The Politics of the Latin Alphabet
in Kazakhstan
Leila Tanayeva1
Abstract:
This article discusses the proposed switch to the Latin alphabet in Kazakhstan. It analyses
how the issue of changing the script becomes politicized in a multiethnic post-Soviet state with
a large Russian-speaking population, including the ethnic Kazakhs. It examines the way
geopolitical considerations influence language issues and in particular, relations with Russia.
Keywords:
Latin alphabet, Kazakhstan, Central Asia, language policy
“I think we should return to the question of moving the Kazakh alphabet to the Latin
script”, said the president of Kazakhstan, addressing the Assembly of Peoples of Kazakhstan
in late October 2006. The switch from Cyrillic to the Latin alphabet presents an interesting
case study of political processes, ethnic relations and perceptions of identity in this Central
Asian country, rich with oil resources and home to over 100 ethnicities.
Alphabet change has long been a political issue in Central Asia, and has undergone
several changes in the 20th century. Kazakh was first written with the Arabic script during the
19th century, and in 1927 the Latin alphabet was introduced by the Soviets, which was aimed
at decreasing the influence of Islamic states. It was done with the participation of the Central
Asian literary elite.
In 1924 the Latin Letter Association for Turks was established in Moscow, and in
February 1926 the congress of Turkic scientists opened in Baku to discuss the issue of the
switch to the Latin alphabet. The Tatar delegation, together with some Kazakhs, suggested an
adaptation of the Arab alphabet but they were eventually outvoted [SHARIFOV 2007].2 For
most Turkic people in Central Asia – and Turkey – the alphabet change was viewed as a way
to enter the modern world, and break away from old backward policies [LANDAU 2001]
Lenin called the change to the Latin scripts "the Great Eastern Revolution", which was in
line with his “internationalism” policy3. Later, however, Stalin became increasingly wary of
possible Turkic influence and pan-Turkism and the alphabet was switched to Cyrillic in the
late 1930’s. Thus, the Cyrillic script became the symbol of the commitment to the Soviet
[LANDAU 2001: 125]: standard, modern, literate, and Russified.
Until the 1970’s, ethnic Russians were in the majority due to the migration policies of the
Soviet government. Thus, in 1926, at the time of the first Soviet census, the number of
Russians in Kazakhstan was 20%, in 1939 – 40% (following mass deaths of Kazakhs during
“collectivization”), in 1959 – 42.7%, in 1970 – 42.4%. Only in the 1970’s and 1980’s did
ethnic Kazakhs start outnumbering ethnic Russians (from 30% in 1959 to 36% in 1979)
[OLCOTT 2003: 203]. The 1989 Soviet census showed that Russians formed 37.6% of the
Kazakhstan population compared to, for instance, 21.4% in Kyrgyzstan [LANDAU 2001: 37].
In the 1990’s, all the republics of Central Asia passed their own language laws,
strengthening the status of their national languages and posing language requirements for
1
Contact: Leila Tanayeva, Department of Political Science, Institute of Political Studies, Faculty of
Social
Sciences, Charles University, Prague, e-mail: [email protected]
2
Sharifov, Omar. „The Uzbek language exists in two graphic forms simultaneously and neither
seems
capable
of
ousting
the
other“.
Ferghana.ru.
28
April
2007.
<http://enews.ferghana.ru/article.php?id=1954>, last accessed May 2, 2007.
3
Some Russian activists proposed switching to the Latin for Russia too; one of them was the
People’s Commissar of Education, Lunacharsky.
80 | Leila Tanayeva
certain government jobs. Two countries in Central Asia, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, as well
as Azerbaijan in the Caucasus decided to adopt the Latin script. For states that for the first
time were given an opportunity to maintain their own national policies, the switch of alphabet
was considered by the elites as de-colonization and de-Russification.
The 1989 language law in Kazakhstan strengthened the position of Kazakh; making it a
state language, and lowering the status of Russian to the language of interethnic
communication. Later Russian was promoted to an “official” language, and it is still widely
used in all spheres of public life. The change of the status of Russian brought about resentment
from the Russian-speaking population, mainly ethnic Russians, who suddenly discovered
themselves in a minority position in a “nationalizing state” [BRUBAKER 1996].4
In the 1980’s and the 1990’s, the Mikhail Gorbachev’s “perestroika” and “glastnost” saw
the revival of Kazakh nationalist movements. Such organizations as Alash, Azat and
Zheltoksan spoke about the lost Kazakh heritage, nation, who had forgotten their roots,
culture, and language. President Nazarbayev had to balance these different conflicting interests
when he defined the language policy.
Some authors in the 1990’s were surprised to see Kazakhstan pursuing a different, more
tolerant, ethnic policy towards Russians than in the Baltic States, though both have reasons to
“feel victimized” [KOLSTOE 1995, 246]. It is easy to see why: Kazakhs did not have
sufficient knowledge of their language at the time of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the
Kazakh elite were usually Communist party officials, such as the President himself, who
learned Kazakh while in office. The collapse of the Soviet Union was not achieved through the
struggle for independence in Kazakhstan; it was rather accepted as fact. Thus, the USIA
Opinion Research Poll conducted in 1993 showed that 61% of the population in Kazakhstan
thought the collapse of the Soviet Union was a tragedy [OLCOTT 2003, 61].5
The collapse of the Soviet Union though, shook national ideas and let some people believe
it was time for a change, a reversal of Russification policies. The first time the idea of
switching to the Latin alphabet was voiced in the 1990s, when the collapse of the Soviet
Union brought several Turkic countries together to discuss possible cooperation. The Turkish
president organized the summit of the Turkic-speaking countries in 1991, where a common
Turkic alphabet was discussed. There was a general sense of brotherhood, and it was on this
wave that Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan decided to switch to the Latin script.
Turkey also had business and geopolitical interests in the region, and was readily using
cultural links with its Turkic younger “brothers” [OLCOTT 2005, 73]. Turkey also invested in
the education of Central Asian students in Turkish universities.
With time, however, this hype has subdued in Kazakhstan, as Turkey did not have enough
resources to sustain this interest, and Kazakhstan stayed in close economic and cultural ties
with Russia. Russian literature and culture is preferred in Kazakhstan to Turkish, Russian
television is being watched in almost every house, and most people still have better
proficiency in the Russian language than in Kazakh (and thus, Turkish).
15 years after independence, Kazakhstan strengthened its economy largely due to
increases in oil prices and became a more confident independent player in the post-Soviet
central Asia. National sentiments were enhanced, and many ethnic Kazakhs feel that
Kazakhstan is a homeland for ethnic Kazakhs, where the Kazakh language and culture should
develop to an extent that it could, if not dominate, then to at least be on equal terms with
Russian. The ethnic composition has also changed a lot: according to different estimates, about
1.5 million people (ethnic Russians and other Russian-speaking people, notably of German
and Jewish ethnic origin) have left the country.
Kazakh political scientist Nurbolat Masanov says that not only the change in inter-ethnic
relations, but broader reasons like the economic crisis following the break up of the USSR,
unemployment, closure of factories, hardships of adaptation to market forces and the resulting
stress have all resulted in migration. According to the 2005 survey, of those respondents who
4
5
Rogers Brubaker (1996) has argued that virtually all post Soviet states are nationalizing states,
institutionally-geared to function as the states of and for the particular ethno-cultural nations,
based on claims of an exclusive ownership of their land, but incomplete and insufficiently
“national” in a substantive sense
Supra note 6, p. 61.
The Politics of the Latin Alphabet in Kazakhstan | 81
were planning to leave Kazakhstan (44%) listed economic reasons and (23.1%) the language
issue [LANGUAGE POLICY 2005].6
The switch to the Latin script cannot be considered separately from the whole language
policy issue. After the program was launched, the outcome was not encouraging: the planned
transfer to Kazakh in book-keeping did not happen, and there is no unified approach to deal
with the situation. Policy-making is limited to decrees and appeals by the government to learn
the language; however, the proper resources – classes, textbooks – are not provided.
The President said in his April interview to a national television channel that only 64.4%
of the total population is fluent in Kazakh: 54.5% of urban people and 77% of rural people.
The best language proficiency in Kazakh is demonstrated by the Uighurs (80.5% of the total
number of the ethnicity), 89% of all Uzbeks, 63.6% Tatars, 63.4% Azeris – the Turkic
language speakers. As for Slavic speakers, only 28.8% of Koreans, 15.4% Germans, 14.9%
Russians, 12.6% Ukrainians and 9.9% Byelorussians speak Kazakh.
The figures vary according to region: thus, in the Southern regions where Kazakhs are in a
majority; there is 97.2% proficient in Kazak in the Kzylorda region and 88.6% in the SouthKazakhstan region, while in Northern Kazakhstan only 36.4% of the population are able to
speak Kazakh.7
Switching to the Latin alphabet is advocated mostly by the Kazakh-speaking educated
elite, who think that it is better suited for the Kazakh language’s 42 letters than Cyrillic.
Moreover, the proponents state that it would make it easier to integrate into the world of
information technology and computers. For many Russians, though, the issue seems like
another attack on their rights in Kazakhstan, especially as they have witnessed the poor
language planning of past years.
Aidos Sarimov, political scientist and an observer for “Zhas Alash” Kazakh-language
newspaper, is sure that reform is needed. He says however, several conditions should be met:
first, the state language should be fully introduced into social life, when more than 85-90% of
Kazakhs would speak Kazakh and not less than 65-70% of other ethnicities. Currently, the
language does not reflect developments in modern life and is lacking many terms – something
that should be remedied. In addition, the Kazakh-speaking population is mostly rural, so the
rural population should be urbanized. Sarimov is not alone: even people who support reform,
are cautious regarding its speed.8
For some people, reform sounds like an unnecessary waste of money, as one ethnic
Russian journalist from Southern Kazakhstan told the author. There is no immediate need for
changing to the Latin alphabet. Who will benefit from it? People who used to read and write in
Kazakh using the Latin alphabet are not alive anymore, she said.
60 thousand dollars were allocated by the government to establish a special commission,
review the experience of other Central Asian countries and come up with recommendations.
The deadline for the recommendations was March 15, 20079. As of today, May 2, 2007, no
recommendations had been given.
As the Cyrillic alphabets were introduced into Central Asia by the Bolsheviks, and three
of the Turkic speaking countries adopted Latin, while all upgraded the legal status of their
national languages, many see the switch to Latin as a breakaway from Russian influence.
Tatars, for instance, who have their autonomous republic in Russia, were banned from
introducing Latin alphabet by a Russian Court.
Russian media commonly takes up language issues in Kazakhstan, since the lack of
information makes the Russian authorities, who still think of Kazakhstan as its sphere of
influence, quite nervous. For instance, one report stated: “Ideologically, the switch could be
interpreted as a move away from the Russian sphere of influence; it is a move likely to appeal
to ethnic Kazakhs as the country seeks to reposition itself in the post-Soviet space”
[BARTLETT 2006]. The worries intensified as Kazakhstan joined the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan
6
7
8
9
“Language policy in Kazakhstan”. August-September 2005. The survey was conducted in all
regions of Kazakhstan, with a selected 1200 respondents.
The notes from the President’s speech for the TV channels, published by Aidos Sarimov, a
journalist of Zhas-Alash Kazakh-language newspaper, in his personal blog:
http://sarimov.livejournal.com/7255.html
Personal interview, April 18, 2007.
Kazakhstan Switching to Latin Alphabet. Oct. 30, 2006. Interfax.
http://www.interfax.ru/e/B/politics/28.html?id_issue=11612625. Visited 2 May, 2007.
82 | Leila Tanayeva
pipeline, which allows oil to be shipped to Western countries - bypassing Russia. Igor
Tomberg of the Energy Research Center at the Institute of World Economy and International
Relations wrote an article called “Russia is no longer Kazakhstan’s Only Friend”, where he
noted a chill in the relations between the two [TOMBERG 2007].10 The start of the
discussions on the switch to the Latin script has already caused such a reaction from the
Russian media.
Some experts say that this move will definitely strain relations with Russia. As Aidos
Sarimov, the political observer thinks, the Kremlin would have a hard time coping with the
idea that its former colony takes such a step, symbolizing another level of relations. In the
current political situation, there will probably be forces within Russia who will want to play
the “protection of their minorities”, and “the rights of the Russian-speaking population” cards.
Besides, the switch to the Latin script in Kazakhstan can inspire other Turkic people of Russia
to follow suit. The issue is guaranteed to be politicized, whether it is political or not.
As for the Turkic countries, the move does not promise to stir any valuable reaction: the
“Turkic brotherhood” of the 1990s has been left behind, and both Turkey and Kazakhstan have
other geopolitical interests.
Internally, the issue is not so clear cut. The language issue tends to divide people into
camps: some ethnic Kazakhs believe that the language programs are not strict enough. These
people believe that Kazakh linguistic and cultural domination is the redress of a historical
wrong. This being a radical position, most Kazakhs, especially Russian-speaking city
dwellers, do not mind having Kazakhstan as a multi-ethnic state, given that Russians learn
Kazakh and adjust to their customs.11
However, as Sarimov states, it would certainly discomfort Slavic people in Kazakhstan.
Besides, there are other issues to be considered: what about the other minority languages used
in Kazakhstan such as Uighurs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks? The Uighurs use the Arabic script in
Xingjian, should they also switch? These questions are not even discussed, and the main issue
is still the Russian language, which is spoken less now than 15 years ago.
Another issue is the ethnic Kazakhs living in other countries, a total of 4.1 million: 1.5
million in Uzbekistan, 740 thousand in Russia, 70 thousand in Turkmenistan, 1.5 million in
China, 80 thousand in Mongolia, 30 thousand in Afghanistan, and 25 thousand in Turkey12.
There would be a great confusion among the different alphabets used in these countries.
Throughout his term, the President of Kazakhstan did not endorse the nation state, at least
in his rhetoric. He was trying to appeal to a Kazakhstani identity, which would include all the
ethnicities that live in Kazakhstan, rather than only Kazakh, and present the country as a
bridge between Asia and Europe. From the 1990s, the president was quite moderate in
language and nationality issues, also wary of discussions of nationalities that might stir interethnic conflict.
Over the years, however, the rhetoric started changing and it now caters more to Kazakh
and Muslim people: thus, the president refers to Allah more often and proposes introducing
“halal” industry in Kazakhstan. The focus from Russia, which is still a major trade and
business partner, started shifting to Europe feeling Europe’s need for alternative sources of
energy. For instance, Kazakhstan bids to chair the OSCE in 2009, and there is anecdotal
evidence that Rakhat Aliyev, the president of the football federation and the president’s sonin-law has transferred the national football team from the Asian to the European league.
The proposal to switch to the Latin script was pertinent 15 years ago, when Turkey was
there to help, and when Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan decided to adopt the Latin alphabet. The
President started to discuss the issue again: it can be seen either as an attempt to distract the
people’s attention from other issues (as it is bound to be discussed extensively in the media
and on Internet forums), or as an attempt to pressure Russian political circles, which is
unlikely. Probably, however, it was both – language planning is not a well-managed enterprise
in Kazakhstan.
Compared to other countries in Central Asia, Kazakhstan has managed the transition quite
well: it did not have a civil war like in Tajikistan, neither a revolution like in Kyrgyzstan. It is
more liberal economically and politically than Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. That is why the
10
11
12
Igor Tomberg. Moscow is no Longer Kazakhstan’s Only Friend.
http://en.rian.ru/analysis/20070323/62525141.html. Visited 2 May, 2007.
Supra note 6, p.28
Id., p. 205
RIA
Novosti.
The Politics of the Latin Alphabet in Kazakhstan | 83
President urges not to hurry with the adoption of the new alphabet. Stability and tolerance
were his long time catch words, but two recent events have somewhat shaken these beliefs: the
conflict between Turkish and Kazakh workers on the Tengiz oil field and a bloody incident
between the Chechens and the Kazakhs in Malovodnoe, the Almaty suburb. Although in both
cases it was about economic inequalities, both turned into ethnic violence later. The general
prosecutor warned the media against reporting on the Malovodnoe events, for fear of inciting
further inter-ethnic hatred. As Olcott puts it, the regime in Kazakhstan prefers to guess the will
of the people rather than give them the possibility to decide.
Many authors note the awkward way language reform was being implemented in
Kazakhstan. The government issues decrees and laws (like the 1990 Program on Developing
Kazakh and other National Languages, or the 1992 Law on Education) however, it is the
practical implementation and support to those who need to learn Kazakh that is lacking. The
President said once that learning Kazakh is the duty of every citizen in the country. Kazakhspeaking people with nationalist moods like citing it, but just accepting a duty is not enough to
become fluent in language.
For many Kazakhs, it is very strange to see a non-Kazakh who speaks the language. Kirill
Alekseev, writing for the Kazakh trilingual newspaper Gazeta.kz, summarized the problems in
education that contribute to the low status of Kazakh [ALEKSEEV 2007].13 Like many
Kazakhs, Kirill is mixed, with a combination of Kazakh, Jewish, Russian, Ukrainian and Tatar
ethnicities. To learn the language in his home Pavlodar (Northern Kazakhstan), Kirill hired a
private tutor for about 45 Euro per month, one-fifth of his salary. Two years later he could
express himself freely in Kazakh, but whenever he tried to practice his Kazakh with ethnic
Kazakhs, they looked at him with suspicion and would answer in Russian…
The lack of Kazakh-language qualified teachers lowers the general quality of education:
for instance, one person may teach sports, geography, history and art14. The government
decided to start with the children, announcing the opening of Kazakh language kindergartens:
however, as the Minister of Education Aitimova said recently, only 37.8% of children learn
Kazakh in the kindergartens at the moment. The 2005 survey showed that only 44.5% people
freely read, write and speak in Kazakh. 17.5% of respondents do not know Kazakh, but
understand separate words, and 13.9% do not understand it at all.15
Kazakhstan has long praised itself as an island of stability and tolerance in the region. The
variety of minorities in Kazakhstan, most of whom moved to Kazakhstan during Soviet era,
either through persecution or state programs on “Virgin lands”, are given some cultural rights.
Language education, theatres, music are all possible in Kazakhstan. However, their political
representation or participation in public life is limited to the Assembly of Peoples, the
representative council for minorities in Kazakhstan. It brings together the leaders of ethniccultural organizations, who discuss minority issues, and mostly end up praising the President
for maintaining ethnic stability.
These conditions of ethnic tolerance are easy to disrupt by small criminal conflicts16 and
with the lack of a policy designed to promote Kazakh, the switch to the Latin alphabet is seen
as either an unnecessary spending of money, or as a part of further “nationalizing” policy. It is
not even clear whether the switch to Latin script will happen or not.
The switch to the Latin alphabet would thus be a hard issue, which would have to balance
the interests of different communities within Kazakhstan and relations with Russia.
Literature
ALEKSEEV, K. (May 2, 2007). Kazakhski Yazyk – Pasynok v Zakone (Kazakh Language – a
Legitimate Son-in-Law). http://www.gazeta.kz/art.asp?aid=90583.
13
14
15
16
Alekseev, Kirill. 2 May 2007. Kazahski Yazyk – Pasynok v Zakone (Kazakh Language – a
Legitimate Son-in-Law). http://www.gazeta.kz/art.asp?aid=90583. Visited 2 May, 2007.
Personal experience in a Kazakh-language school.
Supra note 12.
The conflict in Malovodnoe started as a fight between the Chechens and the Kazakhs over
billiards and it ended with mass protests and deaths of several people.
84 | Leila Tanayeva
BARLETT, P. President Ponders Alphabet Change in Kazakhstan. (November 17, 2006).
Eurasia Insight. http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/eav111706b.shtml.
LANDAU, J. M; KELLNER-HEINKELE, B. (2001). Politics of Language in ex-Soviet
Muslim States: Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan. C.
Hurst & Co. Publishers.
Kazakhstan Switching to Latin Alphabet. (October 30, 2006). Interfax.
http://www.interfax.ru/e/B/politics/28.html?id_issue=11612625.
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OLCOTT, M. B. (2005). Central Asia’s Second Chance. Carnegie Endowment for
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OLCOTT, M. B. (2003). Kazakhstan: Unfulfilled Promise. Carnegie Endowment. The
Brookings Institution Press.
SHARIFOV, O. (April 28, 2007). The Uzbek language exists in two graphic forms
simultaneously and neither seems capable of ousting the other.
http://enews.ferghana.ru/article.php?id=1954
TOMBERG, I. (March 23, 2007). Moscow is no Longer Kazakhstan’s Only Friend. RIA
Novosti. http://en.rian.ru/analysis/20070323/62525141.html.