10 Years at the Frame:
Propaganda of Modernization in Fascist Italy and in Kemalist Turkey (1933-1934)
Avi Mizrahi
(University of Bologna)
<[email protected]>
2nd Annual Graduate Workshop on Comparative Historical Research on Europe
Paris, July 7, 2015
Please do not cite without the author's permission
ABSTRACT
10th year celebrations represent grand public campaigns in reaffirming the past reforms and
future promises of the political regimes which introduce theirselves as “revolutionary” and
“progressive.” This historical research is based on a comparative study of two propaganda films
regarding the 10th year celebrations of the acquisition of the new regime in Fascist Italy with the
Camicia nera [Black Shirt] of 1933 and in Republican Turkey with the film Türkiye'nin Kalbi Ankara
[Ankara Turkey's Heart] of 1934. The history of their production, discourse analysis based on visual
material and the outcomes of their diffusion as well as national and international reactions given to the
movies in both countries will be discussed, developing a reasoning that goes beyond the national
historical narratives.
Following a brief theoretical background, the article points out the political projects of
“modernization” experienced in Turkish and Italian states during the first decades of the century, as
“Dialects of Modernity”. It underlines the instrumental role of the audiovisual mass media and cinema
with analyzing two particular movies. Therefore, central problematic of this research deals with the
following problematic: How did Kemalist doctrine in Turkey and Fascist mindset in Italy of the
interwar years approach “modernization”, how did they stigmatize its opposite as “backwards”? In
which ways these values are represented in cinematography via the movies in question?
In light of this problematic, this article questions such ideological presentations, reproduced in
the movies in question: “deterioration of the prewar-past”, “rural life”, “symbolic antagonism and
colaboration between the 'old' and 'new” and “the myth of palingenesis” These categories serve us as
conceptual schemes in pointing out the similarities and the differences presented in these movies
regarding the Kemalist regime in Turkey and Fascist regime in Italy.
1
INTRODUCTION
“Every ideological and spiritual product of a society affected by modernization cannot help but be a
manifestation of modernity: they are not to be seen as 'pro-' or 'anti-modern', but as resulting from the
interaction of specific forces of modernity with specific forms of traditional society within a unique and
dynamically changing configuration of historical forces.” (Griffin, 2008: 31)
In light of the quote above, in this article I would like to rediscover the political tendencies during
interwar years in Italy and in Turkey which got in contact with modernization, and faced their own
interpretations giving birth to their particular dialects of modernity; Kemalism and Fascism. Following
this discussion I will be focusing on two movies produced in this era, “Camicia Nera” (Black Shirt)
(1933) and “Türkiye'nin Kalbi Ankara” (Ankara Turkey's Heart) (1934) produced in honor of the 10th
year celebrations of the new regimes, representing a “propaganda of modernization” filtered by such
political narratives. The discourse analysis method applied on these films will help us to capture partly
the dynamics of the social engineering projects which the states' are engaged in during the period
matter.
Aiming to depict a large picture regarding their relation with modernization, the first part of the article,
1. Dialects of Modernity: Theoretical and Historical Background, focuses on modernization in two
contexts, in Italy and in Turkey. Fascism, connoting a generic and a particular significance for the
Italian case, will be outlined in three sub-sections as 1.1.1. Studies on Fascism: Review, 1.1.2.
Fascism as a Generic Form and 1.1.3. Italian Fascism and Modernization. The theoretical part will
be ending with the Turkish case, focusing specifically on ideologue Ziya Gökalp's formulation of
“hars” (culture) and “medeniyet” (civilization) in 1.2. Conceptualizing Modernization in Turkish
Context.
In the second part of the article, 2. Audiovisual Tributes: Film Analysis we will be focusing on the
two films mentioned above. Firstly a brief description of the movie 2.1. Camicia Nera (Black Shirt),
be given and its discourse analysis will continue in two sub-sections, 2.1.1. Faith for the land, faith
for the nation: Antagonism Delineated and 2.1.2. Modern Rising on Palingenesis. Secondly, the
movie 2.2. Türkiye'nin Kalbi Ankara (Ankara Turkey's Heart), will be shortly presented and
analyzed in two sub-sections, 2.2.1. Protagonists Introduced: “Old” Heritage and the “New”
Modernity and 2.2.2. Ankara and the Celebration: “Rebirth” of a Nation.
2
Finally, in the conclusion part of the article, we will be having a comparative discussion on the
similarities and differences of such projects represented in the movies, considering the theories
illustrated in the article, developing a trasnational reasoning to the questioned phenomenon.
1. Dialects of Modernity: Theoretical and Historical Background
1.1. Fascism and Modernization
Discussions regarding Fascism and Modernism constitute a grand platform which until now
experienced so many diverse explanations within the academic and political circles. Therefore in this
part firstly I would like to briefly paraphrase the discussions regarding the fascism as a generic concept.
Then I would like to focus on the particular approach of Roger Griffin in clarifying the significance of
the concept as an ideal type, as a particular movement in inter-war Italy and its imagination, its relation
with the phenomenon of modernization within this period in concern.
1.1.1. Studies on Fascism: Review
As Emilio Gentile points it out in his article “Fascism, Totalitarianism and Political Religion:
Definitions and Critical Reflections on Criticism of an Interpretation” studies on fascism can be
categorized in three chronological periods based on their approaches, topics and problems concerned.
The first period could be seen as lasting from the mid-1960's to the end of 1970's, second period would
cover 1980's and the third period include 1990's. (Gentile 2005)
According to Gentile the first period would be characterized with the “extended empirical scholarship
and new attempts to elaborate a general theory of fascism consistent with the new knowledge produced
by empirical research.” (Gentile 2005: 36) It is important to note that in this period researchers aimed
to overtake the traditional explanations of fascism which correlated such experience as a “antihistorical and anti-modern epiphenomenon without culture or ideology.” Previously, such traditional
explanations also refused the fascism to have its historical individuality similar to liberalism,
democracy, socialism or communism. Therefore in this light fascism was seen as a “parenthesis” in the
course of the contemporary history. In identifying such a view, Gentile even uses the description of
“consolation or exorcism that transformed the movement into a sort of malign excrescence foreign to
the healthy body of modernity.” (ibidem, 36) In explaining the stigmatizing approach of this previous
thought, within this orthodox view, one can describe such approach to fascism, alienating, separating it
3
from the phenomenon of modernism and refusing the historical continuity of this movement with its
precedents as well as its successors. Fascists were presented as the re-incarnation of something
“inhumane”, and an “expression of diabolical madness.” In relation to our discussion, however this
approach would not simply deny the relation between the fascism and the idea of “modernization”, but
it would curtain off the political and uneconomical factors which created the fertile ground for such a
movement. Therefore the attempt of this first period as a renewal in the studies of fascism is
significant.
Regarding this first period, Gentile notes authors such as Primo Levi, George L.Mosse and Juan Linz.
For example, we remember Levi calling for the historicity of the phenomenon and instead of refusing
the existence of fascism as a generic form, he called for reflection and noted in 1976, that “we should
remember that those believers, including the diligent executors of inhuman orders, were not born
torturers, nor monsters (save few exceptions): they were ordinary people.” (Levi 1989: 347-8 quoted in
Gentile, 2005: 38)
With the developing reserach on this path, it became easier to see that the rise of fascism did not simply
base itself on demagogy, opportunism or terror but it was capable to reinterpret the desires and the
ambitions of the masses in order to shout them back at crowds, at the ritualistic demonstrations. The
importance of this period in renewal of the studies regarding fascism is that with this new approach the
problematic of the researches have focused on the ideology, culture and political style of the
phenomenon in question. (Gentile 2005: 39) Juan Linz's focus on the concept of “hyper-nationalism” in
describing fascism should be read in this regard. He mentioned the hostility that such a movement
develops towards organizations and actors which could be perceived as international in character, such
as communism and international finance capitalism. Similar to the authors mentioned above, his
approach went beyond the solid refusal to analyze the ideological stringency and the consistency of the
movement. However, his approach was still built mainly on the “anti” conceptualizations, seeing the
movement such as “anti-parliamentary, anti-liberal, anti-communist, anti-proletarian, anti-capitalist,
anti-bourgeois” and etc. (ibidem, 40, 41)
Moreover, Stanley Payne's original approach gives us an aspect in which could be seen within the
framework of this period. Payne not just focused on the ideological structure of fascism, but he treated
4
the theme as a general concept, and came with a general definition. Particular characteristic of his
approach was that he no longer described the movement with its negations, but within a frame of its
new, modern, revolutionary components together with its traditional and reactionary acts. Basically,
some of the points which he outlined were the permanent nationalistic one-party authoritarianism,
charismatic leadership, the search for a synthetic ethnicist ideology, an authoritarian state system and
political economy of corporatism, syndicalism or partial socialism and the philosophical principle of
voluntary activism. (Payne 1980 quoted in Gentile 2005: 41) As it can be seen from Payne's elaboration
of the concept in his book dating from 1980, this first period of the researches accomplished to break
the traditional shield in analyzing the fascism as a generic term, and locate it on a platform of
sociological discussion in which its relation with phenomenon such as nationalism, authoritarianism or
leadership models would be uncovered.
According to Gentile's categorization, second period of the renewal in the study of fascism took part
during the 1980s, when the above mentioned theoretical discussions regarding the generic definition of
fascism, its general characteristics were considerably weakened and historical research of particular
movements formed the new problematic of the studies. Authors such as Renzo de Felice and Karl
Bracher would be named in regard to this period, who even inquired the use of the term “fascism” as a
generic term. (Gentile 2005: 42)
Finally, Gentile defines the third period of renewal in regards to studies on fascism with the 1990s,
when the scholarly circles focus on the theoretical aspects of fascism, its cultural and aesthetic
components with a peculiar attention to the role of its ideological narrative, aiming to come up with
refined description of the phenomenon. (ibidem, 42) Gentile notes Roger Griffin's work “The Nature of
Fascism” as an inspiring one within this period. He underlines the originality of its work on his critics
towards previous conceptualizations of fascism, as well as his effort on describing the phenomenon
with “positive' ideological axioms, from which its characteristic style, structures and negations follow.”
(ibidem, 42) In the following part I will be referring to Roger Griffin's ideal type in constituting a
model framework for a generic definition of fascism, followed by a particular explanation of the Fascist
regime in Italy and its relation to the concept of modernization.
5
1.1.2. Fascism as a Generic Form
In his attend in solving the problematic of abundance of descriptions on fascism, Roger Griffin
approaches the concept as an ideal type in Weberian sense. In this part I find it useful focus on this
ideal type, before deepening our discussion particularly on the Italian case of the phenomenon and on
the specific topic of modernization. To have a brief idea on his ideal type, let's focus on two of the main
characteristics which Griffin mentions during his analysis on generic fascism is that, he treats such a
political ideology as 1-having a palingenetic mythical core, and 2-rhetoric based on a populist ultranationalist view of the sociopolitical reality. (Griffin 2004: 59)
As it can be interpreted from the meanings of the two words “palin” (renew) and “genesis” (creation,
birth) the term palingenesis signifies the concept of “rebirth.” Using this term within the context of a
political ideology codes a particular state of mind which the followers of a such ideology develops, and
reproduces routinely. As Griffin's explanation coins it out, at the heart of the palingenetic myth, there
lies the idea that the contemporary actors of a particular period believe and support that they are
experiencing or about to experience a sudden change, an apex for a process or a crucial point. (Griffin,
2004: 72) Therefore such actors become witnesses of the prodigious and miraculous period of time.
Particularly, the interpretation of the social and political acts, events are filtered from this palingenetic
view of the current reborn society. In this sense anarchy and injustice would not be seen as
phenomenon in which could be faced with audacity or even with pessimism, but they are interpreted as
the signs of the “new” order which is about to reborn from the ashes of its predecessors. (Griffin 2004:
73) Here, it is important to note the concept of the “new order”, a term which we will be remembering
once again during the analysis of the movies in the following part in this article. However, it can also
be argued that such a concept could also be encountered in different forms of revolutionary
movements, so it would not be categorizing. At this point, Griffin points out the second concept,
“populist ultra-nationalism” which can be interpreted together with the palingenetic myth as
characteristics of fascism as genre.
With the term populist ultra-nationalism, Griffin imagines a group of self-appointed elites who hold the
power of the political mechanisms, however base their legitimacy on the “people's” power. Basically,
with this term he conceptualizes the nationalist ideology in strong correlation with the charismatic
authority of its leader, excluding the traditional or the rational/legal types in Weberian terms. (Griffin,
6
2004: 75) In light of this argument, it can be said that such a leader would easily attract the public
attention as a perfect example for the new model which the nation in whole should admire. He/she
would become the symbol of the new modern age that the revolution gave re-birth to, while he/she
would still preserve and reproduce the mythical idea of the palingenesis, justifying the historical
continuity of the new regime with the so-called “golden ages.”
In his book, Griffin also asks the question if fascism is against modernism or a modernizer? Taking
fascism as a generic term, it can be said that certain fascist myths develop a rhetoric against secularism
or for longing of the moral values of the pre-industrial times, and even form a nostalgic romanticism
towards the glorified pureness of the nation in the previous decades. However, as Griffin underlines so
the palingenetic essence of the fascist movement posits the idea of “renewal” to the center of its
political discourse, and attributes an anti-conservative meaning to it, aiming to the realization of a
“new” social order. Therefore, it could be problematic to name fascism as a movement lacking
imagination, built on the simple desire of copied sociopolitical models. In this sense, instead of the
rejection of the modernity, it represents an alternative modernism. Calling such a phenomenon as “antimodern” would be also complicated because then it would endorse the meaning that there exists a
specific path and values which would guide modernization. Building an analysis on such an orthodox
description would create a problem in forming an ideal type which could be useful to study the
alternative political phenomenon. As Griffin, finally underlines it, describing fascism as “reactionary
modernism” or “modernism against modernism” would lack one of the essential points in which the
ideology posits itself, the myth of regeneration. (Griffin 2004: 90)
Therefore it can be said that such a myth creates only the point of departure of the political rhetoric of
the movement, intrinsically its arrow is pointed towards to future, and I argue this conception can help
us the discourses which glorify the apparently non-traditional technological developments, new
investments realized by the state, which are also represented in the movie which will be analyzed in the
following part of this article, Camicia Nera (Black Shirt).
It can be said that fascist political view posits itself on an utopian base, with its revolutionary impulse.
However, according to the ideal type of Griffin, such revolutionary spirit is specifically performed
during the period in which the fascism gradually distorts the preceding regime. Even though several
7
idealists of the movement would make attempts to “reform” the movement, it becomes more backward
and repressive within time. (Griffin 2004: 60) At this point, I find it important to underline that such a
“revolutionary” background which the movement rises from would help political actors to create the
image of a radically forward-looking series of reforms. Therefore, as it will be mentioned in the
following part of this article, even though the regime becomes more repressive within time, its
ambition towards the realization of its modernist utopia remains still alive and it continues to promise
masses its accomplishment.
Griffin also underlines the future-oriented characteristic of the regime. As he quotes Eugene Weber in
this discussion, fascism needs to continue forward without having solid targets, thanks to this nonclearness of the its particular aims it would never stop, and be satisfied. In light of this background, the
aims and the targets achieved by the regime would form only the particular stages of a larger scale, the
national destiny, in which the regime promises to accomplish in the future. (Weber, 1964 quoted in
Griffin, 2004: 80) Consequently, even though such promises and self-presentations of the regime would
be perceived as false promotions to outsiders, they form the parts of a political atmosphere which gives
the serious task of “renewal” to the regime. Therefore, it does not simply long for the past periods,
glorified empires ruling large territories and such (even though it argues for its historical continuity),
but it contains such an utopia pointing the future which will be constructed by itself, the current
revolution. For this reason the core of a palingenetic myth which Griffin argues could be seen as an
expression of this passion for “the new” with a particular, selective attribution to the previous historical
periods.
1.1.3. Italian Fascism and Modernization
Following the discussions regarding fascism as a generic category, in this part I would like to briefly
discuss several points of the Italian fascism during the interwar era, together with the idea of
modernization, which is treated above shortly. To have a brief idea on this position towards progressive
modernization I find it important to shortly mention several groups which supported the fascist
movement during its preliminary period. Here we will be looking at three of these groups. One of the
early supporters of the movement was the Futurist. Futurists were such a “pro-modernist” movement,
taking part in the interventionist group during the 1st World War. Filippo Tommaso Marinetti,
performing the role of a leader in this movement was famous with the Futurist Manifesto, burning all
8
the bridges with the so called “the past” and the traditions. Even though such an approach had an
esthetic concern, it didn't stay aside from the political discussions. Specifically, glorifying the role of
the wars and destruction for the ultimate rebirth of the future, forms the essence of such a thought.
Therefore, they were able to develop a discourse against republicanism, equality and the church.
(Griffin, 2014: 108) No doubt, such a will for the destruction of the current order, a “cleaning” for the
good of the future incorporate the idea of palingenesis, the will of rebirth.
Another main group which flowed into the early Fascism was the Associazione Nazionale Italiana
(ANI). ANI was also at the side of the interventionist group during the 1st World War. They were
willing to see the strong state, governed with the nationalist flag, however cut its relation from the poor
Italian liberalism. Therefore they were the defenders of a corporate state risen in patriotism, capable to
uproot the Giolitti's insufficient political structure. Their nationalist core were clearly against the
socialist model of government, therefore the image of a forceful nation-state capable to transform the
current political system were supported by them. In this sense, they also imagined a future in Italy,
which would fulfill its transformation into a modern industrial power, with having its piece from the
colonial system, and be competent with the countries such as Britain, France or Germany. (ibidem: 35)
The final group was the supporters of the national syndicalism. The groups finally argued that a
possible proletarian revolution would only be achieved by the developments in the modern industry in
the country. Even more, this would be enough, Italy had to become an important actor among its
European neighbors as well. In light of this will to internally modernize the country and externally
achieve a competent position, national syndicalists too support the intervention in the 1st World War,
and imagined it as a factor which would build the “heroic generation needed to transform Italy.”
(ibidem: 35)
After having this brief discussion on the fascism and its point of view toward the idea of
modernization, in the following part I would like to focus on the Turkish experience of modernization
between the interwar years. Following this considerations, in light of this theoretical background we
will be passing to the second section, in which we will be analyzing the two movies above-mentioned
in this article.
9
1.2. Conceptualizing Modernization in Turkish Context
Second part of this section covers the Turkish modernization experience with a special focus on
discussions regarding the material development and the problematic of cultural identity formation of
the new-born state. It gives us the main theoretical background to understand the ideological
motivations of Turkish Republic's cultural policy approach.
Departing from such a theoretical analysis regarding modernization and the nationalist ideology, this
section introduces us a particular nation-building experience from Turkish Republic. Following its
foundation in 1923, we see that Turkish military and civil bureaucrats of the new republic were
engaged within a nationalist imagination, in search of consistent nationalist narrative, giving an
ideological meaning to the existence to the sociopolitical reality of the country. At this point, ideas of
Ziya Gökalp (1875-1924) puts light on Turkish national identity discussion and its relation with the
modernity.
Gökalp is seen by many analysts as an influential name in Turkish nationalist thought, and even in
some cases “the only systematic thinker of stature that Turkey has produced in the twentieth century”
(Parla 1985, 1), while “for others as a spiritual guide, an inspirer.” (Özkırımlı & Sofos, 2008, 31) Erik
Jan Zürcher notes Gökalp's synthesis approach towards the different components of Ottoman heritage
and the “European modernization” as one of the most creative and consistent interference in this
discussion. (Zürcher 2013: 198) Therefore, particularly we will be focusing on Gökalp's
conceptualization of (hars) “culture” and (medeniyet) “civilization” which create the ideological base
for the nationalist, modernizing narrative which condition the social reforms introduced in the state
following a decade of its foundation.
During the first years of its foundation in 1923, Turkish Republic’s military and civil bureaucrats were
highly influenced by the modern idea of nation-building. Apart from implementing several structural
reforms in diverse fields such as on clothing, alphabet, state structure, they also made several
discussions on valuing a “national culture” which would be in correlation with the construction of a
new “modern” identity.
In this sense, it is useful to search for the intellectual base of this constructive approach. Therefore let
10
us focus on one of the important figures who influenced the Republican reformists with his nationalist
theory: Ziya Gökalp. As it is quoted by Martin Stokes also, Ziya Gökalp’s own work The Principles of
Turkism was actually really influential for Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. For Stokes “[The Principles of
Turkism] it may be described as a blueprint for the entire revolution.” (Gökalp 1923: 26)
Reading İlhan Başgöz in this regard, he as well sees Gökalp as the “father of the Turkish nationalism”,
formulating the basic principles of such a political approach. (Başgöz 1972, 165) Gökalp's important
role was also related to the sociopolitical setting in which he developed his theory. During the first
decades of the 20th century, as the Ottoman Empire's territorial integrity was under question, by the
nationalist the independency movements in the Balkans, among the intellectual circles of the empire's
cities, new political approaches were being discussed. Political projects which were designed to let the
imperial system survive such as Ottomanism or Islamism, as well as projections which would preview
the foundation of a new nation-state, Turkism, nationalism were on intellectual agendas. During these
years, we see different intellectuals, highlighting diverse components of a unifying identity. For
example, Yusuf Akçura (1876-1935), glorified the religious component of such an identity. He saw
Islam as “a powerful melting pot in which peoples of various ethnicities and beliefs, produce Muslims
who believe they are a body with the same equal rights.” (Akçura 1998: 56 cited in Özkırımlı and
Sofos 2008, 56) In such a political setting, the nationalist arguments developed by the Turkist circlessimilar to the other nationalist movements in the Balkans, Greek as well as Serbian nationalismstigmatized the Ottoman political institutions and identified them as non-progressive, problematic.
Therefore such an understanding developed a discourse based on binary oppositions in diverse
categories, such as language, folklore and politics. Başgöz's argument on Gökalp helps us to see the
stigmatizing characteristics of this anti-Ottoman, nationalist discourse: “ Gökalp searched for Turkish
identity in national history, literature, and language. In his system, history, literature, and language are
viewed as the main sources to unify the Turkic people and to replace Ottoman culture with an
unspoiled national culture of the Turks.” (Başgöz 1972: 165)
Importance of Ziya Gökalp at this moment, lies in his approach on studying the society from a
modernist and nationalist point of view. It can be said that Gökalp’s sociological thought was based on
the distinction of the following concepts: “Culture” (Hars) and “Civilization” (Medeniyet). Before
11
interpreting Gökalp's ideas, firstly let's read him from his words on culture and civilization:
“Civilization is the sum of the concepts and techniques which are built in forms and are transferred
from one nation to another. Culture is the emotions which cannot be created with forms and which
cannot be taken from other nations by the method of imitation...” (Gökalp 1923: 30)
As Stokes reads Gökalp, culture would be signified as the language and the education; factors which
hold the nations together. Civilization actually would be described as the technology, the science,
philosophy, theology and the “artificial product of the individual will.” At this point it is important to
stress that, contrasting to the concept of culture, civilization is considered as an international
phenomenon, freely floating, in movement and it can be shared by several nations of a continent. On
this base, here comes the vital argument of Gökalp: according to this view, the health of the society was
depending on the relation, the certain rapport between these two concepts. (Stokes 1992, 26) This can
be described as a relation in which, when one of the sides (civilization) experiences a progressive
change among other societies, then it would be an important achievement for the Turkish society, to
adopt the values of that innovated civilization in question, for the sake of the social progress.
As it can be seen in this relation, the concepts of innovation and progress had important places, which
may easily build the path of the social engineering for the enlightened thinkers and bureaucrats. In this
sense, it can be said that Gökalp's ideas may be influenced by the French sociologists August Comte
and Emile Durkheim, in its positivist way, emphasizing the evolution of the society. Gökalp also cites
another French psychologist Ribor, on the similar relation between Ribor’s concepts mind and
character with culture and civilization. (Gökalp 1923)
After this conceptualization, one can guess how his discussion evolves. According to Gökalp, “the
Turks had simply outgrown the Arab civilization which has fostered them from the tenth to the early
twentieth century” (ibidem: 27- 37) As the duality within the Ottoman society was increasing, he
argued that the cultural distances between “high culture” and the “Turkish folk” were enlarging too.
Moreover, he stressed that the manifestations of the high culture even reached to a state of “unhealthy
degeneration” and “ugliness”. (ibidem: 37) Remembering the nationalist imagination and the
characteristic of “purity on culture” outlined by Gellner, Gökalp's explanation on basic distinction of
12
“national” and “pure” and its antithesis “cosmopolite” and “foreigner” shows us his protective mindset.
Such practices are even seemed as problematic, because of their non-national characteristics. On this
issue, Gökalp clearly takes his stand and argues that “As Turkism cannot accord with any system not
accepting the nationality principle, Turkism cannot include cosmopolitans in itself.” (ibidem: 94;
Gellner 1997)
At this moment, for Gökalp, adaptation of a new civilization was urgent and even justifiable for the
social, economic, political and cultural progress of the society. He was against to the adaptation of the
Arab civilization, with emphasizing the importance of leaving the Arab civilization apart, sending it
away from the Turkish cultural practices in several categories. (Stokes 1992: 27) He was also picturing
the Byzantine influence on the Ottoman practices as cultural handicaps to be left apart such as the
cultural phenomenon of haremlik, the domestic segregation of women, which Gökalp argued that was
totally alien to the cultural roots of the Turkish society. On this specific issue, he even supported gender
equality, framing it as a “natural value” of the ancient Turkic societies of the Central Asia. (Gökalp
1923)
Pointing out an orthodox interpretation of modernization and evolutionary stages, Gökalp embraces
such a view in understanding the social reality of Turkey. In this framework he makes the following
diagnosis of the problem: “We do not admit that we are far back than the European nations regarding
civilization, knowledge, economy, and cultivation and we are going to work with all our force to keep
up them in civilization. However, we cannot see any nation superior than us regarding [hars] culture.”
(ibidem: 98)
In this position, Gökalp introduced his cure: embracing the Western civilization. According to him,
there was no problem for the nation to transform, to “evolve” its civilization. Thanks to this adaptation,
he argued that the healthy synthesis of the national culture would be realized. Gökalp also mentioned
that the “roots of the nation” was planted in its culture, therefore this radical change on the civilization
would not create a problem for the Turks, because in the history they were already involved in
changing civilization all the time. In his writing, he even gives the Japanese example, which followed a
similar pattern in leaving the “Far Eastern” civilization and adopting the Western one, to the extent that
they were even elected to the League of Nations. (ibidem: 48)
13
It is important to remember that, it was not the pure Westernization that he supported, with his
distinctive approach on the culture (hars) and civilization (medeniyet), he argued to adopt the Western
civilization for the Turkish culture; that is synthesis. However, in this sense, the public sphere became a
secular arena where republican reforms towards the “west” were presented, such as the woman
participation in politics and social life, cloth reform, alphabet reforms actualized in cultural practices
such as studies on “national folk” which is also represent in the movie, Türkiye'nin Kalbi Ankara
(Ankara Turkey's Heart). This would also explain the extraordinary attention payed by the Kemalist
regime in investing on People's Houses (Halkevleri) in 1930's, institutions formed in in towns and
villages in Anatolia, which used to organize cultural and educational activities in accordance with the
modernization mission of the state (with a particular care on the glorification of the “rural”
characteristic), which is also represented in the movie occupied in this article.
2.Audiovisual Tributes: Film Analysis
2.1. Camicia Nera (Black Shirt)
“The Fascists maintained that their rituals were celebrations projected into the future, rituals which
marked the stages and victories in a 'continuous revolution' which was laying the foundation of a 'new
civilization': Fascism was not 'bend on commemorating the past like the old democracies' but continued
to march 'with an eye turned to what was to come': All around an old individualist and libertarian
civilization is collapsing and Italy is called upon to give new life principles to nations who want to save
themselves.” (Gentile 1993: 181 quoted in Griffin 2008: 37)
In this section we will be analyzing the first fiction film Camicia Nera, (Black Shirt) aiming to
celebrate the 10th year anniversary of the March on Rome, directed by Giovacchino Forzano and
produced by the Istituto Nazionale Luce in 1933, symbolically representing the fascist starting point in
actualizing the progressive revolution, glorified by the regime. As it is mentioned with the banners in
the first minutes of the film, the story is focused on the period between 1914 and 1932 in Italy. Its
material as well as its moral transformation is represented by strong contrasts made between the pre-I.
World War period and the period in which the fascists finally took the control of the state and point the
ultimate direction of “progress.” Therefore, we can classify the movie in two parts as (1) 1914-1922
and (2) 1922-1932.
The plot of the film is built on a personal story of a blacksmith who lives with this family, in a
14
traditional environment based on daily routines in the Pontine Marshes, at the south of Rome. In the
first part of the film the region is depicted as a malarial region,, until the infrastructural improvements
actualized in the area by the fascist regime. Following the chaotic political environment described
during the pre-war era, with the victory interventionists, Italy enters to the war, and the protagonist of
the movie, the blacksmith departs to fight in the front. He is portrayed as a brave soldier, winning
medals thank to his brave acts in the front. However, following the war, he suffers from amnesia and is
treated in a German hospital. Finally, his family from the Pontine Marches succeeds in reaching him
and finally the blacksmith turns back to Italy. Though, he finds his country one more time in chaos, lost
its balance because of the general strikes, socialists forcing villagers tradesman to participate in their
cause. He, as a soldier, just returned from the front is not applauded at all by the common people or the
socialists in the scene. At this point, a group man saves his moral, takes him up on their shoulders and
accompany him to his old house at the Pontine Marshes: they are the black shirts, fascists.
Blacksmith turns back to the countryside again. And finally, we see the dozens of black shirts marching
on Rome, accompanied with the shots taking from different Italian cities, men with guns in their hands,
applauded by the public, together with the image of the priest of the Pontine Marshes.
The second part of the movie is dedicated to the “Reconstruction” accompanied with phrases signifying
the strong authority of the state, the fascist state. Diverse fields of the “reconstruction” is noted in
economy, politics while corporatism is glorified, ending the “old syndicalism” and the dichotomy
between the workers and the employers. “Unjust electoral system” is reformed by the “national
referendums.” Reproduction of the nation is symbolized with the shots of mothers carrying their babies
in a large garden. Reorganization of the youth in Barilla groups, all dressed in black shirt uniforms
marching down the streets and filling out a whole stadium remind us the myth of the regeneration of
the Italian nation. The youth are saluted by the workers waiting outside of the Dopolavoro
organization. We see the representation of dozens of reforms and new investments actualized by the
fascist regime until 1932. The specific concepts which are lionized in the second part of the movie
which can be notes as the following: Economical model of corporatism solving the class conflicts for
the building of a nation in “harmony”; Rejuvenating the nation; Material investments listed
representing the modernization of the country, a promise of progress for the future; houses, hospitals,
water tubes, roads, highways, bridges, railroads, developments in sea ports and increase in energy
15
production are given with numeric data on the screen, with a specific provision for the year 1944.
2.1.1. Faith for the land, faith for the nation: Antagonism Delineated
One of the important discussions represented in the movie is the antagonism between the characters, on
the issue of “seeking a better future.” In this theme, we see two poles like the following: first pole is
represented by the grandfather role in the film, a determined old man who use to live in Pontine
Marshes. He is a strong supporter of Mussolini and continuously expresses his faith on duce and the
nation. On the other hand we observe another generation, a young couple with their baby, who are
imagining to migrate abroad, starting a new life there.
Here, I would like to point out two of the scenes which the audience faces the antagonism between the
“faithful nationalist patriotism” and “vagabond wandering.” The first scene is from the first part of the
movie, is regarding a discussion made before the war in the Pontine Marshes. We see a cunning officer
who praises the neutralism of Italy in the war, and searches different ways to convince the youngsters
of the village to immigrate abroad. However, we see also two characters who are opposing to the
youngsters' departure: the priest of the village and the grandfather.
Specifically in the first scene, the lady who plans to migrate abroad justifies her reasoning with the
malaria that is present in the Pontine Marshes. The answer of the grandfather to this will is like the
following: “Here, at least we know that there is malaria, so we protect ourselves. But, who knows what
there is outside!” And finally he warns the others a phrase which he will be repeating several times in
the following scenes of the movie: “And, one needs to have faith on his/her land!”
We see the same conflict when a restaurant closes in which the family used to work in. So, the family
starts to discuss if it would be better for them to migrate. During this discussion, we see one more time
the grandfather, symbolizing the patriotic feelings, attachment to the land, refuses to depart and repeats
the promising words of Mussolini, under the serious picture of duce, hang on the wall: “In ten years,
Italy will be unrecognizable. We will be transforming it. From streets to railroads, from ports to fields,
we will construct them.” Then he tells his last sentence: “I have faith, and I stay here.”
However the other members of the family depart for abroad, to France. They experience hardship and
16
face unemployment and decide to re-depart for Tunis. At the working office in Tunis, they ask for a job,
and face discrimination in wages, because of their Italian nationality. They are even asked to accept
French citizenship for their selves and their children, so they would be earning more wages than before.
However, they are offended by this offer, don't accept such a “betrayal” and reply the official: “We
have our children for us.” Followed by this scene we see four children playing and singing “We are
Italians, hurray!” This scene may be seen as a breaking point when the family cannot resist no more the
difficulties of being apart from their homeland; and return.
Finally, at the end of the movie, we see how the Pontine Marshes is transformed. The images of the
region, with its new houses and the modern agricultural equipments are accompanied with the banner
line “A land which has never seen the sun, became fertile.” It is followed by a scene in which the
emigrants (daughter of the grandfather with her husband) turn back to their town. They are amazed by
the constructions of the new buildings and stay in bewilderment: “Here, they were our old huts.” At this
point, the grandfather appears from their back, and repeats his patriotic slogan for the last time in
reproached: “And, one needs to have faith on his/her land!”
It is important to note that even though there are visible difficulties in living in such an atmosphere,
until the end of the film we see several characters who attach the their land and continuously underline
their faith to Mussolini, il duce and the to the nation.
2.1.2. Modern Rising on Palingenesis
At the end of the movie, Benito Mussolini makes a public speech accompanied with grand agitation of
the crowd filling the piazza in front of him. In his speech honoring the 10th anniversary of the March on
Rome as a great day for the “fascist revolution”, he inaugurates several settlements constructed during
in different areas around the Pontine Marshes during the fascist rule. He glorifies this progress as an act
which was waited to be realized for such long period time. He even mentions that the current
developments the regime has promoted, is not enough on the path of progress. Therefore, he promises
constructions of new settlements, which will then bring the real victory. As he repeats in his speech, his
future promises rise on the imagination of a historical heritage which is perceived as a point of
departure towards upcoming decades. His words echo in the piazza like the following:
17
“We are constructing the reality which was intended to be staged in the previous 25 centuries. We are
fascists... So, instead of looking at the past, we always intend to the future.”
As it is mentioned before, his discourse apparently correlates the current reforms and constructions
with a passion which was in “dormission” for 25 centuries! Ernest Gellner's explanation regarding the
idea of the “dormission” of the nation which deserves to be awaken for the modern progress of our
contemporary times explains this mindset with its future-oriented and past-attributing characteristics in
give meaning to the current reality. (Gellner 1997) This view also reproduces the idea of the historical
continuity, which lasted 25 decades and reproduced its rebirth. This apparently fits with the model
outlined above in the theoretical discussion regarding the palingenetic aspect of the fascist discourse on
modernization.
Following the production of the film, Istituto Nazionale Luce occupied seriously with the projection of
the movie in Italy and abroad. In April 1933, L'eco del cinema mentioned the projection of the movie
with following phrase: “On 23rd of March, the movie Camicia Nera was presented contemporaneously
in the main cities of Italy and in Paris, London and Berlin.” However the reality was not that smooth.
The film was projected in the Italian cities, however it was only projected in Berlin and not in London
and Paris. (Garzarelli 2003) As one can guess, such an event shows us how a product of audiovisual
propaganda is treated with caution by such countries, filtered strictly by their specific policies shaped
by the international relations during the period concerned, the inter-war era in Europe. In the next part,
I would like to focus on the movie Türkiye'nin Kalbi Ankara (Ankara Turkey's Heart) which shows us
how such an audiovisual propaganda may firstly create an international corporation among states, but
then be a part of a “decade of silence” in cause of shifting international relations.
2.2. Türkiye'nin Kalbi Ankara (Ankara Turkey's Heart)
The movie Türkiye'nin Kalbi Ankara (Ankara Turkey's Heart) was produced in 1934, directed by
Sergey Yutkevich and Lev Oskarovich Arnstam, based on a fiction storyline, accompanied with
documentary footage taken during a Soviet visit in Turkey in 1933, for the 10th year celebrations of the
foundation of the Republic of Turkey and several fiction scenes in which present several protagonist on
the storyline of the movie. The movie was prepared in request of the Mustafa Kemal, in honor of the
10th year of the foundation of the republic in 29 October 1923. Following its production the movie did
18
not become so popular in the country and was basically lost in the archives; until it was found by the
Program Department Director of TRT Mahmut Tali Öngören (TRT: Turkish Radio and Television) and
screened on the national television channel, in 1969, the 31st anniversary of Mustafa Kemal's death.
However, the broadcast of the movie was stopped by the TRT's general director of the time, Adnan
Öztrak with a raid, because of involving “communist propaganda.” After this event, Öngören was fired
from his position and the Turkish audience did not watch or hear anymore about this movie. Up until it
was “re-discovered” in August 2008, and was published online in the website of the Presidency of the
Turkish Republic. (Milliyet, 26 August 2008)
2.2.1. Protagonists Introduced: “Old” Heritage and the “New” Modernity
The storyline of the Ankara Turkey's Heart is also developed in two parts. The first part of the movie
depicts an “old” Turkey, before the revolution, in poverty and sadness; while the second part of the
movie focuses on the “new” Ankara, as the success of the modernization project employed by the
Republican revolution.
The movie starts with a scene from the “Anatolian villages”, depicting a view on the nature, the land,
mountains and the sky. Following this picture, we see an old man, a shepherd with his sheep. While he
leaves from his house, a note appears on the frame “Old partizan on his way”. Old shepherd
represented as a partizan of the regime, on the side of the “liberators of Anatolia” departs on his donkey
for the “Heart of Turkey”, that is Ankara, for the 10th year anniversary of the Turkish Republic.
Following his departure we see diverse train shots accompanied with the names of the cities of
Istanbul, Adana Izmir, symbolizing the “unifying power” of the new republic, attracting citizens from
different cities as well as peasant on horse, coming to the capital from “far away villages” of Anatolia.
In the next scene, the we see a group of youth in scout uniforms and a girl scout saluting the “youth”
from Adana, Izmir, Istanbul and Ankara, in Russian.
In the first part of the movie, we see the USSR delegation visiting Turkey, passing from cities such as
Istanbul and Ankara and participate the grand celebration of the 10th year of the republic. In this part we
are presented with the two protagonists of the movie, an old man, a shepherd leaving his village to see
the his “Grand Commander” Mustafa Kemal during the celebrations and a young scout-girl,
participating the celebrations as a part of the scout groups marching in the stadium, accompanied by
19
military bands. These two characters represent the “old” and the “new” conditions of the Turkey, before
and after the foundation of the republic. It is symbolic that the “old” character representing the pre-war
Anatolia is departing from a rural habitation, personifying the “cultural roots” of the nation, its “hars”
solid resistance. However, the young character is depicted as a scout-girl, loyal to the republican
regime and its process of modernization, “medeniyet”. As one can guess, the gender roles represented
in this antagonism are special as well: a young lady as the symbol of the new republic, underlines the
inclusion of woman in the social life and the reforms realized by the state in such fields. (example:
1924-foundation of Turkish Woman Association, 1930-right to participate for woman in the local
elections)
2.2.2. Ankara and the Celebration: “Rebirth” of a Nation
First part of the movie ends with the scenes of fireworks, saluting the USSR delegation leaving by
train. Second part of the movie opens with a questioning phrase: “What is Ankara?” Then we see
several sculptures accompanied with the information on the presence of the Greek, Roman, Byzantine
civilizations and the Temple of Augustus and Rome in old Ankara, and its preserved “high cultural”
heritage. During this scene a banner clearly makes a distinction between the old Ankara with its
“narrow, dark, untidy streets and its dirty paths” accompanied with the scenes (probably taken at the
periphery of the new city), describing an isolated village with one floor houses, an abandoned
atmosphere, as well as a crying baby; it depicts the old Ankara as a settlement of sorrow and difficult
life. However, following these touching scene a new banner anounces audience the good news:
“Narrow streets of the Old Ankara are disappearing to stay in the past.”
Following a brief scene of a traditional dance, a scene taken in the countryside, the storyline turns back
to the protagonists of the film, the old peasant and the young scout girl shot from a low angle, smiling
towards the camera, as if looking forward to the positive outcomes of the modern development. Their
amusement are accompanied with the shots taken from the “new Ankara” that is a large street with cars,
square with shops and people in modern dress, as well as the state building where Turkey is established
as a republic in 1923.
In this part of the film the audience sees two different views of the city, contrasted with each other:
Firstly, the old city and the city castle are shown from the helicopter, in which the audience is presented
20
the few, isolated house. Then, the audience sees the new city, as the masterpiece of the new regime,
filled with large squares, parks, monuments and complex buildings such as the Presidental Palace.
With the USSR delegation’s arrival to Ankara, Ankara train station is presented, under two waving
flags: Turkish National flag above the USSR flag. 10th year anniversary celebrations start with the
scout groups, playing the drums and come into attention, with the a specific shot on the scout girl as the
protagonist of the film. During the celebrations we see the Turkish Prime Minister İsmet İnönü
welcoming the USSR delegation.
During the ceremony, after the military and the scout parade we see several military planes filling the
skies while the old peasant and the young scout girl take off their hats and salute the planes above.
Such a scene represents the “modern change” accomplished by the Turkish Republic. After saluting the
military planes, the old peasants turns the young scout girl and glorifies the military development that
the state succeed with the following quote: “Before the war there were only 2 of them [military planes]
now there are plenty!”
Finally, at the end of the movie, we listen the delirious speech of Mustafa Kemal, glorifying the “hardworking characteristics” of the Turkish nation, and promising a modern development on the
contemporary technologies, aiming to be a part of the “civilized” states: “We will develop our land to
the levels of the most prosperous and most civilized countries, having the largest resources... We
believe that this [development] is realizable with our century's speed and movement, not with the
relaxing mood of the previous centuries.”
CONCLUSION
As it is mentioned in the previous parts of the article, modernization takes unique shapes, determined
by the particular society in which it gets in touch with, and its builds a single path. However,
similarities between these unique models do exist and they are reproduced in the two movies which are
studied in this article.
The idea of “rebirth” of the nation is reproduced in both of the movies, specifically in the Italian case,
we see Mussolini mentioning “25 decades” underlining mythical character of historical continuity.
21
While Mustafa Kemal Atatürk promote the modernization project launched by the government, the idea
of “catching up” with the civilization, and the “civilized nations” is still pronounced. The theoretical
explanation of this could be related to Gökalp's conceptualization of “medeniyet” (civilization), as an
exterior, fluid component for “progress.”
In both of the movies, we observe the stigmatization of the pre-war conditions in the country, which are
represented as the antithesis of the current political projects. While in the Turkish example apart from
the reforms listed on banners on the frame, we see this antagonism between the old, poverty and the
modern development of the cities upon the example of the Ankara, the capital, as the temple of the
state-promoted modernization. In the Italian movie, we see a particular nuance on class conflicts and
social atmosphere of the pre-regime period. While the antithesis of the conflict is represented as the
corporatist model in economy solving the class conflicts in Italy for the social solidarity, represented as
going beyong the Soviet socialist and liberal models, a “fascist synthesis” for the class and for the
nation. (Plaggenborg 2014: 137)
Another theme which we observe in both of the films is the “rural life” and its transformation. In both
of the movies, we see protagonists living in the rural areas of the country, departing to the town in
which there is going to be the celebration of the 10th year anniversary of the regimes. It can be argued
that the presense of such protagonists in the scenarios do represent the praisal towards the “rural
cultural roots” of the “national identity”, observed in both of the movies. However, we can underline a
difference, between the two movies, that in the Italian case, we encounter a religious character, a priest
having a part in the movie as faithful subject to the regime. He opposes the youngsters to leave their
village and he participates in the March on Rome with the blackshirts. While in the Turkish case we
don't encounter any religious figures or any connotations on them, except of the view of several
mosques on the scenes depicting the “old Ankara.”
Finally, the last common point which can be observed in these films is the tendency on constructing an
antagonism between the “old” and the “new”. These are represented via duality of the protagonists in
which we encounter in these movies. In Camicia Nera (Black Shirt), we have seen the grandfather role
which reproduces the “faith” towards the land and the nation in which he “belongs” to. Even during the
most difficult times, he does not leave his land, opposing to the younger generations, stay and wait for
22
the regime's promises to be realied. However, when the youngsters return, he is always there to host
them, in his land. A similar antagonism may be seen in the second movie Türkiye'nin Kalbi Ankara
(Ankara Turkey's Heart) as well, between the old villager and the young scout-girl attending the
ceremony. However, we do not observe any moments of conflict between the two, similar to the Italian
example, at the end of the movie, we see these poles together, symbolizing their reciprocal
disponibility. It is interesting to note how such oppositions are ment to be together thanks to the
developments and the applauded atmosphere built by the state mechanisms. In this sense in both of the
materials studied, propaganda towards the role of the state as a “unifier” and as an organizer of the
“unique national progress” is transmitted with the listed state investments made within the last decade
and the footage taken at the highly organized celebrations of the regimes' anniversary ceremonies.
23
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Akçura Yusuf (1998) Üç Tarz-ı Siyaset, Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi.
Başgöz İlhan (1972) Folklore Studies and Nationalism in Turkey, “Journal
Institute” Vol. 9, No.2/3,(August/December), pp. 162-176.
of
the
Folklore
Garzarelli, Benedetta (2003) “Cinema e propaganda all'esteri nel regime fascista: le proiezioni di
'Camicia nera' a Parigi, Berlino e Londra”, Dimensioni e Problemi della Ricerca Storica, Roma:
Carocci, no.2, pp.147-166.
Gellner, Ernest (1997) Nationalism, London:Weidenfeld & Nicholson.
Gentile, Emilio (2005) “Fascism, Totalitarianism and Political Religion: Definitions and Critical
Reflections and Criticism of an Interpretation” in Fascism, Totalitarianism and Political Religion, ed.
Roger Griffin, London and New York: Routledge.
Gentile, Emilio (1993) Il culto del littorio, Rome-Bari: Laterza.
Griffin, Roger (2014) Faşizmin Doğası, (trad. Ali Selman), İstanbul: İletişim (original) Griffin, Roger.
(1991). The Nature of Fascism, London: Pinter.
Griffin, Roger (2008) A Fascist Century, Essays by Roger Griffin, ed. Matthew Feldman, New York:
Palgrave Macmillan.
Gökalp Ziya (1923) Türkçülüğün Esasları. Ankara: Milli İçtimiyat Kitabhanesi.
Levi, Primo (1989) Se questo è un uomo: La tregua, Turin: Eunaudi Tascabili.
Plaggenborg, Stefan (2012) Tarihe Emretmek-Kemalist Türkiye Faşist İtalya Sosyalist Rusya, (trad.
Hulki Demirel). İstanbul: İletişim. (original) Ordnung und Gewalt. Kemalismus-FaschismusSozialismus, Munich: Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag GmbH.
Parla, Taha (1985) The Social and Political Thought of Ziya Gökalp, 1876-1924, Leiden: E.J.Brill.
Payne, Stanley G. (1980) Fascism: Comparison and Definition, Madison WI : University of Wisconsin
Press.
Stokes Martin (1992) The Arabesk Debate. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Weber, Eugene (1964) Varities of History. New York: D Van Nostrand.
FILMS
Istituto Nazionale Luce (Producer), & Forzano, Giovacchino (Director). 1933. Camicia Nera [Motion
Picture]. Italy.
Yutkevich, Sergey (Director), & Oskarovich Arnstam, Lev (Director) 1934. Türkiye'nin Kalbi Ankara
24
[Motion Picture]. USSR. https://www.tccb.gov.tr/sayfa/ata_ozel/video/
INTERNET SOURCES (NEWSPAPER)
Milliyet, 26.08.2008
http://www.milliyet.com.tr/iste-o-yasakli-belgesel-/siyaset/siyasetdetay/26.08.2008/982962/default.htm
25