West Indian Archaeology. 3. Ceramic Age
Author(s): William F. Keegan
Source: Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 8, No. 2 (June 2000), pp. 135-167
Published by: Springer
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Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 8, No. 2, 2000
West Indian Archaeology. 3. Ceramic Age
William F. Keegan1
Irving Rouse once calculated that more than 90% of all pre-Columbian artifacts
from the West Indies are made of clay. It should, therefore, come as no surprise that
the vast majority of research in the region has focused on the ceramic age cultures.
The review begins by considering the early ceramic age peoples whose pottery is
classified as part of the Saladoid series. These peoples entered the Antilles about
500 B.C. and settled all of the islands as far north as Puerto Rico. For as yet
unknown reasons their northward progress was halted in Puerto Rico for nearly
1000 years. The post-Saladoid cultures of the Lesser Antilles, about whom very
little is known, and the so-called "Ostionoid" peoples of the Greater Antilles
and Bahama archipelago are discussed next. New, detailed studies of subsistence,
settlement patterns, social organization, and iconography are contributing to a
richer knowledge of the patterns and processes of cultural evolution in an insular
setting.
KEY WORDS: Caribbean; Saladoid; Ostionoid; Tainos.
INTRODUCTION
Irving Rouse once calculated that more than 90% of all pre-Columbian
tifacts from the West Indies are made of clay. It should, therefore, come
surprise that the vast majority of research in the region has focused on the ce
age cultures. My two previous Journal of Archaeological Research reviews
focused on the research that sandwiches the present review. The first exam
the aceramic "Lithic" and "Archaic" cultures that were displaced, replaced, an
assimilated when the ceramic age peoples swept through the Antilles betw
500 B.C. and European contact (Keegan, 1994). The second discussed the nat
peoples at the time of the European invasion and the aftermath of the conq
(Keegan, 1996).
1 Florida Museum of Natural History, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida 3261 1.
135
1059-0161/(XV0600-0135$18.00/0 C 2000 Plenum Publishing Corporation
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136
Keegan
The
present
tures.
Empha
cations
also
a
peoples
whos
These
peoples
as
far
north
and
westward
Saladoid
cultu
the
so-called
are
discussed
previous
revi
Recent
archa
West
Indian
p
social
organiz
the
patterns
data indicate the need for a substantial revision of what one reviewer called the
"Saladoid migration hypothesis." This hypothesis, which posits a single ceramic
age migration from South America from which all subsequent cultures developed,
emerged from Rouse's efforts to counter alternative multiple migration hypotheses
(see Siegel, 1996b). In its current form the Saladoid migration hypothesis overemphasizes shared modes and ignores the cultural diversity that has now been
recognized in this region. The present review seeks to highlight this diversity.
EARLY CERAMIC AGE
The West Indies were first settled by at least two migrations of precera
colonists. The first migrants crossed the Yucatán Passage into Cuba ar
4000 B.C. and spread eastward into Hispaniola (Wilson et al, 1998). The
ond apparently moved through the Lesser Antilles and into the Greater Ant
about 2500 B.C. and spread westward across Puerto Rico into Hispaniola (Ke
1994; Rouse, 1992; Veloz Maggiolo, 1991). There appears to be some mixing
these populations in Hispaniola and Puerto Rico, but their material cultures
mained distinctive. When the early ceramic age peoples entered the Antilles a
500 B.C., there were aceramic foragers living on Cuba (Dacal Moure and Riv
de la Calle, 1996), Hispaniola (Veloz Maggiolo, 1991), Puerto Rico (Rouse
Alegría, 1990), and at least some of the Lesser Antilles.
Until recently, it was generally assumed that the dispersal of pottery-bea
peoples into the West Indies involved an island by island, northward expan
of a single Saladoid culture. Recent investigations indicate instead that the
was a direct jump from Trinidad/Venezuela to the Leeward Islands, U.S. Vi
Islands (St. Thomas, St. Croix, and St. John), and eastern Puerto Rico (Callagh
1995; Keegan, 1995). Calibrated radiocarbon dates from the Hope Estate
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West Indian Archaeology, 3 137
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138
Keegan
on St. Martin and the Trants and Radio Antilles sites on Montserrat indicate
that they were settled around 500 B.C. (Hofman and Hoogland, 1999; Petersen,
1996).
In his compilation of settlement data and radiocarbon dates, Jay Haviser
(1997) noted that the earliest ceramic age sites (500 B.C. to A.D. 1) are located on
Puerto Rico, the U.S. Virgin Islands, and the Reward Islands. The only exceptions
are the uncalibrated radiocarbon dates from the Fond Brulé site on Martinique
and sites on Grenada and Dominica that are attributed to this period by artifact
comparisons (see Haviser, 1997). Moreover, with the exception of Puerto Rico,
54% (n = 8) of the sites are located on the northern half of the islands, which
suggests a northward-looking focus.
Between A.D. 1 and A.D. 500, there was at least one site established on every
major island (Haviser, 1997). The Leeward Islands and the U.S. Virgin Islands,
perhaps by virtue of their earlier colonization, have an inordinate number of sites
relative to their size. In addition, sites established at this time show a marked shift to
the southern half of the islands (80%; n = 24). This shift occurred even on islands
with only one site, so it was not simply a response to the preceding phase during
which north coast locations were preferred.
Movement was so rapid that arrival in eastern Puerto Rico was almost simultaneous with departure from Trinidad/South America. It could be argued that these
patterns are an artifact of the available data and that future research will show that
each island was colonized in turn as the colonists made their way northward from
the mainland. However, this possibility can be rejected by calculating the reproductive potential of the human colonists; the colonists could not have reproduced
fast enough to settle the islands in sequence (Keegan, 1995). After reaching Puerto
Rico further expansion to the west ceased. From eastern Puerto Rico population
growth fueled dispersal south into the Virgin and Leeward Islands, which may
account for the north-coast emphasis in settlement locations.
The conditions that promoted population expansion out of South America are
the subject of debate (Siegel, 1991). One possibility is that the populations living
along coastal Venezuela and the Guianas reached a density that "pushed" people
out into the Antilles (Roe, 1989). The alternative is that the abundant resources
of the Antilles "pulled" people out to the islands (Keegan, 1995). Whatever the
cause, it is likely that the conditions that stimulated the initial migration into the
Antilles continued to fuel dispersal from South America. Given the large areas
of South America over which general pottery series were shared (Oliver, 1989;
Rouse, 1992, p. 53), it is likely that a number of different "local groups2" entered
the Antilles at this time.
following Haviser (1991), Hofman (1993), and Hoogland (1996), I use the concept "local group"
to distinguish smaller sociopolitical units. In Rouse's taxonomy, "subseries" and "styles" are used
to identify smaller cultural units; however, it is not clear that pottery decoration adequately reflects
meaningful social units. As Hofman (1993) points out, smaller sociopolitical units emerged within
the stylistic areas at the end of the Saladoid in the Lesser Antilles.
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West
Indian
Archaeology,
3
139
At present, the best evidence for su
absence of painted pottery at the Sor
(Chanlatte Baik and Narganes Storde
pottery at Hope Estate, St. Martin (H
These two sites, along with the Punta
that at least some groups did not pr
pottery motifs (Rodriguez, 1997; Ced
same way that some groups continue
were
abandoned
expression
of
in
other
local
areas,
group
the
abs
identity.
It should be noted that most Saladoi
site (480 B.C. to A.D. 300), Montserra
(Petersen and Watters, 1995, p. 136).
and white-on-red painting cooccurred
of
these
absence
motifs
of
one
indicates
or
the
that
other
identity.
Because the majority of pottery in Saladoid sites is undecorated, it is possible
that the highly decorated Cedrosan Saladoid series, especially the painted pottery,
is actually a veneer shared by local groups. This veneer, a sort of pottery lingua
franca, would have acted to reinforce social ties between islands and over long
distances. Such ties are crucial for small populations seeking to mediate the risks
associated with island colonization and for maintaining an adequate spouse pool
(Keegan and Diamond, 1987). When viewed as a social process, Cedrosan Saladoid
pottery may be telling us more about the social alliances required to survive an
isolated existence than it tells us about the local groups who used it. In other
words, Saladoid pottery may not represent a "people and culture" (sensu Rouse,
1992). However, because most investigators use the term Saladoid to describe their
results, I follow that convention.
Early Ceramic Age Local Groups
Most research in the West Indies is structured by Irving Rouse's (1992) methods of time-space systematics. In this system, the characteristic "modes" of pottery
at a site have been used to identify a "style" that usually bears the name of the
first site at which it was described. For the smaller islands, there is often only
one style per time period. Local pottery styles that share sufficient similarities are
grouped into subseries (denoted by an -an suffix), and subseries are grouped into
series (denoted by an -oid suffix). Rouse (1992, p. 182) uses this classification to
identify "peoples" and "cultures," which are "two sides of a coin, one consisting of
a local population group and the other of the cultural traits that define the group."
This system has created the impression that during the ceramic age the West Indies
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both
at
we
specif
140
Keegan
were
the
colonize
only
cer
1996b)
has
w
have
viewed
e
mainland.
Rouse (1992) has defined two pottery subseries for the first centuries of the
first millennium. These are the predominantly zone-incised, crosshatched pottery of the Huecan subseries and the painted and modeled-incised pottery of the
Cedrosan subseries (described below in the section on Saladoid material culture).
There is a mixing of Huecan and Cedrosan Saladoid elements at a number of contemporaneous sites (Chanlatte Baik, 1995; Petersen and Watters, 1995; Righter,
1997, p. 74). However, Huecan materials have been found exclusively at the Sorcé
site, Vieques Island, and Punta Candelera site, eastern Puerto Rico. At these Huecan
Saladoid sites, which date between 200 B.C. and A.D. 200, there is a distinctive
material assemblage.
The diagnostic characteristics of the Huecan subseries are pottery decorated
with zoned-incised crosshatching and the complete absence of painted pottery. In
addition, there is a remarkable lapidary industry in which small zoomorphic pendants and beads were produced from exotic, nonlocal lithics. Luis Chanlatte Baik
(1981), the principal excavator of the Sorcé site, has proposed that the Huecan
subseries represents a direct migration from the central Venezuelan coast. Rouse
(1992) disagrees and instead believes that it is a component of the Cedrosan
Saladoid migration out of the lower Orinoco River basin. It has also been suggested
that these materials reflect a distinct ethnic group, or a sector of the population,
that specialized in commerce and trading, particularly of exotic (nonlocal) stone
(Rodriguez, 1997). Bowls with nasal tubes for inhaling narcotic snuff attest to the
South American practice of using drugs to communicate with the spirits (Chanlatte
Baik, 1981). Zoomorphic pendants, including frogs, turtles, bats, lizards, and a
bird carrying a human trophy head, made from exotic stone (Narganes Storde,
1995), most of which likely originated in South America (Watters, 1997), are
quite common.
Huecan deposits at the two known sites consist of small mounds. The seven
small mounds at the Sorcé site are in a horseshoe shape (Narganes Storde, 1995).
Their small size, in comparison to the much larger, contemporaneous Hacienda
Grande style sites, argues for a modest occupation (Roe, 1989, p. 275). The people
who occupied the Sorcé site practiced a mixed economy of horticulture, hunting, and fishing. Griddles attest to the cultivation of yucca (Manihot escuelenta)
for the preparation of cassava bread. Other cultigens were certainly grown. Animal remains include abundant land crabs and snails, hutias, iguanas, fishes, and
birds (Narganes Storde, 1995). Sorcé is currently the only site at which the spiny
rat (Heteropsomys insulans) has been identified. Manatee and sea turtle, though
uncommon, also occur. Marine fish represent 52% of the vertebrate fauna with
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West
Indian
Archaeology,
3
141
groupers and snappers contributing
were not commonly used.
SALADOID PERIOD, 500 B.C. TO A.D. 600
Saladoid Settlement System
Cedrosan Saladoid sites occur on both volcanic and limestone islands in the
Lesser and Greater Antilles (see Fig. 1). These islands have a tropical monsoontype climate, with high temperatures all year and annual rainfall over 80 in. The
south and west coasts of the Greater Antilles and most elevations below 400 m in
the Lesser Antilles have a tropical wet and dry climate with high temperatures most
of the year. The climate is distinguished by a definite dry season of 4 to 6 months
during the cooler part of the year. These dry periods are never entirely without rain,
but they are sufficient to induce seasonal patterns in the vegetation. Paleoecological
evidence indicates that up to A.D. 450 the climate was substantially more arid
than today (Curtis and Hodell, 1993; Hodell et al, 1991). All of the islands receive
strong easterly trade winds, and there are occasional tropical storms and hurricanes
during the summer and fall.
It was at one time believed that the earliest ceramic age sites in the West Indies
were located inland on river drainages to take advantage of prime agricultural land
(Keegan and Diamond, 1987). However, recent studies have shown that coastal
settlements are more common (Haviser, 1997; Versteeg et al, 1993), although both
inland and coastal locations were used simultaneously (Curet, 1992a; Siegel, 1992).
In the Rio Loiza drainage on Puerto Rico, for example, the Hacienda Grande site
is located near the coast and was the base from which population spread upstream
(Rodríguez, 1990; Rouse and Alegría, 1990).
Villages were relatively large and were occupied continuously for centuries
(Watters, 1994). The Trants site, Montserrat, for example, is very large and may
have been occupied by as many as 200-300 people for 800 years (Petersen, 1996;
Watters, 1994). In Puerto Rico, the sites are distributed at regular intervals along
the coast (Siegel, 1995), and there is no evidence of site hierarchy until late in
this period. Large houses, occupied by extended families, were arranged in oval or
horseshoe-shaped villages around a central plaza (Curet, 1992b; Watters, 1994).
In many cases the plaza served as a cemetery (Siegel, 1996a). The most complete
evidence for housing comes from the Golden Rock site, St. Eustatius, which dates
to the end of the Saladoid. Eight large and six small structures were excavated
(Versteeg and Schinkel, 1992). The large structures were circular to oval with
diameters ranging from 4.5 to 19 m. Several of these have alignments of smaller
posts extending from one or two sides as windscreens. Prehistoric structures have
been compared to the modern Amazonian maloca (Versteeg et al, 1993). The
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142
Keegan
largest
struc
Rico,
there
i
remains
of
a
Saladoid
The
Saladoid
hunting
of
l
1997).
The
pr
vated
for
cas
Sweet
potato
root
crop
Fruits
includ
for
potherbs
incl
cal
samples
(
and
seeds
(e.g
Ortega,
1996
It
generally
Antilles
refl
However,
the
suggests
tha
impact
on
th
remains
at
t
(Carlson,
199
mainland
eco
environments.
The islands have a depauperate terrestrial fauna, the most important of which
were a variety of small rodents (e.g., Oryzmys, hutías), iguanas, and land crabs
(Pregili et al, 1994; Reitz, 1994; Reitz and Dukes, 1995; Wing, 1995). It is possible that hutías (Geocapromys sp.), a cat-size rodent, were domesticated along
with guinea pigs {Cavia porcellus) (Wing, 1993). Marine resources were far more
important than land animals. A diversity of fishes, sea turtles, mollusks (especially
queen conch), and occasional marine mammals was exploited (Wing and Wing,
1995).
Results of stable-isotope analysis indicate that during the first half of this
period the diet was focused on terrestrial sources of protein (hutía, iguana, land
crabs, freshwater fish) but that marine sources of protein became increasingly
important over time (deFrance et al, 1996; Reitz, 1994; Stokes, 1995). Stokes
(1998) has demonstrated that island biogeography had a significant influence on
the relative percentage of marine and terrestrial foods in the diet. Through all time
periods there was a greater contribution of terrestrial foods in the diets of people
living on large and volcanic islands.
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West
Indian
Human
Archaeology,
remains
3
indicate
143
a
strong
an
sites the skeletal population had nume
et al, 1995). Extreme wear of the occ
and
women;
Second,
from
wear
its
cause
along
processing
is
the
uncertain
interiors
vegetable
bec
of
inc
fibers.
Saladoid Material Culture
Saladoid technology was simple and apparently was available to everyone.
There is evidence for wood, stone, bone, and shell working, as well as lapidary,
weaving, and pottery making (Righter, 1997). Although the household probably manufactured most articles, some individuals were likely renowned for their
craftsmanship, and some activities, such as canoe building, would have required
the cooperative efforts of several individuals.
Cedrosan Saladoid pottery is composed of well-made vessels including complex shapes decorated with red, black, white-on-red, and polychrome painting;
zoned-incised crosshatching, incision, and punctation; modeled and incised
zoomorphic adornos; and strap and loop handles (Alegría, 1993; Petersen and
Waiters, 1995; Rouse, 1992). Made predominantly from local soils, pottery is the
most common artifact in West Indian sites. Within the islands there is evidence for
the movement and exchange of pottery vessels especially between volcanic and
limestone islands (Fuess et al, 1991; Gustave etal, 1991).
Cedrosan pottery is among the finest quality and most elaborately decorated
pottery in the Americas. There is a homogeneity of style in decorated Cedrosan
pottery that is a sign of intense interaction (Hofrnan, 1993, p. 207), while at the same
time individual artisans were free (and perhaps encouraged) to combine elements
and motifs in unique ways. There is obvious repetition in complex vessel shapes
and in the motifs and designs used to decorate them, yet each vessel is distinctive.
Moreover, even though the number of different elements was limited, individuals
demonstrated enormous personal creativity and artistry in creating a vessel, while at
the same time preserving the modes of the culture (Roe, 1989, 1995b). In Barbados
and the Grenadines, stacks of Saladoid pots with their bottoms knocked out have
been found in coastal swamp settings. These have been interpreted as well heads
that may have been created to avoid salt intrusion due to rising sea levels (Harris
and Hinds, 1995; Hinds and Harris, 1995; see Tanner, 1992).
Axes and adzes were made of Strombus shell and of ground and polished
metamorphic rock, often greenstone. There also are expedient chipped stone chert
tools (Bartone and Crock, 1991), stingray-spine projectile points, bone needles,
and shell atlatl spurs. Gourd containers and woven baskets were used. Scrapers,
hammers, picks, net gauges, and gouges were made from Strombus and other
shells. Canoe paddles, seats, fishhooks, and mortars were made of wood. Two
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144
Keegan
wooden
amul
1995).
There was an active and sophisticated lapidary industry utilizing exotic raw
materials such as amethyst, carnelian, quartz, aventurine, serpentinite, and jadeite
in the manufacture of small amulets and beads (Watters, 1997). Beads and other
ornaments also were made of Strombus shell and mother of pearl. The lapidary
industry provides evidence of extensive trade within the islands and between the
islands and South America (Watters and Scaglion, 1994). Mainland rocks also
were used to make polished petal-shaped celts. Connections with South America
are prominent in the appearance of Barrancoid influences in the southern Lesser
Antilles between A.D. 350 and A.D. 500. Such connections are less pronounced
toward the end of this period as local styles became more distinctive (Curet, 1996,
1997; Rodríguez, 1992).
Saladoid Sociopolitical Organization and Worldview
The Saladoid peoples are inferred to have had a tribal-based organization
that is often described as egalitarian (Curet, 1992b, 1996; Siegel, 1992), although
Petersen (1996, p. 356) has argued that they were more socially complex than previously suspected. Because people lived in relatively large, independent villages,
it is likely that one lineage in each village occupied a superior position. It was out
of this lineage-based hierarchy that chiefdoms began to emerge by the beginning
of the Ostionoid period (Keegan et al., 1998; Wilson, 1997). Large-scale constructions such as the stone-lined plazas and stable community plans are evidence of
social control (Curet, 1992a; Petersen, 1996). The planning and coordination of
long-distance trading expeditions by canoe also reflect a measure of social control.
Collective activities such as the construction of multifamily houses and the man-
ufacture of ocean-going canoes also required individuals to coordinate activities.
Villages were built around a central plaza where community rituals could have
taken place. The small size and wide distribution of ritual objects suggest a more
personal and less communal character to ceremonies (Curet, 1992a). The central
plazas also were carefully planned cemeteries (with hundreds of interments and
few overlapping burials) that were an element in the ancestor worship practiced
at this time (Siegel, 1997). There is no fixed pattern to the orientation of burials,
although two-thirds of those at the Punta Candelero site, eastern Puerto Rico, faced
east (Rodríguez, 1997). There are few grave goods with any of the burials, and
those that occur are not spectacular. However, they are highly personal possessions
of the dead and seem highly selective. They include artifacts for communicating
with the spirits (beer bottles and nostril bowls), food for use in the spirit world, and
necklaces that may reflect personal status (Righter et al, 1995). At the Maisabel
site, one individual was found with a stingray-spine projectile point between his
ribs, which has been interpreted as evidence for raiding or warfare (Siegel, 1992).
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West
Indian
The
Archaeology,
representation
of
3
145
South
Amer
suggests that a mythological connect
1 995b). Three-pointed stones made the
ers
are associated with the Taino cult
Taino deity called Yocahu (McGinnis,
The origin of these cemis in the Salad
lief systems. Bowls with nostril tub
dishes for inhaling snuff, bottles use
used as incense burners or "brûle parf
narcotics to communicate with the su
distributed stone and shell amulets and beads occur. Their size and distribution
argues for household versus communal ritual use, while their repetitive character
reflects a complex iconographie symbolism (Curet, 1996; Roe, 1995b).
THE LESSER ANTILLES AFTER THE SALADOID, A.D. 600-1500
At the end of the Saladoid the populations of the Greater and Lesser Antilles
diverged culturally. In the Greater Antilles a new episode of cultural expansion,
called Ostionoid, commenced. In the Lesser Antilles there were a series of changes
in material culture leading up to the invasion of mainland peoples, called Island
Caribs, in the centuries prior to the arrival of Europeans. Because debates surround-
ing the identity of the ethnohistoric Island Caribs were reviewed in the previous
segment (Keegan, 1996), these discussions are not repeated here (see Allaire,
1997b; Cooper, 1997; Petersen, 1997).
By A.D. 500, the homogeneity of style observed in Saladoid pottery was
replaced by a diversity of styles. Changes in styles were not simultaneous from
one island to another. Saladoid decorations disappeared at different times on different islands (Hofman, 1993, p. 208; Versteeg et al, 1993). It has been suggested
that the cultural changes observed at this time were stimulated by climatic changes
based on evidence for hyperarid conditions (Curtis and Hodell, 1993; Hodell et al,
1991) and a "mega" ENSO phenomenon (Meggers, 1996). Although environmental conditions may have promoted independence and more distinct ethnic identities,
the timing differences may instead reflect differences in population densities on is-
lands. For example, Keegan (1989) has shown that subsistence changes on St. Kitts
and on the middle Orinoco may have occurred when population density doubled
from about 1.5 to 3.0 persons per km2. Curet (1998) recently has proposed new
methods for estimating population numbers which should improve our ability to
make such comparisons.
On the islands of Guadeloupe, Martinique, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, Barbados,
and Grenada, between A.D. 500 and A.D. 1000, there was a marked decrease
in the quality of the pottery. Rouse (1992) has defined these changes as a new
pottery series, called Troumassoid. The Troumassoid series developed out of the
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146
Keegan
Saladoid
serie
tic
similariti
1997a,
p.
25).
outlined
with
wedge-shaped
time
periods,
peared.
Vessel
with
legs.
Cl
Martinique
is
Suazoid
S
The
decline
i
(Rouse,
1992)
by
simple
and
incised
wares
pierced
ears
Martinique,
moved
to
the
coast
coral
th
the
whe
reefs.
M
cassava bread.
Allaire (1991) has suggested that Suazoid culture is best understood as an
Amazonian adaptation to a tropical island environment. As he points out, Suazoid
subsistence is based on the same slash-and-burn cultivation of bitter manioc, complemented by hunting and fishing (Allaire, 1991, p. 716). Their settlements reflect
a movement from the humid tropical forests of the north coast to the arid south
coast. The reasons for this shift in settlement patterns is enigmatic, although two
factors merit consideration. First is a possible emphasis of arid climate products,
such as cotton and salt, in the Suazey economy (Allaire, 1991, p. 720). Second
is the conclusion of a "mega-ENSO" event around A.D. 1000 that was followed
by an apparent return to wetter conditions throughout the West Indies (Hodell
et al, 1991; Meggers, 1996). Permanent sites are found along the coast close to
water sources; there was a preference for level terrain and good agricultural land
(Boomert, 1996).
Although Suazey was originally identified as the pottery made by the ethnohistoric Island Caribs (Bullen, 1964), it now seems certain that Suazey is an entirely
pre-European contact phenomenon. There are no Suazey radiocarbon dates after
A.D. 1450, and European trade goods are entirely absent from Suazey sites (Allaire,
1997a). Moreover, the large number of elements from Ostionoid iconography point
to a common Saladoid ancestry (Allaire, 1991). Boomert (1996, p. 115) notes a
drastic decline in population following the Suazoid series on Tobago. It remains a
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West
Indian
Archaeology,
3
147
mystery
as to why the Suazey culture
there may have been a general declin
to European contact (see Curet, 1992
an
"ethnic
revolution"
in
the
Windwa
speaking "Island Caribs" moved into t
Suazey culture (Allaire, 1997a, p. 27;
Although the Windward Islands ex
South American mainland (Boomert,
pottery
the
styles
Leeward
assemblage
more
Islands
on
similar
these
Antigua,
to
those
fo
Mamorean
are
poorly
c
know
styles (Rouse et al, 1995). Versteeg e
changed after the Saladoid period exce
of decorated ceramics. Taino influen
wares
from the Greater Antilles, hav
Ridge site on Saba (Hofman, 1993) bu
Hofrnan (1993) notes the permeabili
and
suggests
units
within
Several
passing
that
changed
1995).
goods,
differen
areas.
investigators
several
Hofrnan,
progressive
stylistic
have
explored
small
islands
These
interaction
which
in
Haviser
patterns
the
sp
(199
among neighbors. Hoogland
by complex tribes that
concludes that the sociopolitical inte
lated between extremes in the range
units and settlement systems, formed
trasted with small-sized units and sh
the fission of groups" (Hoogland, 19
characterized
OSTIONOID PERIOD, A.D. 600-1500
The Long Pause in Puerto Rico
Returning to the Greater Antilles, recent radiocarbon dates indicate that east-
ern Puerto Rico may have been settled as early as 430 ± 80 B.C. (uncalibrated radiocarbon date from the Tecla site, 1-13856) and was certainly settled by 150 B.C.
(Haviser, 1997). Yet there is no evidence that Saladoid peoples emigrated from
Puerto Rico irtfo the rest of the Greater Antilles and the Bahamas until around
A.D. 600. The reasons for this nearly 1000 year pause have not been adequately
addressed (Keegan, 1995).
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148
Keegan
Two
in
things
Hispaniola
strained
expa
Rouse,
1992;
Puerto
Rico
an
immigration
the
border
b
of
pottery
m
decorations
li
widespread
p
to
a
protoag
de
la
Calle,
1
Veloz
Maggi
During
the
l
of
transform
smooth
and
potte
black
sm
been
classifi
Ostiones
the
is
th
ethnohisto
Ostionan
Ost
boat-shaped
v
attributes
re
1992).
Simple
at
the
beginn
time.
From
t
redware
and
and
coarser
dramatic
different
During
In
to
the
Rouse's
between
t
decl
e
(1
thes
and
adopted
t
vatism
than
virtually
eve
drosan
Salado
after
cal
A.D
on
St.
Eustat
(eastern
Puer
Turk/Haiti),
can
(southeas
the
shell-tem
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West
Indian
Archaeology,
have
appeared
by
this
3
149
time
(Berman
description of the pottery series and
The terminal dates for these subser
previously thought. One reason is th
dates from the eighth and ninth cen
conservatism
seems to hold
on the periphery that
for Grand Turk (southe
imported from Haiti until at least c
after it was supposed to have disapp
pp. 52-53).
The Spread of Pottery Making in the Northern West Indies
By the time Europeans arrived in the West Indies virtually every island and
many small cays had been occupied. The major exception is the Cayman Islands,
which apparently were not discovered by the native inhabitants (Scudder and
Quitmyer, 1998; Stokes and Keegan, 1996). The processes that produced this
distribution are, as yet, unclear. Three alternatives are presented below: ( 1 ) Rouse's
conclusion that developments in Puerto Rico "prepared the way for the Ostionoids
to resume the Saladoid movement westward" (1992, p. 94); (2) Veloz Maggiolo's
conclusion that additional migrations from the South American mainland occurred
at this time; and (3) my suggestions that cultural diversity during the Ostionoid can
be accounted for only by a combination of diffusion, migration, and hybridization.
In Rouse's (1992) model of culture history there is a complete break between
Archaic and ceramic age cultural traditions (represented by a solid black line in
his time-space diagram). He proposed that all of the ceramic age cultures in the
study area developed from Ostionoid colonists who breached the frontier in the
Mona Passage and migrated from Puerto Rico about A.D. 600 (Rouse, 1986).
Work by Marcio Veloz Maggiolo and his colleagues at the site of Punta Cana in
the eastern Dominican Republic has called Rouse's interpretation into question.
Punta Cana, which is radiocarbon dated to between 340 B.C. and A.D. 830, has
modeled and incised pottery that appears to be the precursor of the Meillacan
Ostionoid subseries (Luna Calderón, 1996; Veloz Maggiolo and Ortega, 1996).
The absence of pottery griddles in the site may reflect the absence of manioc and
the use of a different plant, probably Zamia debilis, as the staple starch (Rimoli,
1996).
In addition, the discovery of a crude pottery known as el Caimito in the
eastern Dominican Republic has been interpreted as further evidence for transculturation between the Archaic el Porvenir culture of the Dominican Republic and
the early ceramic age Hacienda Grande colonists of Puerto Rico (Rouse, 1992,
pp. 90-92). The site is radiocarbon dated at 305 B.C. to A.D. 120 and, with the
exception of pottery, contains Courian Casimiroid (Archaic) tool types. Similar
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150
Keegan
artifact
assem
the
Dominic
eastern
Cub
sites
have
be
phase,
which
de
la
Calle,
1
It
is
possible
of
the
Ostion
the use of Archaic motifs that had been used to decorate other materials. For ex-
ample, decorative motifs on Meillacan subseries pottery show marked similarities
to incised designs on Archaic stone bowls (Rouse, 1992, pp. 90-92). Another possibility is that Meillacan pottery represents a separate migration of people from
the South American mainland (Veloz Maggiolo et al, 1981; Zucchi, 1990).
As an alternative to Rouse's unilineal development model and Veloz
Maggiolo's migration model, I propose three distinct cultural traditions in the
settlement of Hispaniola and the northern Caribbean. First, pottery making dif-
fused to Archaic peoples in Hispaniola by 350 B.C. and became formalized in
the Meillacan culture by A.D. 600, at which time Meillacan peoples occupied the
central valleys and north coast of Hispaniola (Veloz et al, 1981). The result was
a hybridization of Archaic and Saladoid cultures that helps to explain the rapid
spread of pottery making through the northern West Indies.
Around A.D. 600, people making Ostionan subseries pottery expanded out of
Puerto Rico and established colonies in the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Jamaica,
Cuba, and the Bahamas/Turks and Caicos. The speed with which this expansion
took place suggests that settlements were small and widely scattered and that in
some places these people interacted with the Meillacan peoples. The Punta del
Macao site near Havana, with a single radiocarbon date of A.D. 620 ± 120, is
characterized by plain, cream-color pottery similar to that from the early Ostionan
pottery of Atajadizo and Guayabal in the Dominican Republic. This pottery was
found overlying an Archaic tool assemblage (Martinez Gabino et al, 1993).
Finally, Chican subseries pottery developed from the Ostionan tradition in
the southeast Dominican Republic around A.D. 800 and spread out from there
with the expansionist Tainos, whose cacicazgos came to dominate the region by
the time of European contact.
In sum, we need to adopt a more complex view of the region's culture history.
According to Rouse's time-space systematics, as each new pottery subseries was
introduced the previous subseries was abandoned. Thus, he views the north coast
of Haiti as characterized by Ostionan pottery from A.D. 600 to 800, Meillacan
pottery from A.D. 800 to 1200, and Chican pottery from A.D. 1200 to European
contact (Rouse, 1992, p. 53). Our work at the Coralie site (GT-3) on Grand Turk in
the southern Bahamas archipelago has shown that Ostionan pottery continued to
be imported to Grand Turk from Haiti until at least A.D. 1 100. Meillacan pottery
was imported to Grand Turk from Haiti until cal A.D. 1280 at site GT-2 and was in
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West
use
Indian
at
the
Archaeology,
site
on
île
à
3
Rat
151
(in
the
mou
Haiti) until cal A.D. 1295, where it fir
styles actually coexisted for signific
been observed in the northern Lesser
in use long after it was supposed to h
1995).
The major problem in sorting through these, and potentially other, alternatives
is the lack of research conducted on sites dating between A.D. 500 and A.D. 800.
Most of what is known of early Ostionoid culture comes from research in Puerto
Rico. On Hispaniola, a few sites have been excavated in the Dominican Republic
(Veloz Maggiolo, 1991), but virtually nothing is known for all of Haiti. In addition,
Cuban archaeologists have followed a separate research agenda, and although some
site reports are available (e.g., Alonso Alonso, 1995; Calvera et al, 1996; Trincado
and Ulloa, 1996; Valcárcel et al, 1996), there have been no effort to integrate these
results with work going on elsewhere in the West Indies (Davis, 1996). Information
on Jamaican "redware" sites comes primarily from excavations by avocationalists
with the Jamaican Archaeological Society, whose results have not been published in
mainstream journals (Reid, 1992). For the Bahama archipelago, only two Ostionan
deposits have been excavated (Berman and Gnivecki, 1995; Carlson, 1999).
Ostionoid Settlement System
Settlements continued to be situated along coasts but also spread into interior
valleys. For Puerto Rico, there was a hierarchy of sites and a pattern of nuclear
villages with dispersed settlements (Curet, 1992a). At Punta Ostiones the com-
munity plan consisted of a horseshoe-shaped arrangement of five shell middens
with a sixth shell midden between them (Rouse, 1952). At the beginning of this
period houses were large enough to accommodate extended families, but by the
end of this period in Puerto Rico houses had decreased to a size more appropriate
for a nuclear family (Curet, 1992b). Recent investigations in Cuba, however, indicate that large multifamily structures still were being used at contact (Pendergast,
1996). In Puerto Rico, stone-lined plazas replaced the open plazas of the preceding
period, and they were no longer exclusively located at the center of a village. Some
villages had multiple stone-lined courts.
In the Ostionoid period the settlement system was more functionally diverse,
with habitation sites, specialized activity camps, and stone-lined plaza sites. The
number of settlements also increased in the interiors of islands. Little else is known
for the rest of the Greater Antilles. At the Coralie site on Grand Turk, the radio-
carbon dates indicate a horizontal stratigraphy (Carlson, 1999). After an initial
settlement close to North Creek, the site first shifted higher up the beach dune to
the west (probably due to rising sea level). Over the next three centuries the site
shifted progressively southward along the dune during several separate episodes.
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152
Keegan
Ostionoid Subsistence
In addition to dramatic changes in pottery decoration marking the boundary
between Saladoid and Ostionoid cultures, there also appears to have been a significant shift from land crabs to marine mollusks in the diet. This shift was so obvious
that Froelich Rainey (1940) proposed that it represented the outcome of two separate migrations into the West Indies: one by a "Crab Culture" and the other by
a "Shell Culture." Investigations since then have demonstrated that marine foods
were always a part of the West Indian diet (deFrance et al, 1996), and despite the
fact that crab claws and mollusk shells dominated the deposits, neither made more
than a minor contribution to the overall diet (Stokes, 1998). In addition, as the
chronology has become tighter it is clear that the use of Ostionoid pottery began
before the crab-shell shift (Rouse, 1992).
Although the Ostionoid has been characterized as a period of population
expansion and island colonization, the only example of an Ostionan colony in a
territory that was not previously occupied by Archaic peoples is the Coralie site
(Carlson, 1999; Keegan, 1997). Located on the western shore of North Creek at the
northwest end of Grand Turk in the southern Bahama archipelago, the site has 1 1
radiocarbon dates that give a mean calibrated age range of A.D. 705 to 1 170. All of
the pottery is executed in the Ostionan style, and all of it was imported from Haiti
(as determined from its noncarbonate tempers and pétrographie analysis). The site
is notable for its unusual collection of animal bones, especially sea turtle, which
occur nowhere else in the region in such abundance. In addition to large quantities
of sea turtle bones (Chelonia mydas), the bones of iguanas (Cyclura cannata
and Cyclura sp.), snakes, birds, tortoises, and large fish (especially Scarus spp.,
Epinephelus spp., and Lutjanus spp.) were recovered. In terms of meat yields,
57% of the diet came from sea turtles, 24% from fish, 12% from iguanas, 5%
from queen conch, and 1% each from birds, spiny lobsters (Panulirus argus), and
other mollusks. Several locally extinct bird species [e.g., booby (Sula spp.), parrots
(Amazona spp.), and thick-knee (Burhinus bistriatus)] and an extinct, new species
of tortoise {Geochelone sp.) are providing insights into human impacts on fragile
island environments (Carlson, 1999). In sum, the faunal remains are substantially
different from those at later sites. As one would expect, the highest-ranked species
were consumed first, and the occupants benefited from being the first humans to
exploit a pristine resource base.
Other Ostionoid sites present a strikingly different pattern of animal exploitation. The land animals and large fish that were present in the early sites were
replaced by smaller fish, including bait-sized fish, which suggest a shift from
hand-line and spear fishing to the use of traps and nets (Carlson, 1999; Winter and
Wing, 1995).
There was a continuation and elaboration of the horticultural economy. The
staple crops were manioc and sweet potatoes, which were planted on mounds in
large fields (Rouse, 1992). Several varieties of each were grown (Highfield, 1997,
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West
pp.
Indian
Archaeology,
162-163).
As
many
3
as
153
80
other
plan
and dyes, also were cultivated in hous
1993; Petersen, 1997). The first eviden
time (Newsom and Deagan, 1994), alo
form of hillside terraces (Ortiz Aguil
Ostionoid
It
is
at
this
Sociopolitical
time
that
the
Organ
contact-p
Keegan et al (1998) have proposed tha
chiefdoms. If this is accurate, then si
and matrilocal residence must have p
an
increase
political
in
trade,
especially
organization
has
been
withi
review
1993; Keegan, 1996; Wilson, 1997).
During the Saladoid, there was an
sentation as reflected in small object
be seen close up (Roe, 1995b). Abou
quency
of personal adornments, altho
European contact (Dacal Moure and R
Calvera Rosés, 1997). As the pristine
and Spencer, 1994), they used the pr
the Saladoid and emphasized its comm
1998; Petersen, 1996). Nostril bowls f
Burials
goods
were placed in cemeteries with
are present but uncommon (Cu
Corzo, 1995).
Caves also were decorated with pai
Taino origin myth that claims caves
and Garcia, 1994; Arrom, 1997; Dube
1996;
into
Petitjean
rocks
along
Roget,
river
1994;
courses
Robiou-L
close
to
Dominican Republic, where an aborigi
(Weeks et al, 1996). In a similar vein
court at the large ceremonial site of
to represent graphically the Taino or
have been made to identify the peop
paintings
Tarble,
(Haviser,
1995;
Tarble
1995;
and
Meléndez
Scaramelli,
Siegel (1997) notes that ball courts
mundi of Ostionoid sites and that so
were
located
in
nearby
mounds
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(Cu
154
to
Keegan
highlight
caciques
control
repla
over
Puerto
Rico
a
political
relat
been
discover
the
eastern
a
1997;
Rouse,
Taino
mytho
Roe
(1997)
ha
the
materials
he
h
dogs,
and
ow
see
also
Garc
as
stools
kno
and
Gray,
199
pointed
stone
1997;
Petitjea
addition,
CONCLUSIONS
The present review suffers from the need to present pre-Columbian W
Indian societies as belonging to either a Saladoid or an Ostionoid cultu
doing so I have retained a taxonomic system that overstates similarities in po
designs and downplays similarities and differences in other aspects of culture
organizational struture also maintains the overly simplistic "Saladoid migr
hypothesis," which views all West Indian societies as evolving from a single S
American propagule. What is needed is a more comprehensive culture hist
framework that will facilitate the explication of sociopolitical organization as
than the product of migration and diffusion.
Recent investigations document a much greater diversity to native West In
societies than has been admitted previously. To capture some of this diver
have suggested that we begin to explore the "local groups" that have been lu
into series and subseries by Irving Rouse's taxonomy. In doing so I am follow
the lead of archaeologists working in the Leeward Islands (Haviser, 1991; Hof
1995; Hoogland, 1996; Versteeg et al, 1993).
Given the scale and speed of island colonization during the early ceram
age (circa 500 B.C. to A.D. 100), it is likely that a number of distinct local g
entered the islands. They are united by a common use of Cedrosan Saladoid pott
but this may be a veneer that has masked underlying variability. It is also
that they intermingled with diverse, indigenous Archaic populations at least
entering the Greater Antilles, and possibly during their expansion throug
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West
Indian
Archaeology,
Lesser
Antilles.
styles
that
This
were
3
155
cultural
present
in
diversity
the
West
et ah (1993) point out, it remains to
pottery decoration changed.
The cultural diversity observed arou
the first millenium. Sometime aroun
and rapid change. Pottery making sp
Indies, sites that had been occupied f
new pottery styles emerged, and the
of the complex chiefdoms that were
15th
century.
One
might
go
so
far
a
cultural evolution. The processes that
been identified. This is the challenge
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I greatly appreciate the assistance of all of my colleagues in the West Indi
who have freely shared their work. Without their assistance this review would
far less complete. The Hispanic Division of the Library of Congress assisted
obtaining reference materials. In addition, Betsy Carlson, L. Antonio Curet, P
O'B. Harris, Gary Feinman, and an anonymous reviewer provided detailed revi
and offered numerous suggestions that substantially improved the paper. Ultim
responsibility for interpretations and any omissions rests with the author.
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