CHAPTER
II
THE POLITICAL SYSTEM :
ITS
IMPACT ON JAPAN'S WARTIME
POLICIES
After
the Japanese armed attack on Manchuria in 1931, the
Japanese
political system
military.
The nascent
came to
be dominated
by
the
emergence of party politics during
the
short-lived era of Taisho democracy was wound up with
the
dissolution of
place
to
political parties
in 1940.
In their
Imperial Rule Assistant Association was established
mobilize the entire nation on a one point programme of
military action abroad.
What
military
power in
abroad?
had
were the
Was it
causes behind
Japan
its
sudden
belligerent
rise
of
policies
only a phenomenon of early thirties or it
its roots deeply entrenched in the socio-economic and
political
set-up of
Japan? If its roots date back to its
historical • past then
tor
and
this
what were
probing
for answer
into
the
responsible
From where did it get the support? A
its sustenance?
search
the factors
to these
questions requires
traditional
political
in-depth
heritage
and
administrative structure of Japanese political system.
TRADITiONAL
JAPANESE
POLITY
THE INSTITUTION OF THE EMPEROR
The
origin of
remote
official
-------
the Japan
past which
history of
.
---------
date back to "mytho-religious" 1
found its
Japan
histori6al account
entitled Koqiki
in
the
<Records of
1 Ivan Morris, The World of the Shining Prince : Court
Life in Ancient Japan <Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle, 1978l,
p.
41; and G. B. Sansom, Japan
: A Short Cultural
History<Tokyo
Charles E. Tuttle~
1973), revd edn, p.
4.4
Ancient
matters>
comp i I ed 2
The
Japan begins
people to
Mikoto and
the Goddess
land became
deities.
large
and
believed
The
I ord o•f
heavenly
Japan but
As
produced not
also the
the
ttwho shall
story
the land
be the
of Gods
descended deities
no
by
the
them by the Gods of Heaven.
3
Mikoto
the
Amaterasu-omi-kami
was
who
eight
goes,
!I
the
heavenly
(Japan) came to
lord of the universe."b
belonged to the family of
created
grandson
the
only
rivers, mountains,
after creating the land of Gods
issue of
formation of an
created by the God Izanagi
married and
herbs.~
the
Ninigi
Japan)
the abode of the two heavenly descended
Islands of
deities
of
lzanami no Mikoto through the
over to
They got
trees,
is
It
have been
spear handed
This
<Chronicles
with the
named Ono-goro-Jina.
Japanese
jewel
Nihongi
in the second decade of the eighth century A.D.
emergence of
Island,
no
and
first
of
such
the
lord
sun
who
a
land.
7
goddess
received
2 There is a general impression that these histories were
compiled with a view to maintain and
legitimize the
religious and political claims of the ruling families to
rule over Japan.
See : John M. Maki, Japanese Militarism
:
Its Cause and Cure <New York : Knopf, 1945), pp. 92-93;
Kazuo
Kawai,
"The
Divinity of
Japanese
Empet~ot~",
Political
Science (Wellington, New Zealand), vol. 10, No.
2, September 1958, p. 7; and Morris, n. 1, p. 41.
3 For details see
W.
6.
Aston trans.,
Nihongi
:
Chronicles of Japan
from the Earliest Times to A.D. 697~
vol.
l .. Book 1 <Tokyo : Chat~les E. TLtttle, 1972), pp. 108.
4
Ibid, p.
18; Sansom,
n. 1 ,
p. 22; and Willard Price,
Japan
and the Son of Heaven (New York
DLtell, Sloa.m and
Pearce, 1945), p. 52.
5 Price, n.
6 Aston,
7 Ibid,
4~
p.
n. 3, p.
p.
18.
•
c:-~
....J.L.
18.
imperial
regalia"
followed
by unbroken
ages
eternal.
to
govern the
line of
ot
land
Gods,
single imperial
Amaterasu-omi-kami
commended
to
rule
her
be
for
August
Grandchild with the words;
This ••• Land is the region which my descendants shall be lords of. Do thou, my
August Grandchild, proceed thither and govern it. Go! and may prosperity attend
thy dynasty, and may it, like Heaven and Earth, endure forever. 9
The
first Emperor
eternal
was the
son
grand
pacifying
his
of Japan in the unbroken line for ages
great grandson
sun
of
al 1 the
control and
goddess
of Ninigi
who
after
no Mikoto the
conquering
and
tribes brought the whole country under
"solemnly proclaimed emperor on the 11th
February B.C. 660." 10
records are
These historical
after
the )egends revealing the mythical course of events
relating
of
to the establishment of the institutional set-up
the Emperor
tales,
various
system.
irrespective
overtones,
have had
1 1
of
Neverthelesst
the
mythical
direct or
indir·ect
aspects of society in Japan.
historical
of
filled with legends
such
1 e gendar·y
and
whimsical
impact
Such a
on
the
legendary
background of Japan combined with the divinity
the emperor
sketched a unique picture of the Japanese
B
The three sacred objects <curved jewels; sacred mirror;
and the sacred sword) preserved and passed on from one
emperor
to the next as a symbol
of authority and
legitimacy.
For details see H.
Paul Varley,
Imperial
Restoration
in Medieval
Japan <New York and London
Columbia University Press,
1971), pp.
194 -5; and Maki,
n . 2 , p p • 1 0 7--8 •
9
Aston~
n.
3,
vol.
I,
Book
II~
p. 77.
10 R.A.B. Ponsonby Fane, The
Imperial
<Kyoto : Ponsonby Fane Memorial Society,
11 Aston, n. 3, pp.
18-108.
House
1 958) '
o'f
p.
)apan
28.
state
which
development.
from
links
Both Emperor
of the
with the
him in
before
that
lay in
divine founder
practice
since the
member
of the
become
the emperor.
Goddess.
ancestors
be exercised.
of the
its
origin
Emperor was the direct
land
the
the "authentic
in
Emperor's
placed special prestige
his
of
role
trace their
and
heavenly deities
was to
any
and Japan
heavenly God
the establishment
throne
public
Accordingly,
the sense
sovereignty
the
the
divine sources.
descendent
on
denied
existed
over
even
which
The claim to the
12
genealogical descent
line." 13 This
first emperor
imperial family
the
has
been
Jimmu Tenno.
as per
This continuity
from
14
the
Only a
the practice
can
has been maintained
meticulouslr. Akihito is the 125th emperor of Japan.
The emperor
upon
by
the
virtues."'s
descendent
of Japan was not
subjects
He succeeded
on
grounds
to the
"chosen and settled
of
throne
intelligence
as
the
or
direct
of the sun goddess- embodiment of all virtues
and
righteousness. Hence
alI
those virtues
he was
and above
the personification
of
the do's and donot's of the
12 Robert J.
Smith, Japanese
Society :
Tradition, Self
and
the Social
Order <Cambridge
: Cambridge University
F'ress, 1983), p. 13.
13 Ibid,
p.
12 •
.14 John R.
Black, Youna Japan
1880) ' YO 1 " I' p. 7.
(London
Trubner and Co.,
15 Robert King Hall, ed.,
Kokutai No
Hongi :
Cardinal
Principles
of the
National Entity of Japan,
John Owen
Gauntlett,
tt~ans.
(Cambt~idge,
Mass.
Harvard University
P t~ e s s , 1 9 4 9 ) , p • 7 1.
47
terrestrial
world.
not
as his
own inherent right but as an inheritance from
his
divine
ancestor." 17
neither
claimed on
mandate
of
1
"but
"The emperor holds the supreme power
The
accession
the basis
heaven",
claimant,
~
nor on
by
of "divine
the basis
virtue
of
descent
from the
divine founder
unique
Japanese
practice
enthronement
of
was in
kingship where
to
throne
right
of wisdom
authentic
of
or
the
concerning
was
the
of the
genealogical
11ne." 110
the
mode
This
of
sharp contrast to the chinese theory
virtue rather than hereditary right is
This was a mechanism to devoid the people any
supreme.'"
right to revolt against the emperor.
The person of the emperor was considered so sacred
and
divine that
function by
secular
of
the imperial
functions
period
the administering of the governmental or
throne and
of state
known to
him would
amount to the desecration
effect his
were performed
the historian"
since
divinity.
20
Such
''the ea. r 1 1 est
by the persons upon whom
16 Robert K.
Reischauer, Japan
: Government
<New York : The Ronald Press, 1939), p. 45.
- Politics
N. Hozumi, quoted in Naokichi Kitazawa, The Government
Japan (F't'inceton
: pt'inceton Univet'sity Press, 1929),
p. 8.
17
of
18 Smith, n.
12, p.
12.
19 Japan had
been influenced to a significant extent by
the Chinese political institution. But it did not opt for
the principle of virtue as a claim to the throne (a wellestablished Chinese practice). For details, see RobertS.
Ellwood
Jr.,
An Invitation to Japanese Civilization
<Belmont,
California
Wadsworth Inc., 1980), pp. 88-89;
Sansom, n. 1, p. 181; and Varley, n. 8, p. 4.
20 Charles D. Sheldon, "Japanese Aggt'ess ion and Empet'at-·
1931.-1941,
ft'om Contempot'at'Y
Diat'ies",
Nodern
A:.:;-ian
Studies <New Yod::), val. 10, No. I, 1976, pp. 2,31,34.
4E:
the
royal
divinity
of the
oligarchy
being
powers
poI it i ca I.
clans
of
was
The
The
21
used as
sanctity
a pretext
not
as
much
religious
and
by
from him the authority to rule.
as
the
22
it
His
was
practice of delegating powers to perform
functions
provided
opportunities
to
different
to accumulate significant powers even to the extent
overshadowing the
power
on the
rule
no
devolved.
emperor was
to wrung
divine
secular
were
throne. Moreover,
selected few even took the form of dynastic
based on
the pattern
other qualifications
with
the devolution of
of succession to throne where
or virtue
but
link
hereditary
the head of the ruling clan was the main criteria to
achieve
such rank.
Ashikaga
23
The Fujiwara, Taira, Minamoto, Hojo,
and Tokugawa
are all
examples of
managed
to get
perform
secular functions and fltransmitted such political,
powers
imperial sanction
families who
by blood
variety
non
were
not accountable
not
the
21
who
to the
from
whom
which
literally
exercised
people.
they
signified
power
political
It
draw
was the emperor
such
powers.
The Japanese
Imperial Institution
in
Period
<New York
Columbia University
Herschel Webb,
the
TokuqaNa
Pt'ess,
1968), pp.
19-20;
Kosaka
Masaaki~
"The
I nd i vi dua 1
in Japanese
The
Philosophy
p. 247.
ed.,
n.
2, pp. 91-92.
23 Webb,
n.
21, p. 20.
24 Ibid.
Kitazawa~
Status and
Society", in
Japanese
Mind
:
and Culture <Tokyo
Maki~
22
of
The person
people
powers to
inheritance, masking their rule behind a
of offices,
kingship." 24
to exercise
n.
17,
p.
12;
the Role of
Charles
Essentials
Charles E.
of
A.
and
tt-.e
Moore,
Japanese
Tuttle,
1973),
Sovereignty
Emperor
who
lay in
was "the
sought to
Kamakura,
to
wield that
under his
legitimacy in
century
legitimizing
his
name."
2
The
~
Shogunates
were
was the emperor who gave
of people.
wrapped Japan
in his
AI lied
the
name only.
Powers
ultimate
with a cloth of
used
source
reforms
Even,
tacitly
power·
of
in
Japan.
the
his
to
The
role of the emperor was so important that in
Go-diago
attempt to
year old
child of
as emperor
Shogun.
Whether it
no one
flew
to
Yoshino
the senior
to
appoint
after
rule,
imperial
establish direct
enthroned
imperial family
Ashikaga
Takaujl
an
a
was
as
was Fujiwara, Minamoto, Ashikaga or
dared to
usurp the
throne and disrupt
continuity. So much so while there were civil wars in
Japan
the political
called
that
It
occupational
when emperor
its
name.
also launched
the
Tokugawa,
Tokugawa
rule and
implement
26
in
put an end
image as
four
people.
Restoration Movement which ultimately
Commander for
abortive
the
legitimacy for those
and
the eyes
omnipotent
1336
power
with
nineteenth
era, was
Supreme
not
The
the military
new
emperor
ultimate source of
Mur omach i,
established
them
the
as a
never
disturbed
to
be
contest of sovereignty for the simple reason
there was
imperial
fabric was
power.
never a
27
war between an imperial and non-
While commenting on the continuity of
·---·----·--·--·------25 Sm i t h, n •
26
12 ,
Malcolm D.
p•
13 •
Kennedy,
Weidenfeld a.nd Nicolson,
A
History
1963),
p.
of
Japan
<London
57.
27 John Whitney Hall, "A Monarch fat' Modet'n Japan", in
Robert E. Ward,
ed.,
Political
Development in Modern
Japan
<Princeton, N.
J.
F't•inceton
Univet'sity
Pt'ess,
1968).
p. 23: and Kazuo Kawai. "Sovet•eiontv i'l.nd DFrnnr~·.:~rv
the
imperial
to
some
line, Prof. Hall observes that , "it relates
of
the
deepest
realities
of
the
Japanese
poI 1 ti ca. 1
tra.d1tions." 211
legitimacy
to the autocratic and absolutist rule of court
aristocracy
oligarchy
from
1185
fertile
ground for
The
most essential
national
its
roots
confucian
of
polity or
in
reign
were
Since
over the
also in
to
end
of
the
the
a.
World
the emergence
of
War
II.
of
the
people,
and
divinity
Japanese
its divine
source
and of mil 1 tar·y
1185 A.D.
of
due to
origin provided
a
of "super-nationalism"
q
<KOKUTAI>
element of
the Japanese state is the
national essence
Shinto
philosophy.
emperors of
provides
notion of
and "Japanese chauvinism." 2
NATIONAL POLITY
to
A.D.
the superiority
land· mainly
their
A.D.
the mythical
Moreover,
emperor,
from 645
This
30
beliefs
It
and
<Kokutai) which had
overlaid
.
with
the
implied that an unbroken line
single blood relationship was to rule and
inhabitants of
the islands of Japan, who
some degree descended from the same line.
the emperor
and
the people
descended from
31
the
in Japanese Constitution",
American Political
Science
Review
<Washington, DC>,
vol. 49, No. 3, September 1955,
pp. 668-9.
28 Hall, n.
27, pp.
22-23; see also Kenneth Colegrove,
"The Japanese Empero~',
II", American
Political
Scier1ce
Review, vol. 26, No. 5, October 1932, p. 845.
29 For details see Maki, n. 2, pp.
12-58, 93 & 96-97.
30 Richard Halloran,
Japan
:
Images
<Tokyo : Charles E. Tuttle, 1970), p. 106.
and
31 Kawai,n. 27, p. 663; and
16, p. 24.
Reischauer, n.
Realities
~· J
same
heavenly
single
a
deities
family in
father and
children.
essence
constitutes
the
rest
the
of
people
were
Thus Japan was "a great family
32
Imperial Household
the
subjects and
importance
constituted "the
the nucleus
family
of
in Japanese
extension
to the
principle
of
a
which the emperor occupies the place of
the
system"
in
they
or
nation as
'Filial
head family
of
life." 33
The
precisely
society, as
a social
Piety'.
In
the
"family
unit, and its
lies in
a whole
his
nation" where
of national
more
like
practice,
its
the
basic
tenet of
in the context of relationship
'Filial
Piety' functioned
between
children and parents which realized itself in the
broader
context of
"Japan as
a single
ultimate loyalty to the emperor.
Japanese
unit
on
family was
of husband
the continuity
father
around the conjugal
rather it "puts its emphasis
of family
line
from
to son to grandson and so on." 3
hierarchical
in a
bearing
34
not "built
and wife",
family"
pyramidal posture,
s
grandfather
to
Its structure was
pinnacled with the
partriarchical
head of
the family.
He was considered as
fountain
of
family
provided
32
head
Kawai~
the
and
unity
and
n. 2, p. 3.
33 Hall, n.
15,
pp.
89-90;and
Japanese Social Structure
: Its
Century,
Ronald P.
Dore, trans.
Tokyo F't~ess, 1981), p. 16.
Fukutake,
The
Evolution in the Hodern
<Tokyo :
University of
Tadashi
Hall,
n.
15,
p.
87;
and Nobutaka Ike,
Japanese
Politics : An
Introductory Survey
<New York
Knopf,
1957),
pp. 17-22; see also JosephS. J. Pittau, Political
Thought
in Early Hei)i Japan 1868-1889 <Cambridge, Mass.
: Harvard University Press, 1967), pp. 1-7.
34
35 Ike,
n.
34, p.
18.
..
;;:·.-,t
_• :...
harmony
to it.
family
relationship of the Japanese
was the father son relationship.
substantiated
relationship
Japanese
the
The axial
3 h
in
the
which determined
society.
was the
of the
principle
the overall
of
structure
family.
living representative
3 q
The
children in
of
having
towards parents "for
been
born into
for having
childhood and
as on
tina 1
or
children
Piety.
language
head are
Filial
having
termed
piety
their parents,
venerate them
interest for
self
cared
a
for
spouse
in
Japanese
and to repay them involved what is cal led
must obey
age,
for
been
These obligations of the children
the patriarchical
language
old
youth, and
for him." 40
towards
Ko
this world,
the
family
obligations and duties
selected
of
the
owed
through
social
Father was the patriarchical head of
3 '
family 38 and
ancestors
confucian
It had its roots
implied
that
the
to look after them in
after their demise, abandon the
the sake of the family and use "polite
when addressing
them" and take "care of to keep
36 Ibid.
37 These social relationships were comprised of sovereign
and
subjects; husband and wife; father and son; elder and
younger brother or sister; and friends. See Halloran, n.
3<)~
p.
223.
38 Fukutake, n.
p.
25.
39 The life of a family in Japan was not only limited to
its present household comprised of living members. It was
extended
to its distance ancestors. The present life of a
family was considered as a link between the past and the
future.
The head of the family household (ie) venerated
his
ancestors and handed over this tradition
to his
postet-·ity.
See: Ibid, pp. 25-28; Hall, n. 15, p. 87; and
C.
Takeda, "
"Family F:eligion"
in Japan
Ie
and
its
Religious F<:<.ith", in William H.
Newell, ed.,
Ance;..:;:tor:..=:
<The Hague: Mouton, 1976), pp. 119-24.
40 Ike,
n. 34, p.
18.
them
in s
piety
the
good tr-&me of mind.
highest level
than
The principle at t i I i s I
status ot parents specially father to
elevated the
"deeper
t! 4 I
of respect
the
ocean,
abundance
and
greater
goodness
than the mountains
tl4 2
The norms of filial
the
narrow boundaries
to
the
entire
constituted
the
people
"the core
outside the
relationship
groupings
41
elements of
society 4
3
and
,
ethic tor·
a personal
their personal relationship with the
family,
"Japanese follow somewhat the
[their]
families." 4
Their
'
in general and in various social
in society
relationship
order.
fatherly,
4
between
manner
In the
is
father
the
the
and
familial
son
in
senior,benevolent
the one who commands, whereas the
junior, obedient,
in the
on
patterned
oya
The
•
virtuous and
is the
47
were also extended
Japanese
of relationship
confucian
father.
but
in particular have been based on what is cal led
framework
senior
of
inside
oyabun-kobun
ko
In
pattern
same
of family
gamut
Japanese." 44
piety were not only confined to
of
submissive and
son's
behaviour
revere
his
towards
his
hierarchical order of the family system
Ibid.
42 Fukutake, n.
43 Ibid,
pp.
.._)'
--:r-:r
._:
p . 46.
42-43;
44 Ibid, pp. 46-47.
45 Halloran, n. 30, p. 228a
Big Business in Japanese
46 Ibid; and
Chi tosh i Yanaga,
Politics
(New Haven
and London
: Yale University Press,
1968)' pp. 13-15.
47 Ike, n. 34, pp. 26-8.
the
identity
existence
of
individual
the
of the
family group.
over
the individual.
self
interest. For
found
in
the
total
Group was given priority
Individual could
not
cherish
any
him it was not his self being but the
whole family which was of prime consideration.
From
the
the above,
people first
they
are the
of
the welfare
"the
emperor as
present." 48
obliged
and
to
from
prosperity of
short of
old
of the nation,
the emperor.
welfare of
of
to
they are
the emperor
"To be loyal
loving the
the nation.
the
to the
country
and
Without loyalty
sincere reverence
sincere patriotism"
for the emperor
are the medium through
subjects of the emperor can repay back the imperial
blessings.:~o
were
point
to the
The "most
9
the most
which
the
is no patriotism and without patriotism there is no
loyalty."•
and
All
and behave in accordance
the prosperity
loyal
for the
progenitrix.
of the imperial household and look upto
means nothing
striving
common
to work
to contribute
emperor
the emperor who is the living
the focal
For
should be
their
their
are obliged
with
the immediate loyalty of
goes to the emperor, because ultimately
offspring of
representative
individui:il
we notice
The principle
linked together
in the
century.
This principle
po 1 i
which made
ty~ 1
·----···-·---·-·- .
48 Hall,
n.
of filial
became the
core of the national
individual subservient to the state.
---15, p. 83.
50 Fukutake, n. 33, p. 47.
and Ha 11, n.
loyalty
early decades of nineteenth
49 Ibid.
51 Ibid;
piety and
15, p • 91 .
This
in turn
ultimately provided
background
to
ultra-
nationalism and militarism.
THE POLITICAL SYSTEM
MEIJI
RESTORATION
BEFORE
POLITICAL PROCESS IN JAPAN PRIOR TO THE GREAT
<TAIKA> REFORM
The
Japanese political system which emerged in the middle
of
the
seventh
oligarchic
character
such
AIl
mythical
circles
were
and
line
Reform
was
with
the
advent
of
the
Great
was divided among a number
autonomous clans
These clans
to none.
the clan
safety.
based on
the sole
The
were conducted
god who
were built
entry
the religious
into
clan's
determining factor
fused in
and secular
the single
wield absolute
and their
52 Maki, n. 2, p.
under
the
took care of its
and common descent from the clan god.
chieftain
clan
in
and economically
each clan
guidance of
prosperity
period
Great
a relationship of blood descended from a clan god.
affairs within
blood
was
the
in Japan
were accountable
around
It
Before
the society
the
process prevalent in Japan before
of political
smal I, political Jy
which
under
character.
transformation.
Reform,
of
in
century
52
power
of common
During that
functions within clans
chieftain
of
authority over
the
clan.
the members
The
of
serfs and servants, who lived under their
13.
"'
'.'~ (:.,
control.~
head
3
The basis of such an absolute authority of the
of clan
was
alone
enjoyed the
convey
his wil 1.
proximity
elements
to
clan administration
the
The source
a
clan those
who
had
was
and
close
devoid
of
democratic
of chieftain authority was the
than the
members of
confederation
Among the
clan,
deity
and the principle of responsibility of the ruler
was
clans.
the
4
deity rather
society
worship
•
to the chieftain enjoyed political and economic
the ruled.
clan's
privilege to
Within the
edge over others.s
The
his proximity to the clan god, and he
of
various autonomous
the clan.
different
The
autonomous
clans the
lmper·ial
which later developed into the Imperial family,
only unifying
However.
But,
was its
its authority
this
unquestioned
basis
way,
force.
the
other
of knowing the divine
clans.~•
the
obedience and
of clan
Imperial
military
absolute over
religious supremacy
will of the deity of all
In
to its
"its control was informal rather than formal."ss
what makes
clans
factor owing
was
undemocratic
loyalty
which
principle
of
underlay
the
administration was extended to that of the
institution at the national
families
which
Imperial
Household
managed
and
to
its
forge
head
level. Moreover,
contacts
came
to
with
the
the
acquire
Ryosuke Ishii,
A History of Political Institution in
The Japan Foundation, trans.
<Tokyo
University
of Tokyo Press, 1980), pp. 6 & 10.
53
Japan,
54 Maki, n, 2, p.
14.
55 Ibid.
56 Ishii. n.
p.
8.
~5···.:<
overwhelming
few
close association
of their
the national
Imperial
the
supremacy
in
Just as
members of clan had more political and economic power
because
at
influence over the rest of the clan.
level the
Household
with the clan chief,
families which
to
succee~ed
were close to
establish
their
over others. This type of administrative set-up
the pre-unification
rule
of court
tor
many
<Imperial) aristocracy
centuries
insurmountable
period of Japan set in motion the
to
hurdles
come.
in
I
the
or civil oligarchy
t
also
way
of
structured
emergence
of
democratic values and institutions in Japanese society.
THE GREAT REFORM AND ITS IMPACT
During
the' turbulent period of intercla.n rivalry over the
issue
of national supremacy vis-a-vis the imperial family
between
mid sixth century and the beginning of the eighth
century,
the major thrust of the political process in the
domestic
centralize
move
politics
external environment.
then
tied,
Japan
was
to
strengthen
the Japanese state on the Chinese model.
to centralize
Under
of
Japan was
also in
response
57
to
The
the
58
the Great Reform, which began in A.D. 645,
Japanese society,
transformed "into
57 Morris, n.
and
1, p. 41;
a confederation
the
of clans loosely
a tightly unified and integrated
and Varley, n. B, p. 5.
58
Ishii,
n.
53,
p.
19;
and
Theodore
McNelly,
Contemporary Government of Japan <London : George Allen &
Unwin, 1963), pp. 3-4.
centralized
state <toitsu kokka) on the Chinese
The
entire country
the
imperial throne.
belong
to
authority
brought under
The
him.
was
All
land
clans
abolished.~
0
the direct
and people
set-up
control of
were declared
and
The emperor
model."~·
their
public
became the
sole
ruler of the country.
The
Japan
system adopted
came to
the
ritsuryo
in
China.
system
702.
the
Directly
under
his
Religion
()ingikan)
<Dai_iokan).
of
the
duties
post
the
the
rule
in
It patterned after
of the T'ang Monarchy
both
penal
This penal
<rit:..~u)
and
and administrative
Under
1
apex
of
control
and
the
this system,
the emperor
the
gover·nment.
central
were
the
Great
concerned with
Department
Council
of
of
State
religious affairs
cult, Shinto. The Council of state which
office the
the central
prime
~>
The former
the national
formed
of
central
underwent various amendments since its
at
was
law.
<ryo)
in A.D.
placed
of government
consisted
It
code system
adoption
establish
be known as Taiho Code.
administrative
legal
to
government,
who
<Da_iodai_iin)
minister
was headed by
had
no
specific
except to as an advisor to the emperor. Otten this
remained
The two
unfilled.~><
leading officials
of
council, who held the real power were the Minister of
Left
<Udai _i in).
59 Ish i i ,
60 Ibid;
<Sadai_iin)
However,
n • 53 ,
the
... .
r1 • c:--:r
62 Ishii,
n. 53, p. 24.
...:•~;~
Minister
of
the
Right
former had more powers than that
n. 2, p.
61 Ish i i ,
)
the
19 •
p.
and Maki,
and
pp •
17
~~
it:"
J. J .
22-23;
and McNelly,
n. 58, p.S.
r:.:
of
the latter.•
to
the Council to manage various fields of administration
under
3
In addition,
·~·
Below the
its control.
system
of
local
administrative
These
eight ministries were added
central
administration.
lt
units : provinces,
government
consisted
was
of
a
three
districts, and hamlets.
units were headed respectively by the governor,
the
district head, and hamlet headman.••
The
system
fr·om
above
description
distinct
of
its
terms,
of power
remained
Great
the loose
it
Japanese
political
the
"represented
a
clans."•~
transformed the outer
core
the face
mid
lt
system of the
had only
lntact."" From
establish
era.
structure. The
Reform of
of
value,
seventh
that
it
structure
seems
intended
century
that
to
a centralized bureaucracy in Japan based on the
merit.
But,
subdue
the power
the
land
and other
with
the real
vested
pre-reform
advance over
in actual
she l 1
the
presented an altogether different picture of Japan
that
But
of
inability
of clans
and to
vested interests
forces
imperial
set-up of
to
be
to
deprive them of their
had led
to
compromise
spirit of the reform. Accordingly,
interests were
governmental
the
of
accommodated
Japan. Thus,
in
the old
the
new
the old aristocracy
63 Ibid.
64
For details
see : G. B. Sansom, A History of Japan to
Stanfot'd Uni·v'et'sity
F't'ess, 1958),
pp.
& 67-74;
Ishii, n.
53,
pp.
22-29;
Peter Duus,
FeudalisTTr
in Japan
<New Ym-k
: Knopf, 1969), pp. 22-27;
The History of Kanaqawa <Yokohama : Kanagawa Prefectural
Govet-·nmen t,
1985) , pp.
23-26 ~(
29--:::o; and Varley, n. 8,
pp 1-8.
1334
56-60
(Stanfat'd
65 Mak i,
n.
2,
66 I b i d ,
p•
15 •
p.
1 7.
{,i_.
took
the form
of new aristocracy in
the
Great Reform,
the
basis of
of
The core of
that was recruitment to bureaucracy on
Chinese administrative
into practice."
The
Japan.~'
pattern was not put
8
new posts
at the central as well as local
level
administrative set-up were assigned to the traditional
aristocracy.~>
9
sophisticated
was
less
carve
Moreover,
system of
the
most complex
and the
centralized bureaucratic
then
set-up
to provide an efficient administration than to
a safe
place for
the entrenchment
of old
ruling
elements
in the
power.
The common people were virtually denied entry at
70
every
level
centralized
new structure
in
Japan.
0
oligar·chy
was
In fact,
assumed further
wei !-organized
to
Thus
carried
administration.
rule
the
of political and economic
political
administration
the undemocratic
out
into
the
of
set-up of clan
new
system
of
under this system the oligarchic
importance in the sense that it had
and integrated
set-up of
state machinery
control the nerves of the society and to implement its
policies
and programmes
effectively. Hence,
the far·m at
the
state which
was
essentially oligarchic and undemocratic which set the
stage
emerged under the rubric of Great Reform
of such a rule for centuries to come until
the rise
of military oligarchy.
67 Ibid, pp.
68 Maki,
14-15; and McNelly, n. 58, pp. 5-6.
n. 2, p.
18; and Varley,
69
Ishii, n.
53. pp.
24
McNelly, n. 58, pp. 6-7.
70 Maki n.
2, p.
17.
n. 8, p. 8.
& 26; Maki,
n.
2,
p.
18; and
FUJIWARA ASCENDANCY AND THE SYSTEM OF DUAL
GOVERNMENT
During
the reform period one of the aristocratic families
( Fu j i
a)
~<Jar
who were propagating the cause of central
under
the throne,
"gradually emerged
force
at court." 71
Nakatomi Kamatori, on whom the name of
Fujiwara
to
was bestowed
by the
as a
rule
powerful new
emperor Tenji, was a party
overthrow the Soga clan in A.D. 645 and setting up the
pace
for centralized
the
ascendancy
position
of
in the
system
the
Japan under the throne.
Fujiwara
family
imperial court
central
of
to the
master
lowering the
of a 1 1
administration.
"decentralization
affairs".
72
Fujiwara
the emperor as the
people of Japan.
patrimonialism
It gave rise to
in
governmental
74
The
method
established
their
and
prominent
known as Shoen 73 ,which
position of
land and
the
led to the abandoning of
introduced , private proprietorship
led
to
Ironically,
through
which
the
Fujiwara
family
its hold over the Imperial court was to marry
daughters into the imperial family and to establish
an
imperial regency. The child born of them was enthroned
as
emperor. The
Cal most
Emperor)
leading member
invariably
assumed
the
the
of the
maternal
title
of
Fujiwara
grandfather
regent
71 Varley., n. 8, p. 8.
72
Sansom~
n. 64, p.
111.
73 For details see Ishii, n.
74 Sansom, n. 64, p. 236.
pp.
35-36.
family
of
<Sessho)
the
to
._...
L
administer
emperor
had
by
the affairs
till he
become of
age,
as Sekkan.
Fujiwaras
The
regency,
firmly
The
the power was exercised on his behalf
Dictator <Kampaku).
It was
by
in
someone
the system
System).
77
rule in
else.
was the
that
the
real
under
or dual
government.'~
power
the
was
Fujiwara
government
was
rule of
7
'
cloistered emperors
Although after the establishment of the
Japan in
real power
the
Fujiwaras continued
in the
was
system
The
Thus,
system
continue effectively Until 1185.
the
least
only.
of diarchy
only exception
military
through this
name
established to
<Insel
This
assumed the actual control of the
emperor ruled
exercised
throne on behalf of child
achieved majority. Even when the emperor
Fujiwara Civil
known
of the
;_
the middle of twelfth century
was exercised
by the military oligarchy,
to maintain
sacredotal affairs
their
of the
unti 1 the imperial restoration in 1868.
presence
imperial
at
court
711
THE MILITARY RULE AND
ITS
ROLE
IN JAPANESE POLITICAL
SYSTEM
In
the wake
warrior
provinces.
ascendancy of the Fu}iNara
of the
class
cal led
The decline
emerged
of the
75 Ishii~ n. 53, pp. 33-34;
1, p. 50; and Varley, n. 8,
76 Ishii,
77
Ishii~
n. 53, p.
Maki, n.
p. 9.
33; and McNelly,
n. 53, pp. 33-34.
78 McNelly, n. 58,
central
p.
10.
r~gency
in
rule
2, p. 21;
a
different
under
Morris~
n. 58, p. 8.
the
n.
emperor
and the
provinces
to
attributed
class,
local
resultant prevailing
safeguard
as it
role in
consisting
of
sma 11
local
warrior chiefs
imperial
family or
power of
be
This warrior
bandits, assumed a
eleventh and early twelfth
and Heiji
Fu.ii~-Jara
Unlike the
headed
families.
was established
incidents
(1159)
dispute was
by
at the Hogen
where for
resolved
However,
80
in
the
the
first
battle
forces and the subsequent triumph
over
clans
groups
- the erstwhile descendent of of
of aristocratic
military
thro~gh
warrior
warriors
the warriors
the dynastic
of
brigands and
the late
powerful
field
79
could
It organized itself into large regional alliance
century.
time
holding
the
was in the beginning to provide security to
community against
( 1156)
private
to the emergence of this class.
significant
the
the
insecurity at
the
aristocratic
families.~
1
clan, who
achieved their ends not by violence but by the relentless use of political
pressure! which they were able to apply because of their matrimonial relations
with the throne or by means of their great wealth and consequent influence in
the provinces, whet'e their estates multiplied rapidly, 92
the
warrior class
court
by military
abolished
which
established
force.
for ever
The
its
dominance
over
the
rule by court nobility was
and replaced
with military oligarchy
dominated Japan for seven centuries from the second
Ishii, n. 53, pp. 37-38; Maki, n. 2,
Medieval
Japanese
24-26; Peter Judd Arnesen,
The
Daimyo
<New Haven and London
Yale University Press,
1979)~
pp. 15·-21;
Sansom, n. 64, pp. 234-40; and Varley,
79
Fot-· details see:
pp.
n.
8,
pp.
9-10.
80 Duus, n.
64, pp.
45-46; and Sansom, n. 64, pp. 239-41.
81 Sansom, n. 64, p. 311.
R?
ThirL
ro_
1c;9_
..
(; :·.;
half
of the
nineteenth
rule
century. The
based on
warrior
set
twelfth century
a new
the
establishment
the customs
class after
until
and the
the end
middle
of
the
of
the
military
institutions of
the
of the Gempi war 1180-1185,
phase in the institutional history of Japan to
be continued until the Imperial Restoration of 1868.
The advent of the warrior class (says Makil was one of the decisive facts of
Japanese history. This added the military element to the already established
oligarchic pattern. Not only did the warriors dominate the Japanese economic and
political systems, but they created the conditions for the acceptance of modem
militarism in Japan.83
THE KAHAKURA MILITARY GOVERNMENT AND
REGENCY
The
Kamakura
was
the
~akutu
military rule
fi~st
kamakura
-a fishing
tar
from the
own
mechanism to
eastern
entire
suppressing
warrior
lord
In
intention.
or
Shogun
Yoritomo at
the shores
at Kyoto.
of Tokyo Bay It developed its
state of affairs in the
Sei-i-tai-shogun
general) and
government but
~elationship
It was
established by
1192 Yoritomo succeeded to achieve the
established the
authority was
in
precedent of a
ftom
the
power (based on
eclipsed it."
baJ.:utu
(bi:irbarian
derived
whose effective
vassalage relationship)
r·eta i ner
<1185-1333)
the beginning and then extended to the
monarch "whose
imperial
tent government
administer the
region in
of
place at
imperial palace
nation.
tit I e
or the
THE HOZO
94
The leader-
deserved
special
through this system that the Shogunate
83 Maki, n. 2, p. 23.
84 Duus, n. 64, p. 54.
wrought
many areas
of the country under its control. The
bskufu
had complete authority over its direct vassals and
their
followers
unqualified
question
his
orders."
as
feudalism.
8
pledge
and
It also
of
him and
It was
~
against
leader
between
loyalty
rendered
were "not permitted to
a one-sided relationship
the
reciprocal
retainer
the
of
differed from
relationship
Western
the feudal
Europe
system
of
in the sense that there was no provision of appeal
Europe
to
obedience to
fidelity
of
by
who
the emperor
in Japan.
The chief
leader in
of the warriors was
Japan.~~
The allegiance of
the
highest feudal
the
retainers towards the bakufu was deep that during the
incident
)(.lkyu
by
him agdinst
Gotoba
the imperial forces of cloistered emperor
who issued
regent) a rebel.
most of the Shogunate's vassals stood
an edict
the
bluntly
snatched by
legally
and tactically
among
due
<shogunal
87
Interestingly,
weaker
branding Yoshitoki
the Shogun
position verses
the general
powers of
to which
the court
but they
were
were not
achieved
court agreed due to its
the bakutu.
To get the legitimacy
populace, Yoritomo
was careful to pay
respect and obedience to the throne (a precedence set
the Fujiwarasl.
However,
Yoritomo
was well
aware of
the
tact that his powers depended not upon the favours of
the
throne but
vassals
85 Ishii,
86 I b i d ,
0'"7
ll~-"'1~\..1
upon the
over whom
he had
n. 53, p. 41.
p • 42 •
a! legiance and subordination of
established his
might and who
sided
land.
with him
that
got
in
terms
of
structure of
the Kamakura
administration
like
of the earlier imperial bureaucracy was undemocratic
autocratic.
posts
were made
assigned
the
benefit they
99
The
and
for the
Recruitment
to
various
on primordial
administrative
basis, no importance was
to merit. The issue of people's participation in
political process
military
did
rule established
not
arise
on the
since
it
of
force
basis
was
a
from
above.
the
At
instituted
and
local
I eve I,
two offices
Land Stewards
Minamoto
: Provincial
(Jito).
to convey
the bakufu
<qokenin)
to ensure
annual
were
to take
these
(Shuqo)
its retainers
duties at the imperial
arrest and punish those who
of murder
of control
or traitory.
over the
revolt against
appointed
It was through
land
by the
bakufu in
activities of
<Shugo
of rents
The
1and
various public
extended
Jito were
to stamp out
stewards
Jokyu incident of 1221,
stewardship was
collection
entire nation
its realm.
After the
estates.
The
had
constables that the bakufu had established a strict
network
any
Constables
orders to
guard
measures to
found guilty
Yoritomo
The provincial constables were
appointed
palace,
no
and
private
the system of
throughout the
related to
were
country.
facilitate
the
from the estates. Both these offices
and Jitol were responsible to the lord of
88 Sansom, n. 64,p. 317 & 364.
k~m~kur~
who
appointed them
from his vassals.RQ
In these affairs,
the emperor had no control over them.
At
the
presided
over
by
vassals of
chief
Samurai
Council,
Inquiry. The
there
level
lord
the
to these
appointment
of
central
of
offices again
Yoritomo.
These
were
three
the
kamakura.
were made
offices
offices
from
The
the
the
were
the Office of Administration, and Office
Samurai Council was incharge of managing
the
affairs
the
recruitment and assignment of military personnel. The
Office
of
legislative,
affairs
of
relating to the vassals of Yoritomo, and of
handled
Administration
judicial
and
as
matters
Yoritomo's house.
Yoritomo
underpinnings
administrative
provided
lowered
and
of the
his
we II
The Office of
nresponsible for minor
civil justice" and
•
affairs.qo
In nutshell,
the
lord-vassal
between
financial,
the
vassals
as
the
Inquiry was
other
legal
relationship
provided
the
kamakura administrative system. The
set-up at
the national
and
local
level
the control mechanism in the shogunate which had
the position
aristocratic
familiesq
of
1
the
on
court
the one
and
its
pattroned
hand and established
warrior rule of undemocratic character on the other.
89 Fot· details
about the office of Shu.go and Jito see :
Ishii,
n. 53,
pp. 38 & 43-45; P.A.N. Murthy, The Rise of
Noderr,
Nationalism in
1973) , pp. 4-5.
Japan
<New
Delhi
Ashajanase,
90 Ishii, n.
53, pp.
44-45; see also John Whitney Hall,
Japan
from
Prehistory
to Modern
Times
(London
Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1970), pp. 90-91.
91 Murthy, n. 89,
p. 5.
,;._.:.
~--':
After
the
established
death
control
Yorltomo
of
over
the
Hozo
the
bakt1fu
..
family
administrative
structure,
and exercised power as the guardians <Shikken)
of
unt i 1
shogun,
During
to
this period,
a nominal
exercised
regency
character
regency.
of
to provide
class 93
of
the
the
,
The
1333.
power
real
the
A1tho~gh,under
consultative
in 1225
warrior
the bakufu.
Hozo
a system
of the shogunate in
9
~
the status of the shogun was reduced
head of
the
established
the
the demise
(Hyo_io:..::hu)
rule
wider representation
autocratic
military
and
was
Hozo
was
to
dictatorial
administrative
set-up
of
kamakura remained uneffected.
THE MUROMACHI MILITARY GOVERNMENT AND NATIONAL
UNIFICATION
In
the closing
the
years of
reigning emperor
cour·t.
gave
This event,
rise to
Ashikaga
to
power
of
the
Later he
senior
Jimyoin
the emperor Go-Daigo
in order
and then
the court
by expel ling
Hall~
first helped
Hogo regency
palace.
92
the lost
popularly known as kemmu restoration,
Takauji, who
power of
power
to regain
an attempt was made by
another warrior house under the headship of
destroy the
lost
k~makura
to bring back the
grabbed the
imperial
Go-Daigo forcefully from the imperial
enthroned another emperor Komyo of
1 i ne
to
legitimize
his
position
the
by
n. 90, p. 91.
Andrew Goble,
"The Hozo
and Consultative Govet~nment"
Jeffrey P.
Mass, ed.,
Court and Bakufu in
Japan
:
Essays in Kamakura History <New Haven and London : Yale
llniv""~~c:;itv Pt~ess.
1982). pp. 168-90.
93
in
acqui r· i ng
the
established
Shogun.
of
by Ashikaga
Shogunate
The
94
military
rule
Nuromachi
known as
Takauji was
structure of the Nuromachi
The administrative
Shogunate.
The
title
was model Jed on that of the Kamakura shogunate.
appointments to
various posts
at the
national
and
local
level were made on the basis of family status. Here
again
no importance
were
again like
precluded
clan
Ashikagas
system
had been
over
the throne
seat
of power·
country.
emerged
9
shogun
a
able to
~>
By
were
bureaucratized
Aithough,
~
military
a powerful
the
control
and parallel
to extend their rule throughout
now
different
power
centres
had
Japan which considered themselves
shogun and
emperor.
used to
and revenue
to him
9
establish
were earlier
"as police
shogunate,
highly
administration.
and maintained
of both
responsible
The
of
it failed
shugo who
kamakura
the
part in
throughout the
autonomous
the
that in
from taking
based
the
was assigned to merit. Common people
came to
For
97
instance
be employed
officers"
99
by the
and
inturn
assume independent position.
land over which they were authorized to supervise,
collect
their
tax,
and
private
94 Hall,
maintain law and order was converted as
property.
1970, p.
to
In
addition
some
of
them
104.
Seiichi Iwao ed., Biographical
Burton Watson~
trans.
<Tokyo
: The
International
Information Inc.~ 1978),
edn 2, 1982, pp. 566-7.
95
Ibid,
pp.
Dictionary
96
Murthy~
97 Duus,
n.
107-8; and
of Japanese
n. 89, p. 11.
64,
p. 73.
98 Murthy, n. 89, p. 11.
H1story,
constructed
militiamen
a
their·
autonomous power centres,
pre 'Great
feature
or gar, i zed
separate
to provide security to their holdings.•q Such
trend towards
the
and
castles
Reform'
of Japanese
clan
system,
reminiscent ot
became
a
general
political process after the Onin War
( 1467-1477).
The beginning of Onin war set a new turbulent phase
in
the Japanese
<warring
states) era
hundred
The authority
usurped by
During
as
sengoku
this period of
its grip
sengoku
of the
emperor, which
had already
the military administration was not only
reduced but
further
lost
(1467-1568).
known
years a state of complete disorder prevailed over
Japan.
been
political history
over the
daimyo
centralized military rule
also the
nation.
control led
in
Local
warrior called
segments
the
state
of
affairs of Japan.
During
the
the Japan
throughout
to
amass as
to
reach the
war
war
raged
and every sengoku dsimyo was trying
much power
as possible by using brute force
in comparison
highest level
for one's
to his
rival
lord and
unrestricted obedience
to the
lords on the part of the masses was the core ethic of
politics.
There was no political institution to provide a
platform
to the
form.
The pernicious
100
99 Ibid,
100
civil
the
Force had become the medium of political process.
daimyo.
Dying
era
sengoku
pp.
of
to voice
his cause in any
tide of overall disorder created
10-14; Duus, n. 64, pp.
For details
History
ordinary man
73-79.
about Sengoku Era, see : G. B. Sansom, A
1334-1615
(Stanford
Stanford
Japan
by
the various autonomous centres of power in sengoku era
was
ultimately brought
unification
epoch
power
hegemons
th
national
force
behind
such
again the brute use of military
stewardship
the
of
leadership of
Under the
the Shogun
throne
grandiose
tenka (realm)
His realm
himself.
the daimyo
respect
Oda Nobunaga the office
was replaced by a separate and supravening
known as
where
the
: Oda Nobunaga, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, and Tokugawa
Ieyasu.
polity
during
main driving
unification was
under
end
known as the Azuchi Homoyama
campaign period
<1568-1600). The
national
of
to an
over
was founded
vassals were
and obedience
on
which
he
presided
power-command
required to
basis
render total
The assignment of domains
to him.
to
vassals was entirely relied on the wishes of Nobunaga.
He
could disenfeoffed
I
that
he
lacked
any daimyo
"fighting
simply on
zeal
and
the
ground
organization
talent." 101
After the
demise of
lead
for the
used
the traditional
throne,
to
unification of
substantiate
Unlike
Nobunaga,
legitimacy,
was conferred
lying in the
The
position.
he
title
of
on him in 1585.
Minister of state. He retired
1586,
in
favour of his adopted son Hideyori in 1592 and assumed
title of
U n i v e t' 5 i t y
53,
pp.,
became Grand
his
Hideyoshi took the
In
the
he
Japan.
source of
<Imperial regent)
Kampaku
Nobunaga,
Taiko
F' t' e s 5
53-·59p
,
<ex
regent).
102
Like his predecessor
and
19 6 1 ) ,
101 Kodansha Encyclopedia of
Kodan5ha, 1983l, pp. 178-9.
102 Murthy, n. 89, p.
18.
Japan,
vol.
3
I sh i i , n .
<Tokyo
occupants
of
her·edi tary,
his
these
and designed
death-bed message
again
beg
strengthen
force
you
the roots
the "rural
warrior
another
into
take
of his
care
of
to
make
this
regime which
sword
and urban
populace",
Three
years
To
was based
hunts in
104
In
"Again and
Hideyori." 1 0 3
the famous
edict strictly
on
to
1588
exempting the
later
he
issued
categorizing the social structure
four non overlapping categories : Samurai, Peasants,
artisans
social
and merchants.
classes were
affairs.
state
instructions
daimyos had
had
to
lea~e
of
marital
unification
rule
were also
10
in
the
authoritarian
retainers
they
as
a
castle. Moreover,
decided by the prior
~
historical
account
of
the
national
that no place was given to the
equality
Instead
of democracy.
part
loyalty to him,
famous osaka
Hideyoshi.
of the
the daimyo. Accordingly
children and
in his
liberty,
taking
oaths of
period proves
of
samurai rest
his
down for
relationship
above
principles
During
1 05
their wives
approval of the
concepts
excluded from
to swear
loyalty
The
Except the
were laid
all
the
wanted
a counci I for this purpose.
(bushi).
class
he
to the council he said,
to
he launched
disarm
token
titles,
and
freedom,
the people
the
of
core
Japan
were forced to yield to the dictates of the rulers.
103 Kodansha,
n.
101,
104 Hall. n. 90, pp.
p.
180.
154-5.
105 For a
detailed account
of Sword Hunt and New Edict,
see
Mary Elizabeth Berry, Hideyoshi <Cambridge, Mass.,
London :
Hat'vat'd Un i vet'S i ty h·ess, 1982) , pp. 102-1 1.
106 I b i d, p..
144.
THE TOKUGAWA MILITARY RULE AND POLITICS IN JAPAN
Toyotomi
Hideyoshi's plan
hereditary
fashion was
disruption
of the
help
his son
his
competing
use
and
of
the
to
sword.
an ally
Tayotomi Hideyashi,
sekigahara in
to succeed
him.
title
nor
his
of shogun
In tact
various
Tokugawa
leyasu once a
emerged triumphant in the battle
loyal da.imyos of
subdued the
His victory
national
in the Sekigahara had
leadership
from the emperor,
Hideyoshi could
to
supremacy through the
vindicated, his supreme position in the nation.
legitimized
meant
of great unifiers oda Nobunaga
1600 and
Hideyoshi's heir.
107
in a
with the
between
war,
reach national
power of
daimyo and
sma 11
led Japan
his death
regent <Gotairo)
Boards of
clans to
of brute
failed after
Toyotomi Hideyori
death again
suprem~cy
to maintain his
able to
by
title elevated
his position
throne
and protector of peace.
achieving
the
which neither Nobunaga
acquire.
shogun
In 1603 he
The
bestowal
of
as the
defender
of
Furthermore,
he became the
real master of the situation and silenced his rivals.
The administrative set-up established by leyasu was
known
as bakuhan,
It
history.
108
headed
by shogun
a unique
consisted
known as
of its
of
kind in the Japanese
national
bakufu- and
administration,
local or
domain
107 Ibid, p. T:::7.
108 Conard D.
Totman~ Politics
in the TokuqaNa Baku"fu
1600-1843
<Cambridge, Mass.
~
Harvard
University Press.
1967), p. L
administration-
the To~wa
A I though
country
the
but it
daimyo in
majority
it.
of different
Ieyasu before
merely
a daimyo
direct
position
in the
excluded
from
opposition
totally
birth
role." 111
he red i tar·y
col lateral
The
Sekigahara
fudai
to take
war
1
°
strict
part in
was
just
a
when
he
was
Consequently the
banner men
<Hatamoto)
and
who were the main functionary
house-government
assumed
predominant
Tokugawa bakufu. Rest of the daimyo were
in the
administration
se/..:i gahara war.
of
equal
ignored; "status
and
the
the
government that had
in the Kanto region.'
the
principle
entire
Moreover
Bakufu
earlier house
retainers <Gokenin)
leyasu
the
Tokugawa
<iudai)
the
within
domains denied
the
vassals
the
of
representation.
of the
served
over
administration where a! I
population confined
of Tokugawa's
hereditary
more an
Japan got
The structure
replica
bakufu extended
was no
of the
boundaries
han -
known as
individual
The daimyo
vassal
because
of
their
In the Tokugawa Bakufu
treatment
to
the
daimyo
was
was fundamentally determined by
merit
played
only
a
subsidiary
were divided into three categories:
daimyo
daimyo lshimpan>,
C fudlli),
and
related
or
and allied daimyo <Tozama).
daimyo were considered as the only trustworthy,
····-----····----····-·····----··------····--····
109 John W.
Hall 5
Nagahara Keiji
and Kozo Yamamura,
"Intt'oduction",
1n John
w. Hall, Nagahara Keiji Cl.nd Kozo
Yamamut~a,
eds.,
3apan
Be-for·e
Tokuga~o.~a.:
Political
Consolidation and Economic: Growth 1500 to 1650 (Princeton
:
Pt' i nee ton Un i vet's i ty Pt-·ess,
110 Duus, n. 64,
111
1981) ,
p. 92; and Totman,
p.
n.
Edwin 0. Reischauer, The Japanese
T Lt t t 1 e ,
19 7 8 ) ,
pa
·7 z. ~~
8.
108, p.
<Tokyo
1.
:
Charles E.
loyal
and true
role
also
served
government.
closest
from
Mito
should
submitted
to
sekigahara
war.
position
treated
leyasu
of
and opposition
administration
was based
sustain
1 15
war among
his dominance
close confidatory
a system
participate
because
by
main
The third group
•
daimyo
the
end
who
had
of
the
of
their
during the
strong
war,
was
and kept out of the
The very foundation of Tokugawa
on the
113 Kodansha,
114 Totman,
premise of undemocratic
Duus~
n.
clans
upon others
and
who
on whose loyalty he could rely.
no chances
realm of
101, p.
for the
p.
to
In
people to
administration on the basis
187 ..
108, p. 37.
64~
want
through his might and
108, p. 49.
n.
n.
various
there were
in the
112 Totman, n.
115
headed
rule by a single clan who emerged victorious out of
internecine
such
descent
or neutral during the
and caution,
set-up.
his
after
to leyasu
with suspicion
14
these
his ally
daimyo
administrative
house
house
tor the
"an heir
of
authority
or were
group
their
These daimyo
no son'' 1
consisted
war
This,
because of
to provide
shogun have
daimyo
aIl i ed
leyasu
with their domains at owari kii and
were privileged
family
they
daimyo were considered to be the
main family.
houses <sanke)
loyalty to
battle. Secondly
earlier
Tokugawa head
the Tokugawa
three
because of their
the
The Shimpan
of the
were assigned prominent
the Sekigahara
leyasu during
had
They
1 13
Tokugawa Bakufu
in the
the
vassals.
93; and Murthy, n. 89, p. 21.
of merit.
Moreover,
the
electoral parties were not the mechanism by which access to office was
regulated, some other means had to exist to determine who would get into office
and thereby secure opportunity to make policy and enjoy perquisites. 11 b
To assume
shogun
were to
the title
have in
over
producing
10,000
koi-.:-u
whose revenues
designated
as bannermen.
shogun. Below
shogun
Tokugawa
to
the
Tokugawa
fulfil ling
the
house.
The
retainers of the
of
policy
the
adopted
officials
Tokugawa
by
in
the
its
entirely based on the loyalty
AI I
important
the
officials
loyal daimyo vassals <fudai) of the
shogunate
posts at
were assigned
shogun, and
powerful
other
various vacancies in the shogunate belonged to
administrative
the
The
117
having direct access
selecting
house.
most trustworthy
Tokugawa
of
rice.
"the bulk
structure was
hierarchical
land worth
the direct
recruitment
for
Bakufu
of
They were
them were
The
18
of
were less than 10,000 koku were
<gokeninJ comprising
samurai. " 1
the followers
their possession
followers
to
of daimyo
the
lower
the
to the
bannermen.
level
of
the
direct retainers of
At
the
top
of
the
Council of State tRoju) constituted the highest
body.
Its
authority was extended throughout the
nation.
1 19
The members
among
the hereditary
of this
body were
vassals of
selected from
Tokugawa house
at
the
The Collapse of the Tokuqawa Bakufu
116 Conard Totman~
The University Press of Hawaii,
1862-1868
(Honolulu
1 980) , p. XV I I •
117 Duus, n. 64, p.
118 Murthy,
119
Ibid~
p.
92~
and Totman,
n. 89, p. 22.
28.
n.
108, p.32.
exclusion
comes
of the
the Board
consisting
of Junior
of four
councilors.
central bodies,
national
as we 1 1
and
retainers
house.
121
shogunate
house
in
participating
domains.
by
loyalty
of
people
the
in
administrative
of administration
The higher
the
too
were
daimyo
was in
Tokugawa
excluded
In
dominated by
rest of
the
to
were
government." 1 2 2
administration was
and the
pattern
the
level
the
rank and status of the daimyo
terms
common
these two main
official at
the grassroots
basis of
The
participation
Apart from
various other
as at
in
elders
officers to assist the senior
lower rank.
on the
junior
also selected from among the fudai
powerful
recruited
Below the Raju,
120
Councilors or
to six
They were
though of
daimyo
the daimyo.
rest of
were
set
from
nutshel I
the
Tokugawa
excluded
up.
the
from
Similar
operation in the other
positions in the domain were assumed
important vassals
and rest
of the
junior ranks were
assigned to the lower level vassals.
With few exceptions such as village headmen or certain privileged mer·chants
charged with financial duties, positions of administrative and political
responsibility were limited to the members of the warrior class.' 23
Thus
all
r·espons i b 1 e
positions
in
the
bakuhan
administration were monopolized by the warrior class.
120 Totman,
n.
116, pp.
121 For details
stt'uctut'e!:'
see
s:., PPa 73-76a
122 Murthy,
12
•
XV-XVI.
about the organization of administrative
Iwao, n.
95, pp. 568-71; and Ishii, n.
n. 89, p. 30.
123 Duus, n. 64, p.
100.
124 For details about the nature of the Tokugawa ruling
class,
see :
Marius B.
Jansen,
The
Ruling
Cia:.:::;.::;,
1n
Marius B. Jansen and Gilbert Rozman.
eds.,
Japan
in
7E·
By the
supremacy,
into
time of
the Japanese
to
national
society had already been divided
concrete classes confined strictly to their assigned
patterns
of
occupation
hierarchy.
pattern
on the
depending
top
the
treatment.
occupation
by
in a
12
privileged
positions
four
the
district
the
warrior
<nom i r, )
then
elite
a.rtisan
social system
:~
separate
of
identity
the total
in the
hold the
bakuhan
members could
considered
merchants
were
clubbed
of Tokugawa bakufu each class
Samurai class,
class to
right to
and
single category cal led <chonin>. Under the
bear
other classes - peasan
class
into
comes
peasant
Artisan
ebb.
percent 12 "
The
society", dividing
and finally the merchants <shonin) which stand at
accorded a
whose
structure of society on the
hierarchy
undemocratic
five
further
of
to I I owed
together
was
social
importance to the Tokugawa bakufu. On
lowest
the
the
shogunate
vision of
basis of
in
on their
<samurai)
<konin)
status
These classes were ranked in different positions
classes.
the
the social
of "confucian
people
and
Tokugawa
The
institutionalized
no
Tokugawa ascendancy
keep weapons
as auxiliary cl
to provide
them wit
Transition
: From Tokugaw
Princeton Univers1ty Press,
125 Duus, n. 64, pp.
103-5.
126 Murthy, n. 89, p. 25.
and
given
different
which constituted less than
population
civil
and
was
the
most
administrative
social
distinction was made between the rulers and ruled.
Thus
the peasants
part
in the
did
bakuhan on
no other ground except that they
not happen to be samurai. The ruling class became the
permanent
the
class not
main criteria
was the
bakufu
No
and town men were excluded from taking
one else
on whom
peace
was placed.
peace had
the
purge of
the duty
to join
governing body
supreme
elite
class in
and
administrative
in
social order
war 1615 and
osa~a
Japan in 1637,
the
bakuhan
the warrior
This
system.
commoners
to
period
became
the turbulent
the pacified
social order and
problem of
had subjugated
needs during
of
it except the warrior
of maintaining
Although the
which
commoners. Since
rank in the social hierarchy.
christianity in
cl~ss
military
into the
been resolved after the
remained
warrior
of entry
was eligible
and
replaced by
status and
class
class
to be
their
the
Japan by assuming the civil
posts
largely
due
their
to
overwhelming force.
From the
leadership
inception of the military rule under the
of
consolidation
Tokugawa
Minamoto
and
pacification
military
predominant
established
role.
from
dictator
All
above
masses
who were
lords.
In such a system,
in
the
Yoritomo
administration
of
without
to
1192
Japan
warrior
these
just subjected
in
the
under
the
played
class
military
rules
involving
the
were
general
to the powerful military
common people were given no role
and
were
relegated
to
the
(""'.
'... :
Power was concentrated by a few in both the
periphery.
127
military
and civil
administration.
Moreover,
political
power
and running
the administration became a hereditary
right
of the
Although in the bakuhan system various
domains
these
head
were governed
by the
daimyo and
population
of
domains were virtually put under the control of the
of the
domains,
had been
measures
from posing
but
in practice
taken to
control of
central
them
few.
concrete
bring these daimyo under the
This was
the shogunate.
a
various
challenge
to
the
to
family
prevent
rule
of
house. The daimyo were required to take an oath
Tokugawa
of
complete obedience to the shogun; they should be ready
to
respond to the cal I of shogun for military service
any
type o'f
the
bu.ke
any
detrimental
undertake
of
loyal
Edo,
the
regulate
their
to
the
part
ones,
endeavours.
the centre
subversive
to
128
form
Daimyo
bakufu.
the construction
daimyo of
and
known as
standardize
the
private affairs of the daimyo and to foil
on
the existing
military
to
shohatoo,
attempt
strengthened in 1635,
be further
of the
conduct
In 1615 shogun passed a
special assistance.
code to
legal
or
of new
military
were
cliques
warned
to
castles or the repair
since such acts were considered as
Special efforts were made by the
the shogun
at the
strategic places
of shogunate power,
attempts
of
in
to control and check
the
outside
daimyo
127 Katsuro Hara, An Introduction to the History of Japan
(New York & London : G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1920>, pp. 2889.
128 Murthy, n. 89, pp. 21-22.
( To.:::ama > •
system
1
<sankin-kotai> the
their
wives,
in
Further,
the daimyo
order
to
headquarters
and
conduct of
the daimyo,
metsllke.
1 3
were
entire land
their
size and
vassals.
daimyo
to
their
domain
depending upon
130
In
the activities
central chief
inspectors or
deputed
the
watched
of power
that he
of Japan.
rank were
"The shogun
to
domains
The direct retainers of
over
by
the
junior
D-
by the Shogun in this form
was the
All
chief proprietor of
the daimyo irrespective of
considered as
retained the
shogun's direct
right to
transfer
a
from one domain to another to reduce his domain or
confiscate it
various
completely." 132 Apart
religious bodies
were also
regulation
of the Shogun,
disruptive
role.
129 Ha 11
shogun.
'
daimyo showed
the
and
account of
outer daimyo.
The exercise
over
were
the
their headquarters.
a detailed
to the
shogunate
the
keep
to alternatively fix
capital
Edo and
<0-meL::uke)
especially
the
to
for a certain period of time
to keep
censors
residence
required to
loyalty
themselves had
distance between
addition,
alternate
daimyo were
ensure
residence between
their
the
children and certain retainers in the Edo as
hostages
the
under
Moreover,
~ 11
~
r1.
90,
This
p.
16 7.
130 Murthy, n. 89, p. 23.
131 Ibid.
132 Duus,
n.
64,
p. 93.
from daimyo,
the
brought under strict
so that they could not play the
helped
shogun
in
breaking
the
traditional
ties between
the Buddhist establishments and
the court.•lJ
In
1635 a
tutelage
the
were
central office
of shogun
religious
coercive
into the matters relating to
establishments.'
"the most
legitimized
to look
was established under the
3
important means
their
regime",
power into
~
Religion
by
and
which
the
rituals
Tokugawa
"transformed
sacred authority
Specia.l
were made
imperial
throne as a mechanism to win over the people.
then,
were kept
honour of
was
usurped by
made
to weaken
and
the
136
138
the thr·one.'
to grant
3 7
Even the
titles of honour
Continuous
influence of
efforts
were
the court 1 3 9
it from
the direct access of the samurai
it could
not "become a :rallying point for
so that
those
who wanted
legitimize
the court
the political
to prevent
bBkufu."'~
out of
the shogun.
class
the
prestige of
in reality, all policy matters relating to
administration
pristine
the lost
tl I 3 !i
their
efforts
But
to restore
and
0
to challenge the political authority of
Another measure employed by the shogun to
its rule
was the deification of
ieyasu to the
133 Herman Ooms,
Tokuqawa Ideology
:
Early Constructs
1570-1680
(~rinceton, N. J.
~ Princeton University Press,
1 985) ' p " 1 71 .
"'.7"'J. ..... ..::. •
134 Ibid, pp.
J. i
135 Ibid, pp.
185,
136 Ibid, pp.
165 and 170-1.
137 Ibid, p.
165.
138 Ibid, P·
1:35.
139 Ibid, pp.
.-j
19:::.
163-73; and Webb,
140 Murthy, n. 89,
p~
29~
n. 21, pp. 54-64.
of Kam1
status
stripped
broke
(heavenly deityl.
the powers
the
of the
traditional
remoulded
them to
First,
the
shogunate
various religious
cults and
ties
with
the
court
and
then
the service of the bakufu like the one
they were performing for the court.
141
This supremacy of the shogun was such that the whole
mythified
paraphernalia
surrounding
the emperor
identified
Mt.
Nikko
organize
In
was imitated
par a 1 leI
to
the
lse
Nikko shrine,
which
with
Jse
than
I se",
messages
bakufu
shrine by
In fact
to Nikko
the
up like
not reciprocate
messengers to Ise." 14
"meant
located
Kyoto~
at
to
HI 4 :<
the
same
was put on par·
rank of
gu
by the
"signified as more important
practice
was set
however did
spirit
Amaterasu
granting the
Nikko was
and
1 4 3
his
shrine
worship of
from Tokyo as the Jse from
emperor.
awe
leyasu was
by it.
to worship
distance
the
and
temple of Toshogu" was established
and concentrate
1645 the
spiritualism
goddess and
mausoleum shrine
"the
on
with sun
of
of
sending
imperial
that of to lse.
by sending
its
"The
own
4
The undemocratic character of shogunate is further
evidenced
by its
seclusion
which kept Japan in dark from the outside world
for
more than
seclusion
two hundred
Tokugawa bakufu
141 Ooms,
11.
133!
142 Ibid,
p.
183.
p•
184,
143 Ibid.
144 I b i d ,
conservative and
pp.
171-3,
years.
tried to
reactionary policy of
Through this policy of
keep Japan oblivious
175 ~' 181.
,
84
about
the varied
blind
loyalty from
by
manipulating
legends
developmental aspects of
the masses
the
age
which constituted
lite to ensure
to its dictatorial regime
old
customs
a vital
traditions
and
part of the political
tradition of the Japanese society.
The rationale
control
behind these
various
measures
of
exercised by the shogunate was not to establish a
centralized
administration in
strengthen
to maintain and
the military turned civil rule of the Tokugawa
clan
and to
guard it
Such
a rule
was based
practices.
playing
Japan but
In
the
legitimize
against the
of
to
outerdaimyo.
traditional myths
on force,
continuity
card
various
the
earlier
by
emperor
and
practice
various
clans
of
to
their position vis a vis rival clans, Tokugawa
bakufu
too adopted
throne
as a
the same
strategy
undemocratic
rule
to
device of
manipulating the
legitimately
established
from
vindicating
above
without
its
the
participation of the subjects.
THE MEIJI
RESTORATION AND
THE JAPANESE POLITICAL
SYSTEM
BACKGROUND
The
rules of
and
various tactics
economic
alternate attendance,
standard
eventually
impoverished
employed by
of
daimyos
national
the shogun
at
a
seclusion,
to keep the
minimum
led to the failure of the bskuhsn system.
the warrior
level
This
class and peasantry on whom the
scourge
of economic burden was finally whipped. Among the
warrior
class the
clans
the
were from
the
western
who were totally excluded from the power circles of
These
shogunate.
formed
influences
movement.
and
most effected
14
e
the
opportunity
decaying
into
'land of
C. Perry
anti-bakufu
forefront
nobility.
daimyo
and
flag
of
anti-bakufu
Gods'
waiting
revolt
threat of
an
for
against
'barbarian'
provided
inability to
an
the
intrusion
outlet
to
the
but
was
principle
while
compel led
of
not
deciding
the
also
obfuscated imperial
The shogun
court
thwart the warships of
strengthened
anti-foreigner
adhered
and
desperately
not only
the long
147
the
foreign
140
The Shogun's
strictly
the
shogunate. The
Matthew
of
the
clans of satsuma, choshu, Hizen
peasants were
domestic crisis.
with
numerous headless samurai <ronin) and
to hoist
the
along
background
The western
Tosa alongwith
impoverished
factors
forces
brought
into
throne and court
to
abandon
consulting
the
of
several
the
various
issues
145 For details of various factors relating to the Meiji
Restoration,
see
Ishii, n.
53,
pp.
80-88,
John W.
Dower,
ed.,
Origins of the Hodern
Japanese State
:
Selected Uritings of E. H.
Norman (New York : ~antheon
Books,
1975), pp.
118-55; Nobutaka Ike, The Beginning of
Political
Democracy in Japan <New York : Greenwood Press,
1969),
pp. 7-13;
Peter Duus,
The Rise of Modern
Japan
<Boston
: Houghton Mifflin, 1976),
pp. 55-68; Robert A.
Scalapino,
Democracy and the Party Hovement in Prewar
Japan
: The Failure of the First Attempt <Berkeley, Los
Angeles,
London :
University of California Press, 1975),
pp.
22-27; and W.
G.
Beasley,
The Hei}i
Restoration
(Stanford,
California: Stanford Unive0sity Press, 1972)~
pp. 41-1.71.
146 Jansen, n. 124, p. 70.
147 Scalapino, n.
145, p. 29.
E~..: .
dealing
with the
internal and
external concerns
of the
shogunate.
The practice of seeking opinions of the daimyo
and
in
court,
paved
reality,
lowered
the status of shogun and
the way for striking deals directly with the court.
The
repercussion of
the
power position of the court and the shogunate. Shogun
was
despised and
the
later period of Tokugawa shogunate. The slogan of the
restoration
accompanied
"Sonno
Imperial
by the
Joi",
serious
'revere the
of
the
of south-western
their
reac~
had to
oppose
of
in
power
was
character
Japanese
149
Japan knew
that of
(_ioi).
This
slogan,
had
Although
that
also
the
it
was
rivai
beyond
shogun to expel the foreigners,
support this
with no other intention but to
the shogunate. They were sticking to such a course
action mainly to get the patronage of the emperor, who
himself
The
emperor' became the cry of
political underpinnings.
clans
they
a shift in
expulsion of 'barbarians'
four
and
led to
this development
was diehard
to
oppose the opening of Japan.
149
issue of opening of Japan to the foreigners is a case
point which
factor
Japanese
on the
relates to
domestic political
"honour
the emperor
country;
strong
148 Dower, n.
145,
p.
emerging
forces.
and expel
military"
of
the
for·eign
forces in
Thus the external threat had
transformed the
Japan's
impact
configuration of
then internal
domestic politics.
tremendously
the
The
configuration
of
new slogans like
the barbarians" and "rich
were
the
146.
149 6. B.
Sansom, The Uestern World and Japan : A Study
in
the Interaction of European and Asiatic Culture <Tokyo
: Chat'les E. TLtttle, 1977), p. 283~ 299.
reflection
of
externally
which
forces within
stimulated internal
were
essentially
undemocratic.
In
per·spect 1 ves
political
the
of
these
the Japan,
reactionary,
conservative,
and
their call for strong military
addition~
manifested their militaristic orientation.
Thus the domestic crisis caused by the undemocratic
family
with
rule of
the Tokugawa
the coming
turbulent
the
received a
of Commodore
period until
Perry to
1868 where
fillip in
1853
be followed by a
it finally yielded to
restoration of the imperial rule movement spearheaded
by south western clans.
THE ADMINISTRATIVE SET-UP
On
January 3,
established
a
1868,
and the
old military
Tokugawa
shogunate was
imperial
throne was
single
centre
inviolable
of
dismantled. The
restored and
resided
However,
structure was
rule came
to an
end.
prestige of
the
the emperor became the
administration
person
sover·e i gnty.
the
of
new administrative
in
the
whose
ultimate
sacred
and
source
of
1 ike the ear· I ier transformations
1n
Japanese political system right from the Great Reform
seventh century and
the
twelfth
century,
establishment of military rule in
the
effected
into the
movement
for restoration
revolt
democratic
among
body politic
against the
populace
In
of
restoration
was
also
of Japan from above. The
imperial
oppressive regime
to overthrow
rule.
Meiji
rule
was
not
a
of Tokugawa by the
it and to establish in its place a
tact it
was a
struggle
tor
power
the outer-daimyo to whom Conard Totman addressed as
BE:
"lower
samurai.·
1
~
0
This
struggle was
the
imbecile shogunate
The
powerful outer-daimyo
shogunate
the
which had
which had
were determined
making
against
papurized the samurai.
prevented them
decision
bakufu
directed
to remove the
from taking
process
and
part in
intact
this
relegated
them
system.'~'
"It was a civil war fought with both political
and
military
to
the
weapons
by
military
class against
struggle
which culminated
was a
bakufu
samurai
power."
~
contending
one
samurai class
of
section
1
~
the
of
into the
political
a
Moreover,
2
dominant
the ensuing
overthrowing of
the
power "between the contending
between contenders
However,
3
one
another.·
struggle for
and not
1
periphery
for and
factor
holders
the
united
which
of
was their abhorrence and grudge
against the Tokugawa rule.
Thus the Meiji restoration,
a
change in
name
the clique
of emperor.
participation
structures
in
of clans
In such
the
and laws
in nutshell, was simply
who were ruling in the
a system,
political
were also
people were
Institutional
process.
designed
denied
to
ensure
the
dominance of the precursors of the restoration movement.
The
administrative
after
the Meiji
rule.
On the
strengthen
set-up
Restoration was
contrary,
in
Japan
not based
that .emerged
upon popular
it was meticulously structured to
the hold of those clans who had dismantled the
···--·--··-·---------
150 Totman, n.
116, pp. X'v'I-X\JI I.
151 Jansen, n.
124, p. 73.
152 Sansom, n. 149, pp. 338-9.
153 Jansen, n.
124, p. 90.
8'-?
Tokugawa
rule and advocated strongly tor the power of
imperial
court.
rallying
centre tor
position.
their
restoring
power in
a oligarchic
<iukf.::o)
and
kyohei) became
seventh
century old
•
of
secure
a
They wanted
hands in order to
"Return
and
a
to
strong
the
army"
manifesto.
political
The
as the most suitable system for the
and
absolute
the one
Emperor was
It facilitated a central
the emperor where no daimyo
authority of
exercise
domains.
to
and
Japan.
century modern Japan.
under the
could
their
task
administrative set-up of traditional
was considered
rule
a herculean
their own
country
Satsuma,
of
clans
Japan,
rule in
"rich
<fukoku
nineteenth
in
strengthen
place in the community of nations.
establish
Japan
court became a
clamouring to
south-western
order
monopolize the
past"
those
Hizen confronted
domestic
respective
to
all
The
Tosa and
Choshu,
resuscitated imperial
The
the
power
autonomous
and
the
only
over
centre
of
authority.
Accordingly,
Councii
among
and
on June
of State
Houses
House
The
: Upper
was drawn
1868,
was revived.
the Legislative
Judiciary.
3,
Its authority was divided
Assembly,
Executive Administration
legislative branch
and Lower.
for
in the
court nobles,
samurai
who
members
of the
<San yo)
provided membership to this chamber.
House
worked
consisted of
The membership
from princes,
had
the Nara era's Grand
the
old legislature
was composed
of only
cause.
and
those persons
154 Ishii, n. 53, p. 99; and Scalapino, n.
Upper
daimyos and
imperial
<Gizo)
two
the
1
e
4
The
council
The Lower
who paid high
145, p. 54.
90
They were
tax.
territories.
elected from
representation
in the
the
common people.
by
its
being
chamber.
subjected
dominated by
the
to the
made
basis of
hal I ing
and
court nobles
forces
the
from the
were also
real power
1869 the
oligarchy
nominal
the
was not
extended
to
the
to it
non
Upper
electoral
by the Upper House were
legislative branch as a whole
administrative
oligarchy.
155
The
various administrative offices were
rank and
status
south western
clans.
of
the
persons
Imperial
princes
who were sympathetic to the anti-bakufu
taken into
the executive.
15 b
However,
autocratic powers of the administrative
strengthened. The
were further
system of even
separation of power was discarded "in favour of a
highly
The position
to establish
with
the
administrative
156 Beasley, n.
145, p.
based on
59.
318.
157 Ibid.
158 Scalapino, n.
159 Ibid.
"there
administration··
145, p.
Legislative Assembly
an elected
structure
155 Scalapino, n.
of the
In fact
further retrenched.
intention
controlled
bureaucratically
centralized
structure." 159
power
Upper·
157
In
was
imperial
within the executive was exercised by the
•
samurai.
and
House was further weakened
to
In fact,
appointments
on the
the
The Lower
in it.
domains
Lower House
Matters referred
discussed
was
in
like
Thus,
the
145, p. 54.
had
been
assembly co-equal
1
s
9
The
a new
no
in
reorganized
civil service
: , -1
7 .l
code.
The
top
posts
were
of
Minister
Minister
of the
followed
by several Councillors.
departments
Affairs,
Justice
Council
Besides,
Affairs, Finance.,
and
Imperial
were under
system
the direct
of
Military, Foreign
control of
the
administrative
in
the Grand
set-up
the
was
the
140
was not
system representation
to the
ensured. No
merit principle was followed
the recruitment process,
power was concentrated in the
hands
of a few southwestern clans who led the restoration
movement.
to
six
above discussion amounts to an assertion that in
dajokan administrative
people
These
development in
inclusion of the Ministry of Shinto affairs.
The
Lett,
there were six
Household.
<dazokan). Another
of State
reor·ganized
the
Right, three <later four) Vice Ministers
:Civil
departments
at
In fact
the group
it was a change of power from one clan
of clans
an egalitarian society.
This
until
the
However,
wake
main
system of
who had no intention to establish
141
administration
adoption
of
minor changes
the
remained
cabinet
system
in
effect
in
were made in its structure in the
of abolition of the han in 1871, 1873, and 1875. The
motive
administrative
behind
the
set-up
repeated
was
to
restructur-ing
ensure
The
Satsuma-Choshu ruling
over the
160 Ibid.;
issue of
145, pp.
was
162
divided in
priority of belligerent foreign
and Ishii, n. 53, p.
161 Beasley, n.
olig~rchy
of
complete
centralization of state power in the hands of a few.
1873,
1885.
101.
336-7.
162 For details see Ishii,
n. 53, pp.
101-3.
policy
ot
the
offensive
resignation
policy
from the
Toshimichi
have
reforms.The defeat
or internal
towards
of the supporters
Korea
led
councillors position.
(of satsuma) and Kido Takayoshi
a full
resignation
control over
of Kido,
to
It lett Okubo
<of choshu) to
After the
the administration.
Okubo become
their
the monolith
central
figure.s•.:s
This undemocratic character of the Meiji regime was
subjected
were
to severe criticism by the splinter group. They
pressurizing the
imperial
charter oath
representative
state
of Apri I
government.
<Dajokan) which
reorganized,.
were
sat-cho government
In
6,
to follow
the
1868 and to introduce
response,
the
counci I
of
had already changed many times was
The office of the Minister of Left and Right
CDaishin-in)
<Genorin) and
A cabinet
abolished.
were established.
the
cabinet was
the
redundant
administrative
simply a
The
change in
legislative
structure.
104
or· gan
It
supreme court
establishment
of
the nomenclature of
of
was not
the
autocratic
a body
elected by
the people or representing them.
The member of the Senate were nobles and high officials or other persons who had
rendered service to the state, and their appointments were made by the emperor.
Their powers were circumscribed and ultimate authority resided in the council of
state, which though nominally the sovereign's privy council, was in fact a small
autocratic body determined to exercise absolute rule in the emperor's name and
to concede as little as possible to the advocates of popular government. ~
16
The
clique
established
government
another farce
163 For details see
164 Sansom, n.
165 Ibid.
of
CSatsuma-Choshu)
institution of the assembly of
Ibid, pp.
149, p. 341.
Sat-Cho
102-3
provincial
officials as
progressive
of
such
to
group who
an eye
"stood tor
the subjects." 1 bb
people.
"governors
the demands
of
freedom and the rights
The composition of the assembly was
that i t did not provide a
the
wash to
Its
membership
of prefectures
central
government and
control
by the
channel of representation
was
drawn
from
the
who awed their position to the
close supervision and
were under
minister of
Harne Affairs." 1 b 7
To
quote
Sansom in this connection
(i)t was quite clear that the ruling group had no intention of allowing the
people to share in forming the policy of the central government so long as they
could prevent it; and far from encouraging local autonomy they saw to it that
local government should remain in the hands of a bureaucracy taking its order
from the capital and lacking discretionary powers. ~
1
These
nominal
structure 'failed
demanding
more
establishment
the
voice
government
was
the
vindicated
the
win
of
to
people
came out
the might
of dangerous
progressive
individuals
the
their
by
Saigo
opponents", and
speech.'b~
167 Ibid, p. 342.
168 Ibid.
p. 61.
and
the
the
was
sat-cho
In 1875, a law
the medium
of the oligarchy,
press and
145,
rights
clique administration.
headed
forces
In order to suppress
with repressive laws.
166 Ibid, p. 343.
169 Scalapino, n.
the
set up.
for
administrative
the
suppress ruthlessly
revolt
freedom of
in
over
of democratic
the autocratic
Satsuma
hundred
to
r·ights
enacted to
against
changes
9
of voice
In
1877,
crushed.
It
which "imprisoned
severely curtailed
The
oligarchy
had
employed
their
the strongest weapon of "imperial absolutism" in
tirade against
name
of "imperial
entrenched
forces
the
forces demanding
absolutism" the
In
oligarchs of
the
sat-cho
its roots and unleashed repression against the
advocating the
cause of
government passed
public
reforms.
democracy.
170
In 1880,
another repressive measure <Law of
meetings> to prevent public meetings and formation
of political bodies.
171
The traditional system ot administration <Dajokan>
was
replaced by
Ministers
under
a cabinet
of the
in 1885.
several departments
the control of Prime Minister.
change
in the
It consisted of the
of state
172
and
put
Once again,
this
administrative structure failed to provide
representation to the people. The same ruling clique who
•
was control ling the state of affairs in the Dajokan came
to
control the
position
newly established
of the
cabinet. Moreover,
ruling oligarchy
intact but also strengthened.
had not
the
only remained
173
Although the progressive group was critical of the
undemocratic
was
not in
rule of
representing
conservative
171
344.
p.
Dower,
1 72 Ish i i,
174 Ibid 5
group
it too
the
took
whole
the
society.
pretext
174
of
If
the
"imperial
60.
n •. 145,
n • 53,
173 Sansom,
clique but still
favour of introducing universal franchise and
parliament
170 Ibid,
th sat-cho
n.
p•
149,
p. 348.
pp.
435-64; and
113.
p. 358.
Sansom, n.
149'
p.
absolutism"
tor
autocratic
rule,
of
strengthening
propounding
the
their
democracy to challenge the hegemony of
Moreover,
former.''~
consolidating
the progressive group adopted the facade
liberalism and
the
and
the cause
symbolism of
even
the
progressive
group
of liberalism could not get rid of
the Imperial
Wil I, which
had carved a
permanent place in the psyche of Japanese people.''•
THE CONSTITUTIONAL SET-UP AND THE ASCENDANCY OF
THE MILITARY
The
Meiji constitution
and came
1899
opinion
Sat-Cho
sought on
clique who
prepared
under
released
fact,
as 'a
on the
regime,
recognition
issues at the time of
It was the brain-child of the
give them
power to crush the voice
leadership
the
gift of
the
eyes of
Ito
Hirobumi
ruling
and
to his subjects.
constitution was
the progressive
representative
in the
of
the emperor'
of the
part of
to prevent
introducing
Public
1890.
individual rights. The constitution was
the adoption
move
several
29,
11,
were bent upon to design such a legal
which could
democracy and
on February
on November
the constitution.
document
of
into force
was not
drafting
was promulgated
clique
of
forces•
government,
and
a
In
tactical
the
Meiji
att~mpt
to
of
get
the western powers for their
· - - - - · ---·-----175 Ibid,
176
pp. 356-8.
"Spec i a 1 In t t~oduc tot~y Essay
Disillusionment
"Public"
and
in J.
Victor
Kosc:hmann,
ed.,
Matsumoto Sannosuke,
Roots
of
"Private"
Political
in Japan",
Authority and the Individual in Japan : Citizen Protest
in Historical Perspective
<Tokyo :
University of Tokyo
Press,
1978>, pp. 40-41.
·: c,
regime
as fulfilling
modern state.
From
17
of the
undemocratic
the
proceedings
becoming
of the
a public
of
leadership
of
examining
assigned
the
of
Ito
to go
in
Japanese
177 Kawai
5
as to
torum.
17
Council,
Hirobumi
in
the
was
not
its
prevent it
from
Simi lar·ly,
s
formed
1888 for
the
under
the
the purpose
of
was also drawn from the
of
exclusion
person -
a
staunch
was
very
Ito Hirobumi
supporter
"much
of
attracted
anti-parliamentary
" 181
2 5 p.
n.
178 Sansom, n.
179 Duus 9 n.
of
whole
the
- who
was
abroad to study the western constitutions
monarchical,
Bismark ...
structure
Iwakura Tomomi
"a
monarchical
like that of Prussia." 1 9 0 During his mission
he
abroad,
its
Mor·eover,
society.
secret so
at
the
highly influenced by the view point of
constitution
a
of the
abundance
constitution
the
Privy
Even the
Uda i j in!
of
Bureau assigned to the task of
discussion
oJigarchy
179
whole process
instance,
the draft constitution,
Sat-cho
populace.
draft
were kept
member· ship
requirements
constitution showed
character. For
representative
(the
beginning the
Institutions Research
preparing
was
necessary
7
the very
formation
the
the
9.
149 5 p.
358.
p.
113.
180 Ish i i , n • 53, p .
1 1 3.
145,
181 Sansom, n.
149,
p,
362.
by
the
principles
strong
of
Following
strengthening
the
oligarchy's
its power
in
inclination
the
name
of
the
towards
emperor,
special powers were conferred on him.
In his design of the emperor system, Ito used the mythologic substant1ation of
the emperor and defined the emperor's role in terms distinctively different from
the traditional interpretation. During the shogunate eras, the emperor's
position had been titular. From the Meiji era up until the end of of world war
II, the emperor had absolute authority over' Japan's military, governmental and
religious affairs. 192
He
derived this absolute authority from his ancestors,and
not
from the
his
blood
people, and
heirs.
The
from
unbroken
ages
would pass it,
divinity
accordingly,
imperial
the
of
was
thus,
eternal,
to
1 i ne
1 ega 11 y
established.
Article-1
"[tJhe
by
Emperor was
declared
constitution
states
that
according
And
sacred and inviolable." 194 Article-4,
rights,
to
constitution." 18 5
the
The
established
provision
183
"the Emperor is the head of the empire combining
himself the
opt
Meiji
line. of Emperors unbroken for ages eterna!."
a
thus,
the
Empire of Japan shall be reigned over and governed
"[tJhe
in
of
an
sovereignty
and
provisions
of
provisions
absolute
exercises
them
the
present
There
was
of
monarch.
no
in the constitutional lowing the legislature to
for amendments.
"Only
the
emperor
could
initiate
182 Takeda Kiyoku~ "Conflicting Concepts on the Empe,-·ot~",
Japan Quarterly <Tokyo)~ vol. 36, No. 1~ January- March
1989 5
p.
50.
183 Harold S. Quigley and John E. Turner, The NeN Japan :
Un i vet~s i ty
of
Government and Politics
(Minneapolis
1'1innesota. 1956), Appendi>~ II~ p. 416.
184 Article 3 of the constitution, see
185 Ibid.
Ibid~
p. 417.
·~·'f.
amendments.
MacArthur
the
Not a single amendment was made until Douglas
summarily terminated
Meiji
constitution
character
of
the
substantiated
Rescript
elementary
level.
the
the
into
and
people's
heights. " 1
87
Fi l i a 1
of the
to
constitution.
undemocratic
the
of
which
was
further
the
Imperial
incorporated
public
on duty
education
the
at
the
and order would curb the
right
piety
movement,
seek
the
Filial piety
the
its
prime
given
principles
were
respect
people's
at
polity, were
these
Moreover,
then
loyalty,
and
Japanese national
importance.
extended
The
"
This was introduced with the hope "that
freedom
utmost
and spirit of
constitution
in 1890,
confucian emphasis
principles
19
promulgation
on education
ideology
1946."
Me i j i
by
confucian
in
the letter
and loyalty
for
were used
the
as
a
device to curb opposition to rule by a clique.
As far as the promise of representative institutions
was
concerned only nominal representation was provided in
the
body of
consisting
House
titles
was
of the
House of
a
by the newly
prince,
purely
insignificant
Press
(Upper
(Lower· House 1.
of Representative
dominated
Imperial Diet
Imperial Diet.
created
ma.rquis,
appointive
count,
body
members elected
was bicameral
HouseJ and the
The
former
aristocracy
of
was
five
viscount and baron.
with
by the
the
exception
highest Tax
lt
of
payer
186 Toshio Nishi, Unconditional Democracv : Education and
f'()].ftlcs
)apart
in
Oc•::upled
<Stanfor'd,
Hoover-·
C a l i for- n i a
Institution
Stanfor'd
U n i v e r' s i t y , 1982) ' p
1·7 ..
u
187 Kodansha, n.
101,
p.
279.
group.
1
Entry into the lower house,
1l 9
house,
was also
restricted to
one
percent of
total
yen
in dir·ect
national
provisions
fur·ther
for the
l ower·ed
the
Diet was
year,
population,
equal
down
powers
of
whatever
was
hardly
executive branch
to the
to approve
1
"
to
a new
If
since
the
the
effect
the
the
it had no
latter
legislative
the
year budget
into
scrutinize
In reality,
was
branch
cabinet
previous
enjoyed predominant
the
government and politics of Japan.
and
Navy were
headed by
provided
domestic
them
and foreign
was
year's
either
by withdrawing
government
or by
thus causing
was forbidden
elsewhere.
Moreover,
p.
189 Duus, n " 145, p • 11 5 ..
T.,h;;
to fill
their
145,
1 ; c::-
General
84.
or
control
the
tp
Admiral
over·
state.They
its
toes
the
could
simply
threat of withdrawing their
the fall
government
188 Scalapino, n.
of
position in both
The Ministry of War
effective
affairs
the recalcitrant
ministers
a serving
with
br·ing
1Qf'l
representative
armed forces were also beyond the control of the
These forces
which
Houses,
0
The
D1et.
emperor.
put
to
sufficient
on the
budget.
both
the
only a period of three months a
contr·o 1
empowered
the
little
business of administration.
refused
Moreover,
I B q
tedious
accountable
minority about
paid over fifteen
~who
taxes
limited to
which
the small
House of Representative had. The session of
t~e
character
meant to be popular
of the
government.
The
the deserted posts from
direct access
to the emper·or
<who
and
was their
peace,
managed
but
them
sovereignty
position
Japan.
1 "~
in
also
to
to
wield
conclude
wide
and
powers
sign
treaties>
precisely
because
was vested in the emperor. Such a predominant
of the
armed forces
led to
military
rule
in
1
Since
cabinet
Supreme Commander not only to declare war
the formation
in Japan
the Diet
of the
in 1898,
varied from
first
political
party
the role of political parties
time to time depending upon the
configuration
of political forces in the domestic affairs
of
its international environment.
the
of
Japan and
political parties
cabinets. The
control
as
and
of
control over the formation
cabinets
were
statesmen'
organized
from 1924
period
to 1932
in the
large
corruption,
scale
the cabinet.
During this
hope for
the
rule twinkled over Japan.
But
involvement
and their
of
close ties
a
ray of
political
with
houses
took them
away from
factor
which led
to their
rout was
factional
make
rise
above their
more
like "closed
from 1918 to 1922,
or majority
cabinets,
of democratic
the
majority party
Diet formed
of party-headed
flourishment
the
under
and popularly known
lGenro>
'tr8.nscendental cabinets'. However,
coalitions
the
'elder
had no
Before 1918,
the common
organizations"
parties
the big business
Another·
people.
their inability
up character.
and
in
to
They were
"exclusive
clubs
Japan's Hodern
Century: From Perry to
The Ronald Press,
1970), edn 2,
pp.
165·-6;
Ishii, n. s:::::, p. 115; and John M. Maki~ Goverr1ment
and
Politics : The Road to Democracy (London : Thomas &
Hudson, 1962) , p. 20.
191
1970
Hugh Borton,
(New York
rather
than
failure
of party
intrigues
brought
membership
mass
the end
early
forties.
ruler
of Japan
manipulated
In
party politics
turn, militarymen
who like
the idea
their
of the
upto
historical
the advent
characteristics
developed
general
in
of World
in the
oligarchic
virtual
predecessors
the emperor to
divinity of
rule at home and
HERITAGE AND
THE FOREIGN
survey of
War
of political
I I
the political system
highlights
processes in
the
Japan.
main
It had
its own modes and modalities of statecraft. The
public were not only precluded from participating
the political
elites
in ,Tapan
193
THE POLITICAL
ITS
IMPACT ON
POLICY
afores~id
military
became the
their autocratic
aggressive policy abroad.
The
depression,
old tradition of oligarchic rule
of the
legitimacy to
provide
world
politics,
and centuries
The
had a
system but
were made
legitimate right to rule over them.
tact,
developed a
rule
of oligarchy.
This,
in
feeling with the masses to respect the
Moreover,
it gave rise to a tradition
192 Robert A.
Scalapino and Junnosuke Masumi, Political
Par t i e s
i r, Co 11 tempo r a r )'
Japan ( Bet- k e 1 e y ,
Los A r1g e l e ;;.
Urd.·v·et'::ity of Califot'nia, 1977). pp. 19-·20.
F m· de t a i l s of
the
rise and
fall
of
the
emergence
Df
the
armed
forces
politics and the
as sup !·'erne
au thDi' i ty see
Franz H.
Michael and
George E. Taylor,
The Far East in the Hodern Uorld <Illinois
The Dl·-yder,
1=:· t' e s s ~
19 7 5 ) , p p •
257-9 ff;
Hall, n.
90,
pp.
308-24;
Ishii,
n. 5:::::,
pp. 119·-26;
Maki.
n.
l-=?1,
p.
2C>;
and
Quigley and Turner~ n. 183, pp. 15-42.
1 93
in
the Japanese
being
society where
questioned
significant
by
base to
the
one class
gover·ned.
govern without
This
provided
a
the upsurge of ultra-nationalism and
militarism.
The
senior
principle of
had taken
Japanese
the
lower rung
hierarchy had
confucian
childhood
loyalty
of such
where a
status
at
relationships, and
consciousness among
the
individua.l ity
leaders
had
to seek
obedient
to
individuality
and
loyalty
and
of
had
was
of extra-
entire nation
pattern
discarded.
as
a
generated
a
Individual
only in
carried no
a
meaning.
group.
In
such
was
The
a
of the group had to surrender to the
representing the
no rights.
principles
social groups
his identity
self"
as the
Tht:-
the society and the essence of
was
every member
considered
piety
to the
a social
group
system
the
taught
the various
Such
or the
relationship.
behaviour used to startd at
f i I i a I
familial
"private
in the
piety toward the father in the family.
over into
socialized
the
by the wide spread
five
famous
extended
family.
of
higher ones'
been sanctified
type of
similar pattern
single
lite
the
the centuries. The servility on
child was
and filial
in
towards the
philosophy of
inculcation
The
a prime
society through
part of
social
loyalty and obedience towards one's
group.
Group representative was
embodiment of
They were
those
Individuals
expected to be unconditionally
above
was checked
authority.
them.
The
essence
of
and put
under various beliefs
taboos at the very tender age.
It blocked initiative
necess&ry
for
part ici pat i c'n
in
democratic
politic
process.
People were
politics
from the power ring of the
through the wide scale dissemination of official
ideology,
which
virtuous,
above the
committing
any wrong.
political
system,
sovereignty.
power
were
required to
to be
passive
Me i j i
era a.nd
immune
It was the emperor
people
the
source
of
functions of
the state was
They
They were the
The elementary education system of the
the
mythical and
a! 1 directed
historical accounts of
to keep
the affairs
c·
..~1nce,
mass participation.
indeed divine entity,
criticized.
they should
the
throne.
always as
interests.
Hence,
the
prive<te
condemned.
populace
not
loyal and obedient by heart.
considered
oppose
in whose sacred
He
was
above
the
of state
emperor
he could not be
everything.
And
had no chance to evaluate the acts of the emperor.
Moreover,
toward
from
Unlike the democratic
were
political
"virtuous" and
or
was vested.
free
and
follow the command of the emperor.
from the
opposed
being
supreme.
a
accountable to the people. The people
followers.
were
as
Thus the emperor and the persons on whom the
were not
expected
emperor
human
people
to administer
conferred
the
normal
the sovereignty
person
was
qualified
not cultivate
The
the public
opposing
pub l i c
interest.
Such a
provided a
acts
any
of
acts.
the
bad
intention
emperor
were
He had no private
the emperor was tantamount to
interest
and
Private
interests
view point
giving
importance
were
widely familiar
blanket cover
to the
to
severely
with
the
autho;itative
regime
the
of different
emperor
to
clans who were ruling in the name of
prevent
resentment
and
political
participation.
The
was
subservience of
further
government
journey
reinforced
that
ten
centuries,
few
were always
of
were
pf the
of the
i.e.,
their
of
long
ruling circles
contrary,
they
change,
the
whether
century,
ascendancy
or
it
in the
the
result
itself.
the
is
the
of
in
the
from
power
Japanese society
of
court
ruling.
factional
Every
Great
warrior class
of the
varied
were not the outcome of
against
demise
the
the movement
the changes
commands.
The changes that took place in
ruled
were
their
oligarchy
of oligarchy
oligarchy
the
Even these
monopoly of economic and political
remained unchanged.
of
follow
social strata
its essence,
within
to
depending upon
struggle
or
throughout
form
II. During this entire period of
the composition
structure
the
oligarchic
from the upper crust of the society. The
people
to time
power
had
governing
government had been by the few.
the
Although
but
the
to the
of political developments from seventh century to
end of the World War
time
by
Japanese
the
rest
the governed
major
Reform
On
the
rivalry
political
of
nobility
seventh
and
the
in the twelfth century,
for the unification of the Japan and its
culmination
into the military rule of the Tokugawa in the
seventeenth
century,
nineteenth
of
century,
Japan under
century,
were
or
or even,
the U.S.
all
the
Imperial
Restoration in the
the political re-orientation
Jed occupation in the twentieth
effected
from
above
without
the
involvement
of
oligarchic rule
of
of
of common people. This thirteen hundred years
democratic
the ruling
(from 645
A.D.
traditions and
to the
ruled,
to 1945 A.D. J,
devoid
absence of accountability
provided
the foundation on
which Japanese militarism and ultra-nationalism survived.
Another characteristic,
the
pre-World War
was
the use
I I Japanese
of force
as
supremacy.
In
predominant
variable in
from
rather a predominant one,
fact,
a
the
of
domestic political system
medium
use
to
reach
force
of
the political
national
had
become
process of
a
Japan
the middle of twelfth century onwards when a rule by
military
oligarchy was
military
rule was
rule
firmly
established. Seven
fairly a
rooted
in
the
long period
political
centuries
of
to get military
soil
Japan.
of
Therefore,
It was inevitable that Japan, once emerged into the 1r10dern world, would adopt an
authoritarian form ot government and embark on a policy of military
aggression. 194
The description of the pre World Ward I I
political
of
system clearly
undemocratic,
owing
to its
World War
oligarchic
very structure
ultra-nationalism
the
establishes that
and which
I I. The
Japanese
i t was a
and absolutist
rule,
in turn
involvement of
pushed
Japan into
Japan in
struggles can also be understood in similar
Such
armed
Incident
194
Maki~
which
gave rise to militarism and
armed
1894-1895,
case
involvements include
Sino-Japanese
earlier
terms.
War
of
Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 and Manchurian
of 1931. This,
n. 2, p. 23.
however,
does not mean that there
were
no specific distinct causes leading to each of these
involvements.
and
But,
the
common factor
Japan
making it
their
country on
emphasis,
here,
non-democratic rule in
of oligarchic,
possible for political
of democracy
and responsible
central
to political
evolution and
government
the
became
development of Japan
its defeat in the Pacific War and subsequent US led
A 1 1 i ed
Occupation.
perceived
triumph
road
leaders to launch
paths of armed confrontation. Thus,
factors
after·
is on the general
by the
This
is
AI lied Powers
how
and
situation
the
in
their
hour
was
of
in 1945 they optimistically launched Japan on the
of domestic
reconstruction under
the
guidance of the Occupation Administration.
control
and