lobbyist would be allowed to work in the Obama administration. Nor, ‘for as long as I am president,’ would anyone who had previously worked for his administration be allowed to lobby it” (Luce 220). And yet, right after the election, the Obama administration started issuing waivers to former lobbyists, such as William Lynn, who became deputy head of the Pentagon, and Ashton Carter, who became the Pentagon’s head of acquisition. Both had been lobbyists for big defense companies in the past. In total, there were twenty-three waivers issued to former lobbyists (cf. Luce 220). Among them also David Plouffe, architect of Obama’s 2008 campaign, who “earned $1.5 million in book, consultancy, and speaking fees, including $50,000 for an address to members of Azerbaijan’s authoritarian government” before returning to the government 63 as senior White House adviser in 2011 (Luce 222). Furthermore, despite Obama’s pledge, his administration works closely with lobbyists: Tim Hannegan, who lists Taser International as a client has been to the White House more than 30 times under Obama. […] Bill Samuel, lobbyist for the AFL-CIO, has been by more than 50 times. Michael Taylor, a lobbyist for the Monsanto corporation, has been 25 times. Former Senator. Chris Dodd, a lobbyist for the Motion Picture Association of America, has been more than a dozen times. (Harnden) The controversy about lobbying in the US government was even spurred further in 2010 when it became public that White House officials had frequently met with registered lobbyists off-site—meetings that were not officially documented and did not show in White House reports (cf. Lichtblau). Hardly surprising then are the findings of a 2012 poll, in which people were asked how they would describe the honesty and ethics of various professions on a scale from “very high” to “very low.” Only 20 percent said that for them honesty and ethics of state governors were “very high” or “high,” 19 percent said the same for lawyers, 14 percent for senators, and a mere 10 percent for members of Congress (cf. GallUp, “Honesty/Ethics in Profession”). The results for lobbyists are even worse: Perceived Honesty/Ethics of Lobbyists in the US Very high (%) High (%) Average (%) Low (%) Very low (%) No opinion (%) 2011: Nov. 28-Dec. 1 1 6 27 39 23 4 2010: Nov. 19-21 1 6 29 37 24 4 2008: Nov. 7-9 1 4 27 38 26 5 2007: Nov. 30-Dec. 2 1 4 33 37 21 4 Table 7: Honesty/Ethics of Lobbyists. (cf. GallUp, “Honesty/Ethics in Profession”) As Obama’s first (and now second) term progressed, it became obvious that his ethics pledge was a mere cosmetic measure. Critics have argued that “Obama’s White House gives off just as strong an aura of money as its predecessors” (Luce 222), the only difference being that while the Bush administration mainly raised money from doctors, the defense and oil industry, Obama’s supporters are mostly from the financial sector, Wall Street, Silicon Valley, and also lawyers (cf. Luce 222). For now, it seems that the influence of lobbyists, and the abuse of the very same, will not cease unless Congress effectively takes action; had it been Obama’s intention 64 to actively reduce the influence of lobbying in politics, he would have taken more radical measures by now (cf. The New York Times; Luce 222). Perhaps this time Obama has shot himself in the foot with claiming the moral high ground. As one critic put it so aptly: “If you are extraordinarily high-minded in your political pronouncements, then you are bound in the nature of things to be more than ordinarily hypocritical” (Samuel Huntington qtd. in Luce 224-225). 9.4. Relevance to The Day of Doom Drawing on Wigglesworth and the hypocrites he defined in The Day of Doom, the US can certainly be called hypocritical as well. The following passage, in which Christ confronts the unfaithful hypocrites, summarizes best how Wigglesworth’s understanding of hypocrisy can be related to present-day US. Thus from your selves unto your selves, your duties all do tend: And as self-love the wheels doth move, so in self-love they end[.]D (917) The NRA, for example, has mostly economical reasons to oppose a gun prohibition. If there are fewer guns sold, the NRA will probably suffer financially, jobs will have to be cut, and also its influence in politics will shrink. Thus it is mainly (economic) self-interest (self-love) that is the NRA’s main motivation, although they claim that the securing of constitutional rights, the safety of individuals and children lie at the heart of their attitude towards gun control. Similarly, all the people who oppose a gun ban and want to keep their guns but at the same time answered that they felt “great anger” about what happened in Newtown, and were deeply ashamed that something like this could happen in a country like America, can be classified as hypocrites (cf. Raum and Agiesta). At the same token, President Obama’s handling of lobbyists can also be referred to as “self-love” (self-interest) because although he initially deemed lobbying in government unethical, he nonetheless could not turn down the merits of having lobbyists work for him, which in turn further pushed his career, contributed to his re-election, and aided him in making politics. Thus, his self-love/self-interest 7 All numbers provided for The Day of Doom refer to stanzas. 65 is successfully defended. What is even more striking in this example is the government’s official standpoint as represented to the public, i.e. no lobbyists in government affairs, versus its unofficial breaking of its promise by having lobbyists work in Washington. Plainly spoken, the government is simply lying to the public, as is it written in The Day of Doom: “most men are liars, / In word professing holiness, / in deed thereof deniers” (117). The US is also professing holiness as far as greenhouse gas emission is concerned. Although it has frequently promised in public, and to the public, that it would reduce its emissions drastically, no effective measures can be seen. Clearly, a reduction of emissions might come with a decrease in terms of comfort, e.g. less air-conditioning in public buildings, using public transport instead of one’s own car; and an increase in terms of financial expenditures, e.g. improvement of the public transport system, making cars more environmentally friendly, and building new low-emission means of transport. According to Samuel Huntington, the underlying key fault line in America is “the gap between the ideals of America’s national creed—based on the values of political equality—and its reality, which often fails to live up to them” (qtd. in Luce 224). Luce continues that “During such periods, Americans tended to respond in one of four ways—with hypocrisy, moralism, cynicism, or complacency. Huntington saw these tendencies as sui generis, given that America was uniquely founded on a creed rather than on shared history or ethnicity” (ibid.). While this might serve as a reasonable explanation why there are frequent instances of hypocrisy to be found in the US, it cannot possibly be an excuse. However, until now it seems as if the US is not (yet?) willing to make any cuts in terms of its self-interests and let its words be followed by actions. If it will be able to continue this path any longer in the future, only time can tell. Until then, hypocrisy in the US is (ironically) best described in the words of Mark Twain’s American hero, Huckleberry Finn: “Saying so, don’t make it so” (qtd. in Luce 281). 66 10. Loosing Track of the Right Path—The Misguided In this chapter two distinct phenomena of being misguided are explored. While the first one is primarily concerned with how the representation of celebrities in popular media influences the self-image of teenagers, the second example deals with the polarization of the US labor market, which has been going on for the last couple of years. Underlying these two examples are false beliefs which lead to individuals, or even a whole economy, being misguided. In the first example it is teenagers who are misguided by media and celebrities, in the second it is employers (as well as the government) who are misguided by their own belief that cheaper is better and a maximum of legroom in terms of employees brings them advantages. 10.1. Lifestyle of the Rich and Famous “Societies tend to idolize those who bring it pleasure” argues Tony Bouza (17). Singers, models and movie stars all pleasure society in various ways, but sometimes at a high price. Not always is the example set by celebrities a good one. Victoria Beckham, who was among the first to introduce ‘size zero;’ Candice Swanepoel, presumed anorexic Victoria’s Secret model; or even actor Billy Bob Thornton, who publicly addressed his battle against anorexia, are just a few examples to show how negative lifestyles, prominently featured in media, affect American society. According to a study conducted in 2003, 40 million Americans are affected by an eating disorder (cf. The Alliance for Eating Disorders Awareness) of some kind, 90 percent of which are women (cf. ibid.). Even more alarming are statistics showing that “over 1/2 the females between the ages of 18-25 would prefer to be run over by a truck than be fat” (cf. ibid.). This is quite a drastic number and shows how the importance of being thin, as promoted by media, influences young girls. Of course, celebrities represented in the media are not the only reason for eating disorders, because such diseases can also have ties to genetics, depression, obsession (cf. Conniff Taber). However, many young girls feel pressured by the rich and the famous. For example, 47 percent of girls in 5th - 12th grade claim that magazine pictures have made them want to lose weight, and 69 percent agreed that pictures in magazines influence their notion 67 of a perfect body (cf. ANAD). So, even those who did not immediately feel the need to lose weight when confronted with magazine pictures and articles claimed that it did change their notion about their own body. Therefore, since teenagers are extremely susceptible to what is represented in the media, it cannot be denied that young people are misguided by popular media and a certain body image represented in it. Thus, as long as media covers stories about such celebrities, they will continue to lead people the wrong way. 10.2. The Missing Middle Over the past three decades, the US has witnessed an alarming trend, economic polarization. This term mainly defines two developments within the US. First, there is the decline in middle-class jobs which are replaced by either high-skill or low-skill jobs and which results in a polarization of the labor market. Second, wealthdistributions per se which make it extremely easy for the already-rich to stay wealthy, while the poorer population has hardly any chance to climb up the economic ladder. Both developments have led to a “Missing Middle,” meaning, in terms of Luce, that “the economy increasingly requires people with very high skills or very few” (42) and the government does little to improve the situation. In the following, both phenomena are explained in further detail. JOB POLARIZATION How does this trend of job polarization reflect in the US job market? Due to polarization, the US has lately mainly seen the growth of two types of jobs. First, the upper 10 percent, such as Wall street financiers, managers, Silicon Valley developers, doctoral engineers as well as physicists. According to Luce, they will continue to do well because their incomes are measured more globally and not nationally. Second, there are the low-end service jobs, which due to the polarization, employ every other educational category. This might be high school dropouts and those with an undergraduate or vocational degree. These people usually work as janitors, food preparers, nurses, domestic aids, call center workers, dental assistants, nutritionists. Luce estimates that their numbers will continue to grow while their wages will remain the same or even plummet further (cf. Luce 42). 68 There are various reasons for this kind of development. One of them is that more young people are getting higher education, such as a postgraduate degree, in order to take high-skill jobs. Additionally, people who are already working in high-skill jobs continue working longer because their skills are still needed, although these people have already reached retirement age. Furthermore, young people who might have taken middle-skill jobs in the past, are now “jumping right into the workforce and taking low-skill jobs” (Barro), and those already working in middle-class jobs are retiring earlier simply because there is no longer a demand for their skills (cf. ibid.). In short: Nobody takes a middle class job. According to Barro “the share of workers in middle-skill jobs has declined by about 14 percent since 1983” across all age groups. Two other main reasons for the missing middle in the US job market are, first, although more young people are getting higher education to take high-skill jobs, educational attainment can no longer keep up with the high demands of the labor market, and second, there have been changes within the job market as well. In the past decades the US labor market has demanded higher-skilled workers, and during the 1950s and 1960s, educational attainment kept up with this demand but since the 1970s, numbers in education have been declining while high-skilled workers are still needed (cf. Autor). The effects have been extremely severe for males. As a study by David Autor shows: Between 1970 and 2008, four-year college attainment among white male young adults ages 25 through 34 rose only modestly, from 20 percent in 1970 to 26 percent in 2008. Remarkably, among white females of the same age range, college attainment nearly tripled, to 34 percentage points from 12 percentage points. (6) This development has led to an inequality in wages and further deepened the gap between high- and low-skill jobs. While the demand for high-skill workers continued, and their wages increased, the demand in middle-skill jobs receded, just as the salaries did. At the same time though, the demand for low-skill workers also increased, which had a very beneficial effect on their wages, especially in the fields of food services, protective services and personal care, although their wages, of course, are still far lower than those in high-skill and middle-skill jobs (cf. Autor 1). As a direct result from these changes, the US labor market can nowadays be divided into three broad categories. First, there are high-skill, high-paid jobs such 69 as managerial, financial, technical and professional jobs. To emphasize how these occupations are tied to education, Autor points out that in “2009, between 45 percent and 75 percent of workers in these occupations had at least a four-year college degree, and fewer than 20 percent had no college education” (8). Despite the economic crisis, employment growth in these jobs continuously thrived in the last thirty years. Second, there are the low-skill, low-paid jobs such as all service occupations within the three broad fields of food preparation and cleaning service, protective services, personal care. The US Census Bureau defines service jobs as occupations that “involve helping, caring for or assisting others” (ibid.) and most people working in these professions have no post-secondary college education. Interestingly, and this serves as evidence for the reasons for polarization of the US labor market which have been outlined briefly before, all these jobs have grown continuously throughout the last three decades, despite the low wages. Especially occupations in the three major service fields have practically expanded by double digits in the 1990s and from 1999 to 2007. Third, there are the middle-educated, middle-paid occupations, involving laborers, operators, fabricators, office and administrative staff, sales, repair, production, and craft. Compared to the economic growth in the other two categories, these occupations lag behind. Not only are these the jobs which are mainly affected by polarization but these are also the occupations which were hit hardest by the economic crisis with a resulting decline in employment from 7 to 17 percent (cf. ibid.). As far as changes within the different sectors are concerned which further thin out the middle-class jobs, they mainly affect administrative and office jobs. As Barro has pointed out: “The classic example of a white-collar, middle-skill job is administrative assistant, and service-sector companies employ a lot fewer than they used to because computers have reduced demand for secretarial help.” This means that polarization of the labor market is not only due to, for example, falling educational attainment, but also because humans increasingly have to compete with computers for jobs. A more detailed study on this topic is presented in chapter 13. WEALTH-DISTRIBUTION There has not only been a growing polarization of the US job market, it appears that the US government does not put too much effort into improving the situation. 70 Paul Romer, an American economist and professor of economics, has even argued that “Washington’s policies actively reinforce the polarization in the economy” (qtd. in Luce 72). In order to understand what Romer means, it is necessary to take a closer look. When the government actively spends money on economic mobility, it mainly does so through tax expenditures. This means that people file their IRS (Internal Revenue Service) returns and claim subsidies. So far, so good. But the distribution of these subsidies is puzzling: Only about 4 percent (sometimes even less) of Washington’s subsidies go to the poorest fifth of the population, while about two thirds go directly to the wealthiest 40 percent of Americans. The simplest explanation provided by Luce and Romer is that poor people seldom file tax returns and rich people usually have accountants to do so. As a result, the flow of money in the US is quite predictable (cf. Luce 172). The most controversial, and at the same time the largest, subsidy is that of home ownership. Here as well, rich people are favored because Washington’s mortgage interest relief subsidy has no upper limits. It is available for all homes, including second homes, third homes—basically all homes an individual can possibly own. Thus, again the predictable outcome that the rich profit more than the poor and capture around four-fifths of Washington’s home-ownership subsidy, while the “bottom sixty percent of Americans” (Luce 173) only get a share of not even 4 percent (cf. ibid.). For a nation that still likes to invoke the American Dream as one of its guiding principles, this handling of subsidies seems very odd. As described in chapter 7 on the American Dream, the dream of owning a house, independent of social class, was one of the earliest and strongest ‘small’ dreams that built up what is known as the American Dream, a guiding principle of the US. The second largest subsidy is that of work-related tax benefits, for example health care insurance and retirement savings. As mainly wealthier households with around $100,000 of annual income can afford these, Washington’s subsidies are again directed at the upper fifth of Americans8. Furthermore, a large amount of money is set aside for subsidies for higher education. Considering the costs a family usually has to face when its children receive higher education, these subsidies do nothing 8 Data on how this has changed through Obama’s health-care reform is not yet available. 71 to improve the situation. On the contrary they make it easier for rich people to graduate, no matter if they are smart or not, while poorer students mostly have a hard time putting themselves through college and/or university. Studies have shown that out of all graduates from America’s 146 universities, three-quarters are from the richest quarter of American households (cf. ibid.). Capturing the bigger picture of both the effects of job polarization and unequal wealth-distribution, Lawrence Katz, a Harvard University economist, concluded: What we [America] are on track to becoming is a place where the top tries to remain wealthy beyond imagination, and the remainder, in one way or another, are working in jobs that help make the lives of the elites more comfortable —taking care of them in old age, fixing their home Wi-Fi systems or their airconditioning units, teaching or helping with their kids, and serving them their food. (qtd. in Luce 44) SOLUTIONS In his extensive study about economic polarization, David Autor also provided potential solutions for the current situations, or at least offered starting points. First, he suggests that more young people need to be encouraged to take higher education as this would boost incomes. ‘Boost’ is probably not the right word because a further rise in wages in high-skill jobs seems not desirable. However, as Autor points out, the demand for high-skill workers is still there, and with more people getting a college degree, the college wage premium would probably eventually shrink and lead to a ‘stabilization’ of wages and reign in inequality. Second, Autor emphasizes that the US government needs to improve K-12 education9, so that more people are prepared to go on to higher education. He even suggests that the decline in educational attainment of young males might very well be a sign that K-12 education is not preparing them well enough for college or university (cf. chapter 14). Third, he points out that the US government should also foster training and re-training as well as life-long learning programs for lower-skill jobs as this would on the one hand give a higher value to these professions and on the other hand also make them more align with middle- and higher-skill jobs (cf. Autor 29). This seems like a promising strategy which might very well be able to close the gap between low- and high-skill occupations and recapture economic mobility for all Americans. Also Josh Barro concurs with David Autor and underlines that it is absolutely necessary to make higher education more available for 9 ‘K-12 education’ is the term used to refer to the sum of primary and secondary education in the US (kindergarten up to twelfth grade). 72 young adults, and suggests at the same time, to re-train middle-skill workers so that they do not drop out of the labor force—an important step in tackling unemployment. Considering the studies that have been conducted in the past about the current economic polarization and viewing the criticism of economists in terms of America’s handling of the current situation, it seems as if the public is slowly starting to grasp the problem and effects of a disappearing middle-class and starting to see that they have been misguided by false beliefs in profits. Upward/economic mobility is one of the core values of the American Dream, and the American Dream, after all, is what made the US the country where everyone could aspire and everyone could achieve wealth and success. Lately though, it seems the US was led astray by (false) promises of even more wealth, success and money—unfortunately though, only for a limited number of people. A majority of people suffers from these wrong assumptions, and these people can only hope that soon the government will realize that it is on the wrong path. Luce has pinpointed the importance of America’s middle class perfectly well and argued that the US depends on and will ultimately stand or fall with its middle class: There is nothing more fundamental to America’s health than the economic condition of the majority of its people. The well-being of the middle class is perhaps the truest measure of an economy’s value. […] When the middle class is strong America is strong. (Luce 273) 10.3. Relevance to The Day of Doom In The Day of Doom, the misguided are guilty because they did not recognize that those whose example they blindly followed did not mean well, at least not in terms of piety. The sinners, however, profess that they simply thought those men who led them astray knew better because they had a better understanding of things. Parallels to present-day US are very evident. For teenagers, clearly celebrities and their way of life seem like the nonplus ultra and the way to success and wealth. Especially young girls imitate the lifestyle of the rich and the famous and are led by the false belief that this is the right way. Severe health-effects show of course that the path they pursue is neither successful nor healthy. Similarly, the American Dream and the values it comprises, such as homeownership, economic mobility, upward mobility, are given as ‘the right path,’ from which the US was also led astray, not of course, by impious people in the literal sense 73 of the word, but by experts who advised government to pursue a certain strategy. As with all governments, also the US government has to rely on advice from experts, simply because it is not possible for one government to know every niche in the economic market perfectly well and know what is best. Thus, it can be argued, that similar to the sinners in stanza 114 of The Day of Doom, present-day US was also “misled /[...] / By their example that had more ample / abilities than we,” those with the more ample abilities being the celebrities or (economy) experts, and ‘we’ being young people or the US government relying on other people’s advice. The parallels are even more obvious in relevance to stanza 115: Such as profess’ they did detest, and hate each wicked way: Whose seeming grace whilst we did trace, our Souls were led astray. When men of Parts, Learning and Arts, Professing Piety, Did thus and thus, it seem'd to us we might take liberty[.]D Again, the roles of those who profess to hate “each wicked way,” can nowadays be attributed to either the celebrities who claim to lead healthy lives, do a lot of sports, and condemn dieting, or experts to the US government who claim to know what is best for the people. But their expertise is only “seeming grace,” because what celebrities claim is frequently very different from what they actually do, and also what experts claim is best for ‘the people’ is often only best for a certain group (the wealthy, those with high-skill jobs). And yet, of course, the responsibility is shifted onto “men of Parts, Learning and Arts” (celebrities, experts) alone, because they claimed “piety” (i.e. healthy lifestyles, best intentions about helping the government) and are thus to be trusted and followed. Therefore, it can be concluded that the same false belief and blind following that doomed the sinners in Wigglesworth’s poem are the very same that also occasionally misguide present-day US. 74 11. “An Age of Denial and Narcissism”—The Presumptuous Before providing examples of presumptuousness in present-day US, it is necessary to define the term ‘presumptuous,’ in order to have a clear understanding of what this chapter is referring to. Princeton University’s Word Net defines ‘presumptuous’ as “assumptive” and “assuming,” as in “an assumptive person” or “on a subject like this it would be too assuming for me to decide” (WordNet Search). The Free Dictionary defines it as “characterized by presumption or tending to presume; bold; forward,” according to the Oxford Online Dictionary ‘presumptuous’ means “failing to observe the limits of what is permitted or appropriate,” and Wiktionary expands the definition of ‘presumptuousness’ to “[g]oing beyond what is right or proper because of an excess of self-confidence or arrogance.“ To summarize these definitions, it might be best fitting to use ‘presumptuousness’ to describe boldness, audacity, narcissism and extreme self-confidence—all attributes that can be traced back to America as a chosen nation and which are very similar to exceptionalism, which is still one of the core values of Americanism. Fessenden et al. have described American exceptionalism as a rather two-sided sword: “[The] belief in a special providence, a destiny that is simultaneously America’s utopia and its nightmare” (12). Of course, it cannot be denied that Americans have good cause to be proud of certain features that are inherent to American culture, such as religious freedom, free speech and press, ethnic diversity, class mobility, life-improving technological discoveries and innovations, and also progress in correcting past crimes and do better (cf. Greenwald). However, there are other nations which can claim the same attributes for them. In addition, and in reference to Fessenden’s description of exceptionalism as “nightmare,” it needs to be pointed out that the US also has a rather long list of negative attributes, for example, genocide, slavery, racism, human rights abuses, land theft, torture, and war for civilization (cf. Greenwald). Viewing exceptionalism that way adds a bitter taste to America’s self-proclaimed glory. Furthermore, the question whether the US is still an ‘exceptional’ nation, one that is ‘glorious,’ seems inevitable. In an article for Foreign Policy Stephen M. Walt has argued that America’s claim on exceptionalism is no longer valid because it is simply a myth. His main ideas are summarized in the next passage and the 75 myths identified also help to understand why exceptionalism as such can be seen as presumptuousness. 11.1. The Myth of American Exceptionalism Walt’s main argument is that American exceptionalism relies on the belief that certain typical ‘American’ values, its political system, as well as its history, are unique and worthy of admiration and that thus the US is automatically entitled to play a leading role in the world (cf. Walt). His claim is that the US is so blinded by this belief that they fail to see reality. To support his argument, he provides and debunks five myths of American exceptionalism, which are now summarized in the following. MYTH 1: THERE IS SOMETHING EXCEPTIONAL ABOUT AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM10 It is one of the major believes of Americanism that the role the US plays at the world stage is superior to others and its responsibilities are considered unique (among Americans). Tied to this belief in uniqueness is the conviction that it has to be the US who is taking up special burdens, simply because they are the only ones capable of handling certain difficulties (cf. Walt). However, Walt argues that the US is not the only nation who considers itself superior to others in order to impose their preferences on them. In the past, many other nations also claimed a higher purpose of some sort, such as the British, who “were bearing the ‘white man’s burden’,” the French colonialists, who justified their empire with “la mission civilisatrice,” and also Portugal, who acted along the same lines “promoting a certain missão civilizadora” (all Walt). Thus, Walt concludes, that the American belief of exceptionalism is in itself not exceptional at all because the very same concept has been used by other countries over centuries whenever it suited their purpose and that “[a]mong great powers, thinking you're special is the norm, not the exception” (Walt). MYTH 2: THE UNITED STATES BEHAVES BETTER THAN OTHER NATIONS DO The belief in exceptionalism is often also grounded in the conviction that the US behaves better than other nations, meaning it is a virtuous nation, does not violate 10 All titles for the myths are direct citations from Walt’s text. 76 human rights or any law at all, promotes liberty and loves peace (cf. Walt). That is all fair enough, yet it is not entirely true, as Walt points out. Although, the US may not have acted as brutal as other nations have, its historical record proves that claims about America’s moral superiority are, more often than not, empty rhetoric. In the past, the US has fought (and started) numerous wars and killed innocent civilians in fighting their ‘war on terror.’ As Walt calls to attention: “U.S. drones and Special Forces are going after suspected terrorists in at least five countries at present,” undoubtedly, some of these actions might have been necessary to make Americans feel safe and protect the US, but yet, while no American would hesitate to refer to these actions as morally right and justified, no one would equally hesitate to consider them presumptuous and morally wrong if other nations were doing them to the US (cf. Walt). Furthermore, the US also frequently claims how important human rights and international law (or the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions, cf. chapter 9) are, “but it has refused to sign most human rights treaties, is not a party to the International Criminal Court, and has been all too willing to cozy up to dictators […] with abysmal human rights records” (Walt). This behavior, of course, adds up to the abuses at Abu Ghraib (cf. chapter 13), waterboarding, preventive detention and extraordinary renditions, as proponed by the Bush administration. As Walt points out, since the Obama administration has largely kept these policies, they cannot be considered a “temporary aberration.” Naturally, this shakes up America’s belief in its exceptionalism and also adds a quite distinctive taste of hypocrisy to the very concept of exceptionalism as such. Walt argues (as has been done in chapter 9) that hypocrisy is very prevalent in American society, “whether the subject is possession of nuclear weapons, conformity with international law[, gun policy, climate protection], or America's tendency to condemn the conduct of others while ignoring its own failings.” To the very same extent as this behavior is hypocritical, it is also presumptuous. Sure enough, in the past American leaders acted according to what they believed to be best for their country, but they simply paid little attention to moral principles and/or international laws along the way. So, while it might be a comforting thought for Americans to live in a uniquely virtuous nation, it is simply not true (cf. Walt). 77 MYTH 3: AMERICA’S SUCCESS IS DUE TO ITS SPECIAL GENIUS Americans tend to believe that their country’s success and rise to world-power is directly related to “the political foresight of the Founding Fathers, the virtues of the U.S. Constitution, the priority placed on individual liberty, and the creativity and hard work of the American people” (Walt). But in all of these, there was also a considerable amount of luck involved. When the settlers arrived in America, they were lucky that the country was rich in natural resources which ensured their survival. They were also lucky that there were enough navigable rivers to settle at other places, ship goods and maintain trading relations. They were also lucky that their settlements were founded far enough away from other great powers and that the indigenous people in America were technically less advanced and posed no real threat as they were also very susceptible to European diseases (cf. Walt). Nowadays, the tale goes on. The US has been lucky over the past years to have had enough resources, monetary and other, perfect conditions and the right people to develop world-leading innovations. But lately the focus of genius has been shifting east; the US is no longer as attractive as it was, neither to companies nor to aspiring individuals. The success of other nations, for example China, already shows that the US has no longer a universal monopoly on genius. MYTH 4: THE US IS RESPONSIBLE FOR MOST OF THE GOOD IN THE WORLD It cannot be denied that the US has played a major role in positive international development. In fact, when considering a few of these developments promoted by the US, such as “the Marshall Plan, the creation and management of the Bretton Woods system, its rhetorical support for the core principles of democracy and human rights, and its mostly stabilizing military presence in Europe and the Far East” (Walt) it is absolutely reasonable that Americans like to give themselves credit for that. Yet, not all good things in the world “flow from Washington’s wisdom,” as Walt puts it so pointedly. While the US undoubtedly has many things to be proud of, there are other fields and issues in which the US has long been surpassed by other nations, for example, gay/lesbian rights, economic equality, criminal justice. All these areas are better covered in Europe, a fact which Americans often fail to recognize (cf. Walt). Unfortunately, not seeing things as they really are seems to be a major flaw in the US, 78 as Walt recalls: “Remember when Pentagon planners thought U.S. troops would be greeted in Baghdad with flowers and parades? They mostly got RPGs and IEDs instead.”11 MYTH 5: GOD IS ON OUR SIDE When the first settlers arrived in New England, they were convinced that they had a divine mission conferred upon them. This belief has persevered and forms now one of the many bases of American exceptionalism. Still today, Americans think that it is their mission, ordained by God, to lead the rest of the world (cf. Walt). While it is a valuable trait of society to have confidence in one’s nation, it might become tricky when the very same nation starts to think it “enjoys the mandate of heaven […] and cannot fail or be led astray” (Walt); especially, since reality often proves otherwise. Walt mentions “a decade of ill-advised tax cuts, two costly and unsuccessful wars, and a financial meltdown, driven mostly by greed and corruption” as examples of how quickly the privileged position of the US can be lost, God on its side or not. With these five myths, the understanding of the concept of exceptionalism as such should be clearer, and the connection to presumptuousness more obvious. However, it needs to be stressed that it is not the Americans’ belief in exceptionalism that is troubling. In an age of persistent unemployment and while winding down two wars, thinking of themselves as exceptional might be comforting to Americans. The belief in exceptionalism only becomes a problem when “it leads to a basic misunderstanding of America's role in the world” (Walt). What results from this belief in exceptionalism is an attitude pinpointed by Greenwald, that “I [the US] can do X because I’m Good and you are barred from X because you are Bad” (italics not mine). Most prominently, of course, this refers to international laws and conducts. Early in 2013, the Princeton Professor Cornel West called Presidents Nixon, Bush and also Obama war criminals, claiming that “they have killed innocent people in the name of the struggle for freedom, but they're suspending the law, very much like Wall Street criminals” (Greenwald). Stripped of any emotional undertones, what Professor West did was that he applied the same international laws that hold true for other nations 11 RPG … rocket-propelled grenade. IED … improvised explosive device. 79 —and by which the US usually judges other nations—to the US itself, with the result that his conclusion did not particularly please Washington (cf. Greenwald). In his article “The Premises and Purposes of American Exceptionalism,” Glenn Greenwald explains that US foreign policy analysts are only permitted to question the tactics of government and military, for example “[W]ill bombing these places succeed in the goals?” (Greenwald), or express concern that certain strategies might not be effective, such as “[D]rones may be ineffective in stopping Terrorism” (ibid.). But they are never, under any circumstances, allowed to argue that there are moral and legal restrictions which the US are bound by just like any other nation. In short, analysts may question tactics, “but never the supreme prerogative of the US, the unchallengeable truth of American exceptionalism” (Greenwald). In the following part of this chapter, there are some examples that show to what kind of presumptuous behavior the belief in American exceptionalism leads, and others that prove that American superiority is no longer given and a claiming of the very same is presumptuous as well. 11.2. Fighting “a War for Civilization” In the past, politicians in the US have frequently justified war in, for example, Arab countries, as a mission to bring civilization to the people there and thus bringing a part of the ‘good’ that is America to these countries. In saying so the Americans also imply that countries in the East are less advanced than the US and thus need some sort of guidance. It never seems to strike the US that these countries might actually be happy with their stage of advancement and do not need or want any guidance or help imposed on them. “When one hears George W. Bush present war on Iraq as a ‘war for civilization’ [...] it becomes clear that the early settler ethos, in which the settlers had a divine mission conferred upon them, continues to influence [...] American morality” (Salaita, Anti-Arab Racism 82). Although more than eleven years have passed since the attack on the World Trade Center, the reaction of the US, which resulted in the ‘war on terror’ and the Iraq war, is a good example of the presumptuousness in American society. Robert Jewett and John Shelton Lawrence have found a terminus to describe this kind of behavior; they refer to it as the “Captain America” complex, which 80 lay[s] out two ways in which American civil religion has shaped American nationalism. On the one hand, we see throughout American history countless examples of “zealous nationalism,” in which the nation seeks to impose its missionary task on other countries—in their words, “to redeem the world by destroying enemies.” On the other, we find a far different tradition, a “prophetic realism” that seeks to work for justice alongside other nations with tact and sensitivity, cognizant of the immense responsibility that comes with such power. (Murphy 159, italics not mine) Thus, whichever way of these two, Americans are convinced that it is their “burden [...] to bring order, justice, security and peace to the world, however much it may cost” (Forrester 4); they seek appreciation by others and at the same time try to maintain their supremacy: the US is good, its enemies are evil, they are the scapegoats, they are to blame (cf. Forrester; Salaita 39-40). With an attitude like that, interference —be it politically or economically—is always justified, even if it involves death and killing, because as Steven Salaita argues for the US “American violence, however ugly, always intends to serve the interests of progress” (Salaita, Uncultured Wars 8). 11.3. “There Isn’t a Child in India [Asia] that Wouldn’t Come to America” This quote by Amar Goel, founder of KomliMedia and PubMatic, refers to an age when “America was still number one in everything. Everybody in the world still wanted to be American” (Goel qtd. in Luce 136), but now times have changed. Studying in the US is no longer as special as it once was. Edward Luce points out that over 70 percent of US PhDs in physics are now already awarded to non-US citizens. Similarly, America’s ingenuity now faces considerable competition, as over half of US patents are issued to foreigners (cf. Luce 103). It seems to be a fact that the US supremacy in economy is shrinking. In the clean energy sector, for example, it has been estimated that between 2010 and 2015, the US will be outspent three to one by East Asia (cf. Luce 125). Also, big businesses ‘jump ship’ and (re)locate overseas. In 2003 IBM, for example, had 6,000 employees in India and 135,000 in the US; in 2012, India had already overtaken the US workforce and employed 110,000 people. Another example of the shrinking importance of the US to big businesses is General Electric (GE). Although it is America’s largest manufacturer, it only has one of its five research and development centers in the US (near Albany, New York). The other four are located in Bangalore, Shanghai, 81 Rio de Janeiro, and Munich. Even more troubling is that already less than a tenth of General Electric’s (the ‘all American company’) full-time technologists are employed in the US (cf. Luce 146). Among all the Asian companies that pose a threat to American industries, China is probably the most aspiring one. In Fortune’s last ranking, there were only two American businesses among the top ten of the world’s largest companies, Walmart at number one, and ExxonMobile at number three. In contrast, there were already three Chinese companies among the top ten, Sinopec, State Grid, and China National Petroleum (cf. Rachman). While economy analysts have long predicted a rise of China, the US has remained largely untouched by warnings. Rachman argues that one of the reasons for the American relaxedness in terms of China’s economic rise after the end of the Cold War is the Americans’ believe that globalization was actively spreading Western values; to some ‘globalization’ and ‘Americanization’ basically meant the same. According to Rachman, this understanding is based on two important misunderstandings: The first was that economic growth would inevitably—and fairly swiftly—lead to democratization. The second was that new democracies would inevitably be more friendly and helpful toward the United States. Neither assumption is working out. (6) Not only are these nations, in this context China, not overly friendly towards the US, but the US increasingly depends on them. About four fifths of the chemical components in US drugs are imported mostly from China, providing the country with a significant share in the US food supply. Furthermore, in 2009, Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, humbly requested the Chinese to keep buying US Treasury Bills because the US government heavily relies on foreign lending, with which it funds its military supremacy. Without it, the money and the military, the US would be very vulnerable. For now, this effectively means that “the war in Afghanistan is [...] being paid for with a Chinese credit card” (Rachman). It seems befitting to conclude this chapter with another quote by Amar Goel: “To overcome a problem, you must first recognize it exists” (qtd. in Luce 137), which is of course not easy for a nation who is so convinced of itself. So far it seems the US is just beginning to understand what is going on. It appears as if ‘children in India 82 [Asia]’ are taking advantage of the US, visiting its universities, gaining work experience, only to return home and outrun the US in the end, while the US, blinded by its former glory, does not notice. 11.4. Relevance to The Day of Doom In Wigglesworth’s times, presumptuousness seems to have been the main offense. Referring to the sins outlined in the chapter 1 and 4, the following also occur in present-day US: worldliness, striving for love of others, contentiousness, indignation, and the desire to blame someone else. When the US fights a war for civilization, the fault for that never lies on the side of the US. Recalling the infants who are judged in The Day of Doom and who tried to blame Adam for their fall from grace, a similarity to the US cannot be denied: “‘Not we, but he, ate of the Tree, / whose fruit was interdicted” (168), meaning that their offense is Adam’s fault because he ate the apple and thus lay the path to their doom. Just like these infants are trying to justify their bad behavior by pointing out that it was someone else’s fault that they were even prompted to sin, one might say that the US, although it started the war in Arab countries, is not to blame simply because had these countries not been so ‘uncivilized,’ there would have been no need for the US to intervene and start a war. In this sense the US shows a considerable amount of indignation, hoping to justify its intervention. In addition, starting a war for civilization always also sends a clear signal to the rest of the world: The US is (still) a strong and powerful nation, which is worthy of admiration. Thus, it can be argued that military operations are also used to maintain favorable relationships with other countries, especially those nations who have military pacts with the US. After all, who would want to have military relations with a country which appears incapable of fighting a war? Perhaps, this is far-fetched, but at the core of it lies some truth after all: The US’ war for civilization can also be seen as a demonstration of military power, so as to show its allies that the US is still a powerful partner and “[‘t]o use such strife, a temp’ral life / to rescue and secure” (127). And that, in terms of Wigglesworth, is nothing more but worldliness and striving for the love of others. Stanza 128 best describes this behavior: 83 To please your kin, men’s love to win, to flow in worldly wealth, To save your skin, these things have been more than Eternal health.D As far as the US belief in exceptionalism as such is concerned, it is interesting how hard the US is trying to maintain its reputation and hold on to its former glory which brought it wealth and power. Also, the denial of any decline as such, might be interpreted as a sign of fear. Already in Wigglesworth’s poem, it was obvious that for the new generation of New Englanders, losing their reputation, their wealth and power, was what they appeared to have feared most: We holiness durst not profess, fearing to be forlorn Of all our friends, and for amends to be the wicked’s scorn. We know their anger would much endanger our lives, and our estates: Therefore for fear we durst appear no better than our mates.D (125) As the belief of a chosen nation is so deeply rooted in American thinking, it is not a surprise that Americans are still trying to hold on to that thought in times of crisis. While other nations would be judged and condemned by the US were they to start a war on another nation simply to ‘bring civilization,’ the US, of course, is the exception. As a nation chosen by God, surely other regulations must apply, laws can be transgressed and still God will forgive the US (his chosen nation) in the end: Others Argue, and not a few, “Is not God graci-ous? His Equity and Clemency are they not marvelous [sic!]? Thus we believ'd; are we deceiv'd? Cannot his Mercy great, (As hath been told to us of old,) assuage his angers heat?D (130) The Americans’ overly sense of exceptionalism could already be sensed in Wigglesworth’s Day of Doom and still holds true for present-day US: “‘How can it be that God should see / his Creatures’ endless pain” (131). Here the focus clearly lies on ‘his Creatures,’ his chosen people with the divine mission and thus, 84 the nation with a special status, a nation that can do just about anything because it has God’s favor and no punishment to fear. And yet, America has to keep in mind that it is embedded in a global competitive market, a market that is ever-changing and now maybe even more demanding than ever before. Sure, the US has its own special qualities; it is (still) far richer and stronger than most of the other countries in the world, and it is lucky enough to hold a very favorable geopolitical position. These advantages might help the US in its foreign affairs, but they cannot ensure that its choices will be good ones (cf. Walt). If the US has really entered an “age of denial and narcissism” (qtd. in Luce 137), as Amar Goel assumes, it will probably hinder itself in confronting upcoming challenges. Whichever way the US decides to take in order to act on these challenges that are facing it, it is now time to throw off the cloak of exceptionalism and dust itself from former glory. 85 12. “This Country’s Going to [...] Take Care of It”—The Reliers on Works A belief inherent in American culture is that of individualism. Americans believe that if they work hard, their achievements will bring them prosperity (Mauk and Oakland 232). This, of course, requires more trust in one’s own abilities than in those of others. The most prominent advocate of this concept of ‘self-reliance’ was Ralph Emerson Waldo, who influenced a whole nation with his essay Self-Reliance. Harold Bloom points out that “[b]y ‘self-reliance’ Emerson meant the recognition of the god within us, rather than the worship of the Christian godhead” (Bloom). For the US, originally a settler nation, the trust in one’s own abilities and independence from others was a powerful tool in becoming a world-leading nation. As time progresses and the US is no longer ‘the lone warrior,’ the (almost) sole trust in one’s own abilities can have tragic outcomes. This can most explicitly be witnessed when the US is faced with (natural) catastrophes and its emergency response plan turns out to be rather self-centered, thus excluding any foreign help which might facilitate the whole process. In the following part of this chapter, two examples are provided: First, the government’s response to Hurricane Katrina in 2005, and then the US’ response to the BP Oil Spill in 2010. 12.1. Hurricane Katrina When Hurricane Katrina hit the US in 2005, it turned out to be the costliest natural catastrophe in US history and one of the five deadliest hurricanes ever recorded with estimated 1,833 people dead (cf. Knabb et al.). The aftermath of Katrina was widely reported, even if at times exaggerated, and yet it is important to have a quick look at how the chaos that occurred after the hurricane could have occurred and why it took the government so long to respond properly. The most important thing to mention is that emergency response in terms of flooding is divided among three branches of government: Police, fire, rescue, and emergency medical services have long been provided by local governments, as well as by volunteer groups and private individuals [...] [who] are backed up in extraordinary cases by a state’s national guard, which [...] 86 are controlled by the state governor. [...] The national government’s responsibility after a flood or other disaster is mainly that of a (taxpayer-subsidized) insurance company. (Congleton 13) Considering this rather complicated structure, it seems quite fitting to use Congleton’s term and speak of a “marble cake” in terms of federalism, instead of different ‘layers’ of government. Not surprising then that it took the government several days to respond properly and effectively to the situation and devastation caused by Katrina. Nevertheless, when they eventually did, the results were not always comprehensible to the public. In an interview with Good Morning America former President George W. Bush responded to the devastation caused by Katrina, expressing his hope that foreign countries would help and send money, but also said that “this country’s going to rise up and take care of it” (qtd. in Muhammad). Help was offered, yes, but the US turned down and vehemently refused foreign help. Allies to the US had offered $854 million in cash and oil, but as of April 2007, only $40 million has been used for the recreation of affected areas and support of victims (cf. Solomon & Hsu). Yet even more tragic was the decision of the Bush government to reject immediate help offered by Cuba to send 1,586 doctors with 37 tons of medical aid to the affected areas at the Gulf coast. The official reason for the rejection was that “the United States did not have full diplomatic relations with Cuba” (Zunes). Admittedly, considering the overall chaos in the aftermath of Katrina and the complex organization of federal government, the nation’s inherent concept of individualism and self-reliance can probably not be blamed alone, but former President Bush’s initial statement makes it unmistakably clear that it did play a role. 12.2. The BP Oil Spill Dirty Bird: held over by demand from the Bitch Please menu. crisp oil-poached duck confit with dirty rice and a mysterious dark goo ($26) (taken from the menu at Louisiana Bistro, Dauphine Street, New Orleans. February 2012) When in April 2010, the BP-operated oil rig Deepwater Horizon exploded and sank in the Gulf of Mexico, the US was faced with yet another emergency of epic proportions. From April 20 until September 19, when the resulting well was finally declared sealed, around 4.9 million barrels of oil had spilled into the ocean, covering 87 an area of up to 68,000 square miles, which is a size comparable to the state of Oklahoma. It is now considered the largest accidental marine oil spill in the history of oil business (cf. Weber; “On Scene Coordinator Report” 33; John) Although there were efforts to protect beaches, wetlands and wildlife, with skimmer ships, burning off the oil, floating booms, and using oil dispersant, a total of 16,000 miles of coastline along the states of Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, and Florida were affected. Moreover, already six months after the spill over 8,000 animals were reported dead, among these many of which were already considered an endangered species (cf. Dosomething.org). The criticism that was raised in reference to the US’ response during and after the oil spill can mainly be summarized in two major points. THE US DID NOT USE AVAILABLE SUPERTANKERS One point of criticism was that the Obama administration refrained from using what is known as the most effective method in fighting oil spills. This method is basically a “suck-and-salvage strategy” (Warren) and was successfully used by Saudi Arabia in 1993 and 1994. When they were threatened with four leaking tankers and three oil gushers in the Arabian Gulf, a team of engineers, among them American engineer Nick Pozzy, decided to use the empty oil tankers sitting in the dock to simply vacuum up the oil from the ocean’s surface. The strategy was successful, swift and very effective—85 percent of the oil could be recovered that way (cf. Martin). The same strategy could also have been used in the Gulf of Mexico. In June 2010, around 538 supertankers were distributed across the oceans. 47 thereof were merely used for, what is called, “floating storage” (Warren). This phenomenon is called “contango,” (ibid.) which means that the delivery price of oil exceeds the market price. In this case it is simply cheaper for oil companies to store their crude oil in tankers and have them ready to ship whenever the price is right (cf. Warren). Nick Pozzy explained how the very same strategy could have been used in the Gulf of Mexico: “All [these supertankers] got to do is come to Texas, in the Gulf, unload the oil, and then turn around and suck up all this other stuff and pump it onto shore into on-shore storage” (qtd. in Martin). Although this strategy was recommended to the US by various experts, the government nonetheless rejected it. Instead, they decided 88 on using chemical dispersants, which were produced by a company in which Obama’s supporters Goldman Sachs, Citigroup, Hathaway-Berkshire, and BP had invested (cf. Martin). This decision is just another example of how the US rather relies on their own abilities (their own companies), instead of seeking help from others. THE US DID NOT USE AVAILABLE FOREIGN VESSELS Immediately after the oil spill, around twenty-eight countries offered to send vessels and equipment in order to help fighting the oil and protecting the coastline but most of these offers remained merely considered. Among these countries offering help were Norway, Belgium and the Netherlands, which all possess a fleet of advanced oil-skimming ships, yet they were initially turned down because of the so called Jones Act (cf. Reilly). This legislation from 1920 requires that all vessels operating on business in US waters be constructed in the US and sail under the US flag. However, the president of the US has the right to waive the Jones Act, should there be immediate need. Why President Obama refrained from doing so, and thus turned down highly-specialized vessels from Europe which would have done this tricky task easily, remains unclear (cf. Reilly). Eventually, in June 2010, a company based in Houston, Texas, started cleaning off oil from the water surface using equipment from the Netherlands: These sophisticated devices were provided by a Dutch company with years of experience in such operations, but instead of using the Dutch ships and crews immediately, when The Netherlands offered help in April, the operation was delayed until U.S. crews could be trained. (Flakus) In addition to offering ships, the Netherlands also said it would be ready to help building sand berms to protect the coastline; this offer was turned down as well, even though such help was requested from Louisiana at that time (cf. Flakus). A spokesman for the Dutch embassy in Washington repeatedly stressed that “[w]e do not want to change the rules here. We do not want to come in and tell everybody how to do it” (Floris Van Hovell qtd. in Flakus), hitting exactly the right tones when implying that the US need not be afraid of other countries infringing on its selfreliance. Throughout the responses to the oil spill, US government had favored American companies over foreign, yet more readily available, businesses. Eventually, this might have caused further delays, as Van Hovell pointed out, “Dutch dredging ships could [have] complete[d] the sand berms in Louisiana twice as fast 89 as the local companies contracted for the work, if [they had been] allowed to do so” (Flakus). In June 2010, US government eventually used foreign vessels and equipment in order to fight the oil spill, but critics claim that the time it took the US to decide might have caused unnecessary damage to some areas along the Gulf coast (cf. Flakus). These two incidents once again show how the American concept of self-reliance complicates and delays, not only daily life, but especially emergency responses. Unfortunately, predictions about the future turned out to be true. Due to the oil spill that lasted for several months, paired with the slow response and delayed start of clean-up activities, marine and wildlife habitats, fishing and tourism industries—as well as the health of citizens in the affected areas—have suffered extensive damages continuing throughout 2013 (cf. Juhasz; Tangley) 12.3. Relevance to The Day of Doom In his doomsday poem, Wigglesworth mainly accuses the reliers on works of trying to reach eternal life by deeds alone, but without true faith. These sinners were so convinced of doing the right thing that they were blinded and did not see that their behavior will not lead to eternal life, but quite the contrary: Your blinded spirit, hoping to merit by your own Righteousness, Needed no Savior, but your behavior, and blameless carriages; You trusted to what you could do, and in no need you stood.D (102) The very same affront can be attributed to present-day US in connection to its handling of the Katrina aftermath and BP oil spill. When Katrina hit, Cuba was among the first to respond and offer help, yet it was turned down. Days immediately after the oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico, many European countries, experienced with oil skimming, offered to send vessels and equipment to the US, and experts in oil catastrophes suggested to unload supertankers and use them to vacuum the oil off the water surface but none of their offers was heard. It seems that the US’ sense of self-reliance stood in the way. Neither did it need Cuba’s doctors, nor Europe’s vessels and equipment, nor the advice of experts. It appears as if the US does not need help from others at all 90 or is simply too proud to ask for or accept it: “Dead works they be and vanity, the which vexation brings” (100). Excessive self-reliance is vanity and, as Wigglesworth predicts in these two lines, often turns the tables for worse. In the case of present-day US, it can be argued that the result from its vanity and reluctance to accept/ask for help was the delay in responding to the aftermath of Katrina and the BP oil spill. Both delays were unnecessary and resulted in more pain for victims and more devastation to the environment. It has already been argued before that it were mainly bureaucratic but also economic reasons why the US delayed its emergency response. When Cuba offered help, the official reason for rejection was the lack of diplomatic relations. When Europe wanted to send vessels, the US blamed the Jones Act. However the case, however fair and sound these regulations might be, in a time of crisis, adherence to them seems simply wrong: However fair, however square, your way and work hath been, Before men’s eyes, yet God espies iniquity therein[.]D (98) Furthermore, Wigglesworth also pointed out that God always sees the ulterior motif of people’s behavior, and does not cease to remind them of it: God looks upon th’ affecti-on and temper of the heart; Not only on the acti-on, and the external part. Whatever end vain men pretend, God knows the verity[.]D (99) Leaving God as the ultimate judge aside, this basically means that these men had other motivations for their deeds than those they claimed. The same holds true for the US in response to their handling of the help offered by Europe after the oil spill. Although the official reason was the Jones Act, which very well be true, it has been claimed that there were other underlying motivations as well. Throughout, the US has favored American companies over foreign ones (Houston company cleaning off oil instead of the Dutch). The underlying intent here was probably not to save the coastline, or else the US would have let the Dutch start with their work immediately, but business relationships (boosting certain Obama sponsors). Also, while the lack of diplomatic 91 relations served as an explanation why the US did not accept Cuba’s help after Katrina, the concern of the US was probably not so much rooted in bureaucracy but in its year-long disagreement with Cuba on various terms, for example Guantanamo Bay. Cuba especially, has a difficult role in terms of relations to the US. What is implied in almost everything that connects these two countries is a sense of discrepancy. The US, fueled by its belief in exceptionalism, views itself as superior to Cuba. Surely then, the US must be in a really desperate state were it to take help from Cuba. In return, this would then mean that the US is showing weakness and admitting (not only to Cuba) that it is not able to handle its problems alone. Not being able to save face seems to already have been an issue in Wigglesworth’s poem: Again you thought and mainly sought a name with men t’ acquire; Pride bare the Bell, that made you swell, and your own selves admire[.]D (104) More often than not, traits in American behavior trace back to its belief in exceptionalism. A good sense of self-reliance is surely profitable for every nation. But when a nation accepts that its people and environment are put under stress and suffer damages simply because its government cannot overcome its pride and still thinks of the country as an exceptional one able to handle every crisis single-handed, it might be time for a rethinking of values, of what really counts. 92 13. Inconsistency with American Values—The Spiritually Lazy In Puritan times, the spiritually lazy were accused of having lost faith in God, and God and the Bible per se defined the values of society, therefore it is reasonable to say that the spiritually lazy did not only lose faith in God but also in their values. Some of the values in American society today are “self-reliance, individualism, independence, utopianiasm, liberty, egalitarianism, freedom, opportunity, democracy, anti-statism […], populism […], a sense of destiny and respect for the law” (Mauk and Oakland 12). Anxiety and fear of loss might result in insecurity about these values (cf. Peters 34). ‘Loss,’ of course, can be manifold, such as loss of life, loss of success or profit, loss of a job, loss of reputation, loss of face. In this chapter two examples of inconsistency with American values are presented. The first deals with torture at Abu Ghraib prison and the second expands on the example offered in chapter 10 about the misguided and explains how companies and computers further deepen the gap in the US labor market. 13.1. “America Doesn’t Torture” Ted Peters argues that people react to the threat of loss with rage and that all people are capable of violence and rage because all can experience anxiety; on the contrary, people who are less anxious are less tempted by violence (cf. 65, 74). The incidents of torture in Abu Ghraib prison that came to the public in 2004 show what effect it can have if people are threatened with loss (here for example, loss of face/reputation) and anxiety—they exhibit violent behavior and forget about their values: “‘It was un-American,’ Rumsfeld said at the time, ‘And it was inconsistent with the values of our nation’” (qtd. in Pritchard). In 2005, a year after the Abu Ghraib incidents became public, a new debate started in the US. In the twenty-first century, the nation that does hardly ever hesitate to pride itself with how advanced and civilized it is, was earnestly thinking of ways to legalize torture. Of course, this came at a time when the outlook for winning the war on terror was already becoming grimmer and chaos was on the rise in Iraq. While the US government probably thought legalizing torture, even if only to a certain extent, would provide them with a powerful instrument that would finally help them win the war on terror, Vladimir Bukovsky wisely refuted this claim in his article “The Long Shadow of Torture” for The Washington Post. 93 He wrote: “[I]f Vice President Cheney is right and that some ‘cruel, inhumane or degrading’ (CID) treatment of captives is a necessary tool for winning the war on terrorism, then the war is lost already.” Furthermore, he points out that America’s behavior in terms of torture is more than contradictory: On the one hand, the US started the war on terror to conquer injustice, free the people oppressed by Middle-Eastern regimes and bring peace and civilization, as well as spread Western values, but on the other hand, the question arises, what exactly is the US doing when it tortures? Spreading Western values? Freeing a nation? That seems very unlikely. Bukovsky calls to attention that [i]f America's leaders want to hunt terrorists while transforming dictatorships into democracies, they must recognize that torture, which includes CID, has historically been an instrument of oppression—not an instrument of investigation or of intelligence gathering. Thus, if the US actively engages in torture, it is no better in moral values than the nations it seeks to free. Besides being a clear case for inconsistency with American values, torture and especially America’s public attitude towards it, is also a prime example of hypocrisy. After his first election, President Obama told CBS news reporter Steve Croft that “America doesn’t torture, and I’m going to make sure that we don’t torture,” (CBS). That is quite a bold statement when it is nowadays common knowledge that the CIA has secret prisons all around the world, even in Europe, and mainly follows its own set of rules and regulations in terms of investigating and interviewing suspects (cf. Clark). However, coming back to the values the US represents when it employs torture, Bukovsky hit the nail on the head when he argued that the US should try to see the bigger picture. When it endorses torture, of whatever kind, it sends a certain message out to the world. He argued that countries where torture is still common and where people are still fighting against it, such as Russia for example, will be among the first to react and take it as a sanction that there is nothing wrong with torture, when even the Americans do it. Bukovsky said that he could very well imagine Vladimir Putin say: “You see, even your vaunted American democracy cannot defend itself without resorting to torture.” Maybe it would not be too bad if someone really hold up the mirror to the US and let it see that the values it claims to fight for are way ahead of those it often represents. 94 13.2. The Rise of the Disposable Worker Connected to the ‘Missing Middle’ as discussed in the chapter 10, the US has witnessed a general decline in responsibility in terms of jobs. As Carl Camden, CEO of Kelly Sevices, a large staffing agency, put it: “There is no such thing anymore as loyalty in either direction—the company owes you nothing and you owe the company nothing” (qtd. in Luce 34). This attitude resulted in two main ways. First, companies replace employees with computers, and second, employers streamline or outsource their company’s workforce. The decision which of these options to choose is mainly based on what is cheaper for the company and not on what is best for its employees. COMPUTERS Especially during the recent economic crises, rising costs posed a dramatic problem for employers. Substituting computers for workers has many advantages, such as that computers are cheaper than ever before and, most importantly, they also save their employers work-related costs, such as health insurance for example. These developments make it easier for companies to control rising costs because the costs tied to a computer are quite predictable compared to human workers. A study conducted by Yale economist William Nordhaus showed that over the past six decades, the real costs for performing a standardized set of computational tasks declined by a third to about a half. This development means that tasks that were unthinkable years ago, such as searching online libraries for one specific quotation, are now extremely cheap and can be done extremely fast—computers save time and money, who can blame the employers? (cf. Autor 11) Edward Luce provided a good example about just how fast and time-saving computers work. He visited two competing steel companies; the first one was a Nucor plant in the US, with roughly 400 employees and Luce described that it was sometimes hard for him to spot any human being on that huge plant. Compared to the US mill, its Indian competitor, Tata Steel, employs around 40,000 people and the plant gives the impression of a busy market. Yet, statistics speak for themselves: Despite its abundance of employees, Tata Steel only produces three times as much steel as Nucor, which means that Nucor “produces more than thirty times as much steel for each of its 95 employees as its Indian competitor,” mainly thanks to computer-assisted technology (Luce 66). Besides jobs in large plants, the fields of occupation that are mainly affected by substitution with computers are middle-class jobs, such as clerical work, bookkeeping, and repetitive production tasks. These jobs also follow precise, clear-cut procedures that can be codified and are thus increasingly performed by machines or alternatively electronically sent to worksites in foreign countries (cf. “Streamlining/Offshoring”). The outcomes are already showing; in 2012, only 20 percent of females had a job that classified as office and administrative support, in 1983 the number was still 31 percent (cf. Barro). Of course, in order for automated technology to perform certain tasks, people who program the computer are needed, which in return creates new well-paid jobs. However, the number of new jobs created by computers does by far not outweigh the jobs that are lost because of it. In contrast to so-called ‘routine tasks’ are the ‘non-routine’ tasks which cannot be performed by a computer, simply because they do not follow a predictable procedure. Such occupations typically include cleaning and janitorial work, in-person health assistance, grounds cleaning and maintenance, food preparation and serving, as well as security and protective services. As described in chapter 10, these low-skill jobs have been thriving in the last three decades and represent one side of the polarized labor market. Thus, although computers do not actively take jobs away from people in this case, they still influence the labor market negatively in that they create an enormous demand for low-skill jobs, i.e. those jobs that cannot be codified, and further deepen the gap that already separates the US labor market (cf. Autor 12). STREAMLINING/OFFSHORING Another strategy employed by companies in order to save costs is streamlining their businesses through outsourcing or offshoring their work force. Luce pointed out that many large companies in the US, such as IBM and Microsoft, already have more full-time but independent contractors working for them than permanent employees (cf. 34). The major reason for this development is, again, technology. Through computers it has become extremely easy to codify information and electronically send it to foreign countries, where the same work can be done by 96 less-skilled persons and for much lower wages—this is the core concept of offshoring. Tasks that are typically offshored include repetitive assembly tasks in production, data entry, tax preparation, bill processing (cf. Autor 13). While the offshoring of these tasks already takes enough jobs away from Americans, the outlook for the future is hardly any more promising. In various of his articles economist Alan Blinder has argued that the number of jobs that can be outsourced will further increase. His argument is as follows: “[a]ny job that does not need to be done in person (face to face) can eventually be outsourced, regardless of whether the tasks that make up the job are largely routine, manual, or abstract” (Autor 13). Although some may think that this vision is still up in the air, more and more US firms already provide customer support via offshored call-centers, typical examples include credit card companies and software vendors and the number of companies making use of offshoring will probably further increase (cf. Autor 13). Surely, computer technology has brought many advantages to modern civilization. Yet, the way it takes jobs away from people in the US creates a conflict with American values. One of the core concepts of the American Dream is upward mobility which entails, as Cullen has argued, “a secure and esteemed profession” (61), but nowadays it cannot be denied that this noble age of secure employment is over. As Carl Camden told Edward Luce, the problem of today is that “[i]f you are smart, entrepreneurial, and highly educated, the new world offers you more options than ever before” (qtd. in Luce 33) but if you are not, it seems that former American values are suspended and your job might be outsourced or taken by a computer, even in a nation in which secure employment, among others, forms the basis for ethics, norms and values of society (cf. Etges and Fluck 215). 13.3. Relevance to The Day of Doom As outlined in the beginning of this chapter, the spiritually lazy in The Day of Doom were guilty because they had lost their faith in God and thus also in the values that defined their society. Of course, the values of the US have shifted over time but certain passages from Wigglesworth’s poem still apply. For example when Christ judges the sinners and explains: 97 They have their wish whose Souls perish with Torments in Hell-fire, Who rather chose their souls to lose, than leave a loose desire[.]D (149) This stanza also holds true for present-day US and its ‘war for civilization’ and torture in Abu Ghraib. America’s behavior in the Middle East can definitely be considered sinful and inconsistent with values, and in contrast to the striving for high moral standards, which the US usually claims, it focuses on pursuing a “loose desire,” namely inflicting revenge on Muslims and Arab countries for the attacks on the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001. Failure to meet up with its own high moral standards can also be observed. While the US originally had all the best prerequisites to become and remain an ‘elect’ nation, chosen by God—so they believed—for a higher mission, they have long since then faltered and condemned themselves through, speaking in Puritan terms, ‘impious’ behavior. Thus, Christ’s judgment of the Puritan sinners who considered themselves elect is also befitting for the US today: “‘You, sinful Crew! no other knew / but you might be elect; / Why did you then yourselves condemn?” (151). Finally, in terms of how computers and outsourcing influences the US job market negatively, stanza 155 seems adequate: You have yourselves, you and none else, to blame that you must die; You chose the way to your decay, and perish’d willfully.D After all, the decision to produce in foreign countries with lower wages and/or outsource jobs in order to save money has not been imposed on the US by other countries. It was the decision of the US alone to ignore the growing polarization of the labor market for such a long time, and it is also the country itself which is to blame for endorsing the credo of cheaper and faster is always better. Granted, modern times require the use of new technologies, everything else would not be beneficial to the economy either. Demanded by society? Maybe yes. To a certain extent, modern times and new developments led to “decay” as well. But self-imposed these changes are nonetheless. 98 14. “We Are Becoming a Stupid Country”—The Uninformed Being uninformed about a certain aspect can have various outcomes. It can result in a nation’s students performing poorly on tests and entering, if at all, colleges fully unprepared; or it can even lead to discrimination and death of others, if spurred by intolerance and racism. In the following part, two of such outcomes are presented. The first deals with the most drastic results from uninformedness namely hate crimes, and the second investigates what is wrong with the US school system and why US citizens are increasingly becoming less educated. 14.1. Hate Crimes “Nowhere is the national disease more pronounced than in our determined reluctance to face the issue of racial justice,” argues Studs Terkel (qtd. in Bouza 276), though, as is shown in this part of the thesis, this quote needs to be adapted. A nation’s decline, or disease, is nowhere more pronounced than in its reluctance to provide justice regardless of race, religion, sexual orientation, ethnicity—in short: justice for all. The table below provides numbers and percentages taken from the FBI’s crime rate statistics and shows the most drastic result of hostility towards other people, hate crimes. Crime Number of incidents Chart 20% 42% 19% Hate crimes in 2010 6,628 19% Race Race Religion Sexual Orientation 2,797 30% 70% African Americans 1,958 African Americans Figure 4a: Hate Crimes in the US in 2010. (cf. FBI “Victims”) Other Other 99 Crime Number of incidents Religion Chart 1,253 Anti-Jewish 839 20% 13% Anti-Islamic 159 Anti-Jewish Sexual Orientation 67% Anti-Islam Other 1,233 15% Anti-male homosexuals Anti-homosexuals 706 339 28% 57% Anti-male homosexuals Other Anti-homosexuals Figure 4b: Hate Crimes in the US in 2010. (cf. FBI “Victims”) RACISM Racism is very prominent in the US, as Bouza points out, the US is “a nation imprinted with the image of black murderers” (211). Interestingly though, the numbers published by the FBI in 2010 prove the contrary: Of all people arrested in 2010, only 28 percent were African Americans—69.4 percent were Whites (cf. FBI “Table 43a”). Still, African Americans and other racial groups are faced with a lot of hatred. Of course not always does this hatred end in murder but is it less alarming? Certainly not. Perhaps, one of the most prominent examples of our time is the story of Abdulrahman Zeitoun, a New Orleans citizen of Syrian decent. His story is now well-known to the public because of the non-fiction book Zeitoun by author Dave Eggers, which retells the story of the family’s fate in the aftermath of hurricane Katrina. When the storm hit the city in 2005, Zeitoun refused to leave New Orleans with his family, and stayed behind to take care of the house and their business. During the time after the storm, he had helped several people by rescuing them with his canoe, bringing them food or calling for help. Shortly after that he was arrested and held captive for almost a month because he was suspected of being a terrorist —an assumption solely based on his looks, and the name on his ID; a dangerous mixture in the aftermath of a storm that thrust the US in (another) national crisis and brought about all-too-fresh memories of 9/11. When Zeitoun asked the arresting police 100 offers why he was held captive, the only response he got was: “You guys are al-Qaida [...] Taliban” (qtd. in Pilkington), a clear sign of lack of information. Zeitoun later said that he felt that “[t]hese guys wanted revenge on us, no matter what” (qtd. in ibid.). RELIGION On 5 August 2012, a white gunman opened fire in the parking lot in front of a Sikh temple in Oak Creek, Wisconsin, entered the temple and continued shooting, killing six people and wounding four (cf. CNN, “Police identify”). The assassinator mainly targeted men wearing their traditional turban, as one witness told CNN: “Maybe it’s because the ladies were fortunate enough to dodge it out, but so far most of the people I’ve heard have been shot and killed were all turbaned males.” This shows how limited/wrong knowledge can have a tragic effect. Here it reduced a whole religious group to their head cloth, the turban. As Steven Salaita argues “cultural objects —headdress, robes, music, prayer beads—are widely appropriated by mass media and made to signify violence, barbarism, and terror” (Anti-Arab Racism 109). In the mind of the attacker, turban equaled evil, a clear result of lack of information. As Rajwant Singh, from the Sikh Council on Religion and Education, points out: “[T]he onus [is] on politicians, the media, academics and non-profit leaders to educate Americans about diverse groups and act to lessen this kind of rage” (cf. CNN, “Gunman”). SEXUAL ORIENTATION Having a sexual orientation other than heterosexual unfortunately still means facing a lot of trouble. The Westboro Baptist Church, established in 1955 by Pastor Fred Phelps, engages frequently in demonstrations against homosexuals. ‘Famous’slogans include “God Hates Fags,” “Aids Cures Fags,” or “Fags Burn in Hell,” to name but a few. Furthermore, they deem homosexuality as “soul-damning, nationdestroying filth” (all qtd. in Kurst-Swanger 174). The Westboro Baptist Church is of course only one piece in the puzzle that is homophobia. Consider same-sex marriage for example. Only in six states are same-sex couples allowed to marry; six states out of 50—that is a long way to go until equality for all is finally achieved (cf. New York Times, “Same-Sex Marriage”). 101 These three examples give a good impression of how lack of education, or wrong education, of the public can lead to a lot of grief when in fact proper information could help create more justice for everyone. The perfect place for the US to seize this opportunity and educate the public in these respects would be the school system. But, as is explained in the following part of this chapter, the education system cannot yet join in the fight for equality because it has its own battle to fight at first. 14.2. Science Fair vs. Super Bowl A 2010 poll yielded a shocking result: A small majority of American citizens admitted that they had not realized that humans and dinosaurs never coexisted. A similar survey found out that about half of US citizens placed the earth at the center of the universe with the sun revolving around it. And while the US is lagging behind internationally in math, science and also language proficiency, American sport cracks are celebrated like pop stars and receive much more attention than the failing school system (cf. Luce 73). Dean Kamen, founder of Segway, expressed his concern and said “[w]e are becoming a stupid country, where the kind of thing that most people seem to care about is what I call the Stupid Bowl” (qtd. in Luce 73). Unfortunately, Kamen’s concern is more than justified. Studies have shown that whenever the President of the United States now speaks to the public, his speech matches the English proficiency of a student in seventh grade, while in the 1960s it was still directed at twelfth-grade level (cf. Luce 183). In general, studies have suggested that Americans know less than they knew fifty years ago, for example about 49 percent are convinced that the US president has the power to suspend the constitution (which is not true, his actual power is far less), and when asked which country in the world is the only one to have used nuclear weapons, a majority of the people asked did not know that the correct answer to that question was the United States (cf. ibid.). Generally speaking, the overall educational achievement in the US has been declining. Even in the PISA study conducted in 2009, the US merely ranked average (500 points being the average): 102 Skill/Country Points Math China Germany United States (31st place) 600 513 487 Reading China Korea United States (17th place) 556 539 500 Science China Finland United States (23rd place) 575 554 502 Table 8: Pisa Study. (adapted from Lee) The study concurs with an earlier survey from 2004, which revealed that the reading of books between eighteen- and twenty-three-year olds dropped by more than a third since 1980 and that most of these young people are now only reading one book per year. Furthermore, the PISA study underscores findings by the National Assessment of Education Progress (NAEP), which also provided similar results in 2009: “[O]ne out of three students scored ‘below basic’ on the Reading Test,” “more than 67 percent of all US fourth graders scored ‘below proficient,’ meaning they are not reading at grade level,” “about 26 percent of eighth graders and 27 percent of twelfth graders scored below the ‘basic’ level, and only 32 percent of eighth graders and 38 percent of twelfth graders are at or above grade level” (Student First). As far as math and science is concerned, the results are similarly grim. An assessment by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development placed US teenagers 25th out of 30 nations in math and 21st in science, making it appear unlikely that these young people will one day be able to compete internationally for jobs in science or engineering (cf. ibid.). Lately, there has been increasing interest in why the US education system fails and some reasons can be pinned down. First, the current school system perpetuates the racial and social-economic status of American society. Low-income children usually attend urban schools and frequently suffer from the low expectations society has of them, while parents of middle-class and upper middle-class children take great care to segregate their children from low-income schools and do the best they can to give their children the feeling that they are something special. The way this system works, it is a self-fulfilling prophecy. Studies have suggested that while middle- and upper 103 middle-class children normally score similarly no matter where they go to school, low-income students are heavily influenced by the school they attend and the people they attend it with. A mixing with middle- and upper middle-class children would have an extremely beneficial effect on low-income children and prevent the aforementioned prophecy from coming true. Unfortunately, most middle-class parents do whatever they can to keep their children out of the ‘bad’ public schools, often even if this involves moving somewhere else or home-schooling their children, as well as send them to expensive private schools. Studies have shown that countries with successful education systems do not lose as many children as the US to private and religious schools or homeschooling, so it seems likely that this factor plays an important role (cf. Smith). Another reason is that teaching is increasingly becoming an undesirable occupation; when considering the way salaries for teachers are measured in the US, this is hardly surprising: According to the Austin American-Statesman the average salary for a high school sports coach in Texas is $73,000, versus $42,000 for a teacher on any other field at the same grade. In many schools the athletics director is paid more than the principal. In some schools the coach goes on to be the principal. […] When a team advances in the playoffs, the district gets more money. (Luce 75-76) In addition to the low payment, parents, convinced that their children are special, are becoming a nuisance. While more than 25 percent of students drop out of high school, parents still remonstrate with teachers when their children get C-grades. Dean Kamen is convinced that this attitude is tied to excessive self-esteem that can be witnessed among even the youngest students today. Most children nowadays are being told by their parents that they are exceptional and at school there are various prizes and competitions so that every child can win some kind of trophy. Additionally, teachers are urged to let students pass, even if they would actually have to fail them. Naturally, this does nothing for the children except push their momentary self-esteem, but it does in no way prepare them for real life after school (cf. Luce 76, 77, 98). So while teachers in the US not only face poor payment but also lack of respect from their students’ parents, countries that usually score high in international tests have 104 a completely different attitude towards their teachers. New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman has investigated in this direction and found out that [c]ountries like China and South Korea are really recruiting their teachers from the highest levels of graduating classes [...] [t]eachers are paid like engineers and scientists, and that’s just not happening here in the U.S. [...] In South Korea, for example, teachers are treated much like ‘rock stars’ when it comes to pay as well as status in society. (Lee) One of President Obama’s big goals was to lead the US education system back on the right track and “outeducate” and “outinnovate” the rest of the world by 2020 (Luce 80). But unfortunately, there is only a limited amount the president can actively do to improve the school system. With fifty states and more than fifteen-thousand elected school districts, the US government’s influence on the national school system is around 10 percent, which is the percentage that reflects Washington’s annual contribution of national spending to the US school system (cf. ibid.). Of course, President Obama is right when he nobly announces that “[w]e need to teach our kids that it’s not just the winner of the Super Bowl who deserves to be celebrated, but the winner of the science fair,” (Luce 83) but the underlying problem in the US school system is that of attitude. As long as parents continue to send their children only to ‘certain’ schools, and as long as sports coaches are receiving more public respect and higher paychecks than teachers, the school system will hardly improve, “no matter how many good teachers and good materials are put into [...] schools” (Smith). Until then, it remains true what Dean Kamen told Edward Luce; the US are a little like the latter-day Romans, who worshipped gladiators and forgot about their philosophers and architects (cf. Luce 79). So far, loud voices expressing concern about this attitude are rare. One of them is a blogger, Thomas, who rightly raises the following questions and puts them into perspective of the problems the US is facing in the twenty-first century: Tell me how throwing a football will help solve our country’s financial problems and save us from going over the fiscal cliff. Tell me how kicking a soccer ball will ameliorate our country’s failing mental health system. Tell me how slamming a tennis serve will solve our country’s foreign face offs in the Middle East. Tell me how anything related to pure physical achievement will allow our society to make great strides, or how it will propel our country to prosperity. Fair point, well made. The answer to these questions is simple: Sports cannot and will not save the US. 105 14.3. Relevance to The Day of Doom The uninformed in Wigglesworth consist of heathens whose sin was that they had never heard of Christ before and therefore did not know how to behave and that they were required to repent in order to fit into society and ensure its well-being. Of course, for the present-day US this notion needs to be expanded further but the ultimate goal remains the same: well-being of the community/society. If people would be better informed about racism, sexual and religious orientations, much harm could have been saved because people would probably not have reacted the way they did: We did not know a Christ till now, nor how fall’n men be saved [sic!], Else would we not, right well we wot [sic!], have so our selves behaved[.]D (160) “Christ” in this case refers to knowledge about certain social groups and the social competence related to it. Furthermore, stanza 164 strikes a similar tone and can be applied to the US and its “uninformedness,” be it in terms of various social groups or in respect to education in school: “if you in time had known / Your Misery and remedy, / your actions had it shown” (164). This implies that if the US had known the outcomes of their uninformedness, their intolerance towards, for example, Muslims, or their falling behind in international tests, it would most likely have taken action in order to defend its standing in the world and done everything to prevent such catastrophic outcomes from happening. And yet, as with most other sins as well, it is the US alone that is to blame: Clearness of sight, and judgment right; who did the same deprave? If to your cost you have it lost, and quite defac’d the same, Your own desert hath caus’d the smart; you ought not me to blame.D (162) A country as advanced as the US has all necessary assets to educate its people socially and scientifically, but somehow motivation to do so got lost on the way or lost its importance, similar as the sinners in The Day of Doom lost their God-given “clearness of sight, and judgment right.” 106 Conclusion When Michael Wigglesworth wrote The Day of Doom, it was a reaction towards spiritual decline in Puritan society. As the early settlements in New England had largely established themselves as thriving communities, trade relations blossomed and a merchant class was on the rise. But as wealth increased, spirit declined. People lost piety and worldly treasures became more interesting and often more valuable to them than adhering to clerical rules and appreciating godly things only. Because the Puritan community was mainly held together by laws defined by the church and largely depended on pious people to keep society from wreaking (spiritual) havoc, this posed a very real threat to the stability of society as a whole. Therefore Wigglesworth wrote The Day of Doom to call people back to piety. But it was not only a lament over the spiritual decline of society; it also served as a political tool. With its easy-to-remember structure, it could be recited by most people and became America’s first bestseller. In addition to its structure, the poem also applied the familiar image of Judgment Day, which most people, spiritually in decline or not, could still remember from the Bible. Given its topic and its frequent direct references to the Bible, The Day of Doom exhibited immense authority and was thus a welcomed political tool to steer people back onto the right path. The use of Wigglesworth’s poem as a political tool is further underlined by its identification of problems, and by its systematic analysis of the different sins and providing a better understanding of the state of society back then. Additionally, its lament over the current state in contrast to the past, as well as its call for repentance and renewal classify it as an American jeremiad. Having its origins in Puritan New England, the jeremiad is one of the earliest truly political genres, and has since then been used as a tool for self-criticism and social discipline in times of decline. In the past couple of years, the US has often been said to be in decline again. While it is frequently straying from its values in how it behaves internationally, it, at the same time, desperately tries to hold on to them, attempting to straddle the widening gap between what it believes to be and what it is becoming. In doing so, the US is losing its global superiority and ever more losing its role as the country of The American Dream, the Promised Land, where everything is possible and everyone can achieve his goals. 107 As has been argued in this thesis, the US is a country that, even in the twenty-first century, likes to invoke its earliest origins. Its society, each individual’s values and behavior are still largely defined by the same ideas that originated in its earliest years. Therefore, the concept of decline and sin that Wigglesworth used to describe his society can be taken up and applied to US society in twenty-first century as well. In providing examples for each of Wigglesworth’s six categories of sinners, whose wrongdoings constitute the decline in society, it can be shown that past and present sins have a clear connection (cf. table 9 below). While they are separated by around 350 years, their basic underlying motivations are inseparably tied to the same roots, such as the Puritan belief, the US as a settler nation, and values incorporated in the American Dream. Class Sins in Puritan New England Sins in Present-Day US Hypocrites pretended faith in God professing to take action, e.g. in terms of CO2 reduction, gun control, lobbying, but not have words followed by actions. The Reliers on Works striving for appraisal by others, self-love, pride in worldly achievements, trust in themselves rather than God excessive self-reliance and individualism, trust in its own abilities, mistrust in those of others, turning down help from other countries at the expense of its own citizens (Katrina, BP oil spill) The Presumptuous lack of repentance, lack of desire for repentance (laziness, sloth); worldliness, striving for love of others, luxury and the enjoyment of perishing things; contentiousness, not obeying the truth, unrighteousness, indignation, wrath, evilness; original sin, lack of repentance, cowardice/ desire to blame someone else belief in exceptionalism, conviction that the US has a mission to spread civilization and Western values, the US as “Captain America,” the US not adhering to international laws and conventions because of its self-imposed specialness, being blinded by former glory The Misguided trusting men instead of God, lacking true piety following the wrong role models, taking advice from the wrong people at the expense of other citizens, The Spiritually Lazy laziness, lack of piety and love for God; laziness in striving for faith and following God’s laws, rebellion against God, blaming God decline in and violation of American values, e.g. secured profession, homeownership, personal freedoms reliance on natural gifts, betrayal of nature, lack of pursuing faith Lack of information about social groups leading to discrimination and hate crimes, poor education system, wrong attitude towards school and education, placing its focus wrongly The Uninformed Table 9: Comparison of Sins: Past and Present. 108 Furthermore by defining sins in present-day US, Wigglesworth’s idea of a jeremiad can be used to reconstruct a jeremiad about twenty-first century US. Applying this concept to present-day US adds another interesting aspect to the consideration of decline. As Murphy has argued: [E]very American jeremiad […] is a salvo in the continuing battle over the nation’s identity, the maintenance and continual reinterpretation of the pattern of values, symbols, memories, myths, and traditions that form the distinctive heritage of the nation [trying to answer the question]: “Who are we?” (157) Considering the overall course of actions the US has been taking in the twenty-first century, a growing disparity between its claimed values and actions cannot be denied. While most critics have interpreted this a clear sign of decline, it might very well be just a nation looking for a new identity. In an economic climate that is as challenging as ever before, with other powerful nations rising up and competing with the US for global power, the US is having a hard time maintaining its former superiority. Additionally, the country is also facing national problems, such as job loss, a poor education system, racism, discrimination and crime, as well as a growing mistrust of its own people towards the government. When looking at how the US deals with the internal and external problems it is faced with, one question remains: “As the richest country in the world, almost 150 years after it became the largest, can America really do no better?” (Luce 280). Given its tradition which has always led the country and its people to strive and thrive, it is likely that the US will not rest until it has overcome its problems and successfully repositioned itself in the twenty-first century. How long that will take, only time can tell. But it is for sure going to be interesting to watch. 109 BIBLIOGRAPHY Alexis, Gerhard T. “Wigglesworth’s ‘Easiest Room’.” The New England Quarterly 42.4 (1969): 573-583. JSTOR. Web. 20 July 2012. 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