Why Are Jews Liberals?

 OPINION
SEPTEMBER 10, 2009, 5:37 A.M. ET
Why Are Jews Liberals?
I'm hoping buyer's remorse on Obama will finally cause a Jewish shift to the right.
By NORMAN PODHORETZ
One of the most extraordinary features of Barack Obama's victory over John McCain was his capture of
78% of the Jewish vote. To be sure, there was nothing extraordinary about the number itself. Since
1928, the average Jewish vote for the Democrat in presidential elections has been an amazing 75%—
far higher than that of any other ethno-religious group.
Yet there were reasons to think that it would be different in 2008. The main one was Israel. Despite
some slippage in concern for Israel among American Jews, most of them were still telling pollsters that
their votes would be strongly influenced by the positions of the two candidates on the Jewish state. This
being the case, Mr. McCain's long history of sympathy with Israel should have given him a distinct
advantage over Mr. Obama, whose own history consisted of associating with outright enemies of the
Jewish state like the Rev. Jeremiah Wright and the historian Rashid Khalidi.
Hebrew campaign buttons for Barack Obama.
Associated Press
Nevertheless, Mr. Obama beat Mr. McCain among Jewish voters by a staggering 57 points. Except for
African Americans, who gave him 95% of their vote, Mr. Obama did far better with Jews than with any
other ethnic or religious group. Thus the Jewish vote for him was 25 points higher than the 53% he
scored with the electorate as a whole; 35 points higher than the 43% he scored with whites; 11 points
higher than the 67% he scored with Hispanics; 33 points higher than the 45% he scored with
Protestants; and 24 points higher than the 54% he scored with Catholics.
These numbers remind us of the extent to which the continued Jewish commitment to the Democratic
Party has become an anomaly. All the other ethno-religious groups that, like the Jews, formed part of
the coalition forged by Franklin Delano Roosevelt in the 1930s have followed the rule that increasing
prosperity generally leads to an increasing identification with the Republican Party. But not the Jews. As
the late Jewish scholar Milton Himmelfarb said in the 1950s: "Jews earn like Episcopalians"—then the
most prosperous minority group in America—"and vote like Puerto Ricans," who were then the poorest.
Jews also remain far more heavily committed to the liberal agenda than any of their old ethno-religious
New Deal partners. As the eminent sociologist Nathan Glazer has put it, "whatever the promptings of
their economic interests," Jews have consistently supported "increased government spending,
expanded benefits to the poor and lower classes, greater regulations on business, and the power of
organized labor."
As with these old political and economic questions, so with the newer issues being fought out in the
culture wars today. On abortion, gay rights, school prayer, gun control and assisted suicide, the survey
data show that Jews are by far the most liberal of any group in America.
Most American Jews sincerely believe that their liberalism, together with their commitment to the
Democratic Party as its main political vehicle, stems from the teachings of Judaism and reflects the
heritage of "Jewish values." But if this theory were valid, the Orthodox would be the most liberal sector
of the Jewish community. After all, it is they who are most familiar with the Jewish religious tradition and
who shape their lives around its commandments.
Yet the Orthodox enclaves are the only Jewish neighborhoods where Republican candidates get any
votes to speak of. Even more telling is that on every single cultural issue, the Orthodox oppose the
politically correct liberal positions taken by most other American Jews precisely because these
positions conflict with Jewish law. To cite just a few examples: Jewish law permits abortion only to
protect the life of the mother; it forbids sex between men; and it prohibits suicide (except when the only
alternatives are forced conversion or incest).
The upshot is that in virtually every instance of a clash between Jewish law and contemporary
liberalism, it is the liberal creed that prevails for most American Jews. Which is to say that for them,
liberalism has become more than a political outlook. It has for all practical purposes superseded
Judaism and become a religion in its own right. And to the dogmas and commandments of this religion
they give the kind of steadfast devotion their forefathers gave to the religion of the Hebrew Bible. For
many, moving to the right is invested with much the same horror their forefathers felt about conversion
to Christianity.
All this applies most fully to Jews who are Jewish only in an ethnic sense. Indeed, many such secular
Jews, when asked how they would define "a good Jew," reply that it is equivalent to being a good
liberal.
But avowed secularists are not the only Jews who confuse Judaism with liberalism; so do many nonOrthodox Jews who practice this or that traditional observance. It is not for nothing that a cruel wag has
described the Reform movement—the largest of the religious denominations within the American
Jewish community—as "the Democratic Party with holidays thrown in," and the services in a Reform
temple as "the Democratic Party at prayer."
As a Jew who moved from left to right more than four decades ago, I have been hoping for many years
that my fellow Jews would come to see that in contrast to what was the case in the past, our true
friends are now located not among liberals, but among conservatives.
Of course in speaking of the difference between left and right, or between liberals and conservatives, I
have in mind a divide wider than the conflict between Democrats and Republicans and deeper than
electoral politics. The great issue between the two political communities is how they feel about the
nature of American society. With all exceptions duly noted, I think it fair to say that what liberals mainly
see when they look at this country is injustice and oppression of every kind—economic, social and
political. By sharp contrast, conservatives see a nation shaped by a complex of traditions, principles
and institutions that has afforded more freedom and, even factoring in periodic economic downturns,
more prosperity to more of its citizens than in any society in human history. It follows that what liberals
believe needs to be changed or discarded—and apologized for to other nations—is precisely what
conservatives are dedicated to preserving, reinvigorating and proudly defending against attack.
In this realm, too, American Jewry surely belongs with the conservatives rather than the liberals. For the
social, political and moral system that liberals wish to transform is the very system in and through which
Jews found a home such as they had never discovered in all their forced wanderings throughout the
centuries over the face of the earth.
The Jewish immigrants who began coming here from Eastern Europe in the 1880s were right to call
America "the golden land." They soon learned that there was no gold in the streets, as some of them
may have imagined, which meant that they had to struggle, and struggle hard. But there was another,
more precious kind of gold in America. There was freedom and there was opportunity. Blessed with
these conditions, we children and grandchildren and great-grandchildren of these immigrants
flourished—and not just in material terms—to an extent unmatched in the history of our people.
What I am saying is that if anything bears eloquent testimony to the infinitely precious virtues of the
traditional American system, it is the Jewish experience in this country. Surely, then, we Jews ought to
be joining with its defenders against those who are blind or indifferent or antagonistic to the
philosophical principles, the moral values, and the socioeconomic institutions on whose health and
vitality the traditional American system depends.
In 2008, we were faced with a candidate who ran to an unprecedented degree on the premise that the
American system was seriously flawed and in desperate need of radical change—not to mention a
record powerfully indicating that he would pursue policies dangerous to the security of Israel. Because
of all this, I hoped that my fellow Jews would finally break free of the liberalism to which they have
remained in thrall long past the point where it has served either their interests or their ideals.
That possibility having been resoundingly dashed, I now grasp for some encouragement from the signs
that buyer's remorse is beginning to set in among Jews, as it also seems to be doing among
independents. Which is why I am hoping against hope that the exposure of Mr. Obama as a false
messiah will at last open the eyes of my fellow Jews to the correlative falsity of the political creed he so
perfectly personifies and to which they have for so long been so misguidedly loyal.
Mr. Podhoretz was the editor of Commentary from 1960 to 1995. His latest book, "Why Are
Jews Liberals?" is just out from Doubleday.
BOOKSHELF
SEPTEMBER 25, 2009
Chosen People, Choosing Left
In the presidential election, Barack Obama won 78% of the Jewish vote.
By RICHARD BAEHR
In a conference call with more than 1,000 rabbis before Rosh Hashanah, President Barack
Obama encouraged the religious leaders to use their sermons on the Jewish New Year to
promote health-care reform. It is more than ironic that liberal Jews, who call for a complete
separation of church and state, saw nothing wrong with the president scripting their sermons.
The reason may be that the script came from a modern sort of Jewish holy book, what Norman
Podhoretz calls the "Torah of liberalism."
"Why Are Jews Liberals?" is a fine and bracing examination of a question that has vexed Mr.
Podhoretz for decades. He displays, along the way, the skill for supple reasoning and
pugnacious argument that was the hallmark of his long editorship of Commentary magazine.
Mr. Podhoretz grew up on the political left and remained there until the late 1960s, when he
moved to the right. In "Why Are Jews Liberals?" he ponders, with a sense of deep frustration,
why so few other Jews have made his journey.
Acknowledging that the allegiance of Jews to liberalism was once understandable, Mr.
Podhoretz claims that the allegiance has now become irrational—and yet liberal Jews, which is
to say most Jews in this country, show no sign of changing. "I cannot for the life of me give up
the hope that the Jews of America will eventually break free of their political delusions," he
writes, "and that they will begin to recognize where their interests and their ideals, both as Jews
and as Americans, truly lie."
What is the Torah of liberalism? Mr. Podhoretz says that the 11th commandment for liberal
Jews guarantees abortion rights, which is a major reason why Jews vote for Democrats. But
their devotion to the Democratic Party long predates Roe v. Wade. As Mr. Podhoretz notes,
with the exception of Jimmy Carter in 1980, in presidential elections "the Democratic
candidate has scored a landslide among Jewish voters . . . the overall average since 1928 is a
stunning 75%." Last year, Barack Obama won 78% of the Jewish vote.
Why Are Jews Liberals?
By Norman Podhoretz
Doubleday, 337 pages, $27
It will be dangerous to the Jewish future, Mr. Podhoretz says, for Jews to continue down the
path of reflexively supporting not just Democrats but also the party's liberal wing. Unlike every
other ethnic or religious group, he notes, Jews do not become more conservative as their
income and wealth rise. The reason for such steady liberalism, it is often claimed, is that Jews
care about those who are marginalized in America, as Jews themselves were once marginalized
both here and in other countries.
But Mr. Podhoretz maintains that Jews are voting against their own interests. Jews advanced in
America in the mid-20th century when the meritocracy took hold, individual effort and
achievement were rewarded, and group quotas, which limited Jewish educational opportunity
and economic advancement, were eliminated. How odd, then, to see Jews aligned with the
party that embraces identity politics, affirmative action and quota-driven policies. Democrats
also favor higher taxes and more government regulation, neither of which tends to produce the
sort of economic expansion that benefits everyone, including the marginalized.
Another danger to the Jewish future, Mr. Podhoretz says, is the commitment of Jews to
secularism and social liberalism. Jews are the least religious group in America—just 16% of
Jews attend services at least monthly, and 42% of Jews attend not at all. Even those Jews who
do go to synagogue often find a way to remain comfortable in their political beliefs: Mr.
Podhoretz describes how liberal Jews—rabbis and worshipers alike—routinely cherry-pick
passages from the Torah to buttress favored social policies. The Hebrew word for charity,
tzedakah, he says, has been seized on by liberal Jews over the years to promote FDR's New
Deal, Lyndon Johnson's Great Society and "social justice." Mr. Podhoretz quotes a professor of
modern Jewish history who said the Torah's instruction made voting for John McCain last year
impossible because he had opposed raising the minimum wage.
As Jews have traded Judaism for secularism, their birth rate has fallen well below the
replacement level. As Mr. Podhoretz observes, this is only part of the new demographic reality.
Fully half of Jews who marry these days choose a non-Jewish spouse, and a majority of the
children in these marriages are not reared as Jewish. Not surprisingly, the Jewish population in
America has begun to decline. Over the past 60 years, while the U.S. population doubled, the
number of Jews has at best remained steady at about six million. Orthodox Jews, whose
politics tend toward the conservative, have accepted the biblical directive to be fruitful and
multiply. Their share of the American Jewish population is rising, and now stands at about
10%. But the demographic time bomb among non-Orthodox Jews, Mr. Podhoretz says, may be
unstoppable.
Finally, there is Israel. Mr. Podhoretz once hoped that American Jews would move to the right
when faced with the rabid anti-Zionism that has the infected the left in recent decades, but he
was disappointed. While many liberal Jews insist on their support for Israel, somehow they
seem far more passionate about abortion rights and government-run health care than about
preventing Iran, Israel's sworn enemy, from obtaining a nuclear weapon. That Jews rejected the
adamantly pro-Israel John McCain in favor of Mr. Obama, whose views on Israel were vague
at best, confirmed Mr. Podhoretz in his belief that "their commitment to liberalism, and to the
Democratic Party as its principal political vehicle, was still so deep and so powerful that
anything threatening to shake it would be fended off with willful blindness and rationalizations
built on denial."
During Rosh Hashanah services last weekend, I saw these words embedded in a stained-glass
window at my synagogue: "God, the Torah and Israel are One." I'm still willing to accept that
most American Jews believe these are the cornerstones of their faith. What is less clear is
whether for many liberal Jews their Torah is Jewish law or the Torah of liberalism that Mr.
Podhoretz describes with unsettling clarity.
Mr. Baehr is the chief political correspondent for the online magazine American Thinker and a
Distinguished Fellow of the Jewish Policy Center.
Printed in The Wall Street Journal, page A13
Robert Bennett wrote:
Why are Jews liberals? The answer is that most American Jews have left Judaism and their people's
past and destiny to join the American people. They aren't Jews any longer in the same way that Daniel
was a Jew when he prayed in front of his window in violation of the Babylonian King's edict, or when he
refused to bow down to the King's statue in front of the entire Babylonian court.
But why liberalism? Judaism is full of laws, statutes, commands and customs designed to guide feet to
the narrow path of righteousness and keep them on it while liberalism is "anything goes so long as it
isn't profitable". When one leaves Judaism, liberalism offers a superhighway of sin and no judgment. It's
a no-brainer why Jews sloughing off their faith, past and destiny would choose the superhighway: It's
freedom and fun without a single consequence in sight!
Charles Hoffman wrote
1.Jews were a lot more comfortable with the GOP before it was taken over by the crazies of
the far right. New York's most respected US Senator for years was a Republican Jew, Jack
Javitz. He'd feel as out of place in the current GOP as did Arlen Specter.
2. Many of the so-called liberal-conservative issues break down along the rural-urban
divide, and Jews have been almost exclusively urban (and suburban).
3. High concentration of "super-educated" - with an overall higher correlation of liberal
voting.
4. Recognition that while GOP mouths a pro-Israel line, its real loyalties will always be with
the Saudi royal family, their oil money, and their hatred of Israel. Both Ronald Reagan and
GWB proved their deference to the House of Saud when the chips were down.
5. The GOP makes it easy for Jews to vote Democratic by defining itself as Christian.
Richard Gelb wrote: My parents were both Holocaust survivors. My father was reflexively pro-Israel until the day he
died. I remember him cheering and dancing around the house on the day of the Entebbe raid in
1976. Yet he always pulled the lever for the democrat in every election. When I asked him why,
he just shrugged and said "because I'm a democrat." This attitude is pervasive among most of
my jewish family and friends.
I think its causes are rooted in european socialism dating back to the last century, but don't
underestimate the pervasive antisemitism that existed in this country until the last half century.
Memories of Father Coughlin and "country club" republicans excluding jews from
neighborhoods and jobs die hard, as memories of Jim Crow laws die hard in the black
community.
Many of my peers have adopted a more skeptical approach to the democrat party in recent
years. George Bush did relatively well among jews because of his strong pro-Israel stance and
refusal to cater to Yassir Arafat and his ilk. Unfortunately, absent an acute crisis like 9/11 or the
intifada, many of my fellow jews have reflexively turned back to the democrats, even Barrack
Obama, whose commitment to Israel is lukewarm at best, hostile at worst.
Jews rightly distrust the overtures of evangelical christians, given the long history of
antisemitism among these groups. In spite of their commitment to Israel, we are aware that we
only serve as a means to their own view of the end of the world. We know that we don't have a
place in their vision of "heaven." Even so, they are the best friends we have at the moment.
They are certainly better friends than the rabid anti-zionist left, or even the most moderate
members of the muslim world.
Paul Jaminet replied:
Richard Gelb's comment is a very good contribution, and yet it reveals how much of leftist
mythology has been accepted by moderate and intelligent Jews. Father Coughlin was a leftist
Democrat, who supported FDR and the New Deal and turned on FDR only when he decided
FDR was insufficiently radical and insufficiently devoted to "social justice." "Country club"
republicans were no doubt hostile to Jews then as they are hostile to evangelical Christians
now (viz. the reaction of Kathleen Parker to Sarah Palin), but "country club" Democrats were
just as bad: look how many decades the Ivy League universities, from early in this century
controlled by progressive Democrats, excluded Jews. Jim Crow was a Democratic creation.
Religious Christians, including evangelicals, have been philo-semitic for many centuries, and
have long looked to the ancient Hebrews for guidance and sought to emulate them by
forming a "new Israel." While this may not have been true in continental Europe, it is true
throughout English and American history since at least medieval times. Look for instance at
John Winthrop and the Puritans, John Wesley and the Methodists, John Witherspoon and the
rest of America's founding fathers, and an unbroken line of philo-Semitic American Christian
conservatives since. Finally, it is not true that Christians view Jews only "as a means ... to the
end of the world." As Matthew 25 shows, Christians do not view other humans as means, but
as Christ. Nor is it true that Christians, but for a minority of literalists who don't take a
comprehensive view of the Bible, think that Jews do not have a place in heaven.
None of these "explanations" explain the Jewish antipathy to conservativism, Christians, and
the Republican party. Rather the antipathy comes first, and the "explanations" are excuses
that rationalize it. Robert Bennett's comment above is closer to the mark. It is a spiritual
reaction: those who reject God, naturally reject God's other friends. It is the same reason why
faithful Christians love the Jews: those who love God, must love God's friends. And thus
reconciliation among Christians and secular Jews will come as soon as secular Jews become
reconciled to God - but no earlier.
Linda Walling replied:
I think that reconciliation to God would solve most all of our division within the U.S., as
reconciliation to God includes recognition of the Holiness of oneself and all others. I suspect
that the long term viability of a democracy depends upon a reasonably high prevalence of at
least some level of this understanding, and the loss of this among both Jews and Christians in
the U.S. which we call "secularization" probably has rendered our system of government to not
be viable any longer.
Stephan Dejean replied:
Mr. Armstrong:
Huh? Reagan ran up the biggest deficits and he raised taxes? You clearly have no idea what
you're talking about. Democrats have certainly not proven that they are better at "running the
economy", especially when you look at the Carter years! Or did you forget those?
Here's a brief history lesson for you: JFK was good at "running the economy", but JFK lowered
taxes! Nixon did a lousy job with economy because he instituted price controls. Reagan
lowered taxes across the board, and yes, he ran up deficits, but he oversaw the start of period
of tremendous and steady growth. Bush 41 did not do a good job at "running the economy" and
did not get re-elected because he raised taxes. Clinton enacted an even larger tax increase,
and would have done some serious damage to the economy with a Democratic Congress, but
the voters put the Republicans in control of Congress. After realizing what the voters wanted,
Clinton proclaimed that the era of big government was dead, and under the Republican
Congress and Clinton, government spending grew at a very slow pace, and we actually had
balanced budgets. Unfortunately, with Bush 43 not vetoing a single bill out of Congress for his
first six years in office, the government and the deficits grew again. Now we have Obama and a
Democratic controlled Congress. Unless the voters give the Democrats significant losses in
2010, we will have the largest deficits ever, and we will all pay for it.
Thomas Archer wrote:
Mr. Podhoretz’ and Mr. Baehr haven’t addressed the deeper and perhaps more insightful question.
Why do people claim to be something they’re not, something actually anathematic to who they really
are? Why do people claim to be Jews when at best their ancestors were? Why do people claim to be
Christians when they live to hate? Why to people claim to be Republicans or Democrats when there’s
no evidence they follow any traditional political principles? The broader issue really is “why do people
chose to identify with something they clearly aren’t?” The question isn’t “Why Are Jews Liberals?” Mr.
Baehr captures that answer, they aren’t in fact Jewish, so it’s a false dilemma. The question is “Why
Do Liberals Want To Be Labeled Jews?”
James Patterson wrote:
Why are Jews liberals? The answer goes back thousands of years into history. Jews have been discriminated
against, and even enslaved throughout history, mostly by Christians and Moslems. Thus, when the liberal civil
rights movements of the 50's and 60's came about, when college fraternities, country clubs, and various other
fraternal organizations limited membership to Aryans, American Jews identified with liberal causes. Socialist
causes also tended to become popular by becoming identified with civil rights causes. Now, the Jewish baby
boomers and their offspring have been brainwashed by these causes for over 50 years. However, this stereotype
mostly applies only to some, not all American Jews. Jews in foreign countries like Russia would be considered
very conservative in the U.S. The U.S. also has its own Haganon. These people are definitely not liberals.
Remember, all generalizations are false, including this one.
LETTERS
SEPTEMBER 17, 2009
Jewish Teaching Doesn't Command a Welfare State
I am a proud Jewish conservative who took part in the Sept. 12 march on Washington. I take exception to
your Sept. 14 letter writers, responding to Norman Podhoretz's "Why Are Jews Liberals?" (op-ed, Sept.
11), who use the Jewish religion to explain their extreme liberalism.
My religion teaches that the highest form of charity is giving a person independence (work) so that he or
she will not have to depend on charity. Creating a government that makes people dependent on a nanny
state from cradle to grave is far from what my ancestors had in mind.
Rita Lilie
Huntingdon Valley, Pa.
It is true that social justice and compassion are deeply rooted in Judaism, but not in the way modern
liberal thinking would have you believe. Giving charity is a Jewish tradition, part of a large body of
commandments in the Torah called mitzvahs. What the secular Jewish world seems to misunderstand is
that mitzvahs are responsibilities incumbent upon each and every Jew, and are personal ones. They are
not responsibilities that can be delegated to an agency, like the government. One cannot perform a
mitzvah by having the government take one person's property and give it to another. That is not charity or
a mitzvah, even though it may make a liberal person feel good.
And there is no argument in the Torah that requires that all people be made materially equal. On the
contrary, the Torah recognizes and promotes the value of individual excellence and achievement and
requires that those who achieve make provision for those unable to achieve, but the requirement of
equality of result is not found in the Torah. The Torah demands personal responsibility from all Jews at
whatever station they hold in life. Thus, socialist and statist arguments, while often espoused by secular
liberal Jews, represent a misunderstanding of the Torah and Jewish values.
Paul C. Ross
Rydal, Pa.
All of the letters essentially state that Jews are liberal because the religion teaches concern for the poor
and disadvantaged. I agree but strongly contend that the policies suggested and currently being enacted
by the government will in the long run do just the opposite.
Over the past 150 years classical liberalism and free-market capitalism revolutionized economies and did
more to improve the conditions of the poor than any other competing system. Many of the current
proposals are undermining the economy and will adversely affect all segments of society.
A basic religious teaching is that we should learn to control our appetite for immediate gratification in
order to gain extended benefits.
Abraham Irwin
Passaic, N.J.
Nowhere does the Bible instruct us to tax others and rely on government to feed the hungry and clothe
the naked. In fact, the able-bodied are required to work for the aid they receive. The Book of Ruth says
the poor are to gather the after-gleanings left in the field, not wait idly for someone else to do it for them.
If the modern welfare state operated this way, the result would be less poverty and a lower cost to
society.
Ken Powell
Munster, Ind.
What I still don't understand is why a people who have been repeatedly persecuted and murdered en
masse by powerful governments in Germany, the Soviet Union, the Middle East and elsewhere embrace
the party of Big Government in America, especially in light of the alarming rise of anti-Semitism in liberal,
big-government Europe. That paradox was not addressed either in Mr. Podhoretz's op-ed or in the
responding letters.
David L. Moss
Chattanooga, Tenn.
Printed in The Wall Street Journal, page A22