The Positive Functions of Poverty'
Herbert
J.Gans
ColumbiaUniversity
and CenterforPolicy Research
Mertonianfunctional
analysisis appliedto explainthepersistence
of
poverty,and fifteenfunctions
whichpovertyand the poor perform
fortherestof Americansociety,particularly
the affluent,
are identifiedand described.Functionalalternativeswhichwould substitute
for these functionsand make povertyunnecessaryare suggested,
but the most importantalternativesare themselvesdysfunctional
fortheaffluent,
sincetheyrequiresomeredistribution
of incomeand
power.A functionalanalysisof povertythuscomesto manyof the
same conclusionsas radicalsociologicalanalysis,demonstrating
anew
Merton'sassertionthat functionalism
need not be conservativein
ideologicaloutlookor implication.
I
Over 20 years ago, Merton (1949, p. 71), analyzingthe persistenceof
the urban political machine,wrotethat because "we should ordinarily
. . . expect persistentsocial patternsand social structuresto perform
positivefunctions
whichare at the timenot adequatelyfulfilled
by other
existingpatternsand structures
. . . perhapsthispubliclymalignedorganizationis, underpresentconditions,satisfyingbasic latent functions."
He pointedout how the machineprovidedcentralauthorityto get things
done when a decentralizedlocal government
could not act, humanized
the servicesof the impersonalbureaucracyfor fearfulcitizens,offered
concretehelp (rather than law or justice) to the poor, and otherwise
performed
servicesneeded or demandedby manypeople but considered
unconventional
or even illegal by formalpublic agencies.
This paper is not concernedwith the politicalmachine,however,but
withpoverty,a social phenomenon
whichis as malignedas and farmore
persistentthan the machine.Consequently,
theremay be some meritin
applyingfunctionalanalysisto poverty,to ask whetherit too has positive functionsthat explainits persistence.Since functionalanalysishas
itselftaken on a malignedstatus among some Americansociologists,a
1 Earlier versionsof this paper were presentedat a Vassar College conferenceon the
war on povertyin 1964, at the 7th World Congressof Sociology in 1971, and in Social
Policy 2 (July-August1971): 20-24. The presentpaper will appear in a forthcoming
book on povertyand stratification,
edited by S. M. Lipset and S. M. Miller, for the
AmericanAcademy of Arts and Sciences. I am indebted to Peter Marris, Robert K.
Merton, and S. M. Miller for helpful commentson earlier drafts of this paper.
AJS Volume78 Number2
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AmericanJournalof Sociology
secondarypurposeof thispaper is to ask whetherit is still a usefulapproach.2
II
Merton(1949, p. 50) definedfunctionsas "those observedconsequences
whichmake for the adaptationor adjustmentof a given system; and
those observedconsequenceswhich lessen the adaptation
dysfunctions,
does not specifythe nature
or adjustmentof the system."This definition
or scope of the system,but elsewherein his classic paper "Manifestand
Latent Functions,"Mertonindicatedthat social systemwas not a synonymfor society,and that systemsvary in size, requiringa functional
analysis"to considera rangeof unitsforwhichthe item (or social phenomenonH.G.) has designatedconsequences:individualsin diversestatuses,subgroups,the largersocial systemand culturalsystems"(1949,
p. 51).
In discussingthe functionsof poverty,I shall identifyfunctionsfor
classes,
interestgroups,socioeconomic
groupsand aggregates;specifically,
and otherpopulationaggregates,for example,those with shared values
or similarstatuses.This definitional
approachis based on the assumption
thatalmosteverysocial system-and of courseeverysociety-is composed
of groupsor aggregateswith different
interestsand values, so that, as
Mertonputit (1949, p. 51), "itemsmaybe functional
forsomeindividuals
and subgroupsand dysfunctionalfor others." Indeed, frequentlyone
For example,the
group's functionsare anothergroup's dysfunctions.3
for the working
machine
Merton
functional
was
analyzed by
political
for
class and businessinterestsof the citybut dysfunctional manymiddle
class and reforminterests.Consequently,functionsare definedas those
observedconsequenceswhichare positiveas judged by the values of the
as thosewhichare negativeby these
groupunderanalysis; dysfunctions,
benefitthe groupin questionand dysfunctions
values.4Because functions
2 The paper also has the latent function,as S. M. Miller has suggested,of contributing
to the long debate over the functionalanalysis of social stratificationpresentedby
Davis and Moore (1945).
Probably one of the few instancesin which a phenomenonhas the same function
for two groups with different
interestsis when the survival of the systemin which
both participateis at stake. Thus, a wage increase can be functionalfor labor and
dysfunctionalfor management(and consumers),but if the wage increase endangers
the firm'ssurvival,it is dysfunctionalfor labor as well. This assumes, however,that
the firm'ssurvival is valued by the workers,which may not always be the case,
for example, when jobs are available elsewhere.
3
4 Merton (1949, p. 50) originallydescribed functionsand dysfunctionsin terms of
encouragingor hinderingadaptation or adjustmentto a system,althoughsubsequently
he has writtenthat "dysfunctionrefersto the particularinadequacies of-a particular
part of the systemfor a designatedrequirement"(1961, p. 732). Since adaptation and
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PositiveFunctionsof Poverty
hurtit, I shall also describefunctionsand dysfunctions
in the language
of economicplanningand systemsanalysisas benefitsand costs.5
Identifying
functions
and dysfunctions
forgroupsand aggregatesrather
thansystemsreducesthepossibilitythatwhatis functional
forone group
in a multigroupsystemwill be seen as being functionalfor the whole
for example,to suggestthat a given
system,makingit more difficult,
phenomenon
is functionalfor a corporationor politicalregimewhen it
may in factonlybe functionalfortheirofficers
or leaders.Also, thisapproachprecludesreachinga prioriconclusionsabout two otherimportant
empiricalquestionsraised by Merton (1949, pp. 32-36), whetherany
is everfunctional
phenomenon
or dysfunctional
foran entiresociety,and,
if functional,
whetherit is therefore
indispensableto that society.
In a modernheterogeneous
society,few phenomenaare functionalor
forthe societyas a whole,and most resultin benefitsto
dysfunctional
in
some groupsand costs to others.Given the level of differentiation
modernsociety,I am even skepticalwhetherone can empirically
identify
a social systemcalled society.Societyexists,of course,but it is closerto
being a very large aggregate,and when sociologiststalk about society
as a system,theyoftenreallymean the nation,a systemwhich,among
otherthings,sets up boundariesand otherdistinguishing
characteristics
betweensocietalaggregates.
I wouldalso arguethatno social phenomenon
is indispenssable;
it may
be too powerfulor too highlyvalued to be eliminated,but in most instances,one can suggestwhat Mertoncalls "functionalalternatives"or
thatis, othersocialpatternsor policies
equivalentsfora socialphenomena,
but avoid the dysfunctions.
whichachievethe same functions
III
The conventional
viewof Americanpovertyis so dedicatedto identifying
the dysfunctions
of poverty,both for the poor and the nation,that at
adjustmentto a systemcan have conservativeideological implications,Merton's later
formulationand my own definitionalapproach make it easier to use functionalanalysis
as an ideologicallyneutral or at least ideologicallyvariable method, insofar as the
researchercan decide for himselfwhetherhe supportsthe values of the group under
analysis.
5 It should be noted, however, that there are no absolute benefitsand costs just as
there are no absolute functionsand dysfunctions;not only are one group's benefits
oftenanothergroup's costs,but every group definesbenefitsby its own manifestand
latent values, and a social scientist or planner who has determinedthat certain
phenomenaprovide beneficialconsequencesfor a group may findthat the group thinks
otherwise.For example, during the 1960s, advocates of racial integrationdiscovered
that a significantportion of the black communityno longer consideredit a benefit
but saw it ratheras a policy to assimilateblacks into white society and to decimate
the political power of the black community.
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firstglanceit seemsinconceivableto suggestthatpovertycould be functionalforanyone.Of course,theslumlordand theloan sharkare widely
knownto profitfromthe existenceof poverty;but theyare popularly
viewedas evil men,and theiractivitiesare, at least in part,dysfunctional
forthe poor. However,whatis less oftenrecognized,
at least in the conventionalwisdom,is that povertyalso makes possible the existenceor
expansion of "respectable"professionsand occupations,for example,
penology,criminology,
social work, and public health. More recently,
thepoorhave providedjobs forprofessional
and paraprofessional
"poverty
warriors,"
as well as journalistsand social scientists,
thisauthorincluded,
whohave suppliedtheinformation
demandedwhenpubliccuriosityabout
thepoordevelopedin the 1960s.
Clearly,then,povertyand the poor may well servea numberof functionsformanynonpoorgroupsin Americansociety,and I shall describe
15 sets of such functions-economic,
social, cultural,and political-that
seem to me mostsignificant.
First,the existenceof povertymakes sure that "dirtywork"is done.
Everyeconomyhas such work:physicallydirtyor dangerous,temporary,
dead-endand underpaid,undignified,
and menial jobs. These jobs can
be filledby payinghigherwages than for"clean" work,or by requiring
people who have no otherchoiceto do the dirtyworkand at low wages.
In America,povertyfunctionsto providea low-wagelabor pool that is
willing-or, rather,unable to be unwilling-to performdirtywork at
low cost. Indeed, this functionis so importantthat in some Southern
states,welfarepaymentshave been cut offduringthe summermonths
when the poor are needed to workin the fields.Moreover,the debate
about welfare--andabout proposed substitutessuch as the negative
incometax and the FamilyAssistancePlan-has emphasizedthe impact
of incomegrantson workincentive,with opponentsoftenarguingthat
such grantswould reduce the incentiveof-actually, the pressureonthepoor to carryout the neededdirtyworkif thewages therefore
are no
larger than the income grant. Furthermore,
many economicactivities
whichinvolvedirtyworkdependheavilyon the poor; restaurants,
hospitals,parts of the garmentindustry,and industrialagriculture,
among
others,could not persistin theirpresentformwithouttheirdependence
on the substandardwages whichtheypay to theiremployees.
Second, the poor subsidize,directlyand indirectly,many activities
that benefitthe affluent.6
For one thing,theyhave long supportedboth
Of course, the poor do not actually subsidize the affluent.Rather, by being forced
to work forlow wages, theyenable the affluentto use the moneysaved in this fashion
for other purposes. The concept of subsidy used here thus assumes belief in a "just
wage."
6
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PositiveFunctionsof Poverty
the consumptionand investmentactivitiesof the private economyby
virtueof the low wages whichtheyreceive.This was openlyrecognized
at the beginningof the IndustrialRevolution,when a French writer
p. 7) pointed out that "to
quoted by T. H. Marshall (forthcoming,
assure and maintainthe prosperitiesof our industries,it is necessary
that the workersshould never acquire wealth." Examples of this kind
of subsidizationabound even today; for example,domesticssubsidize
theuppermiddleand upperclasses,makinglifeeasierfortheiremployers
cultural,civic,
womenfor a varietyof professional,
and freeingaffluent
or social activities.In addition,as BarrySchwartzpointedout (personal
the low incomeof the poor enables the rich to divert
communication),
and thus
a higherproportion
of theirincometo savingsand investment,
to fuel economicgrowth.This, in turn,can producehigherincomesfor
everybody,
includingthe poor, althoughit does not necessarilyimprove
since the benefits
the positionof the poor in the socioeconomic
hierarchy,
of economicgrowthare also distributed
unequally.
economy.BeAt the same time,the poor subsidizethe governmental
cause local propertyand sales taxes and the ungraduatedincometaxes
levied by manystates are regressive,the poor pay a higherpercentage
of theirincomein taxes than the restof the population,thussubsidizing
the manystate and local governmental
programsthat servemoreaffluent
taxpayers.7In addition,the poor supportmedicalinnovationas patients
in teachingand researchhospitals,and as guineapigs in medicalexperipatientswho alone can affordthese
ments,subsidizingthe moreaffluent
into medicalpractice.
innovationsonce they are incorporated
Third,povertycreatesjobs for a numberof occupationsand professions which serve the poor, or shield the rest of the populationfrom
them.As alreadynoted,penologywould be minisculewithoutthe poor,
as wouldthepolice,sincethe poorprovidethe majorityof their"clients."
Other activitieswhichflourishbecause of the existenceof povertyare
the numbersgame, the sale of heroin and cheap wines and liquors,
pentecostalministers,faith healers, prostitutes,pawn shops, and the
peacetimearmy, which recruitsits enlistedmen mainly fromamong
the poor.
Fourth,the poor buy goods whichothersdo not want and thus prosuchas day-oldbread,fruitand vegetables
longtheireconomicusefulness,
whichwould otherwisehave to be thrownout, second-handclothes,and
automobilesand buildings.They also provideincomesfor
deteriorating
7Pechman (1969) and Herriottand Miller (1971) found that the poor pay a higher
proportion of their income in taxes than any other part of the population: 50%
among people earning $2,000 or less according to the latter study.
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doctors,lawyers,teachers,and otherswho are too old, poorlytrained,
or incompetent
to attractmoreaffluent
clients.
In addition,thepoorperform
a numberof social and culturalfunctions:
Fifth,the poor can be identified
and punishedas alleged or real deviantsin orderto upholdthelegitimacy
of dominantnorms(Macarov 1970,
pp. 31-33). The defendersof the desirability
of hard work,thrift,
honesty, and monogamyneed people who can be accused of being lazy,
spendthrift,
dishonest,and promiscuousto justifythese norms; and as
Erikson (1964) and othersfollowingDurkheimhave pointedout, the
normsthemselvesare best legitimatedby discoveringviolations.
Whetherthe poor actually violate these norms more than affluent
people is still open to question. The workingpoor work harder and
longerthan high-status
jobholders,and poor housewivesmust do more
houseworkto keep theirslum apartmentsclean than theirmiddle-class
peers in standardhousing.The proportionof cheatersamong welfare
recipientsis quite low and considerablylower than among incometaxpayers.8Violentcrimeis higheramongthe poor,but the affluent
commit
a varietyof white-collarcrimes,and several studies of self-reported
delinquencyhave concludedthat middle-classyoungstersare sometimes
as delinquentas thepoor.However,thepoorare morelikelyto be caught
whenparticipating
in deviantacts and, once caught,to be punishedmore
oftenthan middle-classtransgressors.
Moreover,they lack the political
and culturalpower to correctthe stereotypesthat affluent
people hold
of them,and thus continueto be thoughtof as lazy, spendthrift,
etc.,
whateverthe empiricalevidence,by those who need living proof that
deviance does not pay.9 The actually or allegedlydeviant poor have
traditionally
been describedas undeserving
and, in morerecentterminology,culturallydeprivedor pathological.
Sixth,anothergroupof poor,describedas deservingbecause theyare
disabledor suffering
frombad luck, providethe rest of the population
withdifferent
emotionalsatisfactions;theyevoke compassion,pity,and
charity,thusallowingthosewhohelp themto feelthattheyare altruistic,
moral,and practicingthe Judeo-Christian
ethic.The deservingpoor also
enable othersto feel fortunatefor being spared the deprivationsthat
come withpoverty.10
8
Most officialinvestigationsof welfare cheating have concluded that less than 5%
of recipientsare on the rolls illegally,while it has been estimatedthat about a third
of the population cheats in filingincome tax returns.
9AIthough this paper deals with the functionsof poverty for other groups,poverty
has often been described as a motivatingor character-building
device for the poor
themselves;and economic conservativeshave argued that by generatingthe incentive
to work, povertyencouragesthe poor to escape poverty.For an argumentthat work
incentiveis more enhanced by income than lack of it, see Gans (1971, p. 96).
10 One psychiatrist(Chernus 1967) has even proposed the fantastichypothesisthat
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PositiveFunctionsof Poverty
Seventh,as a converseof the fifthfunctiondescribedpreviously,the
sexual,
in the uninhibited
peoplevicariousparticipation
poorofferaffluent
alcoholic,and narcoticbehaviorin whichmanypoor people are alleged
and
of affluence
to indulge,and which,being freedfromthe constraints
they are often thoughtto enjoy more than the middle
respectability,
classes. One of the popularbeliefsabout welfarerecipientsis that many
vacation.Althoughit may be truethat the
sex-filled
are on a permanent
behavior,studiesby Rainwater(1970)
poorare moregivento uninhibited
and otherobserversof the lowerclass indicatethat such behavioris as
and that it results
oftenmotivatedby despairas by lack of inhibition,
less in pleasurethanin a compulsiveescape fromgrimreality.However,
whetherthe poor actuallyhave moresex and enjoy it morethan affluent
people is irrelevant;as long as the latterbelieve it to be so, theycan
share it vicariouslyand perhapsenviouslywhen instancesare reported
formats.
journalistic,or sociologicaland anthropological
in fictional,
Eighth,povertyhelps to guaranteethe status of those who are not
society,wheresocial mobilityis an especiallyimporpoor.In a stratified
tant goal and class boundariesare fuzzy,people need to know quite
urgentlywheretheystand. As a result,the poor functionas a reliable
and relativelypermanentmeasuringrod for status comparison,particularlyforthe workingclass, whichmustfindand maintainstatusdistinctions betweenitselfand the poor, much as the aristocracymust find
itselffromthe nouveauriche.
ways of distinguishing
Ninth, the poor also assist in the upward mobilityof the nonpoor,
for, as Goode has pointed out (1967, p. 5), "the privileged . . . try sys-
tematicallyto preventthe talentof the less privilegedfrombeingrecogor being
nized or developed."By beingdeniededucationalopportunities
to
enable
others
thus
poor
the
unteachable,
or
stupid
stereotypedas
moved
have
of
people
number
unknown
Also,
an
obtain the betterjobs.
themselvesor theirchildrenup in the socioeconomichierarchythrough
theincomesearnedfromthe provisionof goodsand servicesin the slums:
by becomingpolicemenand teachers,owning"Mom and Pop" stores,
in the slums.
or workingin the variousracketsthatflourish
grouphave financedtheir
In fact,membersof almosteveryimmigrant
upwardmobilityby providingretail goods and services,housing,entertainment,gambling,narcotics,etc., to later arrivalsin America (or in
the city), most recentlyto blacks, Mexicans,and Puerto Ricans. Other
of bothEuropeanand nativeorigin,have financedtheirentry
Americans,
into the upper middle and upper classes by owningor managingthe
thatservethepoor,as wellas thelegal but not respectillegalinstitutions
able ones,such as slumhousing.
the rich and the poor are engaged in a sadomasochisticrelationship,the latter being
supportedfinanciallyby the formerso that they can gratifytheirsadistic needs.
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Tenth, just as the poor contributeto the economicviabilityof a
numberof businessesand professions(see function3 above), theyalso
add to the social viabilityof noneconomicgroups.For one thing,they
help to keep the aristocracybusy,thusjustifying
its continuedexistence.
housesand charitybene"Society"uses the poor as clientsof settlement
fits; indeed,it musthave the poor to practiceits public-mindedness
so
as to demonstrate
its superiority
over the nouveauxricheswho devote
to conspicuousconsumption.
themselves
The poor play a similarfunction
for philanthropic
enterprisesat other levels of the socioeconomichierarchy,includingthemass of middle-classcivicorganizations
and women's
in almosteveryAmerican
clubsengagedin volunteerworkand fundraising
community.Doing good among the poor has traditionallyhelped the
in action; in
churchto finda methodof expressingreligioussentiments
recentyears,militantchurchactivityamongand forthepoorhas enabled
the churchto hold on to its moreliberaland radicalmemberswho might
otherwisehave droppedout of organizedreligionaltogether.
Eleventh, the poor performseveral cultural functions.They have
played an unsungrole in the creationof "civilization,"havingsupplied
theconstruction
labor formanyof themonuments
whichare oftenidentifiedas the noblestexpressionsand examplesof civilization,forexample,
the Egyptianpyramids,Greek temples,and medievalchurches."lMoreover, theyhave helped to create a goodlyshare of the surpluscapital
thatfundstheartistsand intellectuals
who make culture,and particularly
"high" culture,possiblein the firstplace.
Twelfth,the "low" culturecreatedforor by the poor is oftenadopted
The richcollectartifactsfromextinctfolkcultures
by the moreaffluent.
(althoughnot only frompoor ones), and almostall Americanslistento
the jazz, blues,spirituals,and countrymusicwhichoriginatedamongthe
Southernpoor-as well as rock,whichwas derivedfromsimilarsources.
The protestof thepoorsometimesbecomesliterature;in 1970, forexample, poetrywrittenby ghettochildrenbecame popular in sophisticated
literarycircles.The pooralso serveas cultureheroesand literarysubjects,
of course,for the Left,but the hobo, cowboy,hipster,and
particularly,
themythicalprostitute
thisfunction
witha heartof gold have performed
fora varietyof groups.
Finally,the poor carryout a numberof importantpoliticalfunctions:
Thirteenth,
thepoorserveas symbolicconstituencies
and opponentsfor
Left
several political groups. For example,parts of the revolutionary
could not existwithoutthe poor,particularly
that
the
class
now
working
can no longerbe perceivedas the vanguardof the revolution.
Conversely,
11 Althoughthis is not a contemporaryfunctionof povertyin America,it should be
noted that today these monumentsserve to attract and gratifyAmerican tourists.
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PositiveFunctionsof Poverty
political groupsof conservativebent need the "welfarechiselers"and
otherswho"live offthetaxpayer'shard-earned
money"in orderto justify
theirdemandsforreductionsin welfarepaymentsand tax relief.Moreover,the role of the poor in upholdingdominantnorms(see function5
above) also has a significant
An economybased on the
politicalfunction.
ideologyof laissez fairerequiresa deprivedpopulationwhichis allegedly
unwillingto work; not only does the alleged moral inferiority
of the
poor reducethe moralpressureon the presentpoliticaleconomyto eliminate poverty,but redistributive
alternativescan be made to look quite
if thosewho will benefitfromthemmost can be described
unattractive
as lazy, spendthrift,
dishonest,and promiscuous.
Thus, conservatives
and
classical liberalswould findit difficult
to justifymanyof theirpolitical
beliefswithoutthe poor; but thenso wouldmodernliberalsand socialists
who seek to eliminatepoverty.
Fourteenth,
the poor,beingpowerless,can be made to absorbthe economic and political costs of change and growthin Americansociety.
During the 19thcentury,theydid the backbreakingworkthat built the
cities; today,theyare pushedout of theirneighborhoods
to make room
for "progress."Urban renewalprojects to hold middle-classtaxpayers
and storesin the city and expresswaysto enable suburbanitesto commutedowntownhave typicallybeen locatedin poor neighborhoods,
since
no othergroupwillallowitselfto be displaced.For muchthesame reason,
urbanuniversities,
hospitals,and civic centersalso expandinto land occupiedby thepoor.The majorcostsof the industrialization
of agriculture
in Americahave been borneby the poor, who are pushedoffthe land
withoutrecompense,
just as in earliercenturiesin Europe,theybore the
bruntof the transformation
of agrariansocietiesinto industrialones.
The poor have also paid a large share of the humancost of the growth
of Americanpower overseas,for theyhave providedmany of the foot
soldiersforVietnamand otherwars.
Fifteenth,the poor have played an importantrole in shaping the
Americanpoliticalprocess; because theyvote and participateless than
othergroups,the politicalsystemhas oftenbeen freeto ignorethem.This
has not only made Americanpoliticsmorecentristthan would otherwise
be the case, but it has also added to the stabilityof the politicalprocess.
If the 15% of the populationbelow the federal"povertyline" participated fullyin the politicalprocess,theywould almostcertainlydemand
betterjobs and higherincomes,whichwould requireincomeredistributionand would thus generatefurther
politicalconflictbetweenthe haves
and the have-nots.Moreover,when the poor do participate,theyoften
providethe Democratswitha captive constituency,
for theycan rarely
supportRepublicans,lack partiesof theirown, and thus have no other
place to go politically.This, in turn,has enabledthe Democratsto count
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on the votes of the poor, allowingthe party to be more responsiveto
voterswho mightotherwiseswitchto the Republicans,in recentyears,
forexample,the whiteworkingclass.
IV
I have describedfifteen
of the moreimportantfunctionswhichthe poor
carryout in Americansociety,enoughto supportthe functionalist
thesis
that povertysurvivesin part because it is usefulto a numberof groups
in society.This analysis is not intendedto suggestthat because it is
functional,povertyshould persist,or that it must persist.Whetherit
shouldpersistis a normativequestion; whetherit must,an analyticand
empiricalone, but the answerto both dependsin part on whetherthe
dysfunctions
of povertyoutweighthe functions.Obviously,povertyhas
manydysfunctions,
but also forthe more
mainlyforthe poor themselves
affluent.
For example,theirsocial orderis upset by the pathology,crime,
politicalprotest,and disruption
emanatingfromthe poor,and the income
of the affluent
is affected
by the taxes thatmustbe leviedto protecttheir
socialorder.Whetherthedysfunctions
outweighthefunctions
is a question
that clearlydeservesstudy.
It is, however,possibleto suggestalternatives
formanyof thefunctions
of thepoor.Thus,society'sdirtywork(function1) couldbe donewithout
poverty,some by automatingit, the restby payingthe workerswho do
it decentwages,whichwould help considerablyto cleanse that kind of
work.Nor is it necessaryfor the poor to subsidizethe activitiesthey
supportthroughtheirlow-wagejobs (function2), for,like dirtywork,
manyof theseactivitiesare essentialenoughto persistevenif wageswere
raised. In both instances,however,costs would be drivenup, resulting
in higherpricesto thecustomersand clientsof dirtyworkand subsidized
activity,withobviousdysfunctional
consequencesformoreaffluent
people.
Alternativeroles for the professionalswho flourishbecause of the
poor (function3) are easy to suggest.Social workerscould counselthe
affluent,
as mostpreferto do anyway,and the police could devotethemto
selves traffic
and organizedcrime.Fewerpenologistswouldbe employable,however,and pentecostalreligionwouldprobablynotsurvivewithout
thepoor.Nor wouldpartsof thesecond-and third-hand
market(function
4), althougheven affluent
people sometimesbuy used goods. Otherroles
would have to be foundfor badly trainedor incompetent
professionals
now relegatedto servingthe poor,and someoneelse would have to pay
theirsalaries.
forthedeviance-connected
Alternatives
social functions(functions5-7)
can be foundmoreeasily and cheaplythan for the economicfunctions.
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PositiveFunctionsof Poverty
Othergroupsare alreadyavailable to serveas deviantsto uphold tradihippies,and most recently,
tional morality,for example,entertainers,
adolescentsin general.These same groupsare also available as alleged
in sexual fantasies.The
or real orgiaststo providevicariousparticipation
blindand disabledfunctionas objects of pity and charity,and the poor
may therefore
not even be neededforfunctions5-7.
of the poor (functions8 and 9) are
The statusand mobilityfunctions
far moredifficult
to substitute,however.In a hierarchicalsociety,some
to everyoneelse withrespectto a variety
peoplemustbe definedas inferior
of attributes,
and the poor performthis functionmore adequatelythan
it withoutbeingas poverty-stricken
others.They could,however,perform
as theyare, and one can conceiveof a stratification
systemin whichthe
peoplebelowthe federal"povertyline" wouldreceive75% of the median
incomeratherthan 40% or less, as is now the case-even thoughthey
wouldstillbe last in the peckingorder.'2Needless to say, such a reduction of economicinequalitywould also require income redistribution.
people,
amongmoreaffluent
Giventheoppositionto incomeredistribution
however,it seems unlikelythat the status functionsof povertycan be
replaced,and they-togetherwith the economicfunctionsof the poor,
whichare equally expensiveto replace-may turnout to be the major
obstaclesto the eliminationof poverty.
The role of the poor in the upwardmobilityof othergroupscould be
maintained
withouttheirbeingso lowin income.However,if theirincomes
wereraisedabove subsistencelevels,theywouldbeginto generatecapital
so thattheirownentrepreneurs
couldsupplythemwithgoodsand services,
thus competingwith and perhapsrejecting"outside" suppliers.Indeed,
this is already happeningin a numberof ghettoes,where blacks are
replacingwhitestoreowners.
theywouldmake less willing
Similarly,if the poor weremoreaffluent,
clients for upper- and middle-classphilanthropicand religiousgroups
(function10), althoughas long as theyare economicallyand otherwise
unequal, this functionneed not disappear altogether.Moreover,some
institutions
wouldstill use the settlement
housesand otherphilanthropic
to pursueindividualupwardmobility,as theydo now.
The culturalfunctions(11 and 12) may not need to be replaced.In
America,the labor unions have rarelyallowed the poor to help build
culturalmonuments
surpluscapital from
anyway,and thereis sufficient
othersourcesto subsidizethe unprofitable
componentsof high culture.
In 1971, the median familyincome in the United States was about $10,000, and
the federalpovertyline for a familyof four was set at just about $4,000. Of course,
most of the poor were earning less than 40% of the median, and about a third of
them,less than 20% of the median.
12
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AmericanJournalof Sociology
Similarly,other deviant groups are available to innovatein popular
cultureand supply new cultureheroes,for example,the hippies and
membersof othercounter-cultures.
Some of the political functionsof the poor would, however,be as
Althoughthe
difficult
to replaceas theireconomicand status functions.
and
poor could probablycontinueto serve as symbolicconstituencies
opponents(function13) if theirincomeswereraisedwhiletheyremained
unequal in otherrespects,increasesin incomeare generallyaccompanied
once they were no longer
by increasesin poweras well. Consequently,
so poor,people would be likelyto resistpayingthe costs of growthand
to findalternativegroupswho
change (function14); and it is difficult
can be displaced for urban renewal and technological"progress."Of
and highwayprojectswhich
course,it is possibleto designcity-rebuilding
properlyreimbursethe displaced people, but such projectswould then
becomeconsiderably
moreexpensive,thusraisingthe priceforthosenow
manymight
Alternatively,
benefiting
fromurbanrenewaland expressways.
neverbe built,thusreducingthe comfortand convenienceof thosebeneficiaries.Similarly,if the poor were subjectedto less economicpressure,
theywouldprobablybe less willingto servein the army,exceptat considerablyhigherpay, in whichcase war would become yet more costly
more servicemenwould
and thus less popular politically.Alternatively,
have to be recruitedfromthe middleand upperclasses,but in that case
warwouldalso becomeless popular.
The politicalstabilizingand "centering"roleof the poor (function15)
probablycannotbe substitutedforat all, since no othergroupis willing
to be disenfranchised
or likelyenoughto remainapatheticso as to reduce
the fragilityof the politicalsystem.Moreover,if the poor were given
higherincomes,theywouldprobablybecomemoreactivepolitically,thus
addingtheirdemandsformoreto thoseof othergroupsalreadyputting
pressureon the politicalallocatorsof resources.The poor mightcontinue
to remainloyal to the Democraticparty,but like othermoderate-income
voters,theycouldalso be attractedto the Republicansor to thirdparties.
Whileimproving
theeconomicstatusof thepresently
poorwouldnotnecessarilydrivethe politicalsystemfar to the left,it wouldenlargethe constituenciesnow demandinghigherwages and morepublic funds.It is of
coursepossibleto add new powerlessgroupswho do not vote or otherwise
participateto the politicalmix and can thus serve as "ballast" in the
polity,forexample,by encouragingthe importof new poor immigrants
fromEurope and elsewhere,except that the labor unionsare probably
strongenoughto veto such a policy.
In sum,then,severalof themostimportant
functions
of thepoorcannot
be replacedwithalternatives,
while some could be replaced,but almost
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PositiveFunctionsof Poverty
moreaffluent
ones.
alwaysonlyat highercoststo otherpeople,particularly
a functionalanalysismust concludethat povertypersists
Consequently,
many
not onlybecauseit satisfiesa numberof functionsbut also b1ecause
for
to povertywould be quite dysfunctional
alternatives
of thefunctional
membersof society.13
the moreaffluent
v
I noted earlier that functionalanalysis had itselfbecome a maligned
and that a secondarypurposeof this paper was to demonphenomenon
strateits continuedusefulness.One reason for its presentlylow status
particularly
latentfuncis political; insofaras an analysisof functions,
tions,seems to justifywhat oughtto be condemned,it appears to lend
itself to the supportof conservativeideologicalpositions,althoughit
wiswhenit subvertsthe conventional
can also have radicalimplications
dom. Still,as Mertonhas pointedout (1949, p. 43; 1961, pp. 736-37),
functionalanalysisper se is ideologicallyneutral,and "like otherforms
of sociologicalanalysis,it can be infusedwith any of a wide range of
sociologicalvalues" (1949, p. 40). This infusiondepends,of course,on
the purposes-and even the functions-ofthe functionalanalysis,foras
Wirth (1936, p. xvii) suggestedlong ago, "every assertionof a 'fact'
about the social worldtouchesthe interestsof someindividualor group,"
analysesare conceivedand conductedin a neutral
and even if functional
in an ideologicalvacuum.
manner,theyare rarelyinterpreted
In one sense,my analysisis, however,neutral; if one makesno judgmentas to whetherpovertyoughtto be eliminated-andif one can subsequentlyavoid beingaccused of acquiescingin poverty-thenthe analysis
suggestsonly that povertyexistsbecause it is usefulto manygroupsin
society.14If one favorsthe eliminationof poverty,however,then the
dependingin part
analysiscan have a varietyof politicalimplications,
on how completelyit is carriedout.
of social phenomena
If functional
the functions
analysisonlyidentifies
it
then
their
withoutmentioning
may, intentionallyor
dysfunctions,
values. Thus,
or
of
conservative
supportholders
otherwise,agree with
for
rich
mightbe intermanyfunctions the
to say thatthe poor perform
pretedor used to justifypoverty,just as Davis and Moore's argument
13 Or as Stein (1971, p. 171) puts it: "If the non-poormake the rules . . . antipoverty
effortswill only be made up to the point wherethe needs of the non-poorare satisfied,
rather than the needs of the poor."
14 Of course, even in this case the analysis need not be purely neutral,but can be
put to importantpolicy uses, for example, by indicatingmore effectively
than moral
attacks on povertythe exact nature of the obstaclesthat must be overcomeif poverty
is to be eliminated.See also Merton (1961, pp. 709-12).
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AmericanJournalof Sociology
(1945) that social stratification
is functionalbecause it providessociety
could be taken to justifyinequality.
withhighlytrainedprofessionals
Actually,the Davis and Moore analysis was conservativebecause it
was incomplete;it did not identifythe dysfunctions
of inequalityand
failedto suggestfunctionalalternatives,
as Tumin (1953) and Schwartz
(1955) have pointedout.15 Once a functionalanalysis is made more
completeby the additionof functionalalternatives,
however,it can take
on a liberal and reformcast, because the alternativesoften provide
ameliorativepolicies that do not require any drastic change in the
existingsocial order.
Even so, to make functionalanalysis completerequiresyet another
step, an examinationof the functionalalternativesthemselves.My
analysis suggeststhat the alternativesfor povertyare themselvesdysfunctionalforthe affluent
population,and it ultimatelycomes to a conclusionwhichis not verydifferent
fromthat of radical sociologists.To
wit: that social phenomenawhichare functionalfor affluent
groupsand
dysfunctional
for poor ones persist; that when the eliminationof such
phenomenathroughfunctionalalternativesgeneratesdysfunctions
for
theaffluent,
theywillcontinueto persist;and thatphenomenalikepoverty
can be eliminatedonlywhentheyeitherbecomesuficientlydysfunctional
forthe affluent
or whenthe poor can obtainenoughpowerto changethe
systemof social stratification.16
REFERENCES
Chernus,J. 1967. "Cities: A Study in Sadomasochism."Medical Opinion and Review
(May), pp. 104-9.
Davis, K., and W. E. Moore. 1945. "Some Principles of Stratification."American
Sociological Review 10 (April): 242-49.
Erikson, K. T. 1964. "Notes on the Sociology of Deviance." In The Other Side,
edited by Howard S. Becker. New York: Free Press.
15 Functional analysis can, of course, be conservativein value or have conservative
implicationsfor a numberof otherreasons,principallyin its overt or covert comparison of the advantagesof functionsand disadvantagesof dysfunctions,
or in its attitudes
toward the groups that are benefitingand paying the costs. Thus, a conservatively
inclined policy researchercould conclude that the dysfunctionsof poverty far outnumberthe functions,but still decide that the needs of the poor are simply not as
importantor worthyas those of other groups,or of the countryas a whole.
16On the possibilityof radical functionalanalysis,see Merton (1949, pp. 40-43) and
Gouldner (1970, p. 443). One difference
betweenmy analysisand the prevailingradical
view is that most of the functionsI have describedare latent,whereas many radicals
treat them as manifest: recognizedand intended by an unjust economic system to
oppress the poor. Practicallyspeaking,however,this differencemay be unimportant,
for if unintendedand unrecognizedfunctionswere recognized,many affluentpeople
mightthen decide that they ought to be intendedas well, so as to forestalla more
expensiveantipovertyeffortthat mightbe dysfunctionalfor the affluent.
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