LITERATURE REVIEW
1
INTRODUCTION
2.1.0 Who are the Meru people?
The Meru are a Northeastern Bantu group composed of nine different sub tribes: the Igembe, Tigania,
Imenti, Miutuni, Igoji, Tharaka, Chuka, Muthambi, and Mwimbi. Since 1956 these sub tribes have been
separated from the Kikuyu and Embu to form the Meru Land Unit. The Meru territory lies to the north
and northeast of the slopes of Mount Kenya (elevation 17, 053 feet [5,199 meters]) and constitutes a large
area stretching northward to the volcanic Nyambene Hills and southward to the Thuchi River. The wide
range of altitude in the area (984 to 17,053 feet [300 to 5,199 meters]) creates a variety of ecological
zones ranging from extremely fertile, well-watered agricultural areas to low-lying semiarid lands
2.2.0 The origins of the Meru people
‘We began on Mbwaa’ “the chronicles declare, then go on to describe an orderly, prospherous island
community, set on theedge of a large body of water , the name which is nolonger recalled.” ”it was the time
when the men of Ntangi(age-set) were worriors (circa 1700);a time when we lived near the mouth of a
river that ran red into a great sea. It was a time when we lived on an island we recall as Mbwaa (Fadiman:
1994)
There are several myths which try to explain the origins of the Meru people. Some claim roots from the
north or west, others from the coast, and some even from the Arabian Peninsula, ancient Egypt or
Israel.
The Meru have long been considered by Western 'experts' to be Bantu, although there is much to show
that this is an exceedingly simplistic view which bears little resemblance to reality. Some studies have
recently shown that at least some of the Meru are Cushitic in origin, although the only thing that is really
1
LITERATURE REVIEW
2
taught from these studies is a lesson warning against attempting to apply simple sets of criteria to everyone.
Both the notions 'Bantu' and 'Cushitic' are essentially linguistic, and although these classifications can
often be of help in determining the origins of different peoples, in the case of the Meru, they really do
become irrelevant.
2.2.1The oral myth: Mbwaa and the Red people
This is the predominant oral tradition of the Meru community origins. It is an eccentric tale that seems to
combine elements of both truth and fiction.
In brief, it recounts that the Meru were living harmoniously on Mbwaa Island before being enslaved by the
"Red People" (Nguu ntune). They eventually escaped, and in their exodus came across a large body of
water called ilia itune (red sea), which they crossed by magical means. The details of the tradition are replete
with parallels to the Old Testament, and also contain references to events described in the New
Testament. This has led many to speculate that the Meru are perhaps the descendants of one of the Lost
Tribes of Israel, or that they were once Jewish, or had been in profound cultural contact with a people that
certainly were (such as the Falashim of Ethiopia). (Nyaga 1997)
2.2.2 The Red people and the Exodus
According to tradition, the Meru were enslaved by far away from their present homeland by people called
antu ba nguu ntuune (or nhuuntune or nguo ntuni, meaning "Red People" or "Red Clothes"). The king of
the Red People was powerful and often harsh upon his subjects, but no one knows for sure who the Red
people actually were. If we take 'red' to refer to skin colour, then these people were most likely Arabs, for
2
LITERATURE REVIEW
3
the Europeans had not yet arrived in East Africa. If 'red' refers to dress, however,
then their identity if anyone's guess, especially as the Maasai, Samburu and other
Nilotic tribes - who are nowadays known for wearing red - only adopted that
tradition a century or so ago.
The place where the Meru were enslaved has also not yet been convincingly
located. Some say that it was called Mbwa or Mbwaa (the same name given by
other versions of the myth for the body of water the Meru later crossed); others
suggest that it may have been Mbwara Matanga on the western peninsula of
Manda Island in the Lamu archipelago, off the northeast coast of Kenya; others
still postulate that it may have been in Yemen or in some other place on the other
side of the Red Sea.
Whatever the exact location, this state of bondage lasted until the leader of the
Red People started killing all the Meru's male children immediately after birth. But
one child, apparently very handsome, escaped this fate, having been kept hidden in
the riverside in a basket his mother had made. As a result, the prodigal child became known as Mwithe, the
Hidden One. Mwithe, who also became known as Koomenjwe (Koomenjoe) and Muthurui, grew up to
become a very great prophet, and was known as one who had spoken to God. Assisted by another elder
called Kauro-Beechau, Mwithe organized a council of wise elders to lead the Meru out of bondage. They
went to the leader of the Red People and asked to be set free. The leader agreed, but on condition that an
impossible task be successfully performed by the Meru.
3
LITERATURE REVIEW
4
2.2.3 The tasks for release of the people from bondage
(a) The first task required the Meru to produce a shoe that had hair on both sides. As shoes were normally
made from leather, this took some thinking, until Koomenjwe told the people to cut the dewlap of a bull.
Before it was completely severed, it was stitched on the side that had been cut. By the time the bull
recovered, the lap had made the shoe that was required. But when they took it to their masters, it was
rejected and the Meru were given a second task.
(b)This was to provide a steer (or an ox) that produced diatomite (a very fine chalk). Koomenjwe advised
them to feed a calf on milk, and eventually it started passing out white dung. Some versions of the myth have
it the other way around: the steer was to produce white dung, and so they fed it on chalk; yet another version
replaces the ox with an elephant. Nonetheless, the successful completion of the task was also rejected by
the Red People, and they were given a third task to do.
(c)This required them to remove a fruit from a very deep pit, without piercing it or having anyone descend
into the pit to pick it up. Koomenjwe advised them to fill the pit with water until it overflowed, and the fruit
floated out. Though it succeeded, this test was also rejected.
(d)The next test required them to kill all the elders until their blood flowed like run-off during rains.
Koomenjwe advised that the elders be hidden and all old livestock - cows, goats, sheep and donkeys - be
killed instead. When that was done their blood was enough to flow as the enemies wanted. But the success
of this test was not accepted either.
(e)The fifth test was truly impossible. It required the Meru people to forge a spear that could touch both
the earth and the sky. The Meru started making it straight away, but it kept breaking. Koomenjwe and the
elders, failing to come up with a solution, simply abandoned the whole task of making it, and instead
conceived the idea of organizing the people to escape on foot. For this reason, the Meru later on called this
4
LITERATURE REVIEW
5
spear itumo ria mwito (the spear made for the trek), for it was the impossibility of making it that had given
them the idea of the exodus.
In order to have an opportunity to make good their escape, Koomenjwe went to ask the Red People to give
them eight days to complete the task. He said the Meru were making charcoal from people's hair because it
was the type of charcoal that was required to make the spear. The enemies granted the request.
Koomenjwe organized the first group of old people, because they could not walk fast, and they were
grouped together with the older livestock that had remained. The second group was made up of mothers
and children, and the third group consisted of young people and young livestock. Keeping the rear were the
warriors, well-armed and ready for battle. The three groups were, according to some versions, the ancestors
of the three main Meru clans from which all other clans descend.
The exodus took place at night. The warriors collected a very big heap of dry dung and animal droppings
and set it on fire with all the houses. Meanwhile, Koomenjwe had gone to explain to the masters that the fire
they were seeing was being used for making the spear which would be ready by noon the following day.
After that, he returned. The following day the enemies waited for the spear, but it was never brought. The
Meru had gone. So the tale goes.
2.2.4 Mbwaa and the great sacrifice
During their exodus, the Meru reached a very large body of water which they called Mbwaa (or Mbwa).
(The same name given to the island where the Meru were held captives) Here, there was much suffering with
the Red people on pursuit. So the elders in consultation with Mugwe (a name that later became a title for all
future Meru prophets) requested three young men to sacrifice themselves inorder to get a revelation on how
the people would cross the great water.it is from the names of these three young men that the clans of Meru
are named after.
5
LITERATURE REVIEW
6
Then Mugwe got a divination ,he put the people under leadership of Koomenjwe to whom he gave a magic
stick or spear (gitumo) about three feet long, with which he was to strike the water to make it part and the
people crossed on a dry land.
2.2.5 The crossing of the great water
Following the answer, Koomenjwe struck the water with his magic spear, and it parted forming a wide
corridor of dry land in the middle, along which the people went across.
The crossing of the water lasted all night, and took place in the form of several groups. Some versions say
there were three groups, who were either identified with those men who had been sacrificed, or were
identified with the time of the crossing: the first to cross when it was still dark were the Njiru (black); the
second crossed just after dawn and were called Ntune (pale or red); and the last to cross at sunrise were the
Njaru (white). Other versions say that there were more groups, either five or seven, who were to become the
ancestors of the various Meru clans that exist today; still other versions say that these groups had nothing
to do with the clans, but that all the Meru were members of one of these groups. When the last group had
crossed, Koomenjwe struck the water again and it came again into one mass, drowning the army of the Red
People who had followed them. So it is how myths put it on how the escaped from Mbwaa.
The problem for anthropologists and historians alike is put places and dates to these events, which is no
easy task given the many variations, fictional elements and elaborations of the myth.
In one version, one of the groups which crossed the water when it was at dawn before sunrise when the sky
was reddish and on looking back on the waters they had crossed, due to the reflection, called it the Red sea
(iria itune/ ilia itune )
6
LITERATURE REVIEW
7
The other possibility is that the 'Red Sea' was the Tana River in Spate. As it has been experienced in the
past, this is for most of the year a relatively small river, but when it floods - as it did in the winter of 1997-98 -
the effect is astonishing. Instead of a narrow river, the Tana delta floods huge areas of land to either side of
it. The colour of the river, too, is red, through carrying so much eroded topsoil, ironically much of it from the
present land of the Meru.
2.2.6 The other myths: Ancient Meroe
In yet another version of ancient Meru history, this one more academically-inspired than the myth, it has
been convincingly argued by Alfred M. M'Imanyara, if not beyond doubt, that the Meru came originally
from the ancient Nilotic empire of Meroe (circa 300BC - AD100), which is sometimes referred to as an
island, as it was bounded by both the White and Blue Niles, and swamps in the south. The linguistic
similarity between the words 'Meru' and 'Meroe' is certainly tempting, as is other linguistic evidence, which although far from conclusive - does suggest at least that the Meru were at some point in contact with
civilisations from further north. Indeed, some Meru elders refer to their early origins as being a place called
Misiri, which is identical to the Arab and Berber name for Egypt still used today. The idea that the Meru
came from the north is in any case common enough among Meru elders, with sayings amongst the men folk
referring to as ‘Meroo Nthii iri iguru’ ( Meroe the land in the North, to Meru the directions were described
as right and left(east and west), urio na umotho ,and iguru na gaiti (north and south) that is up and down)
whether or not ,the connections with Meroe exist is a subject for another discussion.
2.2.7 The migration to the current settlement
7
LITERATURE REVIEW
8
Following the crossing of the "Red Sea", as it seems that the Meru migrated far and wide in Kenya (and
possibly also in Ethiopia, Somalia and maybe Tanzania) before settling in their present location northeast
of Mount Kenya, the sacred mountain which the Meru call Kirimara (meaning, Mountain of the Splendour).
There are two main versions of their migratory history, each depending on whether one considers the Meru
to be originally Bantu or Cushitic.
2.2.8 The Bantu migration
If one follows the Bantu idea, it is generally assumed that the first Bantu entered Kenya from the
southwest, from where they began fanning east and north across Kenya. Their northward expansion was
considerable, possibly bringing them as far north as Ethiopia and Somalia. There, the Oromo-speaking
peoples' military expansion from around 1300-1500 onwards pushed the Meru back into Kenya, where
they eventually settled near Mount Kenya (they are still the northernmost of Kenya's Bantu-speaking
groups). The route they followed back down into Kenya may well have brought them to the Indian Ocean
coast, where their enslavement by the "Red People" may have taken place. From there, they moved west and
inland to their present location.
2.2.9 The Cushitic migration
8
LITERATURE REVIEW
9
This theory is inherently more complex, as no one knows for sure where the Meru actually came from. In any
case, 'Cushitic' is a misnomer, as most of these theories have the Meru coming from the region of the Nile,
making them Nilotes like the Maasai and Turkana.
Most of these theories posit that the Meru have - for the most part of their history - been moving south,
most recently from Ethiopia or Somalia, and before then from the Nile (Sudan) or elsewhere, whether as a
remnant of the ancient Meroe civilisation, or from much further north - Egypt, North Africa, or even ancient
Israel.
2.3.0 The later migrations
Whichever of these two theories you subscribe to, it's generally accepted that a substantial proportion of
the Meru were certainly on the coast at some time in their migrations, and that they were pushed south by
the Oromo-speaking peoples' expansion. Here's where things differ yet again. Some say the Meru just
veered inland, ending up at their present location. Others, however, say that they continued down the entire
Kenyan coastline as far as Tanzania, where they turned inland. There, they split with the Tanzanian Meru
west of Mount Kilimanjaro and slowly made their way back up into Kenya from the south, eventually ending
up near Mount Kenya.
Yet another theory more reasonably takes both possibilities into account, and refers to the Oromo having
invaded the coast of Kenya in the form of a wedge, thereby splitting the Meru in two.
9
LITERATURE REVIEW
10
2.3.1 Conclusion
Considering that the Oromo expansion occurred from around 1300-1500 onwards, at the same time during
which the first movements of the central highlands Bantu southwards from the Nyambene Hills began
(including the ancestors of the Kikuyu, Embu, Mbeere, Chuka and Kamba). The Arab/Swahili coastal
slave and ivory trade began peaking around the 1700s, and sometime between those two dates, the
Mijikenda and Pokomo, whose histories and cultures are not dissimilar to Meru, also began moving south
and west out of Somalia. The similarities of the red sea crossing in the old testerment and the Meru
crossing the great water suggest contact with such as the Falashim of Ethiopia from whom the legeng may
have been adopted.
10
LITERATURE REVIEW
11
2.4.0 The social cultural organisation of the Meru people
In traditional rural areas the Meru have fairly strict circumcision customs that affect all of life. From the time
of circumcision, boys no longer have contact with their mother. A separate house is built for the sons. This
does vary to some degree depending on the level of urban influence, but is still practiced in some parts of
Meru region. Traditionally, girls would also undergo circumcision, but this practice has been abandoned.
2.4.1 The Meru stages of life
In the past, Meru society was characterized by an extremely rigid sense of place and purpose, which lasted
from early childhood to old age. As with so many other Bantu-speaking peoples, gender roles are strictly
defined and exceedingly male-oriented, the woman's place being squarely in the home and in the shambas
(fields). The Meru traditionally had a relatively strict gender division of labour. Men were responsible for
building, herding, slaughtering, land clearing, leatherwork, hunting, and family protection; women were
responsible for maintenance of the homestead; food cultivation and preparation; the collection of wood for
fuel, fodder, and water; milking; basket weaving; and childcare. This pattern is still prevalent. Everyone
participates in farming, but women have the overall responsibility for food crops and contribute a significant
amount of labour to cash crops such as coffee and tea. The young men were tasked with protecting the
community and raiding neighbouring communities for cattle.
2.4.2 The birth and early childhood
Traditionally, a newly born child was immediately offered to God, in a marvelous ceremony performed by the
mother immediately after birth. Holding the baby ,she faced either of the sacred mountains of Mount
Kenya or Mount Nyambene, offering the child to God by spitting on it (spitting saliva - gwikia mata - is a
sign of good wish and blessing). By the age of between five and seven, children underwent an educational
11
LITERATURE REVIEW
12
rite (Kiama kia ncibi) in which they were instructed in basic social values, their meaning punched home by a
string of maledictions and curses should they ever misbehave. Called gutumirua ota (for boys) and
gutumerua ncia (for girls), it contained advice like: "Do not steal. If you will ever steal, may your throat be cut
like that of this goat", referring to the goat that would be sacrificed at the end of the ceremony, respecting
those older than them etc.
2.4.3 The initiation
The rite of passage that circumcision marks, both physically and mentally, is paramount in defining a
person's status in Meru society. Through circumcision, both boys and girls attain adulthood, and all the
respect and responsibilities that go along with it. It marks their initiation not just into adulthood, but also into
society and thus full membership of the tribe. it also defines the age sets although the women belonged to
the age sets of their husbands. Without circumcision, both men and women - no matter how old they are would still be considered 'mere' children, and can neither reproduce, not partake of functions that affect the
entirety of the society. Circumcision also had impact on society in general, for a man would stop having
sexual relations with the mother of his first circumcised child, whether male or female. The mother would then
be bound by oath not to have any more children. The reason for this was that it was believed that there
would have occurred misfortunes if a mother continued bearing children while the son or daughter was doing
the same. According to tradition, circumcision was only adopted after the arrival of the Meru in their
present location, which in practical terms means only over the last few hundred years or so. Nonetheless, its
importance has become deeply engrained in Meru culture. Boys' as well as girls' circumcision was preceded
by two preparatory rituals, referred to as igiita ria kugerua matu (the time for marking the spots where earhole perforation would be done), and igiita ria guturwa matu (the time for actual perforation of the ears).
These rituals were held as precursors to the great event of circumcision itself, and are similar to customs
formerly followed by the Kikuyu.
12
LITERATURE REVIEW
13
2.4.4 The age set system
Unity across the various Meru clans (mwiriga) and sub-groups was achieved through a sophisticated system
of age-sets, run along the same lines as the other central highlands Bantu societies. Following circumcision,
each and every adult, both male and female, automatically became a member of a particular age-set, this
being decided according to when they were circumcised. Each age-set comprised fifteen years, meaning
that for example a man circumcised seven years after another might still belong to the same age-set. The
system was cyclical, so that as one generation (age-set) moved on to the next age grade, the following ageset moved up to assume older age-set's functions. It is believed that the system was adopted from both
Cushitic-speaking and Nilotic-speaking people.
Nowadays, most vestiges of the age-set system have disappeared. Warriorhood, which was the stage
immediately following the circumcision of males, has been defunct ever since the British arrived.
2.4.5The marriage
Marriage took place soon after the young woman had healed from her circumcision, many a times, she had a
suitor already even before getting circumcised. During the wedding, the bridegroom delivered four gourds
of beer and some snuff to the clan of the bride so that her parents might bless their daughter before she left
the seclusion hut and before she left them. In the case where a boy fell in love with a girl who was not the
choice of his parents, or where the girl's parents' were opposed to their daughter marrying the boy , the boy
could arrange to "steal" her, but without the knowledge of the warriors from the other side to avoid a fight.
After stealing the girl, arrangements for marriage followed immediately. The parents of the girl were left with
no option but to accept the dowry. This brought the two families together and they started being friendly to
one another. The dowry payment was a continuous process which was more of ties building between the two
families rather than compensation to the girl’s family.
13
LITERATURE REVIEW
14
2.4.6 The Elderhood: Njuri Ncheke.
The elders of the tribe were divided into three ranks: the first was made up of the Areki (sing Mwareki),
which comprised both men and women. It was an honour for both husband and wife to be admitted to this.
The second rank was formed by the Njuri-Ncheke and the third by the Njuri-Mpingire. The ruling of the
people was based on councils of elders, and in particular rested with the Njuri-Ncheke and Njuri-Mpingire.
To become a member of the Njuri-Ncheke in particular was the highest social rank to which a man could
aspire. These were comprised of selected elders who were more influential and respected than the normal
membership of the general council of elders, the Kiama, and their work necessitated great wisdom, personal
discipline, and knowledge of the traditions. The functions of the Njuri-Ncheke were to make and execute
tribal laws, to listen to and settle disputes, and to pass on tribal knowledge and rites across the generations
in their role as the custodians of Meru traditions. It must be said that the Njuri-Ncheke still hold a good
deal of these prerogatives: local disputes will invariably first be dealt with by the Njuri-Ncheke, and only
when cases cannot be solved or concern matters involving non-Meru people, are they passed on to the
modern Kenyan judicial system.
2.4.7 The Njuri Ncheke and environmental conservation
A lesser known function of the Njuri-Ncheke, which survives to the present day, is its role in the overseeing
and enforcing the rules and regulations controlling the cultivation and use of open grasslands. Good and
sensitive management of these areas is essential to prevent the desertification of the more arid parts of
Meru-land. Their decisions regarding these areas rest on three main tenets: That cultivators do not
eliminate indigenous trees; that cultivators interplant trees with crops; and that they respect the already
conserved indigenous sanctuaries. They have also been involved more recently in cutting down of trees
perceived to have detrimental effects on the environment like some varieties of blue gum tree. They also
14
LITERATURE REVIEW
15
regulate the use of water from rivers and streams. Their work as conservators extends to control of the
Meru's sacred sites (also called sanctuaries), which are used traditional rituals such as the passage of an
age-set from one age-grade to another, transferal of political power, oathing, and for arbitration on cases
such as murder, land-grabbing, theft, immorality, etc. Legally, the Njuri-Ncheke, using the myth of
conservation sites, is able to solve cases that cannot be solved by conventional law courts. Moreover,
criminals are discouraged from hiding in such sanctuaries since they are protected by taboos - sometimes the
devil is believed to be their "watchman".
2.4.8 The settlement patterns
Traditionally, settlement patterns in Meru land were characterized by patrilineally related households in
larger dispersed homesteads. Each homestead consisted of circular huts with conical thatched roofs,
granaries, and a circular animal compound.
2.5.0 The geographical and climatic conditions
Meru is one of the forty seven counties of Kenya, the other being Tharaka-Nithi. It is located in the
geographical center of Kenya in what was formerly the Eastern Province. It is composed of what was
formerly known as Meru Central District, Meru North District and Tharaka Nithi districts. The economy
of Meru County is basically agriculture and one common crop is the Miraa (Khat) that is grown mostly in
the south both for export and local consumption. The other crops grown include bananas, yams, cassava,
pumpkin, millet, Tobacco, gourds, sorghum and sugarcane. They also reared domestic animals like cattle,
Average temperatures of Meru 2011
sheep, and goats. The semiarid environment of lowland Meru was primarily reliant on hunting, bee keeping,
and plant gathering. During the 1940s the colonial government promoted new food varieties, leading to the
widespread adoption of maize as a staple crop and cash crops like coffee and tea.
15
LITERATURE REVIEW
16
The majority of the Meru remain dependent on animal husbandry and crop cultivation. Meru provide an
interesting example of a high altitude environment with the regions along the Nyambene ranges experiencing
tropical highland climate and semi-arid climatic conditions in the lower areas towards Isiolo and Tharaka.
The highlands with an altitude of 1500 m and above receive an annual rainfall of over 1000 mm. They have
fertile volcanic soils and are agriculturally productive. The rainfall pattern is bimodal with long periods of rain
occurring from mid-March to May and short periods occurring from October to December. The mean
annual rainfall is about 52 inches (1,300 millimeters), ranging from 15 inches (380 millimeters) in lowland
areas to 98 inches (2,500 millimeters) on the highlands.
2.6.0 Demography
During the colonial period European estimates of the Meru population ranged from 80,000 to 200,000.
The first official census in 1948 recorded 258,000 Meru. The population of the area has increased
steadily, rising from 637,709 in 1979 to 1,409,373 in 1999. By the 1990s the Meru accounted for nearly 6
percent of the Kenyan population.
16
LITERATURE REVIEW
17
Population density in the region is highly variable, ranging from 100 persons per square kilometer in lowland
areas to over 400 persons per square kilometer in highland areas. The current population of Meru county
stands at 1,356,301(2009 census)
2.7.0 The industrial arts
In the pre-colonial Meru, Pottery, ironwork, and leatherwork were common industrial products. Existing
handicrafts include weaving, basketry, clay work, knitting, and crocheting. Palm baskets and mats are
prevalent in Tharaka, where palms grow in riverine areas.
2.8.0 The land tenure system
2.9.0 The concept of God among the Meru people
3.1.0 Conclusion
17
LITERATURE REVIEW
18
4.1.0 VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE DEFINED
A house is not an object, a “machine to live in”; it is the universe that man constructs for himself by imitating
the paradigmatic creation of the gods, the cosmogony. Eliade, 1957
Vernacular architecture is a category of architecture based on localized needs and construction materials,
and reflecting local traditions. It tends to evolve over time to reflect the environmental, cultural, technological,
and historical context in which it exists.
The term vernacular is derived from the Latin word vernaculus, meaning "domestic, native or indigenous"
In linguistics, vernacular refers to language use particular to a time, place or group. In architecture, it refers
to that type of architecture which is indigenous to a specific time or place (not imported or copied from
elsewhere). It is most often applied to residential buildings.
Ronald Brunskill has defined the ultimate in vernacular architecture as: a building designed by an amateur
without any training in design; the individual will have been guided by a series of conventions built up in his
locality, paying little attention to what may be fashionable. The function of the building would be the
dominant factor, aesthetic considerations, though present to some small degree, being quite minimal. Local
materials would be used as a matter of course, other materials being chosen and imported quite
exceptionally.
Paul Oliver in The Encyclopedia of Vernacular Architecture of the World defines vernacular architecture
as:.”. Comprising the dwellings and all other buildings of the people, related to their environmental contexts
and available resources they are customarily owner- or community-built, utilizing traditional technologies. All
forms of vernacular architecture are built to meet specific needs, accommodating the values, economies and
ways of life of the cultures that produce them’’
18
LITERATURE REVIEW
19
In his words, Frank Lloyd Wright described vernacular architecture as "Folk building growing in response to
actual needs, fitted into environment by people who knew no better than to fit them with native feeling".
Suggesting that it is a primitive form of design, lacking intelligent thought, but he also stated that it was "for
us better worth study than all the highly self-conscious academic attempts at the beautiful throughout
Europe".
Broadly defined, vernacular architecture is an area of architectural theory that studies the structures made
by empirical builders without the intervention of professional architects. There exist many areas of nonprofessional architectural practice, from primitive shelter in distant communities to urban adaptations of
building types that are imported from one country to another because of that, vernacular architecture is a
very open, comprehensive concept. It is in fact used as a shortcut and a synonymous for several different
practices, and theoretical stands on those practices. These include primitive or aboriginal architecture;
indigenous architecture; ancestral or traditional architecture; folk, popular, or rural architecture; ethnic
architecture or ethno-architecture; informal architecture; the so-called "anonymous architecture" or
"architecture without architects;" and even “non-pedigree” architecture. (Rudofsky 1964)
In modern society, the primitive building stands as the fore runners of the architecture of the great cultures
and civilised societies. The recognition of the local and regional building forms and especially of domestic
buildings, altering with the cultures , the environments and the climates of the areas concerned has led to the
increasing use of the term “vernacular architecture” to identify them (Oliver,1969)
From the above definitions, another controversy arises from the term architecture. The Greek definition of
term architect is chief builder, superior or leader. Whereas when dealing with vernacular, there is no chief
builder or design of the built form. In this research, Bernard Rudofsky’s definition “architecture without
architects” will be used. The non-pedigreed architecture (Rudofsky 1964)
19
LITERATURE REVIEW
20
Many modern architects have studied vernacular buildings and claimed to draw inspiration from them,
including aspects of the vernacular in their designs. In 1946, the Egyptian architect Hassan Fathy was
appointed to design the town of New Gourna near Luxor. Having studied traditional Nubian settlements
and technologies, he incorporated the traditional mud brick vaults of the Nubian settlements in his designs.
This was the first recorded attempt by an architect to address the social and environmental requirements of
building users by adopting the methods and forms of the vernacular. (Oliver 2006)
The term vernacular architecture was first popularized by Bernard Rudofsky In 1964 during the exhibition
“Architecture Without Architects” at the Museum of Modern Art, New York. Accompanied by a book of the same
title, including black-and-white photography of vernacular buildings around the world. It was Rudofsky who first made
use of the term vernacular in an architectural context, and brought the concept into the eye of the public and of
mainstream architecture: "For want of a generic label we shall call it vernacular, anonymous, spontaneous, indigenous,
and rural, as the case may be." (Rudofsky 1964)
Vernacular architecture is frequently summoned in support of the modern movements’ dictum “form follows
function”. From the cattle pens of Zulu, kraals to granaries of Medenine, from haylofts of Eastern Europe
to the snow houses of the Eskimo, from the Balearic island boat sheds to Mongolian marionette theatres,
the structures are produced by unsophisticated societies demonstrate the principle of shelter assuming a
form conditioned by a specific answer to a particular need . The other aspect of vernacular architecture is
the use of local building materials to construct housing that makes such good use of passive energy that
almost no extra energy is required to maintain the housing. In other words, vernacular architecture provides
the local inhabitants with comfortable living environment while at the same time having minimum impact on the
natural environment.
20
LITERATURE REVIEW
21
The way in which vernacular architecture and lifestyles defined by such architecture make effective use of
passive design to local climate and other conditions in cold and hot, arid and humid regions provides valuable
hints for environmental design that offers great possibilities for improving architectural sustainability.
Vernacular housing deserves our attention for the way its low environmental load boost environmental
efficiency.
21
LITERATURE REVIEW
22
4.1.1 factors influencing vernacular architecture
Vernacular architecture is influenced by a great range of different aspects of human behaviour and
environment, leading to differing building forms for almost every different context; even neighbouring villages
may have subtly different approaches to the construction and use of their dwellings, even if they at first
appear the same. Despite these variations, every building is subject to the same laws of physics, and hence
will demonstrate significant similarities in structural forms.
4.1.2 Climate
One of the most significant influences on vernacular architecture is the macro climate of the area in which
the building is constructed. Buildings in cold climates invariably have high thermal mass or significant
amounts of insulation. They are usually sealed in order to prevent heat loss, and openings such as windows
tend to be small or non-existent. The Mongolian gers, for example, are versatile enough to be cool in hot
continental summers and warm in the sub-zero temperatures of Mongolian winters, and include a closable
ventilation hole at the center and a chimney for a stove .Buildings in warm climates, by contrast, tend to be
constructed of lighter materials and to allow significant cross-ventilation through openings in the fabric of
the building, with the exception of the humid coastal climates where the high thermal mass walls help to
insulate the interiors against heat gain and the proximity of buildings shelter them from direct solar
insolation. Buildings take different forms depending on precipitation levels in the region. This leads to
dwellings on stilts in many regions with frequent flooding or rainy monsoon seasons. Flat roofs are common
in low precipitation areas and steep roofed in areas with high levels of precipitation. Similarly, areas with
high winds will lead to specialised buildings able to cope with them, and buildings will be oriented to present
minimal area to the direction of prevailing winds.
22
LITERATURE REVIEW
23
Climatic influences on vernacular architecture are substantial and can be extremely complex. Mediterranean
vernacular, and that of much of the Middle East, often includes a courtyard with a fountain or pond; air
cooled by water mist and evaporation is drawn through the building by the natural ventilation set up by the
building form. Similarly, Northern African vernacular often has very high thermal mass and small windows to
keep the occupants cool, and in many cases also includes chimneys, not for fires but to draw air through the
internal spaces. Such specialisations are not designed, but learnt by trial and error over generations of
building construction, often existing long before the scientific theories which explain why they work.
4.1.3 Culture
The way of life of building occupants, and the way they use their shelters, is of great influence on building
forms. The size of family units, who shares which spaces, how food is prepared and eaten, how people
interact and many other cultural considerations will affect the layout and size of dwellings.
For example, the family units of several East African ethnic communities live in family compounds,
surrounded by marked boundaries, in which separate single-roomed dwellings are built to house different
members of the family. In polygamous communities there may be separate dwellings for different wives, and
more again for sons who are too old to share space with the women of the family. Social interaction within
the family is governed by, and privacy is provided by, the separation between the structures in which family
members live. By contrast, in Western Europe, such separation is accomplished inside one dwelling, by
dividing the building into separate rooms. Culture also has a great influence on the appearance of
vernacular buildings, as occupants often decorate buildings in accordance with local customs and beliefs.
23
LITERATURE REVIEW
24
. 4.1.4 Permanency of the dwelling units
The materials used to put up the structures will become heavier, more solid and more durable as the
structures become more permanent. They may also become more complicated and more expensive, as the
capital and labour required to construct them is a one-time cost. Permanent dwellings often offer a greater
degree of protection and shelter from the elements. In some cases however, where dwellings are subjected to
severe weather conditions such as frequent flooding or high winds, buildings may be deliberately "designed"
to fail and be replaced, rather than requiring the uneconomical or even impossible structures needed to
withstand them. The collapse of a relatively flimsy, lightweight structure is also less likely to cause serious
injury than a heavy structure. . A Berber tent, for example is much lighter and quicker to erect and dismantle
as it might be relocated on daily basis.
. 4.1.5 Environment and materials
The local environment and the construction materials it can provide will determine the kind of vernacular
architecture that evolves in a given locale. Areas rich in trees will develop a wooden vernacular, while areas
without much wood may use mud or stone. Vernacular, almost by definition, is sustainable, and will not
exhaust the local resources. If it is not sustainable, it is not suitable for its local context, and cannot be
vernacular.
In the midst of great technological, environmental and political change over the past decades, the vernacular has
become highly relevant, either as a motive of intellectual curiosity, as a technological example, or as a politically
strategic element. Given that architecture is inevitably connected to technological developments, environmental issues
and political change, vernacular architecture has thus become a central concept in architectural theory and practice
today.
24
LITERATURE REVIEW
25
. 5.1.0 Colonialism and the demise of African traditional architecture
The colonial authorities in Kenya and Africa in general were never interested in the preservation of the
local traditions and culture. Their main objectives were domination and incorporation of the Africans into
the capitalistic global economy. The capitalist economy could not succeed whilst the Africans continued to
depend on building materials and technology which were readily available. This meant that they had to
introduce and enforce new built archetypes to foster their agenda. This was achieved through brainwashing
on qualities of vernacular building materials and admonition of the same. This led to a change in paradigm
where vernacular built forms were viewed as a sign of poverty and backwardness which resulted in rapid
disappearance of vernacular built forms.
The buildings have always constituted undistinguished reflections of their time, thus the true meaning of
buildings is that they are essentially expressions of their epoch, seen from this vantage point , it becomes
clear that comparisons of pre-colonial African architecture and building technology with contemporary
western or other variety are , to say very least, unjust and smacks insincerity. Every building occurs in a
specific and well defined geographical location. This location can be appreciated a number of different but
overlapping levels, to wit, local, regional, national or sometimes in relationship to a prominent landmark. In
traditional Africa, more than elsewhere one finds unparalleled degree of physical consistency with notion of
‘placeness’. Vernacular architecture is usually the product of specific climatic, cultural and economic
conditions of a particular place. (Ambe.J .Njoh)
25
LITERATURE REVIEW
26
The African vernacular architecture was very attentive to functionality and detail, some of which may not be
apparent to non-Africans. With little, the African builds sensibly, functionally, and above all, beautifully.
(Gardi 1973) An example is the flat roof terrace of the Sudanese, it served as a chicken yard, platform for
drying agricultural produce and during the long hot seasons typical of the Sahel, it serves as the bedroom
under the stars. While such maximum utilisation of space is possible with traditional housing, it is virtually
impossible with the drab tin roofed units that have been rapidly replacing them in colonial and post-colonial
Africa (Njoh 2006)
Demise of the African vernacular architecture has further been hastened by the western scholars who of all
tribal documentation of built forms; much has been focussed on monumental, religious and civic buildings.
Very little or non on the non-formal buildings in the countries of concern
They further were more concerned with the built structures rather than the relationship of the buildings to
the societies that produced them hence many a times miss- interpreting the intended meanings, symbolism
and functionality associated with the built forms (Paul Oliver, shelter and society)
The African vernacular building materials are not without blemishes; however despite the few noted
drawbacks it is necessary to emphasis the fact that African architectural styles and construction materials
have always been contextual, place and time specific. The pre-colonial Africans were contextual in that they
fully understood the context within which they were functioning and developed clear strategies with respect
to how to anchor their dwelling units to the geographic, economic and cultural conditions that prevailed at
the time. (Njoh 2005)
. 5.1.1 Social economic implications of non-vernacular building materials
The adoption of non-vernacular building materials has led to negative impact on economies of the African
countries. Some governments forbid traditional building materials not on account of any real or perceived
structural weakness on part of the materials, but on grounds that they constitute a sign of backwardness.
This mentality is at the root of efforts that often result in the hastily constructed, dreary tiny, and closely
26
LITERATURE REVIEW
27
packed tin roofed housing units that have become a common feature of the outskirts of the urban centres
throughout the continent. These units literally become ovens under the intense heat of tropical Africa.
Another notable consequence of prescriptive standards, especially those skewed in favour of imported
building materials is housing shortage. By discouraging the use of local building materials as these policies
are, opportunities for developing otherwise affordable housing are eliminated. Since the cost of building
materials constitute a substantial portion of the final building cost, the final cost of housing gets higher
hence leaving majority of the people homeless especially in the urban areas, a phenomena that was rare in
traditional African setup.
Cultural and technological dependence have also been known to result from policies that favour foreign
building materials over the domestic equivalents. Since housing constitutes an element of cultural
expression, African policy makers have succeeded in making Africans culturally dependent on western
countries by overvaluing the building materials, techniques and architecture of these countries while
devaluing African varieties. The cultural implications of supplanting African building and architectural
practices with western varieties cannot be overstated. Building technology like other technologies is laden
with cultural baggage. Accepting any given technology invariably implies accepting the attendant cultural
baggage. Other social economic implications include:
·
Inequalities in the distribution of wealth
·
Unemployment
·
Housing shortage
·
Foreign exchange difficulties
·
Technological dependence and gender based socio-economic disparities (Njoh; 2000)
27
LITERATURE REVIEW
28
. 5.1.2 Preservation of vernacular heritage.
In most countries, in Europe, Asia or Latin America, with a rich heritage, vernacular is neither protected nor
considered worthy to be conserved and a negative meaning has been always attributed to “vernacular”, as
“primitive” and consequently without value. Attention to the vernacular architecture responds to a
sensibility for social values matured only in the second half of the 20th century, in coherence with the
progressively growing movement towards heritage conservation. ICOMOS is the only international
organisation that has dealt with the phenomenon, ratifying the charter of “Built vernacular heritage”
(Mexico, 2000), which defines the priority of knowledge for conservation of the ‘common’ built heritage
Vernacular architecture can be considered a fundamental resource for the economic development: if the
objectives of preservation and valorization are achieved, healthiness, safety and security will improve, with
direct influences on physical and psychological well-being of the inhabitants. Heritage policies could turn to
better and energy saving living places, also contributing to reduce the consumption of land and contrasting
excessive urbanization processes; to sources of income for their inhabitants thanks to new small compatible
economic activities, for example in the areas of services, crafts, and high-quality tourism; and to sources of
historic and cultural knowledge (also in the sense of material culture) for visitors.
Sustainability of cultural heritage is about managing the balance between preservation and use, so that as
much as possible of the significance of - for example – the built heritage is passed on to future generations.
This can be achieved through various strategies which include:
·
Promoting the study of traditional technologies and materials and enquiring on their potential
nowadays application, enhancing them where needed, and on their environmental sustainability both
in terms of energy consumption and of maintenance.
·
Developing awareness-raising methods and participatory techniques to stimulate the appropriation
of vernacular by the inhabitants of their own environment.
28
LITERATURE REVIEW
29
In this scenario technology is conceived as a result of historic and contextual process of the society to which
it belongs and, at an operative level, as made up of sets of methods and tools, scientific knowledge, technical
and organizational skills, which are capable of producing goods and services relevant to satisfying human
needs and wants.
29