AMERICANS ALL! THE ROLE OF ADVERTISING IN RE-IMAGING ETHNICITY
IN AMERICA: THE CASE OF THE WAR ADVERTISING COUNCIL, 1939-1945
by
Jacqueline S. May
A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of
The Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Letters
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Florida Atlantic University
Boca Raton, Florida
May 2014
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank several people who were instrumental in the completion of
my dissertation. First, Dr. Fred Fejes, my committee chair, for his encouragement and for
always being available (in the most interesting of places). I also thank my committee
members: Dr. Henry M. Abramson for his sincere interest in my scholarship, for
motivating me, and for many meaningful collaborations and opportunities over the years;
Dr. Michael Harris provided valuable insight into my research and helped keep me on
track and; I thank Dr. Clevis Headley for inspiring me to expand my exploration of
diversity and for always having an open door.
For their varied roles in my academic pursuits I thank Dr. Kenneth Keaton for
being my guide to the academy; Dr. Anthony Julian Tamburri for his support and humor;
Dr. Sandra Norman for always expressing an interest and keeping me going; Stefanie
Gapinski for her knowledge, patience and kindness; My Comparative Studies colleagues
for being a wonderful (and entertaining) source of support.
For their enthusiasm and providing access to their respective collections I thank
Kim Bergen, Marianne Lamonaca and Dr. Francis X. Luca of the Wolfsonian-Florida
International University; Barbara Natanson of the Library of Congress Prints and,
Photographs Division; and Lindsay Gilroy of the Advertising Council Archives.
Over the years several colleagues encouraged my professional and academic
interests which ultimately lead to this project. I thank Mitchell Wolfson, Jr. for
iii introducing me to the world of decorative and propaganda arts and sharing his vision,
passion and unique insight. I thank my Wolfsonian family for their encouragement to
continue my education particularly Lea Nickless (LYAEAY), Silvia Barisione, David
Burnhauser, Naomi Honig, Wendy Kaplan, Richard Miltner, and Dr. Joel M. Hoffman.
While a member of the Vizcaya family Dr. Hoffman continued to cheer me on, and the
support of Liza Solomon, Ian Simpkins, Victor Rodriguez, Mario Lazo, and that of
Remko Jansonius, who just can’t seem to ever escape me, was incredibly motivating.
For always being available to provide another pair of eyes, a compassionate ear
and valuable feedback I thank Mark Dacy, Denise Dorman, Anne Faivus, Christopher
W.H. Fulton, Dr. Carolyn Gallaher, Dr. Jamie Johnson, Dr. Jeff Jones, Dr. Noemi Marin,
Dr. David Miller, Kenneth Rapkin, Dr. Marc Rhorer, Shereen Siddiqui, Bob Weinberg,
Gianfranco Verrecchia, Gail Vorsas, and a special thanks to David Vorsas for his
woodworking skills. Also, the journey would not have been possible, nor remotely as
enjoyable, without my esteemed PFN colleagues providing support and laughter along
the way.
Finally, I wish to thank my family. A very special thanks to my sisters-in-spirit
Andrea “Are you there? I’m here!” Gollin, Laurie Chane, Laura Dougan Valdez and Sara
Jane Santiso. My sincerest gratitude to my parents Ilene and Richard May for instilling in
me a love of reading (starting with our nightly ritual of the alphabet board) and for
always encouraging me to ask questions. My Great Uncle William Zisa for sharing our
family history and his memories that became the spark that ignited this project. Thomas
Harrington O’Connor for your unconditional love, support and always keeping the boat
steady when the waters got rough.
iv ABSTRACT
Author:
Jacqueline S. May
Title:
Americans All! The Role of Advertising in Re-Imaging Ethnicity
in America: The Case of the War Advertising Council, 1939-1945
Institution:
Florida Atlantic University
Dissertation Advisor: Dr. Fred Fejes
Degree:
Doctor of Philosophy
Year:
2014
Throughout America’s history the call for laborers has been filled by influxes of
immigrants. Coinciding with the arrival of the first non-Anglo Saxon immigrants were
negative attitudes about them, as they were deemed inferior and classified as lowerranking “others” by the dominant culture that needed them. Thus, the cycle of need and
resentment was born to be repeated throughout the Nation’s history.
In the first half of the twentieth century a shift occurred in American public
perception of, and attitudes towards, immigrant groups including eastern European Jews,
Italians and the Irish among others. This shift was marked primarily in terms of race:
Some immigrants went from being considered black to white -- from illegitimate to
legitimate by the dominant culture. One reason for the increased acceptance of these
ethnic groups was a concerted campaign sponsored by the United States Government to
promote an extended identity to groups that had previously been excluded from the
v mainstream. In particular, the goal was to create a sense of nationalism, or
“Americanism,” among diasporic immigrant groups, thus encouraging their participation
in the war effort. The result of such campaigns was a re-imaging of ethnic groups
previously classified as non-white and a path to perceived whiteness, and thus inclusion,
for them. These campaigns, formulated by the Office of War Information and executed
largely by the War Advertising Council, led to a marked increase in acceptance for
immigrant groups by the dominant culture.
By examining social messages through visual cultural artifacts this study explores
notions about race, ethnicity, whiteness and the role of communication theory and
practices in constructing (imaging) an identity of otherness.” This study delineates the
historical formation and subsequent partial de-construction (re-imaging) of negative
depictions and some stereotypes of ethnic Americans.
This research explores the sources of these attitudes and behaviors and how
misconceptions, misrepresentations and centuries-old stereotypes of non-Anglo ethnic
Americans have been fluid through changing social perceptions fueled, in part, by
government interventions.
vi DEDICATION
This manuscript is dedicated to my Gans, Maggio, Telchin, and Zisa ancestors who left
the Old World so that their descendants might flourish in the New World.
AMERICANS ALL! THE ROLE OF ADVERTISING IN RE-IMAGING ETHNICITY
IN AMERICA: THE CASE OF THE WAR ADVERTISING COUNCIL, 1939-1945
LIST OF TABLES .............................................................................................................. x LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................... xi INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 1 CHAPTER ONE. PULLING IN THE LADDER: AN HISTORICAL SUMMARY OF
UNITED STATES IMMIGRATION POLICY AND REACTION ................................... 8
The Colonial Era – 1607 through 1786................................................................. 10 The Post-Revolutionary Era – 1787 through 1819 ............................................... 11 First Great Wave - Tension and Reaction – 1820 through 1879 .......................... 13 The Second Great Wave – The Door Ajar – 1880 through 1905 ........................ 22 Restrictions (Phase I) - The Melting Pot Boils – 1906 through 1910................... 30 The Voice(s) of the People(s) ............................................................................... 33 Restrictions (Phase II) – The Melting Pot Simmers - 1911 through 1920............ 41 Restrictions (Phase III) – The Door Closes – 1921 through 1929 ........................ 47 Immigration Legislation: The Quota Acts ............................................................ 51 The Tides Begin to Turn - Immigrant Reformation - 1930 through 1939 ............ 55 CHAPTER TWO. BLACKNESS OF ANOTHER COLOR: WHITENESS, RACE,
AND ETHNICITY............................................................................................................ 61
Race versus Ethnicity ............................................................................................ 63 Us Versus Them: Cultural Pluralism Versus Anti-Pluralism ............................... 66
vii
White Like Who? Breaking or Making the Mold ................................................. 68 Whiteness as Center .............................................................................................. 68 The Emergence of Whiteness ............................................................................... 69 Pale by Comparison: American Non-White Ethnics ............................................ 74 The Jewish Question: Race or Ethnicity? ................................................. 74 Italians in America: The Southern Question, Redux ................................ 75 The Eastern Question: The Yellow Peril .................................................. 80 The Black Irish: Afro Celtic Links ........................................................... 86 Whiteness of Another Color ..................................................................... 90 CHAPTER THREE. THE ARTS OF PERSUASION AND IN/RE-FORMING ............. 94 Communicating to the Masses .............................................................................. 94 Approaches to Understanding Mass Communication........................................... 99 The Process of Communication .......................................................................... 101 Visually Speaking ............................................................................................... 104 The Word Is Mightier than the Sword: Methods of Persuasion and
Formation ............................................................................................................ 107
The Subtle Art of Propaganda............................................................................. 114 How Propaganda Functions ................................................................................ 120 Reaction and Reduction: Stereotyping and Scapegoating .................................. 123 Communication and Culture ............................................................................... 125 The Role of Representation in Forming and Maintaining Identity ..................... 129 The Art of Representation ................................................................................... 131 In/Re-Forming American .................................................................................... 137 viii
CHAPTER FOUR. UNCLE SAM WANTS WHO? RE-IMAGING THE
AMERICAN ETHNIC “OTHER”.................................................................................. 139
Cultural Production Analysis .............................................................................. 141 Analysis of Cultural Artifacts ............................................................................. 148 Manufacturing Consensus................................................................................... 178 Art in the Service of an Idea ............................................................................... 179 Thumbnail Reference of Analysis Productions ...................................... 182 Production Aspects ............................................................................................. 184 CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................... 186 APPENDICES ................................................................................................................ 196 Appendix A. Selected Key Dates and Landmarks in United States
Immigration History............................................................................................ 197
Appendix B. Analysis Worksheets ..................................................................... 200 Appendix C. Notes On Image Sources ............................................................... 232 WORKS CITED ............................................................................................................. 235 ix
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1.1. United States Deportation Figures 1892-1950................................................. 25
Table 1.2. Comparative Classification of Immigrant Races or Peoples ........................... 42 x
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1.1. Sheet music cover. “Know Nothing Polka: Dedicated to Everybody by
Nobody.” ............................................................................................................... 16
Figure 1.2. Editorial cartoon. “The Great Fear of the Period: That Uncle Sam Might be
Swallowed by Foreigners. The Problem Solved.” ................................................ 19
Figure 1.3. Photograph. “In the Home of an Italian Rag Picker.” .................................... 27
Figure 1.4. Editorial cartoon. “Citizenship: The Mortar of Assimilation – And the One
Element That Won’t Mix.” ................................................................................... 29
Figure 1.5. Editorial cartoon. “The Father of Our Country as Seen by His Children.” .... 31
Figure 1.6. Photograph. “Waiting for the Forwards.” ...................................................... 37
Figure 1.7. Playbill. “The Melting Pot: The Great American Drama.” ............................ 39
Figure 1.8. Editorial cartoon. “United States of America, Admittance Free.” ................. 48
Figure 1.9. Cartoon. “Come Unto Me, Ye Opprest! [sic].” .............................................. 53
Figure 2.1. Frontispiece for Folk Tales From Many Lands: Snow-White Retold by
Lillian Gask........................................................................................................... 70
Figure 2.2. Editorial cartoon. “Regarding the Italian Population.” .................................. 77
Figure 2.3. Editorial cartoon. “Difficult Problems Solving Themselves.” ....................... 81
Figure 2.4. Book cover. The Yellow Peril; or, The Orient vs. the Occident as Viewed
by Modern Statesmen and Ancient Prophets ........................................................ 85
Figure 2.5. Editorial cartoon. “The Ignorant Vote.” ......................................................... 87
Figure 2.6. Illustration. Irish Iberian, Anglo-Teutonic and Negro Heads......................... 89 Figure 3.1. Illustration..................................................................................................... 102
Figure 3.2. Advertisement. “Picture – Writing.” ............................................................ 106
xi
Figure 3.3. Pamphlet. “A Plan for Business to Use One of Its Principal Tools to Help
Win the War.” ..................................................................................................... 108
Figure 3.4. Poster. “Office of War Information Domestic Branch Including List of
Media Facilities.” ................................................................................................ 110
Figure 3.5. Response card. “Free Mats on Group Prejudice Campaign.” ...................... 113
Figure 3.6. Poster. “Americans All!” .............................................................................. 116
Figure 3.7. Poster. “This is Nazi Brutality.” ................................................................... 119
Figure 3.8. Pamphlet.” War Theme Digest.” .................................................................. 133
Figure 3.9. Editorial cartoon. “The Lightning Speed of Honesty.” ................................ 135
Figure 4.1. Poster. “This is America.. … Keep it Free! The American Way Works!” .... 148
Figure 4.2. Poster detail. “This is America.. … Keep it Free! The American Way
Works!” ............................................................................................................... 149
Figure 4.3. Photograph. “Climbing into America.” ........................................................ 149
Figure 4.4. Advertisement. “Half an American?”........................................................... 152
Figure 4.5. Advertisement. “Tell us please Mr. Hitler… What is Hate?” ...................... 156
Figure 4.6. Photograph. “New York, New York. Finale in a Play on America at War,
Given by Students of Public School Eight in an Italian-American District.” ..... 161
Figure 4.7. Advertisement. “Wait Soldier! Don’t Give Him Aid If He’s Not of Your
Faith!” ................................................................................................................. 164
Figure 4.8. Photograph. “In the Home of an Italian Rag Picker.” .................................. 169
Figure 4.9. Photograph. “New York, N.Y. May 1943. Mrs. Rose Carrendano, ItalianAmerican mother of six children. Three are in the Armed Forces.”................... 170
Figure 4.10. Photograph. “Buffalo, New York. May 1943. Naturalized citizens
attending ‘I am an American Day’ rally at the Memorial Auditorium.” ............ 173
Figure 4.11. Poster. “Americans All.” ............................................................................ 176
Figure 5.1. Editorial cartoon. “Ugh!... foreigners!” ........................................................ 186 xii
INTRODUCTION
America was settled by peoples of all nations…. You cannot spill a drop of
American blood without spilling the blood of the whole world.
-- Herman Melville, Redburn: His First Voyage
With the above statement Herman Melville described the United States of
America as a space where many cultures would come together, literally and figuratively,
and unite to form a bond in nationhood. Yet, sadly, as far back as the colonial era
(ca.1600), many Americans failed to recognize each other as equals. Since the gates
opened to the first non-Anglo Saxon immigrants arriving to the land that would become
the United States, there have been negative representations of ethnic “others.”
Construction of the “other” is the result of exclusion by discarding anything, or anyone,
outside the bounds of what is considered belonging or the norm (Hall 1997, 257).
Throughout the nation’s history many Americans have had negative attitudes about
immigrants and individuals, or groups different from themselves, which stemmed from a
long prevailing xenophobia. Current anti-immigrant representations in the media, along
with the feelings and attitudes they engender, have a long history.
This study explores these notions as they apply to the experiences of diverse
immigrant groups in America including eastern European Jews, southern Italians, Irish
and Asians. The immigrant groups addressed herein have been selected primarily
because, at various times throughout American history, particularly during the so-called
great waves of immigration (ca.1880 -- 1930s), had been categorized as non-white by the
1 dominant culture. They were subsequently classified both racially and ethnically. For the
purposes of this research “ethnicity” is considered a social construction, and is used to
identify social groups with a shared history, sense of identity, geographical and cultural
roots that may occur despite racial distinctions. Individual membership in an ethnic group
may be mandatory or a personal choice – always susceptible to change, and contingent
upon political and social circumstances (Zelinsky 2001, 44). “Race” in this study is
considered a social construct as well, one that encompasses biological factors in terms of
inherent traits including physical characteristics such as skin color and hair texture.
Additional motivation for examining these particular groups is their common ground in
terms of their perceived exoticism. Historically “others” have been lumped together into
a general category of “otherness.” Similarities (actual or perceived) among Eastern
European Jews,1 southern Italians, Asians, and even Irish immigrants, regarding common
attitudes towards food ways, family life (including connections, alleged or real, to
organized crime “families”) and notions of exoticism have resulted in comparisons to one
another. Ideas that these groups are similar, if not directly linked to one another were
fostered by such connections..
My journey investigating this topic results from of a discovery made while
conducting personal genealogical research. While looking through Ellis Island Port of
New York immigrant ship passenger records, I located a manifest from the ship Oceania
that included my paternal great grandmother who sailed from the southern Italian port of
Naples in June of 1912. I was drawn to the details the manifest offered in the 29 columns
1
The Jewish immigrants focused on in this study are from eastern Europe, not German Jews who
began their American experience as early as the 1700s and were already established and considered
assimilated Americans by the time the bulk of eastern European Jews began arriving ca.1890 (P. Johnson
2001, 366).
2
that immigration officials had completed about each passenger (each piece of human
cargo) that had been transported across the Atlantic on that voyage. Of particular interest
were the categories indicating each passenger’s “race” and “color.” In “Column 8 –
Nationality,”2 my great grandmother was categorized as “Italian.” In “Column 9 - Race or
People” she and others who had originated from her home town of Castellana Grotte (just
outside the Adriatic port city of Bari), were listed as being of “Southern Italian” racial
origin. On the reverse of the document were listed 46 “Race or Peoples” options for
immigration officers to select from. Among these passenger classification categories Italy
was the only country listed where there was a choice of a geographical indication for
immigrants hailing from within the nation. The instructions advised inspectors to
determine “the stock from which aliens sprang and the language they speak” and that
“Southern Italians” were to be distinguished as “people who are native to the portion of
Italy south of the basin of the River Po … and their descendants should be classified as
‘Italian (south).’” 3 This was my first encounter with the possible notion that Italians of
northern heritage were superior to those of southern origin based, in part, on the generally
2
From the instructions for immigration officers appearing on the reverse of the of form 500B the
“List or Manifest of Alien Passengers for the United States, Under Act of Congress approved February 20,
1907 nationality should be determined by the country of which the passenger was a citizen or subject
(Department of Commerce and Labor Immigration Service Form 500-B. 1907. Washington, D.C.
Government Printing Office; U.S. Department of Commerce and Labor 1907).
3
From the instructions for column 9 “Race or People” the entry “should show the race or people
as given in list on reverse side of alien manifest. Special attention should be paid to the distinction between
race and nationality, and manifests should be carefully revised by inspectors and registry clerks in this
regard” (Department of Commerce and Labor Immigration Service Form 500-B. 1907. Washington, D.C.
Government Printing Office; U.S. Department of Commerce and Labor 1907).
3 darker complexions of many southern Italians, an idea explored in Antonio Gramsci’s
“The Southern Question” (Gramsci, 1995).4
My second encounter with Gramsci’s theory came under column 26
“complexion” where my great grandmother and her fellow “Southern Italians” were
classed as “dark.”5 With my only knowledge of my great grandmother’s appearance
coming from small, faded photographs taken later in her life, I asked my father if her
complexion was in fact dark. My father, whose light olive complexion I inherited,
recalled that she was of fairer complexion than either he or I. This begged the question,
why then was this woman, and many others like her, classified as “dark” by an officer of
the United State Immigration Service?
Not long after this perplexing discovery, one of my great uncles provided me with
some family papers he had been saving, including a copy of my great grandmother’s
death certificate. Looking at these documents I was surprised to see that at some point
during her 62 years in America my previously “Southern Italian” and “dark” ancestor had
morphed into a “Caucasian American” by the time of her death. I was fascinated by these
polarizing historical records, and even more so by the assumption that her experience was
certainly not unique.
As a descendant of Italian and Jewish immigrants I was aware that these, and
many other immigrant groups, had, at various times, been considered outsiders, the
4
Gramsci’s work “The Southern Question” as it relates to hegemony is explicated Chapter 2 of
this study. This was one of a series of essays Gramsci wrote between 1929-35 while imprisoned for his
Marxist views. The series was first published in the 1950s.
5
Columns 19-29 of form 500-B were “supplemental information required by Naturalization Act
June 29, 1906.” While there were no specific instructions for classifying complexion on the reverse of the
form the notation “answers in these columns are subject to revision by any inspection officer in the
examination of aliens” (Department of Commerce and Labor Immigration Service Form 500-B. 1907.
Washington, D.C. Government Printing Office; United States Department of Commerce and Labor 1907).
4 “other,” by the dominant culture. However, I had not, until this point, given much
thought as to how, why, or exactly when, it had become acceptable to be Italian
American or Jewish American in the eyes of the dominant culture.6 Now I felt a desire, a
responsibility almost, to learn what the experiences of the “other” had been, why
perceptions towards them had changed – why had it become acceptable to tolerate, even
accept, the “other,” when in just my own parents’ lifetimes people from these
backgrounds had been considered “wops” and “Christ-killers”?
Over the years many valuable ideas and theories analyzing indifference, hatred,
and violence among Americans have been presented. However, it seems that now some
broader questions must be asked: What are the sources of these attitudes and behaviors?
Why do misconceptions, misrepresentations and centuries-old stereotypes of diverse
ethnic groups prevail?
Beginning with a survey of U.S. immigration history from the colonial era
forward this study will explore sources of negative attitudes towards immigrants. Further,
it will demonstrate how the dominant culture has long tried to pull in the ladder to
restrict, if not entirely halt, immigration. Included in Chapter One are examples of
negative representation of the “other” that appeared in popular magazines and
newspapers during different stages of America’s history.
Exploring notions of “white” as a central space in American culture, and in turn
the consequences of being non-white, Chapter Two will provide a foundation for
understanding race as a social construct. Cultural productions depicting ethnic
6
Throughout this study I refer to Italian Americans and eastern European Jews sans hyphen as the
hyphen in this regard is a diacritical marker that serves to distance one entity from another. In this case the
immigrant from their new homeland and neighbors. For more on this see Anthony Tamburri’s To
Hyphenate or Not to Hyphenate: The Italian/American Writer: An Other American (Tamburri 1991, 27).
5 immigrants as non-white “others” are analyzed to further appreciate the climate in which
the value of whiteness was formed and re-formed. Emerging scholarship in the field of
whiteness studies lends clarification to how, and why, certain immigrant groups were
classified as “non-white” by the dominant Anglo-Saxon culture at varying times and the
repercussions of such attitudinal shifts.
A survey of communication theories and techniques relevant to the study of
persuasion in Chapter Three serve as a basis for understanding ways of informing, as well
as re-forming, public opinion. As America entered World War II in 1941, it was a nation
divided by notions of “otherness.” The United States government turned to the concept of
unity campaigns, not unlike those orchestrated during World War I, to create a sense of
patriotism and pride among Americans. This time appeals were expanded to include
diverse groups’ non-Anglo ethnic immigrant Americans to encourage their participation
in the war efforts, on the front lines and at home, while also fostering their acceptance by
the dominant culture.7 National unity advertising campaign materials from the archive of
the Office of War Information, including the War Advertising Council, offer detailed
accounts of the methodology employed by the government in creating a concerted
propaganda campaign to promote an extended American identity to groups previously
excluded from the mainstream.
Chapter Four offers a detailed examination of social messages through visual
cultural artifacts produced during the World War II era (1941-1945) -- many of which
have not been viewed since they last appeared in newspapers and popular magazines of
7
The term “acceptance” will be used in this work for its inclusive nature, as it implies a willful
reception versus the commonly used term “tolerance,” which implies merely putting up with or enduring
something (or someone).
6 the period. The resulting analysis of each artifact shows how tools such as advertising
and photographic campaigns were used to promote government initiatives and serve as an
object lesson in the arts of persuasion and propaganda. It is the role such artifacts played
in shifting American public perception of (and attitudes towards) immigrants, particularly
those previously deemed non-white that is the focus of this research. This shift was
marked primarily in terms of socially constructed notions of race: they went from being
considered “black” (or non-white) to “white” -- from illegitimate to legitimate.
None of the literature I have reviewed has directly explored the correlations
between mass manipulation tactics and the resulting fervor over ethnicity in America.
Moreover, there has been little published that addresses how the World War II experience
served as a path to perceived “whiteness” and, thus, marked increase in acceptance for
non-Anglo ethnic groups.
This research utilizes an interdisciplinary approach to gain insight that previous
single-discipline studies have not offered regarding exploration of the sources of
misconceptions, misrepresentations and centuries-old stereotypes of non-Anglo ethnic
Americans. The study illuminates the role of the media, in particular how persuasion as a
tool can be capable of advancing specific ideologies and agendas, and sheds new light on
why people have thought in the ways they do about “others” in their midst – and in some
cases continue to do so.
7 CHAPTER ONE
PULLING IN THE LADDER: AN HISTORICAL SUMMARY OF UNITED STATES
IMMIGRATION POLICY AND REACTION
Despite the fact that almost all of us are immigrants or descendants of immigrants
American history is characterized by a never-ending debate over when to pull the
ladder in.
-- George J. Borjas, Immigration and the Economy
It is the duty of all Americans from Maine to Texas and from Washington to Florida
to forget the dissensions of the past and unite in an effort to reduce immigration to the
lowest possible point or stop it altogether, and to compel the foreigners now here
either to accept our traditions and ideals or else to return to the land from which they
came, by deportation or otherwise.
-- Madison Grant, The Alien in our Midst
Throughout the history of the United States, even prior to its establishment as a
country, the colonies that would become the nation depended on immigrant labor to assist
with development and expansion. For some members of the dominant Anglo culture, the
flow of immigration outpaced the cultural accommodation of distinct groups. This lack of
acceptance was a result of anxiety, which stemmed from fear of those who seemed
different or “other.” In this study, “other” is a pejorative term linked to the fear of those
unlike the group one identifies with, thus the “other” represents a person or group that is
different than the group considering them. Othering, a form of xenophobia (fear of those
who are different), can occur via a variety of means, for diverse reasons, but is always
socially constructed by the human need to categorize and establish identity based, in part,
in opposition to what or who one (or the group one identifies with) is – or is not (Riggins
8
1997; Blumenberg 2010, 456). In the politics of immigration, othering frequently
translated into negative public opinion resulting in calls to “pull in the ladder” on
immigrants (as might be done on a ship to prevent more passengers from boarding).
The summary that follows provides an overview of United States immigration
history framed in phases, or waves, as various periods of United States immigration have
been categorized in terms of “waves” based on the size and characteristics of the
incoming group(s) (Le May 1987, 27; Foner 2001, 33).
In this study phases of United States immigration are categorized as:
The Colonial Era, 1607--1786,
The Post Revolutionary Era, 1787--1819,
The First Great Wave – Tension and Reaction, 1820--1879,
The Second Great Wave – The Door Ajar, 1880--1905,
Restrictions (Phase I) - The Melting Pot Boils, 1906--1910,
Restrictions (Phase II) – The Melting Pot Simmers, 1911--1920,
Restrictions (Phase III) – The Door Closes, 1921--1929, and
The Tides Begin to Turn - Immigrant Reformation, 1930--1939.
These distinctions are based, in part, on immigration data and patterns of
dominant culture reaction and resulting legislation and/or other action(s). Each section of
this chapter includes cultural artifacts illustrating the often conflicting myths and
narratives created about immigration and immigrants to America. Examining these
materials reveals a framework encompassing patterns of negativity surrounding
immigration to America.
9
The Colonial Era – 1607 through 1786
British colonial America was established with the first permanent British
settlement at Jamestown, Virginia in 1607.8 By the 1630s the increasing call for
immigrant support to augment the colonies’ meager labor force and aid in territorial
expansion resulted in large numbers of arrivals, primarily Anglo Protestants from the
British Isles. But by 1690 British immigration to the colonies was surpassed by other
groups from continental Europe, mainly the French fleeing war and poverty (Crevecoeur
1782, 13). Large numbers of German Catholics seeking asylum from political and
religious persecution and Scots-Irish escaping religious intolerance also began to arrive.
Coming from abroad to avoid poverty in their homelands, often as indigents and
lacking means of supporting themselves, non-Anglo immigrants to early America were
“forced by their circumstances to accept the dirty, back-breaking, and menial work that
previously established colonial workers were unwilling to do” (Steinberg 1981, 37).These
laborers were often met with non-acceptance and hostility, despite their supporting role to
the colonial Anglo society. As with generations of immigrants who would follow, the
intolerance they encountered in the Colonies paled in comparison to circumstances they
had left behind; as a result they were slow to respond overtly (Chanes 2004, 70) (Knoll
1982, 84). The influx of these diverse groups of immigrants triggered concerns over the
homogeneity and unity of the colonies.9 There existed at the time an unquestioned
assumption that a nation could only exist with people of the same ethnic or cultural
heritage. Consequently, unease regarding the “other” became a common reaction to
8
A colony at St. Augustine, Florida was established by the Spanish in 1565 but did not become an
immigration hub as did the British colonies of New England, Middle Atlantic and the Chesapeake Bay
Area.
9
For a summary of United States immigration arrival statistics since 1821 see Appendix A.
10
immigration. For example, colonial Bostonians blamed food shortages on the large
number of Scots-Irish immigrants; as a result legislation was enacted in 1711 that levied
taxes and land restrictions on the Catholic immigrant population (Loue 1998, 143). As
the thirteenth colony of Georgia developed legislation religious freedom was granted to
all future settlers except “papists” [Catholics] (Curran 1963, 54). Concern about
immigration was frequently voiced in public forums including political speeches,
pamphlets and other publications wherein colonial leaders warned of the dangers that
foreigners posed for the emerging republic. Author and Editor Benjamin Franklin
remarked in 1751: “Why should Pennsylvania, founded by the English, become a colony
of aliens, who will shortly be so numerous as to Germanize us, instead of our Anglifying
them?” (Archdeacon 1984, 20). Even as the colonists prepared to declare their
independence from England, and engage in war to establish a new nation, they only
reluctantly tolerated the immigrants who would add to their ranks during the battles that
would ensue.
The Post-Revolutionary Era – 1787 through 1819
Concern over the “other” persisted with the formation of the United States of
America in 1787. Native-born Anglo-Americans, who had little to no exposure to groups
outside their own, were less than eager to embrace the newcomers. Maintaining the
cultural homogeny of the new nation was an explicit theme in pamphlets and the
emerging national media of newspaper. One notable example was The Federalist Papers
(1788). This series of eighty-five articles appeared in newspapers and in booklet format
and argued for ratification of the United States Constitution. These pieces were
collectively authored by various political figures under the pen name “Publius” (Latin for
11 public) (Middlekauff 2005, xi). In Federalist No. 2 “Concerning Dangers from Foreign
Force and Influence” Federalist proponent and later first Chief Justice of the United
States Supreme Court, John Jay, wrote:
Providence has been pleased to give this one connected country to one united
people--a people descended from the same ancestors, speaking the same language,
professing the same religion, attached to the same principles of government, very
similar in their manners and customs, and who, by their joint counsels, arms, and
efforts, fighting side-by -side throughout a long and bloody war, have nobly
established general liberty and independence.
This country and this people seem to have been made for each other, and it
appears as if it was the design of Providence, that an inheritance so proper and
convenient for a band of brethren, united to each other by the strongest ties,
should never be split into a number of unsocial, jealous, and alien sovereignties.
(Jay 1787,1)
Arguments such as this furthered public opinion against immigrants. Such
arguments later lent support to the Alien and Sedition Acts, legislation proposed by the
Federalist Party and intended to protect the nation from the perceived threat of alien
citizens of enemy powers. These 1798 laws mandated that citizenship was available only
to “free white males” who had renounced allegiance to their homeland and who had been
United States residents for a minimum of fourteen years; they also authorized the
president to deport any alien considered “dangerous to the peace and safety” of the
nation. Further, the Alien and Sedition Acts permitted the apprehension and deportation
of aliens whose home countries were at war with the United States; and finally they
criminalized “false, scandalous and malicious writing” against the government of the
United States (Miller J. C.1951, 63). Still, despite overt xenophobia reflected in these
laws immigration to America continued to grow.
The nation’s westward expansion, greatly accelerated by the 1807 Louisiana
Purchase, created demand for new immigrant labor to clear the land, construct roads and
12 later railways, and ultimately to aid in occupying newly created territories to protect
against foreign intrusion or occupation. At first, the sense of urgency for manpower
overshadowed any earlier fears that incoming immigrants might taint the nation’s cultural
practices and institutions. However, because the influx soon outpaced any possible
acculturation, the alarm was raised that patriotism was on the decline due to immigrants’
lack of assimilation, and an intense opposition to those who were not Anglo Protestants
soon manifested itself. In 1819 Congress approved the Act Regulating Passenger Vessels,
which required, among other things, shipmasters to deliver manifests enumerating all
aliens transported as immigrants versus temporary visitors. This law also mandated the
Secretary of State provide an annual report on admitted immigrants.10 However, despite
such legislation, concern regarding the loss of national identity grew as increasing
numbers of diverse immigrant groups continued to converge on America, with no end in
sight.
First Great Wave - Tension and Reaction – 1820 through 1879
Immigrants to America who retained some, if not all, of their foreign ways
(religious traditions, language, clothing, food ways) seemed to consistently challenge the
ideal of American nationalism envisioned by the predominantly Anglo Protestant
culture.11 These markers seemed to be deliberate acts of resistance and defiance in the
10
On March 2, 1819, the United States’ Congress passed an Act Regulating Passenger Vessels
(Ch. 46, 3 Stat., 489) designed to protect passengers arriving from foreign ports against overcrowding and
inadequate provisions, as well as to provide statistical data on foreign trade. Section 5 of this legislation
required masters of ships to file with the district collector of customs a manifest (or list) of all passengers
who boarded at a foreign port. It was to include each passenger’s name, age, sex, and occupation; the
country to which he or she belonged; the country of which he or she intended to become an inhabitant; and
a list of deaths that occurred during the voyage (Library of Congress 2009).
11
The first United States Census of 1790 indicated sixty percent of white residents were of
English heritage (Carter 2006, 117).
13 eyes of the dominant population – and rejections of the ideal of like-mindedness and
unity perceived as critical to the success of the nation.
The first great wave of immigration began in the early 1820s with large numbers
of German arrivals, and with it came the first expressions of American nationalism, an
ideology seeking to unify the nation’s socio-cultural identity. In the 1830s membership in
organizations supporting nationalism was limited to Protestant males of British heredity,
who referred to themselves as “natives” or “native Americans” (Anbinder 1992, 72;
Wilentz 2005, 37). These associations became a vocal force advocating for, and in some
cases violently agitating for, restriction of immigration. This new brand of xenophobia
was directly linked to fears that immigrants would contaminate the values of the
prevailing culture. These old-stock groups considered themselves to be the only “pure”
Americans and openly demonstrated hostility toward the foreign-born. By the mid-1840s
native and Protestant groups, including the Order of the Star Spangled Banner and True
Blue Americans, merged into various hereditary/patriotic societies. One such group of
Anglo-Protestants, the Native Americans (later known as the American Party), promoted
their philosophy of “Americanism,” which included a strong platform of anti-Catholic
immigration (Anbinder 1992, 34). In response to discrimination against the Catholic
Church the predominantly Irish Catholic Ancient Order of Hibernians (AOH) was formed
in 1836 to provide support to Irish immigrants facing challenges settling in a new land
(Ryback 2008, 37). Despite the pro-active efforts of the AOH towards peaceful
14 assimilation,12 nativists were quick to counter by forming groups that would ultimately be
referred to as the “Know-Nothings” because when asked about the rites and rituals they
practiced members would respond “I know nothing” (Higham 1988, 62; Dinnerstein
2003, 27).
Nativist organizations spread their message in various ways, including via cultural
productions in increasing numbers of newspapers, popular magazines and even songs.
Visual communication productions with their strong graphic components were accessible
to a wide range of audiences, even the semi-literate and illiterate. One example of the
mid-nineteenth century concern over immigration was the song entitled “Know Nothing
Polka: Dedicated to Everybody by Nobody” (1847). The sheet music for this tune
featured the symbol of the watchful eye, referred to interchangeably as the “Divine Eye
of Providence” or the “All Seeing Eye,” featured in Figure 1.1, which was a common
icon of Freemasons.13 The adoption of the symbol by the Know Nothings’ was intended
to represent their vigilance against what they perceived as threatening influence by the
non-native-born in American politics and government.
12
Despite efforts to quell frustrations with pro-active dialogue Irish Catholic reaction to
discrimination occasionally resulted in violent clashes with Protestants. Two notable episodes were a
Philadelphia riot in 1844 (Feldberg 1975) and the 1863 New York City “Draft Riots” (Harris 2003). For
more on this see Michael Feldberg The Philadelphia Riots of 1844: A Study of Ethnic Conflict (1975) and
Leslie M. Harris’s In the Shadow of Slavery: African Americans in New York City, 1626-1863 (2003).
13
For Freemasons this symbol of the “All Seeing Eye” is intended to serve as a reminder that God
is always watching and is aware of their deeds and thoughts. The image was first introduced in 1797 by
Masonic Grand Master Thomas Smith Webb with the publication of the Freemason’s Monitor; Or
Illustrations of Masonry: In Two Parts. The “All-seeing Eye” as explained by Webb had the ability to
pervade “the in-most recesses of the human heart” and as such “it will reward us according to our merits”
(Webb 1797, 69).
15
Figure 1.1. Sheet music cover. “Know Nothing Polka: Dedicated to
Everybody by Nobody.” Designed by C[harles] Parsons. 1847.
Published by C. Parsons & G.H. Raymond, N.Y. Printed by G. & W.
Endicott: Philadelphia. Song composed by James Couenhoven.
Nativists, whether naively or strategically, co-opted or projected their ideology
onto the then emerging scientific theory of evolution. Charles Darwin’s controversial
1859 work On the Origin of the Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the
Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life (changed with the sixth edition in
1872 to simply Origin of the Species) proved influential. The work of interdisciplinary
philosopher Herbert Spencer was also significant. Spencer’s1864 phrase “survival of the
16
fittest” became the basis for arguments that some races/nations were superior to others
because their people were fitter and thus more adept at survival, which lent itself to such
thinking, referred to as Social Darwinism.14 These co-opted theories provided a scientific
rationalization for many of America’s Jim Crow laws and later for immigration
legislation.15 In addition, the growing study of eugenics, which purported to demonstrate
genetic-based distinctions between various “races,” gave further evidence to support the
need for maintaining the purity of the Anglo-American stock (Galton 1904, 4).
As the nineteenth century progressed nationalists sought a way of defining
American nationality by presenting a positive and unified picture of what being an
American meant. An important part of this picture was the idea of “Manifest Destiny,”
the notion that Anglo-Americans were meant to expand and occupy the entire North
American continent.16
The continuing need for settlers in western territories to fulfill the nation’s
“Manifest Destiny” further encouraged immigrants to come to America. The United
States Homestead Act of 1862 prompted an additional surge in immigration. This
14
Spencer created the term “survival of the fittest” in his Principles of Biology (1864), in response
to Darwin’s biological theories, which Spencer compared to his own economic models: “This survival of
the fittest, which I have here sought to express in mechanical terms, is that which Mr. Darwin has called
‘natural selection’, or the preservation of favoured races in the struggle for life” (Spencer 1864, 444).
Darwin in turn used the phrase as a metaphor for the notion of “better designed for an immediate, local
environment,” not the common inference of “in the best physical shape, “it is in that context that the two
became linked and relevant to nativist ideology (Gould 1976, 88).
15
The term “Jim Crow” originated ca.1832 with American minstrel performer Thomas “Crow”
Rice who created a caricature of a fictional African American he called “Jim Crow.” As Rice’s popularity
grew and his caricature of Jim Crow became known nationally the term became a pejorative label referring
to blacks (C. V. Woodward 2001, 7). From 1876 to well into the twentieth century these laws existed in
former Confederate states and led to segregation in all public facilities including schools, restrooms, and
public transportation as well as within the United States military (Paterson 2001, 63; Brogan 1999, 371).
16
The phrase “Manifest Destiny” was coined by journalist John L. O’Sullivan in an 1845 column
written for the monthly Democratic Review (Pratt 1927, 796). O’Sullivan attempted to capture and project
nationalist sentiment growing out of fear that the nation was going to be overrun by Irish Catholic
immigrants who fled the famine conditions of 1840s Ireland.
17 legislation granted 160 acres, primarily in sparsely populated western territories, to
settlers who agreed to live on and work the land for a minimum of five years. Around that
same time in the north post-Civil War explosive industrial expansion required ever-larger
pools of new labor. As long as the demand for settlers and inexpensive labor continued,
America’s gates would legally remain open, despite the repeated efforts of nativist groups
to restrict immigration via local and national level initiatives (Steinberg 1981, 40).
Concern that immigration was a threat to the American way of life continued to appear in
the media. One example is the editorial cartoon “The Great Fear of the Period” (Figure
1.2) depicting growing concern regarding the perceived effect of the increasing influence
of foreign laborers, particularly the Irish and Chinese.
The graphic elements of Figure 1.2, particularly the layout depicting a bleak
horizon, and the use of grayscale illustration, work with the artist’s use of light to
enhance the features of the central caricatures: the Chinese laborer, Irish laborer and
Uncle Sam --- representing the American way of life and culture.
The Irish figure is portrayed with simian-like facial features, including a small
button-like nose and prominent brow ridge. This figure’s clothing is stereotypical Irish
with a stovepipe hat, waistcoat, and boots almost always associated with renderings of
Irish leprechauns. The Chinese figure is represented with a broad elongated nose, squinty
eyes and dramatically arched eyebrows -- conveying a sense of a villainous threat. His
hair is styled in an exaggerated gravity-defying plait. The figure is perched on peculiarly
small feet, perhaps an allusion to the practice of foot binding practiced by some Asian
cultures. The figure of Uncle Sam is identifiable by his costume (made iconic by the
work of artist Thomas Nast earlier in the year). His character appears suspended
18 horizontally, with arms bound and head being consumed by the Irish figure, while Uncle
Sam’s feet are engulfed by the mouth of the Chinese figure.
Figure 1.2. Editorial cartoon. “The Great Fear of the Period: That Uncle Sam
Might be Swallowed by Foreigners. The Problem Solved.” Artist unknown. Ca.
1869. Publisher Unknown.
In the second frame of this illustration the two consuming figures are closer
together as the Chinese figure has devoured the greater portion of Uncle Sam’s legs. In
the third panel a transformation has occurred. The Chinese figure appears to have
completed consumption of Uncle Sam and has begun devouring the Irish figure. While
his primary costume is unaltered, the Chinese character is shown wearing the Irishman’s
19 hat and is holding the torso of the Irishman tilted down towards his mouth while the
Irishman’s feet appear to flail in resistance.
The cartoon’s text is placed to serve as narrative headers and footers for each
panel to facilitate the introduction and summary of the story. The bold text of the lower
caption “The problem solved” commands the reader’s attention. The visual structure of
the illustration features the figures, and their satchels, on a background of earth scarred
by multiple railroad lines. The dynamic images highlight the full-image of each
caricature, thus employing a sociological versus intimate stance, and implying a
sociological assessment of the scenario – it is the problem of all Americans, not just the
reader’s.
Symbolically, the stereotypes featured are the key factors in this illustration while
the metaphor of individual immigrants devouring America, in the form of the iconic
Uncle Sam, is of equal importance in reading this image. This work provides a covert and
comprehensive portrayal of the greater social fear of the period in that it depicts
immigrants as a voracious threat to the ideology of American purity -- if left to their own
devices, the Chinese would consume and outnumber all. Productions such as this were
published widely in regional newspapers, such as the Sacramento Union, where large
numbers of Asian, primarily Chinese, laborers immigrated to work on the railroads and
other westward expansion projects during the 1850s--1870s (Cole 1978, 27). Arguments
that Chinese immigrants lowered cultural and moral standards, as well as the integrity of
America’s homogeneity, resulted in proposed 1879 legislation limiting Chinese
immigrants to no more than fifteen per ship. This bill was vetoed by then President Hayes
as it violated the United States 1868 treaty with China. However, revisions to the bill
20 resulted in the passing of the 1882 Angel Treaty, also known as the Chinese Exclusion
Act (the first federal legislation restricting open immigration to the United States). The
Chinese Exclusion Act put the burden of limitation on the Chinese government to
monitor who was emigrating and to ensure only skilled workers rather than general
laborers immigrated to America for ten years. Chinese immigrants who were found to not
meet the standards were under penalty of imprisonment and/or deportation (Chin 1998,
11; U.S. Congress 1882). The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association was formed
in 1883 in response to this legislation, with the goal of giving a voice to Chinese in the
United States. However, lobbying attempts that aimed for adjustments to, if not outright
repeal of, the Exclusion Act fell on deaf ears (Hoexter 1976, 21-22; Wells 1971, 24).
Ultimately, the immigrant voice would be heard via legislation. In San Francisco,
California in the late 1800s many laundries were owned and operated by Chinese. In an
attempt to close down these immigrant-operated businesses a city ordinance was passed
in 1885 barring operation of laundries in wooden buildings. Despite the ordinance,
Chinese laundry operator Yick Wo continued to run his business because previously he
had been granted a permit to operate by the Fire Warden. In 1886 he was fined and
imprisoned but successfully petitioned to have his case heard before a court. His
argument was that the United States Constitution offered protection to all living in the
nation, not just to citizens. The case of Yick Wo vs. Hopkins was the first in which
the United States. Supreme Court ruled that a law that is race-neutral on its face, but is
administered in a prejudicial manner, is an infringement of the Equal Protection Clause in
the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution (Yick Wo vs. Hopkins 118 U.S. 356.
1886).
21 Socialist author Edward Bellamy’s hugely popular 1888 novel Looking Backward
2000-1887 was another expression of xenophobic nationalism during this period. The
focus of Bellamy’s utopian story was “to realize the ideas of the nation with a grandeur
and completeness never before conceived” (Higham 1988, 75). Bellamy’s nationalism
sought to advance a shared national identity based on a shared genetic heritage.17 In
response to his best-selling book, nationalist groups formed across the United States to
discuss, and, to an extent, attempt to realize the notion of the homogenized collectivist
society featured in Bellamy’s book. These interest groups advocated policies that favored
the interests of established inhabitants (the native-born) over those of immigrants and
proved a hostile and defensive movement in reaction to perceived enemies of the
idealized Anglo-Protestant-based notion of the American way of life (Higham 1988, 73).
The Second Great Wave – The Door Ajar – 1880 through 1905
America saw increasing polarity between rich and poor within its borders as the
nineteenth century drew to a close, spurred by advances in industrialization and an
economic depression. Declines in jobs for the native-born were commonly attributed to
an influx of immigrant workers willing to work for lower wages than established
Americans. Many Anglo-Americans felt further threatened that their way of life would
falter and movements to restrict (or entirely abolish) immigration grew stronger. As a
result, more intense nativist agitation grew, in part, from within emerging labor unions.
Wages were at the forefront of such sentiment, but frustrations were also
frequently related to concern over national identity. The ideal was presented as a desire
17
Twentieth century Fascism is an extreme example of nationality based upon homogenized
genetic identity.
22 for all immigrant groups, despite their diverse backgrounds and cultures, to, with time,
meld with the existing population to achieve complete assimilation (Dinnerstein 1999, 2;
Higham 1975, 32). As historian John Higham noted: “The homogeneity and mobility that
had long upheld the American faith in assimilation was threatened” (Higham 1975, 37).
Additionally, emerging social problems, including limited space in already crowded
urban areas and depletion of resources, fostered a growing demand for immigration
restrictions (Dinnerstein 2003, 82; Higham 1975, 39).
Northeastern seaboard states (where the bulk of immigrants had arrived)
responded to the rising tide of immigration by setting up measures to protect their cities
from the increasing influx. New York State established a state immigration depot in 1855
at Castle Clinton (also known as Castle Garden), a former military fortress at the southern
tip of Manhattan Island. More states followed by establishing immigration boards and
these evolved into a federal operation (Higham 1988, 32). Private groups that had been
running local-level immigration controls in other cities of entry lobbied for state action to
aid their privately funded initiatives. Demand for action at the national level grew along
with greater numbers of immigrants arriving, and increasing public awareness of the
problems they were seen as engendering. Congress passed the Immigration Act of 1882
(22 Stat. 214 1864-1883) in August of that year. This new legislation shifted the role of
immigration inspection from individual ports to federal officials. The 1882 Act gave the
United States Secretary of the Treasury ultimate power over immigration. State agencies
were developed to continue inspecting immigrants at the local level and a federal
immigrant welfare fund was established to aid in the care of newcomers who needed
23 assistance. This support was funded by collecting fifty cents from each arriving
immigrant (Dinnerstein 2003, 87).
However, this new system of control did not go far enough for many opponents of
immigration. The nativist-based People’s Party Platform assembled on July 4, 1892, the
116th anniversary of the United States declaring independence from Britain. The
proclaimed: “We condemn . . . the present [immigration] system, which opens up our
ports to the criminal classes of the world, and crowds out our wage earners” (Roleff
1998, 16). By 1885 New York had turned over its state-run Castle Clinton/Garden
immigration depot to the federal government, and in 1891 the Office of the
Superintendent of Immigration was created within the United States Treasury
Department.18 Operations continued at Castle Garden/Clinton until January 1, 1892 when
a central clearing house for immigration opened on Ellis Island in New York Harbor.19
The Superintendent of Immigration’s office proposed legislation in 1892
establishing a deportation framework starting with the requirement that all passengers
rejected by immigration inspectors would be returned to Europe by steamship companies,
at their own expense. These “rejected” included immigrants deemed criminals, or likely
to become criminals, those who could not pay their own passage and were likely to
18
The Office of Superintendent of Immigration of the Department of the Treasury was established
by an Act of Congress on March 3, 1891, and was designated as a bureau in 1895. The agency was
transferred to the jurisdiction of the Justice Department and exists today as the United States Citizenship
and Immigration Services (USCIS) an agency within the Department of Homeland Security (USCIS n.d.).
19
Ellis Island figures prominently in the history of the United States as over twelve million
immigrants passed through the immigration station during its nearly sixty years in operation from 1892 to
1954. In 1991 a Joint Resolution Designating January 1, 1992 as “National Ellis Island Day” declared:
“Ellis Island is a reminder of the hope for freedom and prosperity that the United States offered to the poor,
tired, hungry, and downtrodden of the world.” According to the resolution, in 1992 approximately forty
percent of all Americans had connections to Ellis Island via an ancestor or relative. Joint Resolution
Designating January 1, 1992 as “National Ellis Island Day” (Washington D.C.: U.S. Government Printing
Office, 1991).
24 require public assistance as well as those with “loathsome and contagious diseases”
(Luibheid 2002, 8). As a result, deportation became a new element in the immigration
process and the number of deportees steadily grew (Table 1.1).
Table 1.1. United States Deportation Figures 1892-1950
Date Range
Number Deported
1892-1900
3,127
1901-1910
11,558
1911-1920
27,912
1921-1930
92,157
1931-1948
117,066
1941-1950
110,849
Source: United States Bureau of the Census Historical Statistics of the United States:
Colonial Times to 1970. 1975. U.S. Census Bureau: Washington, D.C.
Often immigrants were perceived as socially backward and, in many cases,
strange or even dangerous and while many were seen as fit to enter the United States by
government standards, large numbers were still rejected by the dominant culture. For
example, Eastern European Jewish immigrants differed from their German Jewish
predecessors who, for the most part, had assimilated into American life to the point where
they often publicly distanced themselves from the new arrivals, who were of a less
cultured background. The American Jewish Committee formed in 1906 to provide aid
including educational immersion in “proper Americanism” to their Yiddish-speaking
brethren. These new immigrants were viewed with suspicion, primarily because of their
unique language and appearance – in keeping with the strictures of orthodox Judaism, the
25 men were bearded and wore long, black coats (Chanes 2004, 70).20 Italian immigrants
were considered a swarthy threat to the American way of life because they had a less than
fifty percent literacy rate and a standard of living lower than any other immigrant group
(Guglielmo 2003, 34).
Dutch immigrant Jacob Riis, a pioneering photojournalist, began to document, in
text and images, New York City’s diverse neighborhoods. His motivation was to expose
the plight of the urban immigrants as urban centers swelled with increasing arrivals.
Frequently newcomers would find shelter and some comfort in the ethnic enclaves that
had formed throughout the nation, particularly in urban centers. These enclaves were
natural draws for individuals and families to connect with family, friends, or at least
members of the same community they had left in the Old Country. For example, many
Italian immigrants would settle in areas populated with others who came from the same
region or village (Borsella 2005, 40). Established immigrants within these enclaves
would provide guidance and, when possible, shelter and even opportunities for work. As
a result these enclaves became a safe haven of sorts, in terms of shelter and comfort
when compared to the strange new land, language and customs outside. Such
environments were not without their challenges including overcrowding, poor sanitation,
and sub-standard housing as the result of absentee land lords who collected rent but did
nothing to improve the conditions of the dwellings they offered. The majority of the
dominant culture saw these enclaves as dens where the exotic “other” chose to live in less
20
Yiddish, or Judeo-German, is a language comprised of elements of medieval German, Hebrew,
and some other Slavic dialects. It was spoken, with distinct regional variations, by most eastern European
Jews prior to World War II. In this language the term “Yiddish” translates literally to Jewish.
26 than ideal conditions, perpetuating the notion that immigrants were a dirty, swarthy lot
intent on sabotaging the American way of life.
Riis’s works, including How the Other Half Lives (1890), Out of Mulberry Street:
Stories of Tenement Life in New York City (1896) and The Battle with the Slum (1901),
were serialized in local newspapers and, in many cases helped increase social awareness
regarding the challenging conditions in which immigrants were existing. For opponents
of immigration the depictions of the foreign-born, however altruistic Riis’s motives may
have been, in his many essays and accompanying photographs perpetuated fear of the
“other” as an inassimilable, exotic, and dangerous force (Higham 1984, 1010-104).
In Riis’s photograph (Figure 1.3) “In the Home of an Italian Rag Picker” 1888,
photographer Jacob Riis’s intent was to generate awareness of immigrant living
conditions and to improve them.
Figure 1.3. Photograph. “In the Home of an Italian Rag Picker.”
Photographed by Jacob Riis.1888.
27 In this photograph the notion is conveyed that the light of the camera’s flash is the
first light to ever illuminate this dark, cramped hovel. The composition of the image,
including the central female figure’s upturned gaze and the infant wrapped in swaddling,
along with the halo-like curvilinear object at the upper margin of the scene gives the
piece it’s second, un-official title: “Madonna of the Slums.” This religious connotation,
along with the sparse belongings evident in the space, demonstrate an existence merely of
function – there is no beauty or aesthetic in the lives of these subjects. The rags they pick
for a living also serve as their furnishings. Riis’s background as a photojournalist lent an
authentication of this message and symbol that would have played on the emotions of
many readers.
In contrast C. Ben Johnson’s 1894 article “Close the Ports,” which appeared in
the union trade publication The American Federationist,21 was in support of members of
the American Federation of Labor: “We sympathize with the oppressed of the Old World,
but we … are as a country… in the position of any other asylum whose dormitories are
full up [sic]….The American movement is strictly American …. We cannot go abroad
and hope to lift up the labor of the world” (Johnson 1894, 216).
The call went out for further immigration restrictions in the late 1890s, despite
previous increases in federal control. An 1896 article “Immigration Evils” declared that
the nativists called for a homogenous people and classified their cause as “Americanism”
(Gale 1896, 231). Congressman Henry Cabot Lodge and the nativist Immigration
Restriction League (IRL), established in Boston ca.1894 to “arouse public opinion to the
21
The American Federationist was the officially sanctioned publication of the American
Federation of Labor published in New York from 1872 – 1952, described as “devoted to the interests and
voicing the demands of the trade union movement” (Gompers 1916, 1).
28 necessity of a further exclusion of elements undesirable for citizenship or injurious to our
national character,” (IRL 1894, 1) appealed to the working class and advocated for a
literacy test for immigrants in 1897. Such a test would require immigrants be able to read
in their native language, at least. The bill first passed by Congress in 1896 and called for
immigrants to be capable of reading a minimum of forty words in any language.
However, the bill was ultimately vetoed by President Grover Cleveland in 1897 and
would not be passed until 1917 (Lane 1984, 7).
Illustrations such as “Citizenship: The Mortar of Assimilation – And the One
Element That Won’t Mix,” 1889 (Figure 1.4) from the weekly popular American satirical
magazine Puck provides insight into nativist attitudes regarding the overwhelming influx
of immigrants.
Figure 1.4. Editorial cartoon. “Citizenship:
The Mortar of Assimilation – And the One
Element That Won’t Mix.” Illustrated by A.
Taylor. 1889. Published in Puck.
29 The illustration depicts Lady Liberty struggling to combine a teeming pot of
diverse immigrants. The immigrant figures stand stoically, seemingly unaware of what is
in store for them. The caption “The mortar of assimilation – and the one element that
won’t mix” refers to the caricature of an Irish man elevated in defiance. The figure
symbolically wields a knife dripping with blood and holding the flag of his homeland.
Liberty, in mid-stir, appears unfazed by this expression of ambivalence, perhaps an
allusion to the perceived obliviousness of the government regarding the challenges of
immigration. The illustration commented on the Unite States being open to throngs of
diverse immigrants and the Anglo notion that the majority of immigrants were expected
to compliantly meld into a homogeneous group without thought or challenge. The
production reinforced and perpetuated prevalent nativist attitudes towards perceived
problematic characteristics of immigrants, particularly the Irish (Kinealy 1995, xvii).
Sociologist and economist William Z. Ripley was a particularly strong proponent
of the view that immigration was a detriment to a truly unified American culture. His
1899 book The Races of Europe: A Sociological Study. Ripley’s work classified
European groups by physical traits: Nordics (northern Europeans); Alpine (central
Europeans); and Mediterranean (southern Europeans) (Ripley 1899, 13). Ripley’s work
embodied the view of many white Anglo-Protestants Europeans. Concerns continued to
grow that inferior stock would inhibit Americanism, and the gulf between the dominant
culture and the “other” widened further.
Restrictions (Phase I) - The Melting Pot Boils – 1906 through 1910
By the early 1900s the bulk of decidedly non-Nordic southern and central
European immigrants were pushing out beyond their concentrations in major northeastern
30
cities and moving to smaller cities and areas across the north, prompting further concern
over their presence.22 The Naturalization Act of 1906 standardized naturalization
procedures and made knowledge of English a requirement for citizenship (Higham 1988,
57).
This 1907 editorial cartoon (Figure 1.5), The Father of Our Country as Seen by
His Children appeared in LIFE magazine.
Figure 1.5. Editorial cartoon. “The Father of Our Country as Seen by His Children.”
Illustrated by William H. Walker. 1907. Published in LIFE Magazine.
Artist William H. Walker provided a commentary on the perceived lack of
assimilation by immigrants and subsequent perceived lack of unity in the United States
during the early part of the twentieth century. The multiple panels symbolize the fear of
22
United States Census 1910.
31 non-assimilation versus conforming to American ideology and standards. The agenda
promoted in this production was that the immigrant sees the notion of America, as
symbolized by the figure of George Washington, “The Father of Our Country,” is
depicted with stereotypical features of diverse ethnic groups. The caricatures of the
immigrants in this piece are based upon stereotypes and archetypes of diverse ethnic
groups. The audience for this would have been significant, as Life magazine had a wide
circulation and reached a broad spectrum of readers. The overall tone of the piece
conveyed that American unity, from within, was not yet on the horizon.
Political concerns brought forth by members of the Progressive movement and the
American Federation of Labor intensified. These activists believed that the practical
application of emerging scientific theories would remedy societal ills, particularly
problems manifested in major urban areas that were home to many immigrants. They
were convinced that newcomers, particularly those from southern and eastern Europe
posed a threat to American culture and, as such, lobbied for reductions in immigration
quotas. Their efforts were instrumental in passing immigration restriction bills that were
strictly enforced and resulted in the formation of the United States Immigration
Commission in 1907 (Lane 1984, 7-13).This sentiment was shared by other nativist
groups and, under pressure, in February 1907, Congress formed a joint House and Senate
committee to study the effects of immigration on the United States. Vermont Senator
William Paul Dillingham lead the United States Immigration Committee (referred to as
the Dillingham Commission) began its research. The result was a 41-volume report
published in 1911 that provided statistical data and analyses relating to immigrants to
America. Proponents of a literacy test for immigrants began to emerge as they had
32 previously in the late 1800s. The proposed literacy test passed in 1917, an outcome of the
argument that immigrants coming from southern and eastern Europe were a danger to
American in that they would economically compromises the American standard of living
with their illiteracy.
The proposed English language test for immigrants was just the beginning in a
push for further immigration reform. Nativists, with the support of their labor union
brethren, were pushing to limit the influx of immigrants by imposing measures such as
tests to determine the literacy of individual immigrants, language and literacy among
those already admitted to America became a unifying force and critical tool.
The Voice(s) of the People(s)
Ethnic immigrants to the United States were often refugees from famine,
oppression and/or economic hardship. Upon arrival in America the challenges they faced,
including prejudice and being ostracized paled in comparison to the conditions of their
homelands. As a result these newcomers were reluctant, if not outright scared, to react,
lest they lose the opportunities America had to offer. One Chinese immigrant remarked:
“We are in a state of seeking shelter under another person’s face, at the threat of being
driven away at any moment. We have to swallow down the insults hurled at us” (Knoll
1982, 28). As such there was little dialogue between new immigrants and the established
Anglo majority. However, ethnic immigrants were not entirely without a voice (Chanes
2004, 37).
The foreign language press was a key element in easing immigrants’ transition
from the Old World to the new by serving as a connection to the homeland, family and
friends left behind, and as a guide to the new country. While many struggled with
33 English, publications in the immigrants’ home language offered practical information
regarding American institutions and norms (Zubrzycki 1958, 76) and often supplied them
with guidelines for becoming “good American citizens” (Harrison 2009, 2). One such
publication, The Jewish Daily Forward, was a Yiddish language newspaper that began in
New York City in 1897. By the 1930s the publication’s nationwide distribution reached
250,000. The paper’s founder and editor, Abraham Cahan, penned an advice column
called the “Bintel Brief,” Yiddish for “bundle of letters” (Metzker 1991, 10). In this
regular feature, Cahan and his writers responded to inquiries ranging from personal
dilemmas to questions regarding American customs and laws:
People often need the opportunity to be able to pour out their heavy-laden hearts.
Among our immigrant masses this need was very marked. Hundreds of thousands
of people, torn from their homes and their dear ones, were lonely souls who
thirsted for expression, who wanted to hear an opinion, who wanted advice in
solving their weighty problems. The ‘Bintel Brief’ created just this opportunity
for them. (Abraham Cahan 1929, quoted in Metzker 1991,13)
Foreign language newspapers were incredibly popular and powerful tools for
immigrants, as many were literate but did not have access to reading materials in their
native countries due to educational and publishing restrictions. In American these
publications gave immigrants means of interpreting “events from their own particular
point of view” (Park 1922, 13). Further, these publications provided a forum for
immigrants to voice concerns, and seek advice and “give vent to his hopes and fears”
(Park 1922, 12). “The press,” American urban sociologist Robert Park observed “has
become an organ of speech. Every group has its own” which satisfies “his mere human
desire for expression in his mother tongue” (Park 1922, 14). Historian Rudolph Vecoli
noted that the foreign language press was an active force in providing immigrants with
information regarding the social reality of their new homeland and in forming identity
34 (Vecoli 1998,19). The Italian American newspaper Il Progresso Italo-Americano was
established in New York City in 1880 and by 1920 it had a daily nation-wide circulation
of 175,000. In addition to providing news from the old country and information about life
in the New World, the publishers used the paper as a vehicle to raise funds for
monuments of notable Italians including Christopher Columbus to be installed in
American urban centers (Bertellini 1999, 41). In San Francisco the China West Daily
began publication in 1900 with the goal of bridging the gap (if not closing it entirely) for
Chinese immigrants to enable them to “break through their social and cultural isolation”
(Sun 1998, 86).
These publications also provided information relevant to the centers of immigrant
life in America. Park further noted “Our great cities…are mosaics of little language
colonies, cultural enclaves, each maintaining its separate communal existence within the
wider circle of the city’s cosmopolitan life.” It was common for recent arrivals to seek
shelter among family and friends. In cases of an immigrant with no relations, they could
generally find comfort and connections in enclaves where previous arrivals from their
homeland had settled. Throughout the United States ethnic enclaves flourished,
particularly in urban centers such as San Francisco, where the Chinese community
afforded an insular base for new arrivals, and in south Boston where Irish émigrés settled
in significant numbers (Johnson 2007, 47; Barrett 2013, 32).
Ethnic voluntary organizations proliferated, with the press serving to help
publicize their existence, services and causes. “Each one of these [ethnic groups] is likely
to have some sort of co-operative or mutual aid society, very likely a church, a school,
possibly a theater, but almost invariably a press” (Park 1922, 6-7). Ethnic organizations
35 providing support to immigrants were common throughout the nation, particularly in
areas with large ethnic/immigrant populations. The Irish Catholic-based Knights of
Equity, founded in 1895 in Cleveland, Ohio, worked to counter discrimination and
provide aid to immigrants (McCauley 2000, 112). In San Francisco, throughout the mid1800s, several voluntary associations, referred to as “temples” were formed to provide
assistance for Chinese immigrants (Hoy 1939, 3; Wells 1971, 20). In Italian American
communities the Knights of Columbus formed in 1882 with the mission of supporting
low-income Catholics, and in 1903 the Sons of Italy was founded to aid Italian
immigrants in assimilating (Mangione 1993, 74). While these groups worked above
board to provide support to Italians making their way in America, as historian Jerre
Mangione observed, many Italian immigrants saw their new world as “a violent country
with a police force that had no love for them” (Mangione 1993, 117). As a result locallevel organized protection was offered to residents of Italian enclaves (for a price). While
not viewed favorably by government and legal authorities, the option held appeal for
many Italian immigrants who were unfamiliar with the language and laws of America.
Associations organized by already established Jewish Americans were founded to
improve conditions for newly arrived Jews and help diminish prejudice. As Park noted,
“In America, above all, the immigrants organize. Their organizations are the embodiment
of their new needs and their new ideas” (Park 1922, 10). Many of these support groups
operated under the premise of “human rights for all Americans,” versus outwardly
voicing a specific ethnicity. As part of the membership’s own assimilation it is possible
they were experiencing a form of denial or even self-loathing as they consciously, or
subconsciously, distanced themselves from their newly arrived brethren with the thinking
36 that such distancing would help them to avoid negative associations as they pursued their
own social status (Finlay 2005, 104; Reitter 2008, 92).
Figure 1.6 illustrates the extent of the distribution of such newspapers as the
Forward. This photograph of newsboys “Waiting for the Forwards,” was taken by Lewis
Hine at 1:15 a.m. on the steps of the building where the Jewish Daily Forward was
produced on New York’s Lower East Side. According to Hine, the group included a
number of boys as young as ten years old. The newsboy in the first row is holding copies
of Wahrheit [Truth], a Yiddish daily newspaper that stressed Jewish national aspirations.
Figure 1.6. Photograph. “Waiting for the Forwards.” Photographed by Lewis Hine.
1913.
Hundreds of newsboys delivered these papers to Yiddish speaking immigrants
nationwide who longed for a connection to their past. Such communication and
expression served as a natural basis for organization and association among the
37 immigrants. At the same time, though, their self-identification furthered the causes of
those promoting the notion that immigration was undermining the chance for a truly
unified American culture.
Some bridges between immigrant groups and mainstream culture did exist. Some
immigrant authors were able to also reach mainstream audiences, as well as immigrant
audiences. Author Israel Zangwill, himself an immigrant, penned a popular 1908 play,
The Melting Pot. The story line romanticized the notion of America as a place where new
ideals would evolve from the increasingly diverse influx of immigrants. The play opened
in Washington, D.C. on October 5, 1908, with President Theodore Roosevelt in
attendance (Friedman 1991, 53).23 The Melting Pot went on to become one of the top
earning productions of New York’s 1908 theater season. In subsequent years the
production travelled to other cities including Chicago, Philadelphia and Boston (Peffer
1916, 5).
The plot of Zangwill’s drama had the protagonist, Russian Jewish immigrant
David Quixano, falling in love with a Russian Christian immigrant woman. As the script
reads, Quixano proclaimed “America is God’s crucible, the great melting-pot where all
the races of Europe are melting and reforming.” The scene continued: “Here you stand in
your fifty groups, with your fifty languages … and your fifty blood hatreds…. Germans
and Frenchmen, Irishmen and Englishmen, Jews and Russians – into the Crucible with
you all! God is making the American.” During this scene the Statue of Liberty glistened
in the background while the protagonist gestured towards the city: “There she lies, the
23
Zangwill dedicated the subsequent 1909 book of the play to Roosevelt: “Theodore Roosevelt. In
respectful recognition of his strenuous struggle against the forces that threaten to shipwreck the great
republic which carries mankind and its fortunes, this play is, by his kind permission, cordially dedicated”
(Zangwill 1909).
38 great Melting-Pot.…Can’t you hear the roaring and the bubbling? Ah, what a stirring and
a seething! Celt and Latin, Slav and Teuton, Greek and Syrian – black and yellow”
(Zangwill 1969, 37). In Figure 1.7 a playbill from a 1916 production of Zangwill’s Great
American Drama depicts a cauldron symbolized as America by a red, white and blue
emblem. Into the vessel a seemingly endless stream of immigrants in diverse costumes
flow past an iconic Statue of Liberty.
Figure 1.7. Playbill. “The Melting Pot: The Great American Drama.”
Artist unknown. 1916. Publisher unknown.
39 The analogy of a melting pot for the notion of American assimilation was not
commonly, if ever, employed before Zangwill’s play made reference to the tools of a
steel maker in forging of a new national identity (Gleason 1964, 35). The concept of
the melting pot represented an ideology all its own – one of hope and possibility and
strength and unity (Feminella 1979, 16). The notion of the melting pot almost achieved
the status of an implicit crude social theory in that it lent itself to stabilization of the
social order via the myth of homogeneity – what sociologist Karl Mannheim described
as a utopian wishful thinking: “Wishful thinking has always figured in human affairs.
When the imagination finds no satisfaction in existing reality, it seeks refuge in
willfully constructed places and periods” (Mannheim 2013,184). 24
The idealistic, wishfully thought, traditional view of assimilation had been one of
a seamless transition -- from old world to new -- in which immigrants would effortlessly
blend in with the rest of the citizenry (Gleason 1964, 24). The melting pot was perceived
as a path to cultural homogeneity and thus equality for all. However, as a theory, it was
problematic because it placed too high a value on conformity and thus, disdain for and
feelings of superiority over the immigrant, now seen as the “other,” were promoted.
Articles in general reader magazines, then the major form of a national voice, carried
such titles as: “Immigration and the Future American Race” in The Popular Science
Monthly, 1909 (Alleman 1909, 586), “Moral and Social Interests Involved in Restricting
Oriental Immigration” (Eliot 1909, 80-85) in The Annals of the American Academy of
Political and Social Science), and “The Hindu Invasion” in Collier’s Weekly (1910).
24
Mannheim addresses the role of myths and cultural productions in altering perceptions about
“that which was lacking in everyday life” He observes that, in many cases, such expressions served as the
impetus for challenging the status quo. For more on this see “The Utopian Mentality” in Mannheim’s
Ideology and Utopia (Mannheim 2013).
40
Restrictions (Phase II) – The Melting Pot Simmers - 1911 through 1920
In 1911 the aforementioned Dillingham study which began in 1907 was released.
The report included information about immigrant living conditions, education, and a
survey of existing state and federal legislation governing immigration policies. Drawing
upon then current eugenic notions of racial differences, all immigrant groups, including
those already living in the United States, were classified into five stocks, groups and
peoples (Table 1.2).
The Dillingham report relied heavily on Ripley’s 1899 work and that of
physiologist Johann Friedrich Blumenbach’s 1779 classification of humans into five
races: Caucasian (white); Ethiopian (black); Mongolian (yellow); Malay (brown), and
American (red) (Bhopal 2007,1308). The Commission’s research furthered prejudices
established by Ripley in that it depicted unfavorable contrasts between immigrants from
northwestern and southeastern Europe based on skewed information, such as a lack of
distinction between specific nationalities and a discounting of when groups had actually
arrived in America. According to the Commission, factors such as geographical and
racial origins affected immigrant groups’ socioeconomic success and status in the United
States. Further, the Dillingham Commission’s overall findings provided a framework for
the future immigration restriction acts.
41 Table 1.2. Comparative Classification of Immigrant Races or Peoples
Source: U.S. Immigration Commission. 1910.
42
Nationalism took a new form on the eve of World War I, in 1914, with the
appearance of the 100 Percent Americanism movement. This nationalist ideology sought
to accelerate assimilation and rally public opinion in support of complete cultural
conformity and unquestioned national loyalty. Former President Roosevelt led the charge
and called for immigrants to give up their own customs, dress, habits and language in
order for them to completely identify with the American nation. Roosevelt called this a
form of patriotism and warned, “We cannot render such service if our loyalty is in even
the smallest degree divided” (Higham 1988, 205). The sentiment was promoted in print
and other forms of cultural productions including song. The following lyrics, excerpted
from a popular 1915 Thomas Hoier song, Don’t Bite the Hand That’s Feeding You,
conveyed the climate of loyal Americanism:
If you don’t like your Uncle Sammy,
Then go back to your home o’er the sea,
To the land from where you came,
Whatever be its name,
But don’t be ungrateful to me!
If you don’t like the stars in Old Glory,
If you don’t like the Red, White and Blue,
Then don’t act like the cur in the story,
Don’t bite the hand that’s feeding you! (Hoier 1915)
Leo Frank was an Atlanta Jew who, in 1913, was tried and convicted of
murdering a young Christian girl named Mary Phagan. As a response to Frank’s
conviction the Jewish organization B’nai B’rith, Atlanta Chapter (of which Frank had
been president) formed the Anti-Defamation League to “stop the defamation of the
Jewish people and to secure justice and fair treatment for all” (Moore 1981, 108). Frank
was found guilty, despite legal appeals and lobbying by the ADL. However, his sentence
was reduced from death by hanging to imprisonment. On August 16, 1915 a lynch mob
43 took Frank from his cell and hung him near the scene of the original murder. In the wake
of Frank’s lynching the Jewish population of Georgia was frightened to the point of
departure or denial. Approximately half of the state’s Jewish population left the area
(Theoharis 1988, 45). As historian Steve Oney explained, those who remained “became
even more assimilated, anti-Israel,[and] Episcopalian. The Temple did away with
chupahs at weddings – anything that would draw attention” (Yarrow 2009, 51). While the
ADL would make some strides, the strength of prejudice and discrimination fueled a
revival of the Ku Klux Klan. On November 25 of that year members of the vigilante
group Knights of Mary Phagan, led by William J. Simmons, burned a cross at Stone
Mountain, Georgia as a signal of the renaissance of the KKK (Moore 1981, 108;
Chalmers 1965, 87).
Anthropologist and attorney Madison Grant’s best-selling book The Passing of
the Great Race, first published in 1915 also shaped public opinion about immigration.
Grant, a eugenicist, presented ideas similar to those of Ripley’s earlier theories. A
primary point of his work was that American colonial stock was descended from superior
Nordic racial elements that were at risk from intermingling with what he termed “inferior
races” (Grant 1916, 72). He wrote extensively on what he termed the “Physical Basis of
Race,” which he claimed impacted race, language, and most importantly, nationality.
Grant’s depictions of various groups promoted the concept that biological heredity
resulted in superiority of certain groups over others. He promoted the idea that if not
controlled, immigration by inferior stock would contaminate the purity of the United
States. He argued that through various forms of intervention human health and
intelligence could be improved. Grant’s work was increasingly influential as this
44 scientifically-based theory had become a progressively more accepted way of looking at
issues of race and ethnicity. Grant depicted eastern European Jews as an inferior stock
having “dwarf stature, peculiar mentality and ruthless concentration on self interest” and
referred to southern Italians as having “long skulls” and “breeding freely.” He further
cautioned that breeding outside of one’s hereditary group would result in “race reverting
to the more ancient, generalized, and lower type” offering as an example, “the cross
between any of the three European races [Nordic, Alpine, Mediterranean] and a Jew is a
Jew” (Grant 1916, 17-18).25 He proclaimed: “The immigrant laborers are now breeding
out their masters and killing by filth and by crowding as effectively as by the sword”
(Grant 1916, 11). Speaking to the trend since British colonial times to allow immigrants
to supplement the labor force, Grant stated: “The refusal of the native American to work
with his hands when he can hire or import serfs to do manual labor for him is the prelude
to his extinction” (Grant 1916, 12). Grant further remarked: “The American sold his
birthright in a continent to solve a labor problem” (Grant 1916, 12). Nativists were quick
to embrace the racist categories eugenics offered as a framework for analysis of negative
traits of the foreign-born. Grant denounced the notion of the melting pot, considering
such a notion a breeding ground for inferiority (Grant 1916, 12). As World War I
continued, with Germany falling out of favor, Grant published a revised version of
Passing, reversing his original observations about Germans being Nordic to explain that
were actually of a lesser Alpine heritage (Grant 1916, 189).
25
For more on Eugenics and politics see: Haller, Mark. Eugenics: Hereditarian Attitudes in
American Thought. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 1963.
45 President Woodrow Wilson called for immigrants to America to show their
support for their new nation (not yet engaged in World War I) by being neutral in terms
of support for their respective homelands:
The people of the United States are drawn from many nations, and chiefly from
the nations now at war….divisions amongst us would be fatal to our peace of
mind and might seriously stand in the way of the proper performance of our duty
as the one great nation at peace, the one people holding itself ready to play a part
of impartial mediation and speak the counsels of peace and accommodation, not
as a partisan, but as a friend….We must be impartial in thought, as well as action,
must put a curb upon our sentiments, as well as upon every transaction that might
be construed as a preference of one party to the struggle before another.26 (C. V.
Woodward 2001; Wilson 1917, 3-4)
Wilson’s address was intended to diminish odds of resident aliens undermining
United States military efforts and to also garner support for the American cause. With
some nativist traditions being counterproductive to this common effort, shifts began to
emerge -- for the first time in American history, war shifted internal strife out of United
States society onto a common external enemy. However, the momentum of unity or
Americanism was so aggressive that it actually morphed into an explicit xenophobia.
Organizations formed during the War, such as the Loyal Americans League, continued
their efforts with the goal of maintaining wartime conformity to Americanism into peacetime (Dinnerstein 2003, 187-88). In the wake of World War I, with a postwar economic
collapse compounded by increases in immigration, conditions led to the decline of the
proposition that foreign immigrants could become Americanized. The efforts of those
calling for one hundred percent Americanism via assimilation shifted to a new brand of
26
President Woodrow Wilson addressed Congress in a special session on April 2, 1917 during
which he delivered a “War Message” promoting war against Germany (diplomatic relations had been
severed in February). Four days later, Congress overwhelmingly passed the War Resolution, which brought
the United States into the Great War (War Messages, 65th Cong., 1st Sess. Senate Doc. No. 5, Serial No.
7264, Washington, D.C., 1917; 3-8).
46 Americanism: to keep immigrants out altogether. This attitude reflected postwar
domestic, economic, and increased political tension surrounding the “other.”
Restrictions (Phase III) – The Door Closes – 1921 through 1929
By 1920 the foreign-born accounted for approximately fourteen million of the
total 106.4 million United States population with about one million new immigrants –
nearly all of them European – arriving every year.27 Political scientist and historian
Lothrop Stoddard, following in Madison Grant’s footsteps, published The Rising Tide of
Color: Against White World Supremacy (1920). This book perpetuated Grant’s theories
and promoted the idea that immigration of inferior whites would contaminate Nordic
America (Higham 1988, 84). The climate of racial nativism and romanticized
Americanization was again blossoming.
The editorial cartoon, “United States of America, Admittance Free,” ca. 1920
(Figure 1.8) features the figure of “Uncle Sam” (representative of the dominant culture)
standing at the gate to the U.S.A. which is surrounded by a clean white wall. This
untainted barrier provides a stark contrast to the bedraggled approaching immigrant.
Uncle Sam is shown holding his nose to avoid the implied odor of the presumably
Eastern European Jew, who sags under bundles marked “Sabbath Desecration, Poverty,
Disease, Anarchy.” Productions such as this reflected and promoted attitudes of distance
between the foreign-born and the dominant culture.
27
US Department of Commerce, Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970
(Washington, D.C., 1975).
47 Figure 1.8. Editorial cartoon. “United States of America, Admittance
Free.” Artist Frank Beard. Ca. 1910. Publisher Unknown.
The American Defense Society, Inc. (ADS) had been established in New York
City in response to the 1915 sinking of the civilian ship Lusitania by Germany in World
War I. The ADS emerged on a platform of victory against Germany, with no discussion
of peace terms (Higham 1988, 20). By the 1920s the group grew further as a force against
a perceived threat of Bolshevism in the United States. Included in their agenda was one
hundred percent Americanism and expulsion of socialists from America. In 1920 the
ADS began distributing copies of a fictitious doctrine titled The Protocols of the Elders of
Zion Check Abramson Citation. The work was originally published in Russia in 1897 by
48 Sergei Nilus, a monk, who claimed to have discovered the minutes of a meeting of the
“World Jewish Government” that was planning world domination (Abramson 2001, 15).
Although repeatedly revealed as a fraudulent document, the work appealed to antisemites
and was distributed worldwide for over a century. This publication credited Jews with,
among other things, planning a world dictatorship and causing the Russian Bolshevik
revolution. This boosted antisemitism and made it a prime focus of nativist ideology of
the period.28 The “Red Scare” of Russian Bolshevism Communism fostered strong antiJewish sentiment in general as stories abounded of Russian Jews living in America and
plotting revolution. There was speculation that even established wealthy German Jews in
positions of power, such as Federal Reserve Board member Paul Warburg, were
conspiring against America (Higham 1988, 123; Dinnerstein 1999, 76).
May 1920 also saw the publication of automobile magnate Henry Ford’s series of
articles, The International Jew: The World’s Problem “A comprehensive survey of
Jewish power in the United States, and throughout the world” (Friedrich 1976, 2). The
articles, based on the concepts presented in the Protocols, first appeared in The Dearborn
Independent, a free publication made available at Ford’s auto dealerships nationwide. In
1921 the articles were compiled and published as The International Jew: The World’s
Foremost Problem, a four volume set of booklets distributed worldwide.29 Ford would
28
In this study I use the term “antisemitism” un-hyphenated and un-capitalized to dispel the notion
that there is an actual entity of “Semitism” to be opposed. Further, the idea that the term “Anti-Semitism”
opposes all Semitic language speakers is problematic because it is a term and concept geared specifically
against Jews. Therefore, hyphenating it lends credibility to the concept of “Semitic” peoples (Almog 1989,
22). For additional reading on the origins and problematic issues of “Anti-Semitism” see (Prager 1983, 199;
Carroll 2002, 628-629 and Bein 1990, 594).
29
The four volume set was as follows: Volume 1: The International Jew: The World’s Foremost
Problem (1920); Volume 2: Jewish Activities in the United States (1921); Volume 3: Jewish Influence in
American Life (1921); Volume 4: Aspects of Jewish Power in the United States (1922).
49 later refute the works under pressure and threat of lawsuits by the ADL (Dobbs 1998,
A01).
By February 1921, immigration authorities had to divert New York-bound ships
to Boston to diffuse the influx of new arrivals to their city (NYT 1921, 2). Public opinion
against immigration was furthered by articles linked to concerns over immigrants based
on race. Stories in popular magazines, such as Atlantic Monthly’s article “What Are
Americans?” (Speranza 1920, 37) and Collier’s “Close the Gates” (Creel 1922, 9),
addressed notions of racially compromised immigrants contaminating the native stock.
Following the arrival of 119,000 Jews from central and eastern Europe later in 1921,
nativist constituents called on Congress to enact restrictions that excluded races deemed
inferior from entering the United States. The House Committee on Immigration, in
considering legislation to restrict immigration, cited testimony from American consuls
overseas on the undesirable characteristics of Jews. They were described as “abnormally
twisted” and “filthy, un-American, and often dangerous in their habits” (Higham 1988,
309). The United States Senate passed, by overwhelming majority, The Emergency
Quota Act of 1921, which imposed the first absolute limits on European immigration.
The act passed in May, limited the total number of immigrants from a given country to
three percent of the total number from the same country that had been living in the Unites
States in 1910. Further, the act capped the total number of immigrants permitted into
America at 360,000 annually, with no more than one-fifth of a nation’s quota to be used
in a single month. This system statistically favored descendants of those who had been
here the longest and were considered to be white and most likely to assimilate by the
dominant culture (Mills 1994, 47).
50 Immigration Legislation: The Quota Acts
The mid-1920s saw the enactment of further laws resulting from anti-immigration
groups and exposure in the media. In 1924 the Johnson Reed Act of 1924, also known as
the National Origins System, imposed a total quota on immigration of 165,000 (down
from the pre-World War I average of 357,803). This act limited the number of
immigrants from specific countries to just two percent of the total number of people from
that country recorded in the 1890 census. For example, immigration from the United
Kingdom was reduced nineteen percent while Italian immigration was reduced nearly
ninety percent to 6,203 (Murray R. K. 1976, 7). The act was intended to “Preserve the
ideal of American Homogeneity,” thus, ethnic affiliation became the main determinant
for entry into the United States (U.S. Department of State, 1924) By using this approach
“one could claim to offer exact justice to every ethnic strain in the white population”
(Higham 1988, 56). A 1924 Los Angeles Times headline hailed the new law as a “Nordic
Victory” (Mills 1994, 28). In 1925 sociologist and civil rights activist W.E.B. Du Bois
wrote of the Johnson Reed Act: “Not only did the law decimate total immigration from
Europe, it specifically sought to exclude the [European] Latins and Jews and openly to
insult Asiatics” (Roediger 1991, 263). However, given the desire for Mexican laborers by
many southern and western farmers the act left western hemisphere immigration alone; it
further tightened numbers of immigrants from the rest of the world. Never again would
America’s doors be open to unlimited entry. Government approved immigration plans
throughout United States history say a great deal about the power structure’s notions of
race and identity. Further, these plans demonstrate how, in the eyes of the dominant
51
culture, diverse immigrant groups including Asians and southern and eastern Europeans
did not fall into the category of perceived whiteness.
Italian immigrants were not exempt from this national xenophobia. While the
major influx of Italians to America ended with World War I, the Italian community
continued to be viewed with suspicion. As the Italian Fascist movement rose under the
leadership of Benito Mussolini, it was viewed as a threat to American democracy.
Mussolini’s status as a folk-hero of sorts among citizens of Italy, as well as some Italian
Americans, further caused distrust of Italian people and ideas on American soil.
The 1927 trials of Ferdinando Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti furthered
disdain of and hostility towards Italians. The pair of Italian-born laborers were tried,
convicted, and executed for the 1920 murder of a clerk and security guard in a
Massachusetts payroll robbery. The men were followers of an Italian anarchist, Luigi
Galleani. Although Galleani and some of his followers had been deported from the
United States in 1919 amid growing concerns regarding the anarchist’s activities they
remained high on the American government watch lists well into the 1920s. Media
depictions of Italians as swarthy troublemakers during the trial of Sacco and Vanzetti
(and beyond) perpetuated fears of anti-democratic activity being brought into the nation
by immigrants. The result: heightened xenophobia regarding immigrants, particularly
Italians, and others from lands associated with anti-democratic ideals that would
contaminate American ideals if given the opportunity. The major concern was that the
foreign-born would bring highly anarchistic movements abroad to America’s shores to
compromise the nation’s democratic ideals.
52 Concern about prospective threats (real or imagined) of anarchist immigration to
American democracy appeared frequently in the media. In this 1920 commentary (Figure
1.9) Liberty looks to the horizon, seemingly unaware a “European Anarchist” is sneaking
upon on to the shore. In the shadowy anarchist figure’s left hand is an ignited explosive
and in the right hand a curved knife. The facial features of the male figure include
menacing squinted eyes and dark, unkempt hair and the figure is cloaked in a sheath-like
veil labeled “European Anarchist” That is representative of secrecy.
Figure 1.9. Cartoon. “Come Unto Me, Ye Opprest! [sic].”
Illustrated by James Pinckney Alley. 1919. Published in
The Memphis Commercial Appeal July 5, 1919.
53 The National Origins Formula of 1929 capped national immigration at 153,714
annually and barred Asian immigration altogether. All the while notions of immigrants as
a threat were popularized by media portrayals promoting xenophobia. In the late 1920s
specific groups and agendas including nativism began to wane as immigration numbers
slowed. Groups such as the Ku Klux Klan, (KKK), long a fervent force in matters of
homogeneity and white supremacy, began to lose their momentum due to internal
conflict. By 1930 the KKK, which had an estimated five million members during the
early 1920s, was reduced to about 30,000 supporters (Lay 2007, 5).
Campaigns by a rising National Association for the Advancement of Colored
People (founded in 1909) and the Anti-Defamation League (established in 1913) aided in
slight reductions of public promotion of overt nativist agendas and racism. And Henry
Ford faced a lawsuit brought by the American Jewish Council regarding antisemitic
material in his publications; as a result he issued a written public apology in 1922 to the
Anti-Defamation League recanting the disparaging remarks he had published about Jews.
With these developments the nativist cycle in the history of American immigration drew
to a close (Baldwin 2001, 214; NYT 1922, 2). The next phase of emerging issues
regarding national loyalty and social conformity would bring to the forefront the ethnicity
and race of Americans already residing in the country. While Asian immigration slowed
the eugenics theories of Madison Grant remained in favor and the popular magazine
Saturday Evening Post began promoting his work in regular columns. Other forms of
mass communication, including radio, promoted anti-Jewish programming. Father
Charles Edward Coughlin, a Roman Catholic Priest hosted a popular weekly national
radio program The Golden Hour of the Little Flower which aired from 1926 until 1942.
54 The broadcasts along with related publications, promoted pro-Nazi and fascist ideals and
were vehemently antisemitic (Hangen 2002, 73; Kazin 1995, 115). Italian and Irish
Americans continued to face strong disdain by anti-Catholic groups well into the 1920s
as the Catholic Church was deemed “un-American” and an “alien culture” in opposition
to freedom and democracy (Slayton 2001, 311).
The 1928 nomination of Roman Catholic Democrat Al Smith’s nomination for
President the United States gave rise to renewed anti-Catholic fervor. There was fear that
Smith would be controlled by secret orders from the Pope rather than the voice of the
American, and even that the Pope would actually relocate to America to run the nation
non-Catholics reacted strongly and Smith lost the 1928 election to Herbert Hoover (E. A.
Moore 1956, 43; Slayton 2001, 76).
The Tides Begin to Turn - Immigrant Reformation - 1930 through 1939
By the mid-1930s “mass immigration” (as it had come to be known) ceased and
the focus of concern shifted to the American-born children of immigrants. There were
fewer of “them” coming in, and more of an expectation for recent immigrants and their
children to adopt American customs and become part of the dominant “us” ideal. During
this same period a decline began in the publication of foreign language newspapers in the
United States, reflecting the slowly growing assimilation process of millions of
Americans who had arrived in the prior decades. Despite these changes, some nativists
still held to their notions of a homogenized ideal.
Throughout the 1930s and early 1940s journalist Louis Adamic, the son of
Yugoslavian immigrants, crusaded for acceptance of an eclectic America. He
championed the rewriting of history to include the contributions of immigrant Americans
55 and diverse ethnic groups. He brought Emma Lazarus’s poem “The New Colossus,”
originally written in the 1880s for the dedication of the Statue of Liberty, to the forefront
of American culture. Public schools, particularly those with large numbers of children of
immigrants, began to incorporate immigrant contributions to the nation into their
curriculum as a symbol of the American experience (Adamic 1934, 684). Shifting
attitudes among what sociologist Robert Park termed “in” and “out” groups were slowly
making assimilation a reality. Park described assimilation as “a social process whereby
people of different races and cultures are drawn into the ever narrowing circle of a
common life” (Park 1922, 63). He observed that for there to be true assimilation there
needed to be change -- including compromises and accommodations -- of both the alien
and host societies. Accommodation precedes assimilation, which can occur only after
relationships based upon shared interests and concerns are established. Once these are in
place interpersonal relations can occur and the breakdown social distances can begin
(Park 1922, 65).
The influx of immigration continued to slow as the twentieth century continued,
and with it the sense of urgency that the country would be overrun by the “other” Began
to dissipate. In that sense the notion of assimilation was able to take root, as it seemed
plausible to the dominant culture that the aliens might just be absorbed into the dominant
fold. However, it became apparent that assimilation might not just happen in the natural
and undirected way the earlier melting pot narrative suggested. Reformers such as Jane
Addams of Chicago’s Hull House founded in 1889 and Lillian Wald of New York’s
Henry Street Settlement saw the need for structured settlement opportunities for
immigrants. Wald opened the Henry Street Settlement in 1895 where assimilation via
56 Americanization, primarily through the education of immigrant children was the primary
approach (Wald 1934, 28. The theory was that by starting at the individual neighborhood
level enclaves of immigrants would advance via educational opportunities thus enabling
them to have the mobility of the American-born. Indeed, many children of foreign-born
parents did advance beyond the social-economic and educational levels of their parents
and grandparents (Higham 1984, 59; Dinnerstein 2003, 74).30
In further response to immigrants and their descendants who were perceived as
failing to meld into an undistinguishable mass, a second wave of reformers such as the
patriotic heredity society the Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR) began to
attempt to transform those who posed an alleged threat to the American way.31 Founded
in 1890 with the mission of maintaining the recognition of their ancestors who had
achieved American Independence, the organization began promoting educational
opportunities for children of the foreign-born (NSDAR 2005, 2). The DAR undertook
adult education as a means of transforming aliens into good citizens. Activities included
lectures, classes, and literature (in the immigrants’ native tongue) on American history
and government to soon-to-be first time voters to motivate them towards the election
polls and the ideological agenda of supporting their new nation (Higham 1988, 37;
Handlin 1966, XIV).
In the face of the world wars American xenophobia turned from the enemy within
to fear of a larger more unified “other” threatening from outside and the perceived need
30
To a degree American born children of immigrants surpassed the children of white Americans
whose parents had been born in the United States (Blau 1967, 232-238).
31
The Daughters of the American Revolution were established in October 1890. The organization
followed the advice of George Washington’s farewell address “to promote, as an object of primary
importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge, thus developing an enlightened public
opinion…” (NSDAR 2005).
57 for a national unity grew. Sociologists and psychologists struggled with ways to address
notions of “us” and “them” within the framework of a nation. Philosopher Horace Kallen
introduced the concept of cultural pluralism in 1915 and scholars from across the
disciplines began to formally explore notions of culture, race, and ethnicity and
understandings began to grow as to how the roles such concepts played in identity
formation. Further, the two world wars would impact American’s view of just who the
“other” was. American nativist ideology took a back seat to a call for national unity with
each international conflict. Perhaps the biggest problem of nativist ideology was that it
conflicted with the needs of an industrializing country that needed labor, particularly
during wartime. Moreover, at the time of the Depression (1929-World War II),with
record unemployment, the notion of nativism was no longer relative as there were already
millions of immigrants living in the United States. Barring deportation of all of them, the
only alternative was to tolerate them, if not outright accept, them. The idea of the melting
pot once calling for one hundred percent Americanism shifted to a less stringent call for
national solidarity as a result of World War II. This allowed for those who didn’t
necessarily fit the mold of the nativist ideal to still be American, as long as they
demonstrated loyalty to the nation (Higham 1988, 39; Dinnerstein 2003, 101).
This study focuses primarily on groups who came up through the shadows of
“otherness” during or just after the World War II era (1939-45) with the goal of
understanding the roots of xenophobia within the United States and ways in which
cultural productions have affected attitudes about the groups and individuals outside the
dominant culture. Now it is the descendants of those previously marginalized who are
leery of recent arrivals. Despite positive attributes the foreign-born have to offer,
58 including skills and labor that can be beneficial to the nation, attitudes towards
immigrants in twenty-first century America is, for the most part, a case of history
repeating itself. As in the past, “otherness” is constructed largely because many
immigrants do not quite fit-in with the existing community. This type of activity
demonstrates yet another phase in the ongoing cycle of American public life.
In the twenty-first century as immigrants from Mexico, China, India and the
Caribbean are drawn to the United States for employment, and a better quality of life
negative public opinion surrounding those who are not “us” (for we become “us” only in
contrast to those who are not “us”) continues. Immigration to the United States from
Latin America has been on a steady rise since the 1960s with Mexicans comprising the
largest group (as of 2010 Mexicans totaled twenty-nine percent of the United States
immigrant population -- and nearly four percent of the nation’s total population) (Stoney
2013, 3). Likewise, following the repeal of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1943 émigrés to
the United States from that nation have exceeded 1.8 million (Chin 1998, 17; McCabe
2012, 2). Caribbean immigrants are emerging as a significant presence with 1,130,220
arriving during the first decade of the twenty-first century. Of these, half of all Caribbean
émigrés from Cuba and the Dominican Republic identify as black, Hispanic or Latino
(Greico 2012, 4).
The diverse composition of recent immigrant groups makes for challenges and
assimilation issues echoing those of generations past. These issues are exacerbated by the
unauthorized status of many immigrants. In 2009 the Pew Research Center reported 11.1
million undocumented immigrants were living in the United States (Suh 2009, 3). As
immigrant employment legislation emerges many foreign-born workers find themselves
59 unable to legally work in the United States. This situation leads to socioeconomic
challenges, including the legally unemployable workers living at or below the poverty
line, which drives these “others” further from the main stream of assimilation.
Additionally, language continues to be a significant factor for many foreign-born United
States residents being constructed as the “other.” In 2011 25.3 million foreign-born
people over the age of five living in America reported they had limited English
proficiency (US Census Bureau 2012; Whatley 2013, 2).32
To further consider how such constructs have occurred we must look beyond
baseline notions of ethnicity and race to explore the role of whiteness in American
identity formation. Chapter Two, “Blackness of a Different Color: Whiteness, Race and
Ethnicity,” will survey historical concepts of whiteness, who has had access to this status
and why it had significant influence on perceptions of who has been, and continues to be,
the other in America.
32
The United States Census Bureau defines the foreign-born as individuals who had no American
citizenship at birth. The terms “foreign-born” and “immigrant” are used interchangeably (U.S. Census
Bureau 2013).
60 CHAPTER TWO
BLACKNESS OF ANOTHER COLOR: WHITENESS, RACE, AND ETHNICITY
All good people agree, and all good people say, all nice people like Us are We
and everyone else is They.
-- Rudyard Kipling, A Friend of the Family
Throughout America’s history, those who have not met the unquestioned norms
of the dominant culture became the “other.” The “other” and “otherness” in this context
indicate being in opposition to the same and/or being different. “Other” is a term
denoting the process of social construction where individuals or groups are excluded, or
never admitted in the first place, to a group.33 A large component of “othering” is
establishing differences between objects, concepts and even people. As an example,
many groups new to America were perceived as a threat to the purity of the dominant
culture due to their exotic appearances, including physical features and modes of dress.
Historically, attempts for distinction have been made in terms of “black” versus “white.”
The concepts and terms of “black” and “white” in this context refer not necessarily to
literal color but rather to socially constructed identifications. The term “black” is used
conceptually to indicate the antithesis of “white,” or “whiteness,” and a contrast to the
dominant culture. The term “white” becomes indicative of superiority, the untainted,
33
The use of the term “other” as it relates to the self-conscious and subsequently social dynamics
was developed by the philosopher Georg W. F. Hegel in The Phenomenology of Mind 1807. For more on
the other as a means of differentiating or likening to another see anthropologist Michael Taussig’s Mimesis
and Alterity,1993.
61
and the ideal.34 If you weren’t white you must be black, and if you aren’t white you aren’t
“us.” This chapter explores ways in which whiteness emerges from the idea of blackness,
the history behind notions of whiteness and blackness, as well as their roles in identity
formation of individuals and groups.
Many immigrant groups to America have historically been treated with disdain
and distanced by the dominant culture. This xenophobia, or fear of those considered
different from one’s self or group, led to the distancing, via a construction of the nonwhite status for those deemed inferior by the prevailing cultural faction. Notions of the
immigrant as “other,” a potential contaminant of the native stock, stemmed, partly, from
perceptions that many immigrants were not white, despite their actual skin color. Only a
small percentage of Americans now considered white would have been viewed as such in
the period from the 1850s to the early twentieth century (Roediger 1991, 53; Ignatiev
1995, 27).
As late as the early part of the twentieth century, immigrant groups including
Jews, Italians, Irish and the Chinese, had yet to be admitted to the American imagination
as ‘whites.’ This is seen in examples of cultural artifacts, including editorial cartoons in
newspapers, popular magazines, and literary works in which these groups are depicted as
sub-standard. In this study images and related text provide a sampling of the role of mass
communication in shaping and perpetuating notions of identity, including whiteness and
“otherness,” throughout America’s history. Examining such cultural artifacts provides an
34
To understand how whiteness affected various immigrant groups to America the notion must be
placed into context by reviewing the emerging literature in the field of whiteness studies.
62
avenue of insight as to how race and ethnicity have factored into the acceptance of
various immigrant groups and their assimilation into the dominant American culture.
Race versus Ethnicity
Race is a bizarre social invention, a public fiction masquerading as physical fact.
In a nation where everyone is carefully […] scrutinized and then classified
according to the imprecise dictates of certain visual cues (namely skin color), we
all learn to assume that race exists as a public marker of supposedly real social,
cultural, and genetic differences.
-- Matthew Guterl, The Color of Race in America, 1900-1940
Race and ethnicity are often debated terms and the two are incorrectly used
interchangeably. Because the idea of race was established in the 1850s amid the emerging
field of scientific racism it was backed-up by so-called scientific theory and its influence
grew with devastating consequences. From roughly the 1850s to the early 1920s, racial
differentiations basically followed the lines of what is now referred to as “ethnicity”
(Jacobson 1999, 42; Roediger 2005, 73; Takaki 2000, 107).
For the purposes of this study, “race” is considered a social construction based on
classification of biologically inherited human differences that cannot be altered.
Examples include physical traits such as skin color and features including hair texture
and color (which can be altered, but typically does not change without manipulation).
While biological heritage is certainly a part of who we are physically, external cultural
experiences also shape individual and group identities. Notions of race were absent in the
ancient world where people(s) were either considered simply civilized or barbaric
(Hannaford 1996, 14). For example, in ancient Greece individuals were not categorized
as being black or white, but rather “as free or servile” (Kluckhohn 1961, 34). Not until
the 1500s did notions of existence based on blood, physiognomy, geography, and even
language began to emerge (Hannaford 1996, 14). In the 1600s developing concepts of
63 natural history led to a transmogrification of people into “races” on a universal scale
(Dunn 1946, 72; Hannaford 1996, 110). In the seventeenth century once the notion of
race was established in the western world, it grew with significant and often problematic
consequences (Aronson 2007, 213; Hannaford 1996, 110).
The word “ethnic” stems from the Greek “ethnos” meaning nation or people.
Typically ethnicity is regarded as representative of cultural, versus biological traits
(Herman 1988, 61), and is based on national origin and/or distinct cultural patterns
including shared language, common ancestry and possibly religion. An ethnic group is a
collective of people who are perceived by themselves/others to share a unique set of
cultural and historical commonalities. Ethnic distinctions are learned and socially
maintained by a shared cultural heritage resulting in boundary-markers that include:
language, speech mannerisms, food, culture and physical appearance. All of these factors
can serve to identify group members to those within (“in groups”) and those outside (“out
groups”) (Park 1925, 14; Alba 1985, 135). Sociologist Max Weber observed that ethnic
group members are a “human collectivity based on an assumption of common origin, real
or imaginary” and that they “entertain a subjective belief in their common descent” (Alba
1985, 57; Weber 1961, 305).
For the purposes of this study “ethnicity” is defined as a constructed form of
shared identity based upon culturally developed elements. As a social construct
undergoing constant change, ethnicity is an imagined community which develops from
relationships to other social entities. Group members are conscious of their membership
in such groups and aware that membership affects their individual identity. This
awareness, along with the resulting distinction of their group is known as ethnogenesis
64 (Seidner 1982, 2-3). While a social construction, ethnicity can serve as a valuable tool for
a group as it relates to social meaning within a larger society and members of such
groupings can successfully interact with other people(s) within a larger societal
framework.35 The concept of ethnicity in America has its underpinnings in that unfamiliar
people (immigrants) were almost always lumped together into categories by nationality –
even where no national identity had existed before – and were looked down upon by the
dominant culture as inferior. For example, Italians emigrating to America prior to1870
(the year Italy became a unified nation) were not “Italian” until they arrived in America.
In their homeland, the residents of the various regions that would comprise the nation of
Italy were referred to by their individual geographic names, for example: Venetian or
Tuscan. For residents of each region, identification by geography translated into an ethnic
distinctiveness.
Social scientist Richard Gambino observed “Members of an ethnic group share a
common perception of themselves and how others see them” (Gambino 1976, 29). In
America one’s ethnicity is akin to membership in a family, with the community at-large
as an extension (but also a potential exclusion). Membership in an ethnic group was a
tool that aided in preparing the individual, via mentoring of sorts, to navigate the larger
society and was a resource many immigrants utilized as they moved across geographical
spaces. Ethnic enclaves within larger communities provided common ground and comfort
to many immigrants to America.
Group perceptions also work for the way members of an ethnic group see those
outside their community. As cultural geographer Wilbur Zelinsky observed, for Jews, all
35
For more on the problematics of classifying ethnicity as a social construct see Smaje 1997.
65 non-Jews were classified by the Yiddish term “goyim”36 (Zelinsky 2001, 47). Zelinsky
further explained, “Taken for granted is the chasm between ‘Us’ and ‘Them’ when we
scrutinize ethnic groups and their members, rather like zoological specimens on a
laboratory table.” Depending on the climate, ethnics could be viewed as threatening or
quaint, therefore, the notion of ethnicity must be handled with care (Zelinsky 2001, 1).
The challenge of the notion of ethnicity in early twentieth century America was the fear
of the “other,” often stirred-up by the fast growth of major ethnic enclaves populated by
foreign speaking peoples with alien customs.
Us Versus Them: Cultural Pluralism Versus Anti-Pluralism
Ethnic enclaves and larger geographical settlement patterns contributed to societal
views on exclusiveness and inclusivity. On one hand, cultural pluralism, the notion that
groups (racial, ethnic or otherwise) can maintain distinction while still contributing to the
larger whole (including cities, states, regions, or the nation) could serve well. On the
other hand, anti-pluralist views such as immigrants contaminating the pure native stock
endangered the idea of cultural variation. For example, anti-pluralists believed American
standards including the language and values could be lost if diverse ways were
introduced.
The roots of American pluralism and anti-pluralism can be partially traced to a
period when ethnic enclaves multiplied and expanded in size throughout the United
States. The expansion of such communities magnified the perceived problematic nature
of ethnic groups and racial categories. Categorizing people into generalized groups lead
36
The term “goy” first appears in the Hebrew Bible, Genesis 12:2, when God promises Abraham
that his descendants will form a goy gadol (“great nation”). By Roman times the term was being used to
describe Gentiles or non-Jews as it still is, sometimes with derogatory connotation (Wolfthal 2004, 59).
66 to misconceptions and negative stereotyping, for when taken out of context, independent
of cause and effect the generalized culture(s) or value(s) (alleged or actual) of the group
becomes a representation of it (Steinberg 1981, 117). For example, the idea that all
Italians are aligned with organized crime added to this example of ethnocentrism -- the
view in which a group is the center of everything and all others are scaled and rated with
reference to that view (Gleason 1992, 161). From this perspective ethnicity could be
viewed negatively in the sense that it would prohibit, or inhibit, assimilation. However,
for some cultural pluralists, including philosopher Horace Kallen, immigrants within
close knit communities could still be contributors to the larger society (in this case the
nation). In his 1915 book Democracy Versus the Melting-Pot: A Study of American
Nationality, Kallen introduced the concept of cultural pluralism, the notion that distinct
groups can survive and flourish among a larger society with the dominant group
accepting and, in some cases, adopting some of the practices and/or traits of the unique
group. Kallen’s research provided a framework for understanding how ethnic groups can,
should, and do maintain themselves as communities with distinctive cultures (even while
the members participate in a wider society). He argued that cultural and ethnic diversity
and national pride were compatible, and did not have to be mutually exclusive (Kallen
1915, 38). As immigrant groups became established they flourished and found ways to
maintain and even celebrate their heritage through diverse expressions including food
ways and public celebrations of significant events and holidays from their home lands. In
1737 the Irish Society of Boston organized the first American observance of St. Patrick’s
Day, including a parade, to honor their homeland and Catholic heritage (Cronin 2006,
46). Italian immigrants held annual festivals honoring the patron saint(s) of their home
67 towns. Often these would span a full week and include religious ceremonies in
neighborhood churches as well as public events in which streets would be closed to
traffic so revelers could congregate as a community (Maffi 1994, 114).
White Like Who? Breaking or Making the Mold
Individual self-perception and ideas about others are shaped by notions of
identity. Identity theory presents the idea that all categories are constructed out of the
unarticulated differences that distinguish individuals from one another and requires the
“other” exist to form identities against. In turn, a nation is also forged from what the
identity of its populace is not. For Anglo-Saxon colonists and founders of the United
States, the concept of identity, in terms how the composition of individuals would affect
the fledgling nation was apparent. America belonged to the white man. As political
geographer Carolyn Gallaher explained: “Whiteness, as the unquestioned norm, takes on
the characteristics of the ‘universal.’ Those not meeting its characteristics are regarded as
different and inferior” (Gallaher 2003, 55) and as anthropologist Karen Brodkin remarked
“We fashion identities in the context of a wider conversation about American nationhood
– to whom it belongs and what belonging means” (Brodkin 1999, 1). In the western
world, the social norm has become: white, heterosexual, and male with all others being
afforded a lower status (Morrison 1992, 13). In America white skin has always been
equated with eligibility and thus, legitimacy, a status that one must be granted admission
into by the dominant culture.
Whiteness as Center
Whiteness became the center of American identity, the standard, by which
“others” were gauged and established. As such, whiteness was, ironically, categorized as
68 not being a category – the idea is that white is the baseline, a neutral position all others
are measured against. However, as a social and cultural construction, white is only
possible when contrasted with the non-white. As historian Oscar Handlin explained, the
term white has meaning “only when it is placed in antitheses to the term black” and such
conflation generates “neat but unreal categories of black and white” (Handlin 1966, 22).
Social historian David Roediger argued whiteness is “the empty and therefore terrifying
attempt to build an identity based on what one isn’t and on whom one can hold back”
(Roediger 1994, 13). It is via such contrast to the non-white (or black) that white actually
achieves its status (Nakayama 1999, vii). How has whiteness come to be a marker for this
central space and allegedly neutral? One means is through consistent cultural practice
emphasizing the untainted nature of the idea of whiteness, in contrast to darkness.
Tracing the journey of the role of whiteness as a center marker we begin with a survey of
cultural productions fostering distinctions between what white is and what becomes nonwhite as a result.
The Emergence of Whiteness
Historically, while “white” has been equated to purity and light, the concept of
“black” has been associated with impurity and darkness, (if not outright evil). Such
contrast has appeared in cultural productions throughout history, ranging from religious
iconography to traditional children’s fairy tales. Frequently, illustrations of Christ and
the Virgin Mary portray the two figures with fairer hair and complexions than other
figures in the same cultural production. Such representations have perpetuated the notion
that light (white) is equated to enlightenment while the uninitiated remain literally in the
shadows. Examples of white representing goodness can also be seen in literary characters
69 such as Cinderella and Sleeping Beauty which are traditionally pictured as fair-haired and
with a fair complexion in contrast to their nemeses, depicted as having darker
complexions and dark hair. A twist on this pattern is the character of Snow White, while
traditionally depicted as dark-haired, her name signals that she is really a pure and good
character, akin to kindly character of the northern European snow maiden, to be accepted
and trusted (Figure 2.1).
Figure 2.1. Frontispiece for Folk Tales From
Many Lands: Snow-White Retold by Lillian Gask.
Illustration by Willy Pogany. 1910. Published by
T.Y. Crowell & Company.
The earliest example of the word “white” referring to a category of people was in
1604 in D’Acosta’s Hist Indies II. Xi. 106 in reference to a part of Peru “and of the new
kingdome of Grenado,” the author describes as the inhabitants as “very white” (Murray J.
A.1926, 194). In colonial America the term “white” came to replace “English,” “free,”
and “Christian” as a denotation of the colonist’s dominant role (Craigie 1938, 41).
70 Initially such negative sentiment was attached to indigenous Americans and
Africans imported as slaves to colonial America (Roediger 1991, 72; Dyer 1997, 117). In
1705 Virginia’s First Legislative Session outlined who in the colonies could and could
not take possession of slaves -- with the perceived whiteness of the potential slave-owner
being the major determinant (Babb 1988, 22). This statute sheds light on the diverse
composition of the colonial populace in that it references a wide-range of settlers
including: “Negros, mulattos, Indians, Jews, Moors, and other non-Christian” religions.
This legislation also provides insight regarding attitudes towards the non-dominant
“other,” in that those who were not Protestants were referred to as “infidels” and were all
prevented from owning slaves “except of their own complexion.” Later, the
Naturalization Act of 1790 increased the value of whiteness in America that it limited
citizenship to “free white males” which, by eighteenth century standards, meant men of
Anglo-Saxon heritage. By this model, all other European groups were deemed non-white.
“Black” came to be anyone that was not “white” and those deemed non-white
were depicted as sub-standard, and in some cases sub-human. Historic recordings serve
as evidence that in this context the use of the term “white” served to empower the Anglo
Saxon colonists – by distinguishing them from the darker-skinned they had colonized
and/or utilized for labor. As “white” became an identifying term for New World colonists
-- in contrast to the darker-skinned occupants they colonized -- it became a unifying
symbol for the dominant. This ideology was based on the notion that those who
contributed to America’s successes, and were therefore eligible for opportunities, came
from a single, ideal western European Anglo background. Ironically the notion of
whiteness as the embodiment of privilege and the American ideals of stability and
71 cultural refinement have historically been fostered by cultural productions causing the
racially neutral “white” to itself become racialized (Babb 1998, 145). In the early decades
of America the distinction of being “free” (and white) made significant difference in the
privilege individuals and groups had. In America, from the colonial era forward,
individuals and groups have been fighting to establish their white status.
This struggle for status based on skin color can be seen in the case of enslaved
African American Dred Scott who had been born into slavery in Virginia but was later
taken to Wisconsin where slavery was illegal. In 1846 Scott unsuccessfully attempted to
sue for his freedom and that of his wife and two daughters. The legal case, Dred Scott v.
Sanford, resulted in classification of all people of African descent residing in the United
States not being considered United States citizens and therefore having no rights to
access the court system (Shurtleff 2009, 91; Dred Scott v. Sanford, 60 U.S. 393, 15 L. Ed.
1856, 691). Following the Civil War, during the reconstruction period’s flourishing
capitalism, the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution was accepted on July 9, 1868
creating a new dimension of whiteness. The passage of this Amendment abolished
slavery in the United States and granted, for the first time, legal access to the paid labor
pool for citizens of African descent.
This change in legal status began the efforts of working class white laborers, now
in competition for low paying jobs with recently emancipated African Americans, to
distinguish themselves from the blacks they were vying for jobs against. White workers
were eager to avoid what was coined “wage slavery,” a term that developed as a response
to fears of depending on working for others for an income (Herman 1988, 113). In the
post-slavery era such low wages were considered to be akin to “slave labor,” a term
72 distressing to working-class whites because it implied they were similar to black former
slaves. In order to distance themselves from freed slaves entering the work force,
working class white laborers promoted an image of non-whites as the “other” via cultural
productions, rallies and formation of organizations, among other tactics. The “other”
were presented as undesirable and a threat to the way of life white laborers had worked so
hard to achieve. As with any stereotyping a generalized image of a group becomes
problematic when even a hint of inferiority is present (Said 1993, 51).
In an attempt to address concerns from Anglo constituents, in 1912 members of
Congress endeavored to develop standards establishing who qualified as white. Included
in their exploration was consideration of whether or not “the south Italian” should be
classified “as a full-blooded Caucasian.” Such attempts resulted in reports calling for
restrictions on immigration, aimed at keeping out those who didn’t meet the “Caucasian
standard” (House Committee 1912, 77-78; J. Guglielmo 2003, 38; Borsella 2005, 77).
While working class immigrant groups such as Irish, Asians, Italians and Jews, among
others, may have themselves identified as white since their arrival in America, they
nevertheless suffered discrimination and prejudice because they were not considered
white by the prevailing culture -- whiteness had not yet been assigned to them by the
Anglo majority.
The ways the notion of whiteness were promoted and solidified can be seen in
memoirs and autobiographies of Euro-immigrants recounting their struggles in
attempting to earn their white status. As revealed in photojournalist Jacob Riis’ 1901
collection of immigrant writings The Making of an American, these newcomers had to
first learn the privileges associated with whiteness, and how far this newly found
73 whiteness would signify their American identity (Riis 1901, 47). Visiting such individual
reflections enables us to see how institutions and rituals urged conformity to the national
ideology of whiteness superiority, and how some experienced a shift from non-white to
white status. As Russian Jewish immigrant Mary Antin wrote in 1912 of her
transformation from “other” to American: “I was born, I have lived, and I have been
made over” (Antin 1912, 132).37 The responsibility fell to the individual immigrant to
stabilize his or her place by adopting the mannerisms and style attributed to their host
country’s ideals (Serra 2007,16).
Pale by Comparison: American Non-White Ethnics
The Jewish Question: Race or Ethnicity?
There is a parallel between the condition of the Jewish race and of the negro race
which is often remarkably striking…they are both the victims of prejudice and
persecution.
-- James Weldon Johnson, “Views and Reviews,” The New York Age
The first mention of Jews as non-white is found in the Babylonian Talmud (the
first transcribed collection of oral traditions of Jews from the second to sixth centuries
C.E.) and in the Book of Genesis (Genesis 9:20-27). In this biblical incident a branch of
the descendants of the patriarch Noah are said to be cursed to serve as “the servants of
servants” and, as such, their flesh is darkened to distinguish them from their brethren
(Sarna 1986,77-78). Also, in the biblical verse “The Song of Solomon” a female
character (representative of the Jewish people) proclaims “I am black but lovely ….Do
not stare at me because I am swarthy, for the sun has burned me. My mother’s sons were
angry with me” (Couric 2003, 873).
37
For more examples of first-hand accounts by immigrants to America see Jacob Riis The Making
of an American, 1901 and Ilaria Serra The Value of Worthless Lives: Writing Italian American
Autobiographies, 2007.
74 However, a racial self-identity was never an important part of the Jewish cultural
tradition. Jewishness is more aptly designated as an ethnicity than a race in that Jewish
status is not based on physical traits associated with race. Rather, it is a sense of culture
and belonging bound by a shared cultural ancestry that binds Jews.38 Still, similarly to
blacks, Jews were subjected to racial discriminations. Jews were, more often than not,
subjected to the restrictive covenants similar to those affecting black Americans Jews
were barred from living in certain communities or using certain facilities which were
designated exclusively for gentiles (non-Jews).
The decade between 1920 and 1930 was a high-tide of American antisemitism.
This was a time, as Brodkin explains, “When Jews were not assigned to the white side of
the American racial binary” (Brodkin 1999, 2). During this period the Ku Klux Klan
(operating outside major urban centers) considered Jews to be non-whites and blamed
them for problems befalling cities and stemming out to the rest of America. An Oregonbased Klansman commented that in some Oregon cities “the Kikes39 [Jews] are so thick
that a white man can hardly find room to walk on the sidewalk” (Higham 1988, 405).
Many of the challenges Jews faced as a result of being classified as non-white ethnics
were also experienced by emigrants of Asia, Italy and predominantly Catholic groups,
particularly the Irish.
Italians in America: The Southern Question, Redux
With mass immigration of Italian Americans in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries, because their whiteness was in question, they experienced intense
38
A strict adherence to religious doctrine is not always present, as there are varying categories of
religious observation and devotion within the broader category of Jewishness (Schaeffer 2000, 381).
39
The term “kike” is a derogatory reference to a Jewish person regardless of gender. Some
theories regarding its origins include derivations of eastern European Jewish names (Friedmann 1997, 259).
75 racial discrimination. Upon their arrival in the United States southern Italians were
perceived as “dark, dirty, ignorant, lazy, superstitious, non-white and criminals” (J.
Guglielmo and Salerno 2003, 9). United States immigration authorities used the term
“south” to identify the race of southern Italians – for it served not only as an indication of
geography, but also as a racial classification (T. Guglielmo 2003). In America AntiItalian sentiment, emerging from the mid-1800s, was more directly focused on
immigrants from southern regions of Italy who were considered to be an inferior class
from northern Italians. Italy’s positivist anthropologists (scientific racists), operating
under the pretext of science, presented theories that southern Italy’s location at the
crossroads of Africa, Europe, and the East had produced a people with “inherent racial
inferiority.” The influence of African, Arab, Greek, Norman, and Spanish settlements in
southern Italy led to the perception that “Europe ends at Naples. Calabria, Sicily and all
the rest belong to Africa” (Guglielmo, J. and Salerno 2003, 9). Northern Italians
racialized their southern neighbors because of their dark complexions and in the 1800s,
while Italy was being unified, southern Italian peasants were classified by the northern
ruling class as “criminal members of a racially inferior people who preferred
superstition” (Gabaccia 2003, 52; Guglielmo, J. and Salerno. 2003, 9).This ideological
baggage immigrated to the New World with southern Italians and permeated perceptions
of them by native-born and previously established Anglo Americans. Like blacks and
Jews, Italians were targeted for discrimination and violence by the Ku Klux Klan. In
Herrin, Illinois there was a local large Italian Catholic population, many of whom worked
in the area’s coal mines. They were often subject to attack by the Klan, which considered
76 them to be non-whites responsible for vice and bootlegging in the area (Higham 1975,
295).
The City of New Orleans, Louisiana was a popular destination for southern Italian
immigrants seeking opportunities as agricultural workers and manual laborers. The influx
of immigrants was, however, not popular with New Orleans’ established Anglo residents
(Gambino 1977, 92). Figure 2.2 “Regarding the Italian Population” depicts the negative
perceptions of and attitudes towards these immigrants.
Figure 2.2. Editorial cartoon. “Regarding the Italian Population.” Artist unknown. 1888.
Published in The Mascot newspaper, New Orleans. September 7, 1888.
The five panels of this production depict alleged scenes in the daily lives of New
Orleans’ Italian residents. The drawings, executed in black and white ink, indicate a dark
and frenetic atmosphere, echoing the alleged squalor and mayhem of the Italian
77 immigrant condition. The top left panel portrayed as “Nuisance to Pedestrians” features a
congregation of multiple swarthy male figures engaged in various impolite activities,
including publically dozing and obstructing the pedestrian walkway with their splayed
legs. In the central top panel the space indicated as “Their Sleeping Apartments” is a
windowless and overcrowded den of squalor. In the top right “Afternoon’s Pleasant
Diversions” include a knife fight with two of the characters from the previous panels
leading an armed assault on others. In the bottom right frame “The Way to Arrest Them”
is shown as a violent one with club-wielding figures dragging the Italians into a police
wagon into which they are being shoved. In the final panel “The Way to Dispose of
Them” the figures are dispatched by being confined to a cage being lowered into a body
of water.
An 1890 magazine article “The Foreign Element” that appeared in the popular
Harper’s Weekly, (Manson 1890, 817-820) demonstrates popular misconceptions of the
era: “‘You don’t call an Italian a white man?,’ An east coast construction foreman was
asked ‘No sir, an Italian is a Dago’” (Higham 1988, 66; Alba 1985, 68). In 1891 New
Orleans, when eleven Italian Americans were lynched by a mob after a jury acquitted
them of conspiring to murdering the city’s police chief. Public perception in the region
was that the exotic “other” had only been declared “not guilty” because the trial had been
fixed by the local Mafia. As the New Orleans Daily Picayune headline declared
“Surprising Prejudice” and the article that followed stated “Not against the crime, for any
thinking man would be prejudiced against that, but against the nationality of the men on
78 trial.” The article continued “…owing to that prejudice 1,300 tales jurors40 had to be
called before a jury was obtained” (Picayune, March 11, 1891, 2).
Anti-Italian discrimination and Italians as non-white sentiment was not exclusive
to the southern United States. In the northeast and midwestern areas of the nation Italian
immigrants were viewed unfavorably by the dominant culture. 1901 in St. Louis, an
immigrant from northern Italy explained to a reporter that his neighborhood was “white,”
while in the nearby downtown district there were “plenty them little black fellows”
indicating southern Italians from Sicily (Roediger 2005, 113-114; Mormino 2002, 20).
A 1910 Chicago Times article stated: “If you don’t like the brunette, if you prefer
a pure white skin…and feel certain that the future welfare of the United States depends
on the prevalence of this type, then you will be justified in favoring the exclusion of
Italians” (Chicago Times, August 19, 1910, 9). With such prevailing attitudes in some
southern American cities, Italians were only allowed to attend all black schools
(Dinnerstein 1999, 1; 54).
Sociologist George Yancey stated, “In the early part of the twentieth century
Italian Americans were seen as being physically different from ‘white’ Americans and
faced the racial stereotypes of being criminals and being hot-tempered” (Yancey 2003,
10). Moreover, “it was not just that Italians did not look white to certain social arbiters,
but that they did not act white” (Jacobson 1999, 57). Many southern Italian immigrants
took jobs coded as black and worked alongside blacks, thus connecting themselves to
black identity (J. Guglielmo 2003, 11). Philosopher Horace M. Kallen observed: “The
Italians tend to fall with the negroes into the pick and shovel brigade” (Kallen 1915, 81).
40
Prospective jurors.
79 They were frequently referred to as “wops,” “dagoes,” and “guineas” and, historian
Leonard Dinnerstein explained, “old stock Americans … referred to them as the ‘Chinese
of Europe’ and ‘just as bad as the negroes’” (Dinnerstein 1999, 54). Italian racial
oppression in the United States stemmed largely from racialization of Africans. The
epithet “guinea” had been used in reference to slaves from the west coast of Africa as an
inferior stock, before being used to indicate Italian Americans in the early 1920s
(Roediger 2005, 142; Alba 1985, 139). As Italians found their way in the work force in
many parts of America actual Chinese immigrants in search of economic opportunity
arrived in America to find the door open, but the welcome lacking.
The Eastern Question: The Yellow Peril
The prejudice of Asian culture as inferior to Western culture is a long-standing
one. Examples of Asians as an exotic, dangerous race stem back to the Middle Ages
when Mongols invaded Europe. Many Europeans had never encountered Asians before
so they were fearful of their physical appearance and distinctly different language (Wu
1982,104). Consequently, Asia was considered an unfamiliar and uncivilized concept,
emerging from the popularly held western notions that Asian culture was based in ancient
eastern traditions and therefore in complete contrast to the civilized western world. This
cross-cultural “othering” has been termed “Orientalism” by literary theorist Edward Said
(1978). The idea of Orientalism perpetuated the myth of Asian as “other” and is based
upon what Said describes as a “sovereign Western consciousness out of whose
unchallenged centrality an Oriental World emerged” (Said 1978, 3). Said attributes this
first to general ideas about who or what was an Oriental, then according to a detailed
80 logic governed not simply by en empirical reality, but by a battery of “desires,
repressions, investments and projections” (Said 1978, 3).
In the late 1800s United States anti-Asian sentiments were the result of fear of the
unknown exotic “other.” Particularly, concern that the nation would be overrun by hordes
of Asians who would take jobs from, and subsequently, crowd-out established Anglowhites.
The commentary of Figure 2.3 aligning blacks and Chinese depicts the countermigration that occurred in the period following the Civil War when southern blacks were
moving north and westward. At the same time Chinese immigrants facing frustration in
the western regions of the United States were moving across the nation in the opposite
direction.
Figure 2.3. Editorial cartoon. “Difficult Problems Solving Themselves.”
Illustration by Thomas Nast. 1879. Published by Harper’s Weekly,
Volume 23. 1879.
81 Each group was perceived by the dominant culture as problematic in terms of
numbers and adding to existing un-employment strains on the communities they were
residing in. In this editorial cartoon the artist, Thomas Nast,41 aligns Chinese and blacks
by expressing that neither are welcome in the areas they reside in. The use of text
enhances this point as the artist cleverly incorporates typography into elements of the
cartoon itself, in reinforcement of the caption “Difficult Problems Solving Themselves.”
The black male figure holds a suitcase labeled: “A. Freedman” as a nod to the recently
emancipated African Americans being from a “Bull-Dozed State” is a reference to the
practice of reconstruction era “bull-dozing,” primarily in southern states.42 The Chinese
figure holds a newspaper titled “San Francisco Hoodlum” promoting the idea that only a
criminal would access such a publication, therefore, the publication appeals to a
problematic element. While the black figure is accompanied by a female figure and two
children, one an infant, the Chinese man is alone, indicating he is a bachelor, as was
common among Chinese male inhabitants of the west coast who were not permitted to be
citizens nor to legally to marry a white woman. With disproportionate numbers of male
Chinese immigrants to Chinese women and strong in-group taboos regarding marrying
outsiders, there was little opportunity for Chinese immigrant males to marry. In this
illustration Nast uses associative symbolism to incorporate stereotypes via both visual
and written means. Here, the actors are awaiting transport on a continental plane divided
41
Political cartoonist Thomas Nast (1840-1902) was a prolific illustrator for popular publications
including: New York Illustrated News, Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, and Harper’s Weekly. Among
his creations is the iconic caricature of Santa Clause and he is credited with conceiving of the symbolism of
the donkey and elephant representing the American Democratic and Republican parties.
42
Bulldozing was the name given to the sometimes violent, always coercive methods that were
used to suppress the southern black vote in the mid to late 1870s. “In 1876 a new word came into use to
describe Democratic intimidation techniques: “bulldozing.” To bulldoze voters meant to trample them
down or keep them away from the polls. In South Carolina and Louisiana, the Red Shirts and the White
League mobilized for an all-out bulldozing effort” (Murrin 2007, 538).
82 cleverly by a directional sign. On each side is a depot-like structure implying a terminus
and a departure point. Other key elements include the newspaper and luggage text
relaying messages to both the depicted reader and the actual reader. The artist plays upon
the logic of his readers by incorporating iconic symbolism that would be familiar to his
audience including the symbol of a religious institution in the background (left frame)
and the traditional garb of the Chinese figure (right frame).
Reacting to such fears a Lead City, South Dakota mine owner, John McTigue,
formed the Caucasian League (ca.1880) to rally against the influx of Chinese immigrants
(Anderson 1983, 273). As they were considered “aliens ineligible for citizenship,”
Chinese were not permitted to become American citizens nor could they be employed in
some states, including California, nor testify in court against whites (California State
Mining Bureau 1887, 150; 157). In Nevada County, and other areas of California,
Chinese were not permitted to be buried in “white” cemeteries (Saxton 1975, 230).
These codified apprehensions were articulated via characterizations of Asian
culture as strange, outdated, and mostly not assimilable. Cultural productions, such as
Figure 2.3, featured stereotypes including those of Asians possessing slanted eyes, thick
ponytails, yellow skin, and exotic costumes. Daily newspapers including South Dakota’s
Bismarck Tribune featured the headline “Is a Chinaman a White?”(December 20, 1878)
and the San Jose, California’s Daily Times referred to “The Chinatown Abomination”
(March 9, 1887). In the press Chinese immigrants were described as: “Mongolians,” “pig
tails,” “heathens,” “almond eyed,” “tri-angled eyed heathens,” “opium smokers,” and
“split-eyed heathens” among other derogatory descriptors including “yellow peril.” The
term “Yellow Peril” first appeared in 1898 in a British serial by popular author M. P.
83 Shiel titled The Yellow Danger, which was based on anti-Chinese apprehensions (Shiel
1898, 13). In a 1907 speech Alabama Congressman Richmond Pearson Hobson called for
unity of “the white nations of the earth” against the “yellow races” who were uniting to
dominate the world. Hobson’s appeal for action was excerpted in the New York Times
under the heading “Hobson on Race Supremacy.” The subtitle declared: “Yellow Peril
Means the White Man Against the World” and the article that followed emphasized
Hobson’s stance that white unity was intended to maintain “the white man’s supremacy”
(NYT 1907, 2).
In 1911 Greenberry G. Rupert, a minister of the Missouri based Church of God
(Seventh Day), published The Yellow Peril; or, The Orient vs. the Occident as Viewed by
Modern Statesmen and Ancient Prophets representing “the east as a menace to the rest of
the world” (Figure 2.4) (Rupert 1911, 5).
The cover of Rupert’s book features iconic imagery distinguishing notions of east
(Orient) from west (Occident). At top left the unmistakable figure of Uncle Sam,
representing the west, or Occident, battles a cloaked figure symbolizing the mysterious
Orient, or eastern culture. These depictions would have enhanced stereotypical notions of
the era with Uncle Sam serving as the heroic defender of all things western and
democratic (implying the civilized world). The shrouded Oriental, representative of
eastern culture, implied Asians and their perceived dangerous ancient ways would
hamper the advancement of western civilization. The division between the two cultures is
emphasized by the two separate spheres of the globe.
84 Figure 2.4. Book cover. The Yellow Peril;
or, The Orient vs. the Occident as Viewed by
Modern Statesmen and Ancient Prophets.
Artist unknown. 1911. Published by the Union
Publishing Company, Choctaw, Oklahoma. 1911.
Other popular authors created tales of vile, conniving Asian hordes determined to
control or even destroy the world, particularly western areas and ideals. In 1913 British
novelist Sax Rohmer introduced readers worldwide to the character of Dr. Fu-Manchu,
depicted as a cunning personification of the “Yellow Peril.” In 1927, H.P. Lovecraft
wrote The Horror at Red Hook, which included reference to: “Squinting Orientals that
swarmed from every door” (Lovecraft 1927, 8). Later that year in The Invading Horde,
Arthur Burks predicted that Asians would “breed like flies, and must eventually find
some place for their expanding population or perish” (Burks 1927, 23; Katayama 2008,
3).
85 The Fu Manchu series remained popular well into the 1930s and the phrase “the
Yellow Peril” was commonly used in reference to Asian culture in newspaper and
popular magazine headlines. Author and literary scholar William F. Wu observed 1930s,
pulp magazines featured numerous characters of the “Yellow Peril” genre, which were
loosely built upon the Fu Manchu character. Most were depicted as being of Chinese
descent, although, as the 1930s progressed, views of the Japanese as a threat began to
emerge (Katayama 2008, 4). A 1933 edition of Time magazine contained an article titled
“Foreign News: Again, Yellow Peril” which included the observation “The Yellow Peril
has for 30 years been a great circulation-getter for the Hearstpapers [sic]” in reference to
publishing empire of William Randolph Hearst (Time 1933, 27).
The Black Irish: Afro Celtic Links
Irish fleeing terrible conditions in their homeland emigrated to America in droves
to find work. Upon arrival these immigrants, many of whom had been peasants in
Ireland, would take any available position. Often jobs that been previously held only by
African Americans. Irish immigrants became increasingly associated with blacks and as a
result they were often referred to as “white niggers” (Bornstein 2001, 67).
This editorial cartoon (Figure 2.5) for the cover of Harper’s Weekly, a popular
magazine known for social commentary particularly in the form of illustrations, was
titled “The Ignorant Vote” by political cartoonist Thomas Nast. This illustration provides
commentary on perceived issues with new voters: recently emancipated American blacks
in the southern United States, and recently immigrated Irish, predominantly in the
northern states.
86 Figure 2.5. Editorial cartoon. “The Ignorant Vote.” Illustration by Thomas Nast. 1876.
Published in Harper’s Weekly: A Journal of Civilization. December 9, 1876.
87
The graphic elements of Nast’s pen and ink illustration depicts a dynamic scene
of a central balanced scale featuring two figures against a stark white ground, seemingly
suspended in mid-air. The expressions of the figures reflect the commonly held
stereotypes of American blacks and Irish immigrants of the time. The black figure smiles
haplessly while the Irish figure possesses simian facial features. The distance from the
figures enables Nast to incorporate myriad details and the illustration reinforces a social
stance that the two figures are more alike than not. The use of text here is minimal, yet
powerful. The distinctions between “north” and “south” and “black” and “white” are
neutralized by the artist’s use of symbolism, particularly the balanced scales. This
element enhances the notion that there is no difference between a black southern
American and an Irish immigrant who has settled in the northern United States. The
narrative of the visual text dominates the scene and the key objects of the scale and the
figures themselves convey the message that both groups are equally ignorant in terms of
political awareness, and ultimately, what is best for the nation. The text uses codes of
sociological institutions, societal roles and political ideology. The piece relies on the tool
of enthymeme – the assumption that the reader shares knowledge about what is being
presented. In this case that shared information would be that blacks are simple minded
and that Irish are ape-like, or sub-human.
Both Irish immigrants and post-emancipation African Americans were frequently
the subject of cultural productions that projected oppression. Negative attitudes towards
both groups stemmed from scientific racism leading to representations of both Irish and
African Americans as non-white and, therefore, sub-human, ape-like, uncivilized beings.
One such production (Figure 2.6) was illustrated by Henry Strickland Constable for his
88 1899 book Ireland from One or Two Neglected Points of View and it appeared again later
that year in Harper’s Weekly: Journal of Civilization.
Figure 2.6. Illustration. Irish Iberian, Anglo-Teutonic and Negro Heads. Artist unknown.
1899. Published in Henry Strickland Constable’s Ireland from One or Two Neglected
Points of View. Harper’s Weekly Magazine.
Built on the theory that the Irish are the product of Africans who first invaded the
Iberian peninsula of Spain, then the Iberians went on to Ireland where they comingled
with native Irish (described as descendants of “savages of the Stone Age”) this
illustration enforces the notion of Anglo superiority. The profiles of three male figures
are separated into distinct spheres, as if they are specimens awaiting examination. Each
component of this triptych features a different “type” or “race.” At left is the “Irish
Iberian” and at right the “Negro.” These figures are depicted with similar features
including prominent brows, downward sloping foreheads, and protruding mouths. In this
manner, the artist establishes similarities between the two groups. The characteristics of
89 these two figures are in contrast to that of the “Anglo-Teutonic.” The Anglo has an
aquiline nose, prominent chin, and high forehead with tame, groomed brows and coiffure.
Further distinctions are the portrayal of the “Negro” as somewhat primitive in
appearance, as alluded to by the beaded neck ornament, while the Irishman is
characterized by a wrinkled collar and unkempt neckerchief. The Anglo, in contrast,
appears well put-together and tidy in appearance over-all. Shadowing is used to define
features and indicate distinctions in flesh color with the Negro and Irish figures more
heavily shadowed than the Anglo. Overall, the Irish and Negro figures are depicted as
less dignified than the Anglo. The notion of inferiority/superiority is further emphasized
by the Anglo’s centralized and slightly elevated position over the other two.
The caption reads:
The Iberians are believed to have been originally an African race, who thousands
of years ago spread themselves through Spain over Western Europe. Their
remains are found in the barrows, or burying places, in sundry parts of these
countries. The skulls are of low prognathous type. They came to Ireland and
mixed with the natives of the South and West, who themselves are supposed to
have been of low type and descendants of savages of the Stone Age, who, in
consequence of isolation from the rest of the world, had never been out-competed
in the healthy struggle of life, and thus made way, according to the laws of nature,
for superior races.
Whiteness of Another Color
The Anglo identity at the foundation of the American Republic was severely
challenged both by the end of slavery and the granting of citizenship to freed blacks and
the vast flow of immigration into America prior to World War I. Racial and ethnic
classification and identity emerged as major issues that carried on into the years after the
Great War. Racial identity as white provided privilege while ethnic identity provided
both communal support but also insularity, and often the concepts of race and ethnicity
90 were confused. While biological traits form a key part of the composition of an
individual’s identity, external factors also shape who an individual is. Acquired cultural
traits including language, mode of dress, mannerisms, food ways and possibly religion
are all hallmarks of ethnicity, and as imagined communities, ethnic groups develop from
relationships to other social groupings and interactions. Throughout American history
immigrants tended to flock together upon arrival, creating enclaves considered to be safe,
yet viewed as insular by those on the outside (Borsella 2005, 40). In large numbers such
groupings drew criticism by the dominant culture due, in part, to their alien ways; the
thinking was that if ethnic groups did not live in insular environments they would be
quicker to assimilate, ideally to the point of disappearance (Smith 1997, 162). That
immigrants would contaminate the purity of the nation and all the established had
achieved was frequently the source of disdain and fear of the “other.”
In western culture “white” has come to occupy a central, neutral space against
which all else is measured, and exists only when compared to what it is not. The contrasts
between white and non-white have emerged via cultural productions across the western
world view. Historically, from fairy tales to legislation, “black” became a marker of
perceived inferiority. In America the Anglo-Protestant dominant culture consistently
raised concerns over the perceived threat by non-whites to the future of the nation.
Attempts to limit access to white status resulted in discrimination and prejudice to those
deemed the “other.” Often, such sentiment resulted in depictions of diverse ethnic groups
as sub-standard and, in some cases, sub-human. For many immigrants to America,
despite attempts to assimilate, the majority were not granted coveted white status by the
main stream.
91 Exploring cultural representations of Jewish, Italian, Irish and Asian immigrants
patterns of “othering” emerge. Italians, particularly those from southern Italy, were seen
as being inferior to “whites” even before they left their homeland. Residents of Italy’s
southern regions were deemed inferior because their blood was believed to be dominated
by that of Africans who had allegedly infiltrated the southern gene pool. Southern Italian
immigrants to America, with their whiteness already in question, were classified as less
than ideal foreign elements upon arrival.
The western world, or the Occident, had long been at odds with the culture of the
Orient as it was unfamiliar and considered uncivilized. Stemming from the idea that
Asian culture was ancient and so far removed from the western world that it could never
possibly be anything but primitive, and even dangerous, to western ideals. In the United
States, with the influx of Chinese immigrants to the expanding western territories,
apprehensions against Asians blossomed. Cultural productions, including editorial
cartoons and other forms of print media, depicted Chinese immigrants as problematic
additions to the communities they populated, perpetuating the notion of groups identified
as non-white, or less-than white, as inferior and the “other.”
The Irish were often considered to be less-than white b by the majority of AngloProtestants even before making their way to America’s. Based on alleged scientific
evidence, Irish blood was believed to be contaminated by that of African explorers who
mixed with citizens of Spain’s Iberian Peninsula prior to arriving at the Emerald Isle.
This supposed contamination of the Celtic stock and the adoption of Catholicism by
many Irish resulted in the notion of “Black Irish” which was readily accepted by AngloProtestants The majority of Irish immigrants identified as Caucasian, however, they were
92 further aligned with black by the dominant culture because of their flexibility in
accepting jobs previously held by recently emancipated slaves. Sociologist W.E. B. Du
Bois recalled that as a young man in the northeast United States “The racial angle was
more clearly defined against the Irish than against me” (Du Bois 2008, 14). In the sense
that anything other than white is inferior, the notion of immigrants being anything besides
white aligned them with the perceived inferiority of blackness. The ways by which
various immigrant groups to America and their descendants earned white status were
varied and complex. Such commonalities of experience among diverse groups new to
America provide a rich archive of “othering” throughout the nation’s history.
“Othering” and “otherness” were social constructions that established distinctions,
and distance, resulting from fear of those who were different. Throughout America’s
history this type of xenophobia was justified, in part, by the portrayal of immigrants as
sub-standard. Examining cultural artifacts we can see how notions of ethnicity and race
have been portrayed in the media and, the ways in which such depictions have affected
American unity. Exploring communication theories and practices in Chapter Three
provides insight as to how art in the service of an ideology is developed and promoted.
93 CHAPTER THREE
THE ARTS OF PERSUASION AND IN/RE-FORMING
This section centers on ways mass communication was employed by the United
States Government to influence public opinion and mobilize citizens in support of World
War II efforts on the home and battlefronts. The survey of primary materials from the
archives of various agencies including the Library of Congress, The Office of War
Information, The War Advertising Council, the American Association of National
Advertisers, and industry publications such as Advertising Age produced during the
United States involvement in World War II demonstrates how such efforts were
executed. Various communication theories and techniques of persuasion and opinion
in/re-forming will be examined to establish a framework for the examination of visual
cultural artifacts to follow in Chapter Four.
Communicating to the Masses
Mass communication takes place when a message is transmitted to a large
anonymous audience via specialized communication. Such means of communication can
be used to generate awareness of social issues, or to serve business or industry by
promoting information about products and/or services. Mass communication can also
serve political agendas and governments by supporting and promoting specific initiatives.
With the invention of the printing press in 1453 by Johannes Gutenberg books
could be produced in larger numbers than ever before. However, these were out the reach
94
of the everyman due to relatively high cost of such productions and high levels of
illiteracy (Mann 2002, 204; C. W. Mills 1956, 37). In the mid-1500s monthly newspapers
began to appear in Europe, although, these were not widely available to audiences outside
urban centers until the 1800s (Blanchard 1998, 103; Infelise 2002, 214). By the late
nineteenth century advances to high volume duplicating and photographic techniques
emerged. These technological developments allowed information to reach larger
audiences simultaneously, and at manageable production and distribution costs.
With the growth of the print media industry, in addition to presenting current
information to larger audiences, publications began to offer space for advertisements as a
means of generating additional revenue. As the publishing industry flourished the
professional advertising field grew. In the New World the expanding United States
territory, coupled with the industrial revolution, gave rise to the need for manufacturers
and companies to promote their products and services from coast-to-coast. The first
American business devoted to facilitating the sale of advertisement space to advertisers
from other areas of the country was established in Philadelphia in 1841 by V.B. Palmer.
In1861 the J. Walter Thompson agency followed, becoming the first American fullservice advertising agency. The firm offered assistance with all facets of the promotional
process from creative direction to placement of final advertisements in publications
(Hartman 2000, 37).
By the 1900s advertisements were a standard part of newspapers and popular
magazines. Various techniques were employed from single-run advertisements to serial
campaigns that enabled advertisers to forge identities for the products and services they
promoted. In turn such tactics fostered consumer acceptance of the goods being
95
promoted. In many cases, such as those of the Coca Cola Corporation, Ivory soap, and
Ford Motorcars the product became synonymous with a life-style and status. Times were
good, consumer confidence was high, and publications and advertisers reaped the profits
of their mutually beneficial associations.
With World War I (1914-1918) consumers worldwide found themselves effected
economically. In the wake of the Great War information regarding the negative potential
of mass manipulation by means of the arts of propaganda began to surface. Many people
around the world had their first encounter with propaganda in the period leading up to
and during World War I. This period served as the first opportunity for the principles of
propaganda and advertising to merge in America. The concept of propaganda was
presented as an informational and educational tool that could promote products ranging
from manufactured goods to political ideologies. Propaganda’s subtle role is that it is
psychological in nature. Linguistic scholar Noam Chomsky observed the role of
propaganda is to reduce the role of the average citizen to be a spectator of power, policy,
setting and decision making rather than being participants in the decision making process
(Barsamian 1992, 243).
Following World War I a new consciousness emerged about the role and uses of
propaganda. Communication scholar Michael J. Sproule explained the awareness
“Falsehood could gain the aura of truth when presented by a government bureau”
(Sproule 1997, 9). Many Americans credited media manipulation via propaganda and
advertising with America’s entry into World War I. The majority of Americans became
suspect of mass media, communication leaders (particularly government agencies),
newspapers and magazines and held them responsible for propagating misinformation
96 and being a threat to intelligent public opinion (Sproule 1997, 202; Trachtenberg 1983,
17).43
By the time of the Great Depression (1929-1940) consumer confidence was at
historic lows and many Americans faulted mass production and advertisements in
magazines and newspapers during the 1920s for changes in spending habits (McNeill
2003, 11). Appeals to consume and adopt new appliances as modern, timesaving devices
led many householders to live beyond their means and use installment buying, where
prior to this 1920s cash was the only purchasing power for the majority of Americans.
Following the stock market crash of 1929 only the most essential of products were being
purchased by Americans (Meltzer 1969, 37).The nation was suffering and making
sacrifices and for many the wiles of advertising promoting images of lifestyles beyond
the reach of the everyman became a reminder of how bad things really were. Some
Americans blamed their financial status on having been manipulated by advertising to
spend outside their means. Leaders of the Association of National Advertisers and the
American Association of Advertising Agencies met in Hot Springs, Virginia in
November of 1941 in an attempt to counter the negative image their industry had
acquired and to address ways to revitalize it.
Advertising luminary James Webb Young, a senior consultant for the J. Walter
Thompson agency, explained to an audience of his peers: “It is a sort of repugnance for
some of the manifestations of advertising – for its banality, its bad taste, its moronic
43
World War I brought new levels of communication and national mobilization including the first
United States agency of mass persuasion: The Committee on Public Information (CPI). The CPI,
established during the Wilson administration by Executive Order 2594on April 14, 1917. The committee,
led by journalist George Creel, was frequently referred to as the Creel committee included a dedicated
advertising division and, was intended to serve as a pervasive system of communication geared towards
reaching American citizens of all backgrounds to “Inform public opinion properly and adequately” (CPI
1918, 7; Sproule 1997, 9; Becker 1994, 129-130).
97 appeals, and its clamor. We just ain’t [sic] refined enough” (Young 1941, 2). He clarified
“It’s because advertising is persuasion, and nobody likes to admit that he needs
persuasion or to bear the cost of it” (Young 1941, 5). Young argued that advertising was
a powerful and streamlined tool that could be perceived as favorable by the public if used
as an agent of social persuasion and education to foster social action and promotion of
free enterprise. He explained “It ought to be used to create understanding and reduce
friction…. to wipe out such disease of ignorance….to be the servant of music, of art, of
literature and for all the forces of righteousness” (Young 1941, 6 - 8). At Young’s
suggestion, his advertising colleagues agreed to form a nonprofit agency to provide
public service, which in turn would improve public opinion regarding their industry. The
Advertising Council was formed on February 18, 1942 with the goal of promoting use of
advertising for social, political, and philanthropic purposes. The council would be
comprised of representatives from all phases of advertising and media including
newspapers, magazines, and radio (WAC 1942, 4).
As American entered World War II in December 1941 many industries, such as
automobile and home appliance manufacturing, shifted to war production. As a result
companies were lacking the raw materials, and in some cases, the labor force, to produce
their traditional consumer goods to bring to market. This was problematic not only for
manufacturers but also a potential crisis for most forms of media dependent on
advertising. The United States Internal Revenue Service, responding to pressure from
manufacturers and publishers, ruled that companies producing goods in support of war
efforts in lieu of consumer goods could deduct advertising costs from their taxes as
legitimate business expenses as long as they incorporated government-initiated war
98 themes in their ads because, technically, they would be selling something (WAC 1942,
29). The Advertising Council reported “The Treasury Department has expressed a very
liberal and reassuring attitude on matters of this character” (WAC 1942, 15). This meant
industries and corporations could keep their names in the public eye while simultaneously
supporting the media that would carry forth such messages. This provided a mutually
beneficial economic incentive for companies to use their advertising budgets and own
agendas while also supporting the war effort by promotion of government campaigns.
Approaches to Understanding Mass Communication
Journalist and social commentator Walter Lippmann was among the first to
develop theories surrounding the study of mass communication with his exploration of
how people exposed to similar media often reported feeling that common issues were
important to them. Lippmann, who had served as an assistant to Secretary of War Newton
Baker during the First World War, found that while individuals might feel differently
about an issue, they still feel the issue itself is important. Lippmann theorized, “While
people who have direct access can misconceive what they see, no one else can decide
how they shall misconceive it, unless he can decide where they shall look, and at what”
(Lippman 1922, 16). This theory focused on the notion that while the media cannot tell
people what to think about specific issues, the value is that it can get them thinking about
them at all is important. For example, in the case of war, some individuals may be against
the conflict and others in support of it. Most, however, will agree the issue over-all is
important. Lippman found that news and truth often proved synonymous in the public eye
with journalists serving as a link between policy makers and the everyman. Lippmann
99 termed this concept the “manufacture of consent” suggesting that people exposed to
information will prioritize the same issue(s) as important (Lippmann 1922, XV).
Underlying the Advertising Council’s activities was the idea that if the public
knew what was expected of them in terms of war restrictions and service needs they
would respond accordingly. To promote this concept the Council reached out to
newspaper publishers and advertisers via pamphlets, letters and trade publications that the
war effort called for “unprecedented depth of public understanding and that newspaper
advertising would be an extremely effective tool in reaching the masses. “The Nation’s
good becomes a more immediate, more personal thing to the individual citizen when it is
linked to his work, his life, and his daily habits through the medium of his local
newspaper” (WAC 1943, 1). To educate advertisers and publishers the Council mailed
fact sheets to publishers and allocation letters to newspapers, radio stations and
advertising agencies. These illustrated how public service messages could be produced,
or incorporated, into their advertising. These materials stressed the goal of making every
effort “to see that companies carrying public service messages receive the maximum
publicity” (WAC 1949, 3). Such strategy would have been appealing to many,
particularly those who had to shift or cease their mainstay productions in support of war
efforts.
The outdoor advertising industry did not want to be left out of wartime era
opportunities for their advertisers and for their industry to demonstrate its power. They
claimed “Poster copy fits wartime needs. People see it, read it, remember it. Posters are
all over town, wide open to view. Their brevity is in keeping with wartime busy-ness
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[sic], Their size, color, pictorial, copy, package, presentation and constant repetition
convey a lasting impression” (WAC 1943, 20).
The Process of Communication
Communication is a multi-faceted process. In order to understand the ways in
which information was transmitted and received during the period of this study (19391945) various models should be explored. Sociologist Paul Lazarsfeld developed the
“Two-Step Flow” model in which information was disseminated from the media to
opinion leaders via outlets such as major newspapers which reached select readers versus
popular magazines that could potentially reach and appeal to wider audiences. Thus
opinion leaders at the top of the flow-chart interpreted and disseminated information to
the masses below (Scrhamm 1997, 57). While Lazarsfeld’s research of World War II
advertising was conducted shortly after the war ended it is relevant here because it
addresses specific techniques explored in this study. In particular, he found that the
masses had become conditioned by culture in that the individual would often find him or
herself in a situation where conformity was the norm. Lazarsfeld observed a two-step
flow and opinion formula in which audiences opted to believe, or rely upon, the picture in
their heads, not in assimilating results of accurate investigations. Sociologist and
philosopher Theodore Adorno further validated this concept with his work heading the
Institute for Social Research (Miller-Doohm 2005, 203).
The War Advertising Council anticipated these ideas and proposed a plan by
which “the forces of advertising [would be marshaled] so that they may be of maximum
aid in the successful prosecution of the war and in the preservation of American
democracy” (WAC 1942, 4). They operated under the premise that “the most promising
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line of approach to the key [United States] cities is through the newspaper publisher” and
that newspaper outlets were the best way to reach Americans over-all (WAC 1942, 2).
Political scientist and communication scholar Harold Dwight Lasswell and sociologist
Robert Park developed relevant ideas regarding the massification of social relationships.
In World War II Lasswell served as chief of the Experimental Division for the Study of
War Time Communications at the Library of Congress during the war. At this time much
of the discussion of the impact of the media was formulated in terms of propaganda as it
was the first scholarly understanding of the affect that media could have on society. After
World War II, starting in 1948, he conducted analyses of Nazi propaganda titled Power
and Personality towards uncovering how persuasion was used by the German National
Socialist Party. In doing so he observed “Not bombs nor bread, but words, pictures,
songs, parades, and many similar devices are the typical means of making propaganda”
(Lasswell 1948, 17). Lasswell and Lazarsfeld both determined it was acceptable for the
public to be managed by propaganda but not manipulated by it (Sproule1997, 71).
Lasswell observed that communication was a process in which “Who (says) What
(to) Whom (in) What Channel (with) What Effect” (Figure 3.1).
Figure 3.1. Illustration. Designed by Harold Lasswell. 1948.
This well-regarded model expanded the definition of a communication “channel”
to include more than just speech. For Lasswell, regardless of the channel, communication
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performed some socio-political function and society used the media for a number of
specific functions.
Lasswell also spoke to the myth-making function of mass communication. The
five major functions describe the audience’s uses of the media: Surveillance (news and
information); correlation (information that has been selected, interpreted and criticized);
cultural transmission (the media reflects the beliefs, values, and norms of society);
entertainment (provides a recreational escape from reality); and mobilization (the media
function of promoting society’s interest, particularly in times of crises).
Advertising allowed for repetition of themes that straight news and other media
did not. In the years leading up to the television era advertising provided a forum for
visual representation that could be very useful in reaching a wide audience (Spiegel 1992,
32). For campaigns running the gamut from the sale of war bonds, providing general
information such as updates to government regulations, or fostering national unity,
advertising proved a valuable tool.
In the months following the Japanese attack of Pearl Harbor, on December 7,
1941, and America’s entry into the war the media, including the advertising industry,
shifted their focus, with great zeal, towards supporting the war effort. The Office of War
Information (OWI) was established on June 13, 1942 to coordinate communication
resources and efforts of the government with privately owned media. The OWI saw the
potential of advertising towards mobilizing public opinion in support of the war effort.
Working with the Advertising Council, the OWI formulated a plan to coordinate a
government information campaign with efforts of private advertisers. In a 1942 report the
Ad Council stated “Total War [sic] calls for so much from our economy and society that
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there will be much confusion and misunderstanding unless we inform and persuade by
advertising” (WAC 1942, 9). For its part the Advertising Council appealed to media and
advertisers alike to “Provide at once advertising facilities to educate and inspire all the
American people to full participation in the war effort” (WAC 1942, 18). The Council
operated on the premise that “War Advertising is Advertising which induces people,
through information, understanding and persuasion, to take certain actions necessary to
the winning of the war” (WAC 1944, 1).
A key component of print advertisements is that of the visual – be it composition
of text alone or a combination of text and images – the way an ad is viewed, or read, by
an audience can make or break its success.
Visually Speaking
Cultural productions, including advertisements, are processed, or read, by
audience members in different ways. The way in which the reader digests what they see
is critical to the effectiveness of the experience. Without effective visual components
such communications cannot succeed. Visual communication has been one of the most
effective mediums for reaching the masses throughout history. Illustration, cartoon and
caricature techniques have long been employed as tools for reaching the masses and have
proven successful in connecting to and educating illiterate audiences that words failed to
reach. Visual codes such as painting, and later other forms of printing, have long been a
part of the structure of American society and many such images were mass produced in
poster or print format and widely distributed as technology advanced (Holloway 2005,
3). Visual culture can be considered “a site through which populations come into
consciousness as members of a particular community (Curzon 2003, 1). Socially and
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politically marginalized groups, particularly immigrants, the working class, women and
even children have historically been perceived as the mass cultural audiences that are
most malleable (Holloway 2005, 4).
The United States government was aware of the power of all forms of text, across
all mediums, including that of advertising: “Commercial advertising usually takes the
positive note in normal times …. But these are not normal times; this is not even a normal
war … so menace and fear motives are a definite part of publicity programs, including
the visual” (OFF 1942, 1). In Figure 3.2 and ad appearing in Advertising Age, the
advertising industry weekly newspaper, encouraged advertisers and their ad agents to
consider visual communication “the most effective form of expression” and to promote
their products and services in popular magazines like Puck.
Visual culture is the appreciation and exploration of the prevalence of visual
communication, media and information that views images and media as a process of
socialization. In visual culture meanings are decoded during the act of looking and it is a
site of convergence and conversation across disciplines (Mitchell 1994, 54; Barnard
2001, 5). Further it is a valuable tool that can be used to understand responses to visual
mediums. Visual culture works across media, but is used to encode identities in several
institutions – personal, national, ethnic, sexual, and various subcultures making it a site
for views of identity, power and control. The study of visual culture encompasses media
and communication as well as fine art, design and architecture, sociology and
anthropology with the understanding that culturally meaningful visual information comes
from multiple forms of media including advertising.
105
Figure 3.2. Advertisement. “Picture – Writing.” Designer unknown.
1941. Published in Advertising Age. July 1941.
Visual culture can be considered “the history of images” (Bryson 1994, xvii). For
communication scholar and visual culture pioneer Nicholas Mirzoeff visual culture
extended beyond the realm of representation and semiotics to unearth the role visuality
plays in determining socio-cultural relations (Mirzoeff 1999, 2). Visual culture is part of
an emerging body of study geared towards interacting with everyday life to make
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discourse, as Mirzoeff explained, “more comprehensible, quicker, and more effective” to
serve as “the locus of cultural and historical change” (Mirzoeff 1999, 3; 15). In exploring
the role of images in cultural development it is helpful to form an understanding of how
visuality works. As Mirzoeff described, visuality can “make visible things that our eyes
cannot see” and aid in creating a new reality (Mirzoeff 1999, 24). However, images do
not rely on pictures themselves, rather the tendency to picture or visualize existence.
The U. S. government created new agencies to put such propaganda techniques
into practice and to stimulate action and alter public opinion by controlling the flow of
information to the public. Advertisers understood the necessity and opportunity for
streamlining processes and creating methods for disseminating information:
During the past two years the American people have been asked to absorb more
facts, understand the nature of more problems and take more actions in concert
than ever before in our history. These things have been necessary because in total
war every action by every civilian can hasten – or delay – victory. (WAC 1943, 9)
The Word Is Mightier than the Sword: Methods of Persuasion and Formation
Persuasive communication is an intentional attempt to influence or alter an
individual’s or group’s attitude or beliefs towards an ultimate goal of shaping or changing
their behavior. The art of persuasion relies on solid evidence and the truth surrounding
the issue at hand (Stiff 2002, 5). Communication scholar Gerald R. Miller found there are
three dimensions to the persuasion process: response shaping; response reinforcing; and
response changing. For Miller response shaping requires exposure to new stimulus and
takes place through socialization and response reinforcing. The concept of brand loyalty,
plays a central role in the development of social and political institutions such as the
ideological notions of national loyalty and unity being explored herein. In this context the
response changing aspect of persuasion occurs rapidly when presented simultaneously by
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multiple sources causing the target audience to re-evaluate their previously held beliefs.
This concept, formally developed years after World War II ended, lends insight to the Ad
Council’s campaign strategies as it tied company and/or product names with the broader
themes of patriotism and national loyalty (Miller G. R. 1974, 87). In Figure 3.3, a booklet
distributed to publishers and advertisers, promoting the persuasive powers of advertising
and how it could be a vital resource in assisting the nation and corporate interests is an
example of this.
Figure 3.3. Pamphlet. “A Plan for Business to Use One of Its Principal Tools to Help
Win the War.” Author unknown. 1942. Published in Advertising Can Make People
Realize What Total War Means, 1942.
108
In response to government directives the Advertising Council called for one-third
of all advertising to be exclusively devoted to war messages and explained that there
should be “a war message [contained] in every ad” (WAC 1943, 2; La Roche 1943, 3).
Coordinating the United States government’s campaign of persuasion was the Office of
Facts and Figures (OFF), an agency established in October 1941 (Reston 1941, 1) as a
division within the Office of the Coordinator of Information (OCI) which had been
formed in July of that year44 (Koppes 2000, 54). The OFF was intended to serve as an
umbrella organization under which sub-units would develop and deliver information to
the nation. In this role the OFF came under criticism by journalists who accused it of
serving as a vehicle for political rhetoric and propaganda “If OFF pipes out the undiluted,
uncolored, facts it will be the first government information bureau to do that”(Reston
1941, 1; Koppes 2000, 56).
In this structure the OFF oversaw the Office of War Information (OWI) which
was established by Executive Order 9182 on June 13, 1942 (Peters 2008, 1). The OWI,
under the direction of journalist Elmer Davis, oversaw the Office of War Programs,
which included various branches of communications including the Advertising Council
as detailed in Figure 3.4 Office of War Information Domestic Branch Including List of
Media Facilities.
44
The Office of the Coordinator of Information was the predecessor of the wartime Office of
Strategic Services established on June 13, 1942 which would become the Central Intelligence Agency on
October 1, 1945 (Blum 1976, 47; Koppes 2000, 48).
109
Figure 3.4. Poster. “Office of War Information Domestic Branch Including List of Media
Facilities.” Artist Unknown. 1942. Published by the Office of War Programs. 1942.
The Advertising Council sent this informational poster to publishers and
advertising agencies to demonstrate their role in the organizational structure of
government communications and to express the efficiency with which audiences and
prospective consumers could be reached by the use of their services.
110
The Advertising Council sought to emphasize the connection it had to
government agencies and its qualifications to interpret the government’s highest
communication goals. As such, the Council viewed providing industries with relevant
themes as its highest priority. In a proposal outlining its activities, its first item was:
“That the Advertising Council, in cooperation with government, shall arrange to supply
facts to industry concerning basic themes the government wishes publicized.” This was
presented with the caveat “It should be remembered, however, that this is a fast-moving
war. Themes change as public sentiment changes, or as the jobs get done” (WAC 1942,
11).
The Council recognized that effective advertising is dependent on the public’s
interpretation of the message. “War Advertising is Advertising [sic] which induces
people, through information, understanding and persuasion, to take certain actions
necessary to the winning of the war” (WAC 1944, 1). The Ad Council further suggested
ways in which advertisers could provide support. They offered two scenarios: 1)
Organizations that had existing advertising in place could incorporate appropriate war
themes into their existing campaigns, or 2) Special war-themed campaigns could be
developed specifically for the purpose of supporting initiatives, or themes, that the
organization had agreed to promote.
As the Advertising Council stressed in many of their publications “War
advertising follows agreed-upon themes. As every advertising man knows, best results
are achieved when all advertising on a given subject adopts the same approach, tells more
or less the same story, makes or less the same appeals.” Chester La Roche, Chair of the
Advertising Council further shared “The official campaigns are all things that virtually
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anyone would agree need doing. They have nothing to do with politics: they have a lot to
do with winning the war” (La Roche 1943, 3-4).
Ad Council executives determined the best strategies for facilitating their goals
and produced pamphlets for each campaign outlining the purpose and challenges of each:
“The problems this campaign must deal with… have been created by the element of time
as well as by the war.” Specific guidelines were offered for generating advertising and
news column copy specific to each campaign. These were then presented to the media in
the form of “General ‘do’s and don’ts’ for your writers” including the production of “allout” advertisements that should be devoid of commercial messages” (WAC 1942, 6). The
Council explained that while company or product signatures at the base of ads were
deemed acceptable, they advised that war-related issues “cannot effectively or tastefully
be tied in with a sales story” (WAC 1942, 7). Newspaper printing mats were distributed
to publishers for the asking. Mats were prepared camera ready material that Ad Council
staff would mail the publisher for easy inclusion in their publication(s). Materials would
have included ready-to-print images and text, unified to promote specific themes, as
exemplified by Figure 3.5 offering Free Mats on Group Prejudice Campaign.45
45
The use of mats in the printing process is a variation of the process of stereotyping a term
coined by French printer Firmin Didot to refer to the process of printing from lead plates (Hyde 1931, 300302). The term is derived of the Greek “stereo” meaning rigid, solid and type referring to characters or
letters. Didot developed a technique for developing metal facsimiles allowing for standardized production
on a larger scale than previous moveable type formats would guarantee. Thus, the term stereotype is also
used to refer to generalizations of opinions such as that about individuals or groups coming in that they all
derive from the same plate or mold, therefore, they must all be alike (Chappell 1970, 17).
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Figure 3.5. Response card. “Free Mats on Group Prejudice
Campaign.” Designer unknown. 1945. Published by the War
Advertising Council. 1945.
Return request cards such as this were included in collateral packages sent to
publishers and editors. By returning the card to the Council, publishers would receive
prepared mats for printing and production of ads and copy. The Council further instructed
“All advertising should be checked with the War Advertising Council or the OWI. They
will undertake to clear [ads and copy that have been generated] with the government
agencies concerned” (WAC 1943, 1- 2).
War Advertising Council Chairman Chester J. La Roche appealed to business and
media leaders during a special program hosted on July 14, 1943 over 138 nation-wide
radio stations of the National Broadcasting Company: “Through the combination of news
and advertising – news to report, advertising to inform and persuade – we can reach the
eyes, ears, and hearts of 130 million Americans. We can secure a degree of unity,
understanding and fervor which can help us end more quickly the waste and slaughter of
war” (La Roche 1943, 1; Davis 1943, 20). The Advertising Council encouraged
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advertisers to include their name and, where appropriate, a list of brands or products so
that “It will then be clear that the business firms of this country are living up to their
obligation to do their full share in total war, and are, at the same time preserving their
trademarks and good will” (WAC 1942, 16). Providing additional assurance that the
Council’s plan would centralize efforts and information to guarantee accuracy and
timeliness of information they proposed “The Advertising Council, cooperating with
industry committees, shall help plan, clear, and secure approval of War Information
advertising from the government” (WAC 1942, 14).
The Subtle Art of Propaganda
Today’s propagandas concern us most because our reaction to them will
determine the kind of world we live in tomorrow.
-- Clyde R. Miller, Propaganda – Good and Bad – for Democracy
The key distinction between persuasion and propaganda is that persuasion aims to
affect change in an individual’s behavior or attitude by appealing to reason. Propaganda
is a tool in the formation of public opinion (Ellul 1965, 4) and is intended to spread, or
propagate, the acceptance of a notion regardless of the facts. For the purposes of this
study propaganda is considered a communication technique in the service of an idea. As
communication and cultural scholar Jennifer Slack observed “propaganda is really
nothing more than the persuasive attribute inherent in technique” (Slack 1984, 68).
The term “propaganda” was coined by the Roman Catholic Church in the
sixteenth century during the Counter-Reformation movement in reference to the
Congregatio de Propaganda Fide (Congregation for Propagating the Faith). This Jesuit
group was charged with spreading the Catholic faith in non-Catholic areas in response to
the growing Protestant movement (Guilday 1921, 480; de Vaan 2008, 173). For many
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cultures over the centuries the word propaganda has conjured-up notions of distorted
information, calculated deception, and even a technique of evil being fed to gullible
audiences by an organized party concerned only with promoting their own agenda.
However, it should be noted that not all propaganda is concerned with disseminating
negative information or ideals. While this notion may be viewed skeptically, it must be
understood that not all aspects of such communication are intended to steer people away
from positive values. To the contrary, often techniques of propaganda including material
or information in the service of an idea are justified in that they can be employed for
mass education and social change for positive means. Further, propaganda may also serve
as a social adhesive – as a way of providing information regarding specific policies and
plan -- it can become a binding agent. Historian J. Fred MacDonald explained, “Mass
man learns from it and defines himself through it. He is moved to conform via
propaganda, and he seldom makes decisions without having been approached through it”
(MacDonald 1989, 29).
The Advertising Council’s 1944 “Smokey Bear” series46 (encouraging the
prevention of forest fires for the U.S. Department of Agriculture) and other campaigns
over the years including anti-drunk driving and disease prevention messages, among
others, have been used to promote constructive and positive information. Only when the
use of propaganda becomes separated from factual or shared value context does it
become propaganda in the pejorative sense. While the concept of audience for both
propaganda and advertising is identical, the two practices differ in that targets of
46
The Ad Council’s “Smokey Bear” forest fire prevention campaign was coordinated in 1944 for
the United States Department of Agriculture and the National Association of State Foresters. The campaign
continues well into the twenty-first century and has the distinction of being the longest-running public
service campaign in advertising history (AC 2004, 4).
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propaganda are determined by the ideology of the propagandist towards shaping the
opinions and/or actions of the audience (Marlin 2002, 74). Further, the selection of
content and the method of propaganda are actually shaped by a population’s world view
(Short 1983, 5). During World War I the tone of propaganda was that of merging the
support of liberty in-general into highly ideological advertisements for the purchase of
products, such as War Bonds, as proof of one’s support for liberty (Figure 3.6).
Figure 3.6. Poster. “Americans All!” Illustration by Howard Chandler
Christy. 1919. Printed by Forbes, Boston, Massachusetts. 1919.
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In this poster an allegorical female depiction of Liberty presents an “Honor roll”
consisting of last names representing different ethnic groups. This ad features the first
known example of a campaign acknowledging the diverse ethnic make-up of the nation
and subsequent call for unity.
It was not until World War II that this format would be seen again and further
dramatized by an in-depth psychological program in response to the propaganda output of
other nations. With only World War I experiences to draw upon many American
advertisements fell short in term in terms of psychological aspects. As one Advertising
Council member observed, advertising and media conditions were “As different on the
psychological front as on the fighting front. Never before had we engaged in total war”
(WAC 1943, 1). Communication scholar Harold Lasswell defined propaganda as the
“management of collective attitudes by the manipulation of significant symbols”
(Lasswell 1927, 627).
Lasswell’s interdisciplinary approach to the consideration of propaganda became
an entry point for understanding how such techniques could work by exploring the
empirical, theoretical, societal and psychological aspects of the symbols of manipulation.
He determined that symbols, be they spoken, written, or visual, could be used to evoke
meaning, and subsequently manipulate attitudes. When used in conjunction with various
techniques, and in order to employ symbols to their full potential, propagandists used
association of the object of manipulation with either favorable or unfavorable values
(objects or individuals); labeling (defining the object in unfavorable or favorable terms);
or attribution (describing the object as causing a favorable or unfavorable result)
(Lasswell 1927, 631).
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Lasswell’s seminal 1927 study Propaganda Technique in the World War was the
first to look at the medium objectively and scientifically. He observed that, as a tool,
propaganda was “no more moral or immoral than a pump handle” (Welch 2003, 317). He
determined that major objectives of World War I propaganda included mobilizing hatred
against enemies, preserving friendship of allies, and the procurement of the cooperation
of neutral parties to demoralize the enemy (Lasswell 1927, 195). For Lasswell there was
no end of occasions to disseminate information to the masses – be it posters, print media,
even music he observed: “Most of what which formerly could be done by violence and
intimidation must now be done by argument and persuasion…. the technique of dictating
to the dictator is named propaganda” (Lasswell 1927, 631).
With his “Four Freedoms” speech delivered to Congress on January 6, 1941
American President Franklin Delano Roosevelt introduced “freedom from fear” as a
central thematic strategy that would continue throughout the World War II era. He
suggested that American ideals might be options for the world: “We look forward to a
world founded on four essential human freedoms.” He spoke of “freedom of speech and
expression – everywhere in the world.” He also mentioned the “ freedom of every person
to worship god in his own way” as well as freedom from want and lastly “freedom from
fear” (Roosevelt, Franklin D. Message to Congress. January 6, 1941). Fear tactics fueled
the anxiety of the nation by depicting the enemies in negative and disturbing ways, as
seen in Figure 3.7, demonstrating that this War was no longer a battle between soldiers at
the front but a conflict of national ideologies with national unity being the only way to
achieve victory against the Axis.
118
Figure 3.7. Poster. “This is Nazi Brutality.” Illustrated and
designed by Ben Shahn. 1942. Printed by the U.S. Government
Printing Office, Washington, D.C. Published by the Office of
War Information, Washington, D.C.
In contrast to the American notion of unity from within, other multi-national
countries emphasized external threats as their greatest challenge. The German Reich
Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda was the public relations machine of
the National Socialist German Worker’s Party (the Nazis). The Nazi party campaigned
for national unity by establishing external enemies, particularly those who allegedly had a
hand in the post-World War I Treaty of Versailles (1919), which proved problematic for
the German economy and citizens overall (Abel1 1986, 89). Groups living within
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Germany’s borders including Jews, Romani Gypsies and homosexuals were portrayed as
wandering cultural parasites that happened to be living off their German hosts with no
allegiance to the nation. In one Reich film, “The Eternal Jew,” Jews were depicted as
hordes of rats swarming across Germany (Taubert 1940). The Nazi’s also appealed to
Germans living outside the formal boundaries of the nation to rally against their host
nations of Austria and Czechoslovakia towards the creation of a “Greater Germany”
(Lightbody 2004, 35). In another act of establishing external enemies the Nazi’s
orchestrated “Operation Himmler” designed to appear as if Poland had exhibited
aggression towards Germany as justification for invading the neighboring nation
(Manvell 2007, 76).
The Italian Fascist regime established a Ministry of Popular Culture in 1937 to
shape their ideology via rhetoric and pageantry. Like Germany, Fascist Italy also
operated on a platform of external threats and unified followers via a cult of personality
led by Benito Mussolini (Rhodes 1976, 70-71). The baseline of all Fascist propaganda
was the slogan “Il Duce ha sempre ragione” (Mussolini is always right) and political
groups, social classes and other nations not aligned with this ideology were considered
threats to the regime (Duggan 2008, 479).
How Propaganda Functions
We have got to be psychologically realistic in our dealing with the passions and
with the motives and with the emotions that actually drive men into action.
-- Frank Kingdon, Public Opinion in a Democracy
Propaganda can be disseminated via many communication channels, or media.
including print, radio, and even film. However, it is a one-directional process in that it
generally calls for action and it attempts to influence reaction and/or emotion regarding a
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specific topic without the opportunity for a dialogue between the communicator and
audience. For propaganda to work the message must be in sync with what the audience
desires, or believes they desire. For example, Nazi propaganda succeeded greatly
because, in the wake of World War I failure and resulting economic hardship, the notion
of success and supremacy was appealing to the majority of Germans.
Propaganda has proven most effective on audiences lacking critical thinking
skills, those not engaged in current events, or those lacking the desire or ability to access
facts. It can be said that in reaching audiences propaganda follows the path(s) of least
resistance:
We must fight fire with fire!...We must get from every man, woman, and child in
America the same kind of cooperation the Axis gets from its citizens – and get it
voluntarily, without resort to force. We must accomplish this as a Democracy, not
as a Dictatorship! Is this an impossible task? Not if we used one of the principal
tools that has built our economy and upon which the people of this nation have
come to depend for much of their information – advertising. Here is a force which
can make Goebbels’ propaganda machine look like a peanut whistle – an art and a
science developed in the United States to a point unapproached [sic] anywhere in
the world. (WAC 1942, 2)
There are several techniques that serve as tools specific to propaganda. Name
calling is a common format, as is the use of glittering generalities. In this technique the
propagandist identifies the target in terms that equate to virtuous attributes so that the
audience will subscribe to the policy or concept being promoted, regardless of whether or
not it is contrary to their rational belief system (Miller 1939, 708). These concepts were
identified and assessed by journalist and scholar Clyde R. Miller, founder and editor of
the Institute for Propaganda Analysis. Miller observed in his 1939 essay “How to Detect
and Analyze Propaganda” that propaganda was based upon emotional appeals to readers.
Successful propaganda, regardless of how it affected democracy, would result in
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audiences developing beliefs without putting significant independent thought into them”
(Miller1939, 712). It was his research that led to the outlining of various propaganda
techniques which were presented in a 1939 article “Propaganda – Good and Bad – for
Democracy,” authored with his IPA colleague Louis Minsky. They explained
propagandists would operate by the use of seven common devices as categorized by the
Institute for Propaganda Analysis: Name calling; Glittering generalities; The device of
transfer; The device of the testimonial; The device of plain folk; Card stacking; and the
band wagon device (Miller 1939, 706-714).
The Office of War Information (OWI) viewed employing the bandwagon concept
favorably and doing so turned out to be one of their most effective tools during
America’s involvement in WWII. This practice encouraged action by assuring the
audience “Everybody’s doing it. Let’s get on the bandwagon too” (Miller 1939, 709).
This form of propaganda was often further fueled by testimonials from a wide range of
individuals including political figures, celebrities, and the everyman.
In commercial advertising the testimonial technique generally provided a glowing
review of a product or service. In political and social propaganda the tables were often
turned and the testimonial provided a negative commentary relating to a specific concern
or even a political party or candidate. The technique of transference, or the use of
transferring blame for an issue to another individual or group (also known as
scapegoating) was another frequently used device.
Propaganda’s foundation on consumer/audience need and desire is also its
weakness and a large part of why the techniques associated with it fell out of use in the
post-World War II era (Ellul 1965, xi-xii).
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Reaction and Reduction: Stereotyping and Scapegoating
Men must categorize their apprehensions of reality.
-- Oliver Wendell Holmes, The Common Law
Negative representation can be credited with furthering un-acceptance and
developing of stereotypes and scapegoats. For the purposes of this study the notion of a
stereotype is that of a tool, not always negative, out of the need for human minds to
categorize. Representations often create discrepancies between reality and what
Lippmann termed “pictures in the head” (Lippmann 1922, 27). Stereotyping has been
used for generations as a means of identifying and categorizing individuals who are
different, or are perceived as different. Stereotypes are often negative and lead to or foster
intolerance and hatred and stereotyping based on historical, political, or social
information (or misinformation) damages the target. As communication scholar Yahya R.
Kamalipour observed, stereotypes can produce two tangibly negative effects: “for
cultural nonmembers, stereotypes can contain and limit the potential of a specific cultural
group. For cultural members, stereotypes can become internalized components of identity
that insidiously affect members’ views of their opportunities or choices” (Kamalipour
2004, xx).
The process that occurs when non-cultural members look through a stereotyped
lens is one of negotiating identity. All stereotypes have some basis in fact/reality. For
example, folk works such as short stories, or parables, can reflect cultural folk traditions
of the people. They do not necessarily reinforce racism or oppression if described or
critiqued in a positive manner. As sociologist Alan J. Spector describes “Yiddish folk
tales, for example, are often self-critical in an affectionate, bittersweet way.” However,
when stories and stereotypes condense an entire people into a narrow negative image that
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serves to denigrate such motions can and should be categorized as problematic -- whether
the stereotypes are perpetuated by a member of the ethnic group or those outside of it
(Spector 1998, 42).
Throughout history lies and myths about the Jewish people, from myths of hidden
horns and tails, the notion of blood libel, to name but a few have been well received by
masses of non-Jews as evidenced as far back as the twelfth century woodcuts depicting
alleged ritual murder of Christian children (also known as blood libel) (Abramson 2001,
10). Since before the term “antisemitism” was politicized by German journalist Wilhelm
Marr in 1879 Jews had been stereotyped as racially different from polite society and have
been considered “other.”47 Social critic and philosopher Jacques Ellul observed “The
more an individual participates in the society in which he lives, the more he will cling to
stereotyped symbols expressing collective notions….the more susceptible he becomes to
the manipulation of these symbols” (Ellul 1965, 111).
The scapegoat technique of propaganda has long been used as a means of
identifying the “other.” Scapegoating is a distortion technique used to transfer feelings of
guilt, blame, and suffering from a person or group with the goal of alleviating negativity.
The target of Scapegoating is ostracized, excluded. The perpetrator is then freed from
their issue and serves as a defense mechanism while blame is attributed to others (KrauplTaylor 1953, 255). Scapegoats are found in almost every social context ranging from
families to entire nations (Girard 1986, 64). Those threatened by loss over status of their
47
Marr founded the League of Antisemites (Antisemiten-Liga) based on pseudo-scientific racism.
The League was the first formally organized German group publicly committed to challenging an alleged
Jewish threat to Germany. He introduced the concept and term “antisemitism” in his 1879 pamphlet Der
Weg zum Siege des Germanentums über das Judentum (The Way to Victory of Germanicism over Judaism)
(Zimmerman 1987, 213).
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own lives created scapegoats to distinguish who they were, via who they were not thus
the Us-Versus-Them counter-image is developed.
OWI Director Elmer Davis explained the complexity of World War II called for
the use of “all the channels of communication including the news and editorial columns
of newspapers and magazines; radio broadcasting.…The job needs also books and
posters, and it needs the technique that is the voice of American business – advertising”
(Davis 1943, 1).
Communication and Culture
Words don’t mean; people mean. A common past reduces misunderstanding.
-- Em Griffin, A First Look at Communication Theory
Various government leaders recognized the need to establish relationships
between the home and fighting fronts. The leadership of the War Production Board, the
OWI and others released statements emphasizing that “A better organized home front can
shorten the war” and “the War cannot be won in Washington – that it must be won in
every city, every town, every home in the land.”They also explained “the people must be
given the information necessary to induce needed actions” (WAC 1943, 1-2).
As the United States entered into World War II the nation’s disparate ethnic
groups were holding steadfastly to their unique cultural ways and many did not identify
as American per se. These attitudes stemmed largely from attitudes regarding the “other”
which had been passed-down for generations leaving many Americans at odds with one
another and some at odds with themselves. With the critical need to generate a unified
home front, a national identity of Americanism, the government turned to the use of
persuasion to change beliefs that immigrants were outsiders -- to reduce the dissonance
between established Anglo Americans and non-Anglo ethnics to create unity and
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acceptance. In the context of persuasion Leon Festinger’s 1962 Theory of Cognitive
Dissonance argued that humans cannot be comfortable if they do something they believe
is wrong. The solution is to avoid tension by stopping or reversing an action or choosing
to believe it is the right decision after all. This technique is used by agents who persuade
audiences to act in a certain manner and to convince the audience the action is a good
one. If the audience’s beliefs vary from the action, the agent must persuade them to
change their beliefs (Festinger 1962, 34-42). The thinking was such persuasion would
enable immigrant “others” to feel accepted and support the war efforts on the home and
battle fronts. The government knew they would have to target large groups of immigrants
and their first generation American descendants to unite them in the war effort (Becker
1994,130).
Identities are formed by the positions we take up and things we identify with. Part
of our identity experience is subjective in that it involves feeling and a sense of self.
However, given our subjectivity and identity are experienced in a social context where
outside factors influence meaning and shape experiences these are also part of what
constitutes identity. Identity, therefore, is beyond the subconscious and is subject to
external societal factors. Interpellation is a concept put forth by Philosopher Louis
Althusser (1971) to explain how subjects are recruited into positions by recognizing
sociologist and cultural theorist Stuart Hall’s notion of a “circuit of communication.”
Interpellation includes phases, or what Hall terms “moments” of production, circulation,
distribution and/or consumption, as well as reproduction (Hall 1980, 129). For Hall there
are three varieties of textual readings: In the dominant or preferred reading the audience
gleans and accepts what the producer or author intended; in the oppositional model the
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reader recognizes what is intended but for their own reason(s) be they political or
cultural, opt to ignore or reject the intended message; in negotiated readings the reader
agrees with some components of the production but not all (Hall 1973, 509).
The United States government was aware of the demoralizing effects of prejudice
on the war effort. Towards eradicating group hatred, prejudice and stereotyping the
government generated campaigns that included posters, pamphlets, radio spots and other
initiatives to promote their ideology of national unity and highlight the contributions of
the “other” towards furthering and preserving democracy. To clarify the goals of such
national unity campaigns the Ad Council’s La Roche wrote “There must be an end to
bickering, petty jealousies, suspicion of one group of American for another. At this time,
of all times, we must have unity. … We can achieve that unity, provided only that our
people understand clearly what must be done, and why” (La Roche 1943, 4). Advertising
would produce a new definition of what it meant to be American in terms of who could
be American.
Propaganda can be disseminated via cultural productions such as music, cinema,
and literature. Creative artists of the World War II era were aware of the concept and
power of propaganda such as the effect President Roosevelt’s “Freedom from Fear”
speech had on many Americans. The notion resonated with popular American illustrator
Norman Rockwell who, in response, created a series of paintings modeled after the “Four
Freedoms.” These appeared in the popular magazine The Saturday Evening Post and
were quickly embraced by the American public. Subsequently these paintings were
incorporated into various war service campaigns including one for United States savings
bonds.
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As Jewish American author Fannie Hurst observed, the creative artist could
provide a service to democracy by playing up similarities and playing down differences
between cultural, religious, and other groups: “From the beginning of time it has been
man’s habit of mind to emphasize difference rather than similarities…this tendency … is
the root of much human evil” (Miller 1939, 714). In 1934 the Italian American
organization Sons of Italy along with the Catholic League of Decency were successful in
facilitating changes to the Motion Picture Code. The Code was established in 1930 as “A
Code to Govern the Making of Talking, Synchronized and Silent Motion Pictures.” It was
developed and adopted by The Association of Motion Picture Producers, Inc. and The
Motion Picture Producers and Distributors of America, Inc. to establish production
standards regarding the “moral importance” of entertainment films (Black 1996, 37;
Doherty 1999, 18). The Code as originally written covered a wide range of “dont’s” for
the industry and while it made no mention of treatment of diverse racial groups it did
touch upon religious diversity:
1. No film or episode may throw ridicule on any religious faith.
2. Ministers of religion in their character as ministers of religion should not be
used as comic characters or as villains.
3. Ceremonies of any definite religion should be carefully and respectfully
handled.
The 1934 push for strengthening the code and diminishing negative stereotypes
was lead by the National League of Decency comprised of Catholic, Jewish and
Protestant religious leaders (Black 1996, 38-39) with support from cultural organizations
such as the Sons of Italy. These groups lobbied for changes in the ways that members of
their cultural groups were presented in cinema. For example, the Sons of Italy saw film
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stereotypes as portraying ethnic divisions of good and evil in terms of crime and
criminality and their efforts targeted changes to such negative representations (Casillo
1991, 352; Cavallero 2004, 57). 48 The original Code was strengthened and the Production
Code Administration (PCA) was formed as a way of tightening the reins on filmmakers
in the hope that doing so would serve a as a means of self-regulation to prevent
anticipated government censorship. Films produced after July 1943 would be subjected to
pre-screening and authorization by the PCA prior to release. In the period leading up to
the code amendments. While the Code was amended, films continued to use ethnicity as a
means of delineating good vs. evil -- they simply became a bit subtler.
The Role of Representation in Forming and Maintaining Identity
Identity is maintained through both social and material conditions. If a group is
symbolically classified as taboo or the “other” they will be socially excluded and
disadvantaged (Woodward 1997, 12). Often, negative representations of the “other” lead
to shame or even self-loathing for members of a group. Hall’s “grammar of race” theory
offers three facets of racial readings: slave, native, and clown. Each facet enables the
hegemonic view to be accepted, for example the cultural icon of the devoted “mammy”
figure that, while subservient, is depicted as willingly serving. Thus, the viewer is
absolved of guilt in their viewing experience because the dominance is
accepted/acceptable (Hall 1996, 21). Hall’s theory was originally applied to the study of
representations of blacks, however, the concept can easily be adapted to the study of nonAnglo ethnics. When considering the representation of ethnicity and race through history,
48
The National Decency League was founded in 1933 as the Catholic Decency League on a
platform of purifying cinema for decent audiences. As clergy from Protestant and even Jewish
congregations joined their ranks the name was changed from the Catholic Decency League to the National
Decency League. The organization was a powerful force in shaping cinema prior to rating systems imposed
by the film industry (Facey 1974, 16).
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when existing hierarchies are challenged one reaction is to conceive “the other,” which is
a form of oppression. For Hall identity is fluid – and in the process of “becoming”
identities are constructed in relation to other identities -- in relation to what they are not.
Social order is maintained through oppositions via construction of oppositional categories
within the social structure: “insiders” and “outsiders” Those who are outsiders are
excluded from mainstream society producing a marginalized identity. “Difference can be
constructed negatively as the exclusion and marginalization of those who are defined as
‘other’ or as outsiders” this is especially true in the context of racist stereotypes
(Woodward 1997, 35).
President Roosevelt’s administration seemed aware of the dichotomy between
notions of an ideology of national unity and the reality of racial, ethnic and religious
contrasts (Blum 1976, 147). Writing in 1940 Roosevelt stated “Americanism is not, and
never was, a matter of race and ancestry. A good American is one who is loyal to his
country and to our creed of liberty and democracy” (Schlessinger 1998, 43).With the idea
of bridging the gap between these concepts, and thus forging national unity through
pluralism, Roosevelt called for a federal holiday to recognize the values of citizenship.
Referred to as “I am an American Day” was celebrated on the third Sunday in May from
its inception in 1941 until 1952 when it became known as “Citizenship Day.”
Celebrations were orchestrated nationwide as an occasion to honor recently naturalized
citizens and to rededicate “all Americans to the ideals of citizenship” (AC 1946, 2;
Weston 1950, 45). “I Am an American Day” celebrations were intended as a national
citizenship day to encourage new citizens to rally for their new country to be promoted
nationwide via simultaneous local-level celebrations. Themes for the day’s events, as
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suggested by the Justice Department’s Immigration and Naturalization Service, were to
focus on national unity. As an Ad Council bulletin instructed such events should
minimize “Combating doctrines that would divide and weaken this nation by pitting one
group of Americans against another” while bringing “attention to the rich contribution to
America by her foreign-born citizens” (AC 1946, 2).
Roosevelt’s 1940 proclamation recognized the loyalty and service of the foreignborn that served the United States military during the war and referenced the need for
these individuals to unite as one people (AC 1946, 2).
The Art of Representation
Cultural studies uses the study of signs, or semiotics, to understand culture via
textual interpretation. Semiotics is studied as a way of understanding how meaning is
constructed and maintained (Chandler 2002, 3). In cultural studies images, symbols, and
pictures can be analyzed, or read, in the same way, for example in a magazine ad where
images can be viewed as signs, or symbols in lieu of words and/or text.
The concept of Semiotics was developed by linguist Ferdinand de Saussure as
“the science of the life of signs and society” (Saussure 1974, 16). In the study of signs the
term “text” refers to any assemblage of signs that are constructed and subsequently
interpreted. Semiotics is concerned with the meaning potential via the resources
presented. Text in this context spans all media from books, posters, film, even audio and
beyond. For Saussure signs gain meaning from their opposition to the signified –
meaning elements of language are given meaning by their structural relations. It is not the
signs themselves that are important, but rather the relationship among signs that develops
and/or limits their meanings. The notion that the signed and signified are inseparable
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focuses on the use of language.49 In this context the signifier is the physical artifact; the
signifier is the concept. As a means of textual analysis semiotics represents a shift
towards exploration of production modes and how they are used as social practice.
For visual semiotician Daniel Chandler when a medium is used for a purpose that
medium becomes a part of that purpose (not unlike McLuhan’s well-known concept that
“The medium is the message”). As Chandler explained “when we engage with media we
both act and are acted upon, use and are used (Chandler 2002, 2). Signs can be an arena
for class struggle in society in that a specific symbol can be interpreted in different and
sometimes contradictory ways,. for example, that of “white,” in that white can be
simultaneously visible and invisible. In this regard “white” is only “white” in contrast to
“black.” As a result “black” becomes the “other” only in difference to what it is not.
The term “semiosis” was coined by philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce within his
theory of semiotics to describe the act of practicing semiotics. Peirce was concerned with
the practical application of producing signs and attributing meaning to signs. Semiosis is
relevant to the study of meaning-making in society, for as Chandler explains it is “an
aspect of the wider system of social interaction in which information is exchanged”
(Chandler 2002, 4). Semiosis is the process of interpretation, a form of information
exchange in which signs are referents for objects which are termed the signified (Hodge
1988; Thibault 1991). A great deal of sign interpretation is dependent on the sender’s and
viewer’s pre-judgments.
49
Language can serve as a tool for distancing or uniting. In 1814 when DeWitt Clinton was
elected Governor of New York he remarked the adoption of the English language by immigrants would be
“The principal means of melting us down into one people and of extinguishing those stubborn prejudices
and violent animosities which formed a wall of partition between inhabitants of the same land” (Sollors
1986, 83).
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Social semiotics addresses all channels of meaning-making including written,
spoken, and for linguist Paul Thibault, the visual (Thibault 1991). Given the increasingly
valuable role of the visual in communication, the study of social semiotics is emerging to
address the ways in which he relations between the sign and the signified shift over time
(Chandler 2002, 12; Hodge 1988, 22). It is a concept in which the relationship between
the sign and the signified is maintained by social conventions, particularly how meaning
is developed via ideologies and other social parameters. An example of how this concept
works can be found in reading the symbols developed by governmental agencies to
signify various campaigns and issues, such as the symbols displayed in Figure 3.8.
Figure 3.8. Pamphlet.” War Theme Digest.” Designer unknown. 1944. Published by the
War Advertising Council, Inc. New York and Washington, D.C.
Materials such as The War Advertising Council’s Digest were typical of
recruitment and support materials distributed to advertisers and publishers intended to
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serve as a “quick reference” regarding campaigns seeking support as well as collateral
material suggestions. These included the use of specific symbols to be associated with
each campaign. The Council’s motto “War Advertising is Advertising which induces
people, through information, understanding and persuasion, to take certain actions
necessary to the winning of the war” and the slogan of a crossed ink quill and sword
indicative of their slogan: “The word is mightier than the sword” are featured
prominently. As Evans and Hall observed “the power or capacity of the visual sign to
convey meanings is only virtual or potential until those meaning have been realized in
use;” Further, “their realization requires, at the other end of the meaning chain, the
cultural practices of looking and interpretation, the subjective capacities of the viewer to
make images signify” (Evans 1999, 310).
In the Second World War the portrayal of ideology via symbols and signs was a
crucial tool in shaping, persuading and informing/re-forming attitudes about policy, war
involvement in general, and fostering national unity. The character of Uncle Sam as a
symbol for the federal government reflected an actual social process that subordinated
regional and local identities to the consciousness of an American family (Higham 2001,
43). The concept of “Uncle Sam” was created during the War of 1812 and originally had
no discernible identity until 1872 when illustrator Thomas Nast created the now iconic
image of “Uncle Sam” (Higham 2001, 43-44).50
50
The figure of Uncle Sam originated in popular culture. The development of the character is
attributed to a businessman named Sam Wilson who was a supplier of goods to the U.S Armed forces.
Wilson supposedly marked his crates “U.S.” to indicate they were destined for the government. This
supposedly led to him being given the nickname “Uncle Sam.” In 1872 cartoonist Thomas Nast solidified
the representation. Following James Montgomery Flagg’s incorporation of the character on a World War I
recruitment poster “Uncle Sam Wants You!” the character achieved iconic status. In 1950 the character of
Uncle Sam was formally adopted as the national symbol of the United States (Library of Congress 2005, 1).
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This depiction of “Uncle Sam” by cartoonist Thomas Nast (Figure 3.9) appeared
in the popular magazine Harper’s Weekly in 1877 and is exemplary of early renderings of
this iconic national symbol.
Figure 3.9. Editorial cartoon. “The Lightning
Speed of Honesty.” Illustrated by Thomas Nast.
1877. Published by Harper’s Weekly.
Uncle Sam is riding a snail labeled “The 45th Congress,” the title indicates the
piece is a critique of the slowness of bureaucracy. Here is the visual at work with the
ideologically developed literal symbol demonstrating how ideological concepts and lead
to the development of literal symbols. For example the Statue of liberty was originally
associated with the notion of American independence. In the 1920s it became connected
to the American immigrant experience as a result of the efforts of journalist and
immigrant advocate Louis Adamic. Adamic ushered poet Emma Lazarus’s 1883 poem
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“The New Colossus” (which had been engraved on a plaque at the base of the statue in
1909) from obscurity to propagate an eclectic sense of American nationality and
recognize contributions of newer ethnic Americans. The Lazarus poem served his agenda
and he quoted it endlessly in articles and publication including his 1934 article “Thirty
Million New Americans” for Harper’s Magazine (Adamic 1934, 687).
The effect of representational control of a group by those outside the group often
has psychological and cultural effects and the disenfranchised then become deflated by
negative depictions of their group. The interdisciplinary concept of cultural studies is at
the intersection of the social sciences, particularly sociology and the humanities, with an
emphasis on literature, and is concerned with exposing the control of representation. For
Stuart Hall representation is as an act of reconstruction, rather than one of reflection,
during which an object or image can reconstruct something (an image of an apple in a
photograph, for example). However, it is not the thing itself, nor is it simply a picture of
an apple – it is a symbol to entice the consumer into purchasing something. Hall used
textual analysis referred to as “encoding” and “decoding.” In this form of analysis the
audience is not passive – they actively negotiate what the text means. By text in this
context Hall considered images, written words, even cinematic representations and
meaning is dependent on the background of the reader (the person consuming the text).
Hall’s theory offers an explanation as to different interpretations (and thus
acceptance/rejection) of a text linked to social construction in that all texts are encoded
by their producer -- it is up to the reader/audience to decode it (Hall 1980, 64). This
stance provides the framework of representation as a form of ideological construction that
serves specific interests to those who have control over the media. Such ideological
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construction was how the OWI, out of the need for national unity in the World War II
era, transformed notions of the “other” to notions of inclusion.
In/Re-Forming American
Representation plays a critical role in forming and maintaining identity for
individuals and groups and it affects how individuals and groups form notions about
“others.” In exploring relationships between various forms of mass communication and
notions of who was considered an American in the United States, it is evident that
towards re-shaping national ideology from a culture of “otherness” to that of unity, the
American government employed the arts of persuasion to reform ideas as to who could be
an American. During the World War II era in America the media was called upon to
examine its responsibility to the nation and, in doing so, re-evaluated the ways in which
they depicted diverse cultural groups. The resulting campaign, while rooted in fostering
an industry’s economic gain, promoted their actions in terms of the humanistic versus the
outwardly capitalistic. The result was a successful campaign that achieved the goal of the
advertising industry (economic prosperity) and the needs of government (fostering
national unity). The perception that the ad industry was altruistic and humanitarian vs.
outwardly capitalistic was merely a bonus. Further, the continuation of the Advertising
Council after the War’s end was essentially a gift to the advertising industry, which
continues into the twenty-first century.
Prior to the United States’ participation in World War II non-Anglo Americans
were largely marginalized and not considered to be worthy of American status. As the
War progressed and there was a need to unite the internally fractured nation, previously
excluded non-white ethnics who did not consistently identify as Americans were
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encouraged to become a part of their adopted nation. Via government initiated campaigns
the call to unity would serve to coalesce previously disconnected Americans with one
another on the home front and in the trenches of war. Exploring the history, methodology
and techniques employed by United States Government and the front-runners of the
American advertising industry towards producing a new definition of what it meant to be
American enables us to understand how they affected attitudes about who could be an
American. This provides a foundation for the examination of visual cultural artifacts to
follow in Chapter Four where we will see how the efforts and actions of these agencies
forever changed the face of the United States.
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CHAPTER FOUR
UNCLE SAM WANTS WHO? RE-IMAGING THE AMERICAN ETHNIC “OTHER”
Americanism is not and never was, a matter of race and ancestry. A good
American is one who is loyal to this country and to our creed of liberty and
democracy.
-- Franklin D. Roosevelt, Remarks to the 442nd Regimental Combat Team
As the United States prepared to enter World War II it was a nation divided by
notions of otherness. Many Americans had negative attitudes about immigrants,
individuals or groups different from themselves which stemmed from a long prevailing
xenophobia. The need for a sense of national unity in the face of world war resulted in
full-scale initiatives by the United States government to foster inclusion among
previously excluded non-Anglos. By use of such tactics the “other” were more likely to
be convinced that service to the nation, be it on the home or battle front was the ultimate
expression of loyalty and by doing so they would be rewarded by being considered loyal,
true Americans.
In 1941 the American government embarked on well-planned national unity
campaigns in partnership with corporations, including manufacturers, publishers, media
outlets and the advertising industry. The goal of theses campaigns was to foster American
national unity. The visual cultural artifacts that follow are the products of such campaigns
and the techniques they employed. By exploring the practical applications of various
communication theories: suggestion, imitation and contagion (all of which appealed to
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human instinct, attitude and response) this research aims to uncover the residual text that
served as the foundation of the government’s propaganda during the period 1941-1945.
The analysis of cultural production artifacts that follows aims to provide a cultural
critique of propagandistic presentations of identity, particularly, the ways propaganda
was employed as a means of mass dissemination, to foster inclusive representations of
non-Anglo ethnics in the United States. The materials presented in this survey embody a
cross-section of visual artifacts which were incorporated into the daily lives of Americans
by various means, including advertisements disseminated through print media.
The artifacts reviewed and analyzed in this project were all produced by the
Office of War Information between 1941 through 1945 and distributed nationally. These
productions could be found in locations the general public had access to: theatres,
assembly halls, and work places. They were also strategically placed in publications
available to general audiences such as local newspapers and popular magazines.
In the following analysis each artifact was explored via a methodology developed
specifically for this study. This approach, outlined below, demonstrated the techniques
used in each production and illustrated the evolution of the propagandic arts during the
period 1941-1945. By closely examining these artifacts and the ways in which they were
utilized as tools in the de-construction of the once prevalent otherness of non-Anglo
Americans we see how art in the service of an idea worked. In the campaigns surveyed
such productions were instrumental in creating a legacy of shared aspirations among
previously disconnected citizens making them “Americans, All!”
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Cultural Production Analysis
Comparative procedures, in fact, could be said to be the very basis for arriving at
meaning.
-- Henry M. Sayre, The Object of Performance:
The American Avant-Garde Since 1970
The following analysis was conducted via exploration based upon a survey matrix
created for this project. The completed worksheets the following narrative was developed
from can be found as Appendix B. The goal of this research is to illustrate the techniques
used within each cultural production. Doing so will enable an understanding the
effectiveness of the processes on informing and re-forming audience attitudes towards the
previously marginalized during this period in American history.
Each artifact included in this survey was initially evaluated with consideration of
baseline production factors including who the producer was, when it was produced and
for which target audience(s). Also considered at this level was the motivation for creating
the production: why did the producing agent(s) develop the work in the first place? In
cases where no documentation exists to support specific responses to the above questions,
the research considered what, within the artifact, leads to reasonable assumptions to
satisfy these points of inquiry. Additionally, consideration was given to where the work
was published or presented, and the technical and logistical means by which the audience
was approached (or intended to be approached).
Following the review of these baseline elements an intensive survey of design
elements was conducted, beginning with a review of the overall layout of each
production. From this perspective individual graphic elements were examined in greater
depth to form an understanding of the critical role that they played in the success of
printed visual communications. The composition of each production was explored with
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careful consideration of the placement of textual and visual imagery: which elements are
featured and where in the production (foreground, mid-ground, or back-ground) and how
these placements may have affected the reading of the production.
Visual imagery was a common tool in the artifacts surveyed. Artists who
contributed their talents to the production of War-era posters and photographs were also
called upon by the Office of War Information’s War Advertising Council to support print
advertising campaigns. As seen in Chapter Three (Figure 3.4) the OWI’s Office of War
Programs managed various communication outlets including graphics, news, books,
magazines, radio, motion pictures and advertising agencies. As such, there were frequent
overlaps in production features with participating artists either volunteering to generate
new images specific to government campaigns, or to share relevant work they had
previously created for these initiatives (Advertising Age 1943, 21). Some imagery used in
these campaigns was based upon actual photographs commissioned by the agency. These
were then re-produced by artists in alternative mediums, depending on the aesthetic and
emotional needs of the project. In artifacts where a visual was used it may have been used
as a solitary component or incorporated into a larger composition. In some cases images
were sent by the OWI to publishers complete with a caption and layout suggestions for
ease in incorporating the piece(s) into publications, thus making it difficult for publishers
not to use them (WAC 1943, 5).
This survey considers a variety of visual factors that would affect the reader’s
interpretation: first, is the image static or dynamic? Who or what is the featured subject in
each? If figures are present do they convey an expression? Did the angle, focus, or depth
represented serve as a symbol to the reader? Visual images that are presented in a close142
up format relay intimacy between the audience and the subject(s) in that the implication
is the reader has been invited into the scene. Medium-distance, or mid-range, images
reflect a personal connection or relationship with the image, but not one that is entirely
inclusive or intimate. Long shots enable the audience to place the subject in context and
provide a public stance as to how it fits. A full shot – an entire image from a distance –
implies a societal relationship, conveying that while the audience may not have direct
familiarity with the object, they can read how it fits into society and the “big picture.”
Additional graphic elements were considered: was the artifact produced in color,
pure black and white or grayscale? What role, if any, does the use of light factor into the
graphic(s)? These elements are important overall as they lend key clues as to what the
audience might have experienced upon first glancing at the artifact.
In cultural productions utilizing text there are various factors to be considered
including the content of the text and the style of language used, for example, is it casual
or formal? Typography, the use of type, or fonts, as a graphic element, plays an important
role in creating the mood of a cultural production. Since Johannes Gutenberg created
moveable type inspired by fifteenth century handwriting known as blackletter, diverse
fonts have been created by hand and machine, to enhance messages. With the rise of print
advertising in the nineteenth century, fonts emerged in a variety of styles and scale to
command attention rather than simply convey information (Lupton 2004, 47). In the
artifacts surveyed the format of the font itself was examined to determine if it was it bold,
italicized, underlined, serif or sans serif. The typography was considered in terms of how
it was laid-out in relation to other elements of the production, the quantity of type, and
whether or not it was produced in color.
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To determine which, if any, symbolic features and semiotic principles may have
contributed to the production, each artifact was surveyed for signs and symbols that may
relate to any of the following:
•
The symbolism of association, including representations of lifestyle,
stereotypes, situations and even celebrities and/or spokespeople to forge a
connection with the audience.
•
Metaphoric symbolism occurs when cultural productions incorporate the use
of allegorical associations or the use of unusual substitutions, for example
images of ants to represent an army.
•
Symbolic Storytelling, which relies upon a narrative or dramatic theme within
the production.
•
Aesthetic symbolism occurs when details themselves become artistic symbols
via the formation of patterns and/or abstractions.
•
Mimesis features symbolism created by the use of imitation or mimicry within
the production.
Further consideration of symbolism was accounted for by looking at the state of
the production, meaning where in space and time is the scene set? Which agents (people,
objects, even animals) were participating in the dialogue and what activities or actions
were they engaged in? What temporal and logical relationships or settings were depicted?
What were the circumstances portrayed and what, if any, key objects were featured?
To better comprehend the machinations of these productions a variety of propagandic
tools and styles were considered including:
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•
Messages incorporating the hero or martyr concept which often feature images
of individuals or groups engaged in, or emerging from, some form of
challenge. The use of the hero or martyr in propaganda serves as a means of
gaining audience cooperation and sympathy.
•
Productions centering around conflict(s) incorporating the struggle between at
least two entities (be they ideologies, groups or individuals) has proven to
fascinate audiences. As such, propaganda that includes the notion of conflict
can generate exciting and effective messages.
•
Incorporation of revelations or surprises within a message offer components
of mystery and intrigue. The enticement is followed by an explanation in what
communication scholar Oliver Thomson called “The whodunit strain of
communications” (Thomson 1977, 21).
•
The scapegoat technique is ages old. Scapegoating, a form of image
projection, or disambiguation, in which “blaming the ills of society on the
element with the worst public image and exploiting that unpopularity” works
to promote greater acceptance for those outside the target group (Girard 1986;
Thomson 1977, 22). The term “scapegoat” stemmed from the historic concept
employed by tribal peoples of the Middle East who would literally cast a goat
symbolizing issues of concern out of their midst.
•
The technique of self-sacrifice is one commonly used in social propaganda. It
generally incorporates the message that giving of one’s self, or making
sacrifices for the greater good, is what a dutiful and loyal citizen would do, as
Thomson explained “It is useful for societies to preach a general theme of
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self-sacrifice for the tribe, club, school or nation…The image of duty has been
assiduously cultivated according to the needs of each society” (Thomson
1977, 22).
To come to terms with the potential influence of symbolism, all of these elements
were catalogued and a formula applied to each. The formulaic analysis of symbolism
began with consideration of diverse potential factors of the production including:
coherence, covertness, clarity, continuity and its comprehensiveness.
The next phase looked more closely at the manifestation of codes to determine
potential categories the production might be classified under. The category options in this
study have their basis in an interdisciplinary approach to allow for the greatest breadth of
understanding as to the diverse backgrounds and techniques employed by the producers.
Ultimately, such information enabled an appreciation as to how the producers effectively
reached large and diverse audiences. The codes apparent within the artifacts analyzed
included the following: the code of the institution (based in sociology); rituals or ritual
behavior (from an anthropological perspective); the code of personality (stemming from
psychology); depictions of societal roles (social psychology); and the symbolism of
ideology (drawing from the arena of political science).
When reviewing a cultural production the reader (or audience member) is
engaged by a variety of means. These may include rhetorical tools playing upon an
individual’s knowledge and/or emotions stemming from various experiences. The
rhetorical tool of enthymeme enhances the force of an idea or argument by encouraging
the reader to bring their own assumptions into play (Blair 2004, 44). An enthymeme
deliberately leaves a piece of the idea unstated – a piece that is so obvious that it doesn’t
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have to be stated (Audi 2008, 194). This encourages the audience to keep in mind what
they already know and bring it into the reading. Doing so empowers them to believe that
the missing piece is something they know and, as such, it is accurate and believable
information. For this technique to succeed, the audience member must make personal
deductions to have the production make sense to them.
Additional means by which productions aim to reach audience members include
persuasive appeals such as ethos, logic and pathos. With a basis in ethics, the device of
ethos relies upon the reader to make a judgment call of sorts. It appeals to the individual’s
sense of right or wrong to determine how to interpret or act upon the production. Pathos
plays upon the emotions of the audience, often utilizing symbols such as animals,
children or sentiment to evoke an emotional response from the reader. Logos is used to
engage the reader’s sense of reason, or logic, via factual information (or data that is
presented as factual). For example, a figure in a white lab or doctor’s coat endorsing a
product or statement lends credibility as the figure can be perceived as a medical expert
and therefore an authority figure. The strategies of logic, ethos and pathos can be used
individually, or can be combined within a single production to enhance the odds that a
consumer will connect with the data being presented. Related to these strategies is the
rhetorical strategy of humor, which can engage readers by making difficult topics more
accessible or provide genuine comic relief.
A production may offer or suggest an ideal interpretation by outwardly
symbolizing or representing something meaningful to the reader. When productions are
understated in terms of symbolism, the reader may have to engage in deeper reflection
and processing of subtle nuances. In artifacts incorporating cultural values, the reader
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may feel compelled to, or be required to, make judgments about what they are
experiencing. Finally, when exploring these productions, consideration was given to what
alternative reading or interpretation(s), if any, can be made of them.
Each artifact in this study was examined using the previously outlined criteria. By
reviewing the production background and various design elements, characteristics,
manifestation of codes and symbolism and the ways in which producers attempted to
engage audiences, an appreciation of their complexity became apparent. Through this
analysis we can begin to fully understanding how tools of propaganda and
communication have worked historically, and how they continue to do so.
Analysis of Cultural Artifacts
Figure 4.1. Poster. “This is America.. … Keep it Free! The American Way Works!”
Designer unknown. Ca.1944. Background photo by Palmer. Inset photo by Lewis Hine.
Published by the U.S. Office of War Information. Printed by The Sheldon-Claire Co.,
Chicago, Illinois.
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Figure 4.2. Poster detail. “This is America..
… Keep it Free! The American Way
Works!” Designer Unknown. Ca. 1944.
Figure 4.3. Photograph.
“Climbing into America.”
Photographed by Lewis Hine.
Ca. 1905.
Figures 4.1 – 4.3: This artifact, “This is America! The American Way
Works…Keep it Free!” dates from 1944 when it was produced for the Office of War
Information as part of a national unity campaign. The poster was printed for nation-wide
distribution by the Sheldon-Claire Company of Chicago, a prolific firm that mass
produced materials such as motivational posters and pamphlets for diverse industries
(Bird 1998, 13). The large format composite-style poster was intended for public display
(likely on interior and possibly exterior walls) for maximum exposure to a wide audience.
The overall layout of the poster features two photographs, one inset and one
dominant, which serve as a feature and background respectfully. The images are both in
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color – the smaller photo, taken in 1905, was colored in specifically for this production.
While the colors in this image are subtle, muted tones, leaving the image in its original
black and white format would have detracted from the power of the photograph, in
contrast to the larger dominant contemporary image. The historic inset photo serves to lay
the foundation for the story being presented. This photo was taken full-frame implying
that it is a documentary image and the subjects are shown in a specific context to signify
that this is an overview, or documentation, of a specific moment. The larger
contemporary (ca. 1944) photo by Palmer depicts a diverse group of individuals seated,
yet engaged, and all participating in the same experience (although what is not apparent
to the reader). The viewer can presume from the long-shot photographic format that they
are invited to observe the figures. Based on information provided elsewhere in the
production the reader can make an assumption that the figures shown are likely
descendants of a diverse group of immigrants, or Americanized, thus united, immigrants
themselves.
Text also figures prominently in this production in that it serves to anchor the
composition. Primary text or headlines are placed strategically towards the top left and
towards the bottom right with the key slogan “The American Way Works!” close to
center so that it serves as the primary “take away” if the viewer gets nothing else from the
reading. The text is presented in a variety of fonts including a fluid script-like font and
bold sans serif fonts as well. Multiple lines of text are set in dedicated boxes, each
forming a semi-formal narrative simultaneously supporting and being supported by the
visual imagery of the artifact. The symbolism of mimesis, wherein the contemporary
group serves as an imitation of the historical group, is used to imply those who ascend the
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steps to America, literally to becoming American, come out the stairwell as part of a
large homogenized group. Despite the differing time periods represented by these two
photos the images cohere to provide a continuous narrative and give a comprehensive
overview of the immigrant experience – from entry to assimilation.
This cultural production plays on the emotional notion of pathos, wherein the
reader is encouraged to relate to the struggle of immigrants who sacrificed to journey to
America to give their all so their descendants would presumably have a better life. The
piece also relies on the concept of ethos in that theoretically any good American would
know this is “Your America” as the text reads, therefore, it is the responsibility of the
good and ethical American to meld together into a unified force. The larger image and
associated text imply that by actively engaging in national unity citizens will reap the
benefits of being American, as evidenced by the comfortable setting of the larger image.
In an ideal reading of this production the viewer would pick-up on the intended
message that immigrants ascended to their American status to “fulfill the hope of the
world” and demonstrate that “The American way works!” Therefore, in order to be a
good American, critical during war time, the reader would put aside their personal past as
well as past thoughts regarding the “other” to get on board by becoming a good American
– a united American. This artifact succeeded through use of powerful visuals, a strong
narrative accompanied by commanding headline text. While it might not be possible for
old ways to fade entirely, good Americans will at least sit shoulder-to-shoulder with their
neighbors to present a united front.
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Figure 4.4. Advertisement. “Half an American?” Designed by the War
Advertising Council. Ca. 1944. Published by The Gazette, Delaware, Ohio.
Tuesday, May 16, 1944.
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Figure 4.4: The notion that all Americans should be considered equal is put forth
in this 1944 “Patriotic Campaign” advertisement produced by the War Advertising
Council. This production promoting national unity, the purchase of war bonds and a host
of sponsors appeared in the Delaware, Ohio Gazette on Tuesday, May 16, 1944. The
appeal here is to a white-collar middle-class audience as suggested by the figure of an
Anglo businessman, symbolic of American business and industry, strolling with a sense
of purpose, briefcase in hand.
The headline “Half an American? ‘There ain’t no such animal!’” speaks to the
everyman in its colloquial tone, thus it would have been accessible to a wide audience,
even those who did not identify directly with the Anglo male figure. To the dominant
culture the appeal is to put aside prejudices; the not yet assimilated the message is to
forego the hyphen and assume their identities as true and full Americans: “No, there just
can’t be half an American. It is a case of ALL – not almost. Anything less in unAmerican – un-American as those who maliciously, or unknowingly, spread racial or
religious intolerance.”
The arresting visual component of this work features a halved male figure, a
seeming stock photo-realistic illustration, of an ambitious businessman in mid-stride with
his briefcase swinging. The implication – he is off to engage in some business enterprise
that will no doubt be favorable to the economy of the entire nation and American ideals
overall -- as only a full-fledged American would be capable of. This unusual image of a
halved man would have been an attention-grabbing device. The stark contrast of the male
figure with the white background draws attention to the image, but the designer cleverly
employs a geometric framing to the visual contributing a sense of motion and adding to
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the dynamic sense of the scenes as well as drawing the reader’s gaze to the key tag line
“Be American!”
The perspective of the image, the long shot format, signals to the reader that this
is someone you might encounter walking down the street or a corridor -- the everyman,
known and accessible to the average reader. The use of a grayscale background
emphasizes the textual components of the piece and offers an interesting juxtaposition of
image and text. The textual placement, overlapping the image and white space of the ad,
serves as a connecting element. The majority of the ad’s narrative text is set in multiple
font sizes and styles which lends itself to the conversational, casual tone of the message.
Use of varying fonts and unconventional use of capitalization are used to emphasize
specific lines of text. For example: “And let us remember that this war is being won by
the contributions of ALL these creeds and races – Americans ALL…”
Consistent with the words of the ad the visual text here demonstrates the
problematics of not being a full-American. The image of a halved figure exemplifies the
importance at the local level the importance of identifying as a full-American and to
accept those previously deemed less-than. The message here is that if the individual is not
whole, the nation too will be divided and thus susceptible to the enemy. It is worth
noting, at this point in the War morale was relatively low in light of setbacks in the
European theater. While the public would not know, preparations were in the works for
the allied forces invasion of Normandy, a significant turning point in the War.
The ad becomes comprehensive for the reader to review and assemble the
disparate components of the ad to form a metaphor for the division that America’s
enemies seek to attain. The production plays on the notion of ethos in that any good
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American will realize the value of their fellow citizens, regardless of their origins.
Conversely, reference to the evils and role of Hitler and the Axis will play on the pathos
of the readers.
In an ideal reading of this production the message the audience would take away
that good Americans will not discriminate against one another and bad Americans will do
so, thus lending support to Hitler. In addition to not discriminating one can also support
the United States by purchasing war bonds and frequenting the businesses and agencies
listed in the sponsor section of the advertisement.
This advertisement is representative of ads that would have run in newspapers
nationwide as part of an OWI/War Advertising Council outreach. Each paper would have
secured local supporters whose information would have been listed in the space allocated
for sponsor identification and promotion. It was common for Ad Council staff to collect
finished ads from publishers and advertising agencies to use as examples of ways in
which ads could serve as successful tools in support of government initiatives. Now,
some 70 years later artifacts such as this one survive in the archives of the Advertising
Council. This particular piece was catalogued with similar works under the archival
category of “non-discrimination.”
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Figure 4.5. Advertisement. “Tell us please Mr. Hitler… What is Hate?” Designed
by the War Advertising Council. Ca. 1944. Publisher unknown.
Figure 4.5: This advertisement promoting tolerance and unity was produced by
the War Advertising Council ca. 1944. The format of this production and that it was
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printed on newsprint paper and folded in a standard newspaper format indicates it was
intended for newspaper publication.
The layout of this production features grayscale images on white ground. The
figures, four infants, are illuminated to enhance the notion of purity and innocence
associated with babies. The infant figures are clad in white diaper covers and white shoes,
further emphasizing their purity. The figures are seemingly floating, an allusion to the
ethereal and heavenly notion that babies signify for many. Whimsical text floats, superimposed over the legs of “Baby Lee” while columns of narrative text punctuate the
ground. The images of innocent, smiling, diaper-clad babies against an untainted white
ground are in stark contrast to the text of the appeal:
We babies are not born to hate.
Some man must teach us that.
A man like you.
You must teach our mothers, too.
And our fathers.
Then baby Lee’s father will hate baby Levy’s.
And baby Leary’s will hate baby Lincoln’s.
And you would like that very much.
The more our parents do not like each other, the more they are div-id-ed.
The more they are div-id-ed, the less they will want to work together.
The better for you Mr. Hitler, the worse for us.
The production is dynamic in that the figures are walking, crawling, smiling and/or
engaging the audience with eye contact. The long-view of the photographic images
indicates a public stance, putting the figures in the context of everyman, or in this case
everybaby. The figures are carefree and seemingly floating in space as they crawl, sit,
and toddle. They are engaged in ritual baby-like activities of babies being babies. All
figures appear equal in that there are no garments or supplementary status symbols to
differentiate them from another. Each infant depicted could be anyone’s baby – the
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separation of the figures invites the audience to reach-in and pick up and comfort any of
the babies featured. However, this can also be read conversely. In this production calling
for unity, the figures are all separate – each in their own environment/atmosphere and are
not visually united or engaged with one another. In this ad promoting tolerance,
acceptance, and one can assume a departure from the stereotyping all too commonly
associated with such attitudes, it is worth noting there is a hierarchy present. The
designer(s) of this advertisement selected some rather iconic, if not entirely stereotypical, names for the baby figures. Dominating the top left corner is “Baby Lee” one of
the two standing figures, depicted as an Anglo and, therefore, dominant, figure. Perhaps it
is mere coincidence that this baby is designated by the surname of “Lee,” as in Robert E.
Lee the leader of the Confederate forces during the American Civil War. To the right of
this figure is a seated, and thus symbolically subversive, black baby who has been named
“Lincoln,” presumably after the great emancipator. In terms of symbolism this figure is
dominated by the Anglo “Lee.” “Baby Leary” is a stout Irish infant, with hand in mouth,
holding a shoe in one hand, but wearing none – perhaps an allusion to the stereotypical
drunkard common in caricatures of the Irish. Finally, at bottom left is “Baby Levy”
shown crawling on all fours – at the lowest level of the not-so subliminal hierarchy and
the only figure not sitting or standing – which could be read as if the Jew has yet to
evolve to such ability or status among the dominant culture. Despite this somewhat
contradictory approach this production is truly exceptional I that it includes black baby
Lincoln in this call for national unity is at a time when segregation, even among military
troops, was wide-spread. The decision to incorporate a black child may be an indicator
that this production would have appeared in major newspaper markets with a racially
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diverse readership and including a black figure in the group would have been a means of
engaging black readers.
The text of this production breaks with convention in that the headline is not
capitalized and it is placed at left center. The placement, font and angled position of this
bold text enhances the message in that, despite the content of the text which is decidedly
serious, there is an air of whimsy that logically connects headline to the visuals creating a
whimsical nursery-like environment. The first paragraph of the narrative text is delivered
from the perspective of the infant figures. In the second paragraph narrative the voice is
more formal and dramatic. The copy at the lower right of the composition addresses the
dividing efforts of the Axis including the warning: “You may be fooled … Goebbels is
sometimes devilishly smart. Don’t let him use you. Just don’t repeat any ‘story’ if it
reflect adversely on any creed or color. Someone started it. You can stop it.” The
language the ad further appeals to the reader: “In the name of these babies that are
America’s best hope…in the name of their brothers, uncles, fathers, Protestant, Catholic,
Jew, who are spilling their blood to purge the world of hate…Stop Hitler’s rumors!”
This production incorporates a variety of symbols. The infant figures are
presented as symbols of America and also serve as a mimetic device by which the
implied innocence of the babies is representative of America’s pre-War innocence and
purity – before the introduction of Axis evil. The use of storytelling in the main text
presents a dramatic narrative from which the reader can glean the perils of hatred and
manipulation by the Axis.
The notion of ethos calls upon the reader to avoid or ideally altogether cease
hating their fellow Americans while the notion of pathos plays upon the emotions the
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audience via baby appeal. For these figures it seems as the future is wide-open and
possibilities are endless – unless evil and prejudice are permitted to infiltrate their little
print ad utopia. The average reader would have the knowledge that babies are malleable
and must be taught. This is reinforced by the dramatic narrative text that implies the
teachings of Adolf Hitler can easily infiltrate the world of these pure babies unless
American adults step up and prevent the negative influence of the Axis powers.
The text lends cohesion and continuity with the statement of the babies
transitioning into an adult narrative. The whimsical nature of the babies brings an element
of gentle humor to the piece. Likewise, the stereotypical names assigned to the babies
would be a potential source of amusement from the perspective of in and out groups with
information regarding the origins of the names listed. Leary is of Irish heritage, Levy is
generally a Jewish name, Lee, Levy and Lincoln, in a nod to the great emancipator of
African Americans. The composition here signals to the reader to come together in the
name of national unity and for the sake of future generations of yet untainted citizenry.
The ideal reading of this production would leave the audience understanding that
hatred is bad. Only bad people such as Hitler promote such attitudes. Don’t be like Hitler.
An alternative reading is that individuals can be manipulated and groups, as represented
by the names featured in the production, are not yet united – this from the special
separation of the characters, or rather the lack of visual unity in the composition of the
figures signaling that there are already divisions and that Americans first face the
challenge of uniting on the home front before they can successfully defeat the Axis on the
battle field.
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Figure 4.6. Photograph. “New York, New York. Finale in a Play on America at War,
Given by Students of Public School Eight in an Italian-American District.” Photographed
by Marjorie Collins. 1943. Published by the Farm Security Administration, Office of War
Information.
Figure 4.6: This 1943 photograph featuring a group of children acting in a school
play was taken by Farm Service Administration photographer Marjorie Collins. Collins
was one of several photojournalists in the service of the Farm Service Administration, a
division of the Office of War Information charged with documenting home front
activities during 1942-1943. As photography historian Beverly Brannan observed: “Many
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of her assignments involved photographing ‘hyphenated Americans’” (Brannan 2009, 2).
Collins was on assignment in the predominantly Italian American enclave of Brooklyn
Heights, in the shadow of the Brooklyn Bridge, just west of Manhattan. In terms of
geography it was the first stop out of the tenements of New York’s little Italy for many
immigrant and first generation Italian Americans.
Collins captured the centralized figures of children wearing costumes representing
various American icons including Uncle Sam, an American Navy sailor and additional
service members. The children are intensely engaged in their song, demonstrating that
being an American is serious business, particularly for these presumably Italian American
children many of whom would likely be first-generation Americans. Collins captured the
dynamic scene in full frame, so that her audience would see what the actual audience at
the play experienced – a technique conveying the emotion and intensity of the live
performance. Individuals viewing this image would be able to associate with the familiar
setting of a school auditorium and feel the passion of the students and thus be able to
connect with them on an emotional level. The distinctly American symbols of the iconic
characters the children portray would further resonate with the pathos of Collins’
audience as well as connecting on an institutional level – which all Americans regardless
of background or age should share in the ideology of national unity and promote the
American way. The viewer would likely be drawn in by the endearing nature of the
image and thus the message would have struck a chord with a wide audience.
This black and white documentary-style image would have been distributed to
newspapers and magazines for publication to promote the notion of assimilation for all
immigrants. That underlying theme is filtered through the screen of patriotism and unity
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as the children of the “other” depict members of the allied armed forces and nations
supporting American efforts in the World War. Photojournalist Collins frames the image
to focus on the iconic figure of Uncle Sam in full patriotic glory. The image serves the
dual purpose of encouraging assimilation for immigrants and their descendants while
demonstrating to the dominant culture the ability and willingness of the “other” to
literally play their part as patriotic Americans. The children’s somewhat oversized, illfitting costumes compounded by the stiff stance they share serve to symbolize that they,
and their fellow non-Anglo ethnics while willing to try, have not yet become entirely
comfortable with their new identities.
Collins authored a 1941 article regarding immigrant living conditions in
Hoboken, New Jersey which led to her position with the New York Office of the Foreign
Service, a division of the Office of War Information. In 1942 she joined the OWI
photographic corps led by Roy Striker. From 1942-43 she took over 3,000 photographs at
the request of the OWI for visuals depicting “the ideal American way” and demonstrating
the commitment of ordinary citizens in support of the war effort spurned by Executive
Order 8802 (June 25, 1941) calling for full participation in the nation’s defense program.
Such images reflected how Americans of all backgrounds sacrificed to support the war
effort. Many of her projects focused on interpretations of national identity and she
worked diligently with her colleague Gordon Parks in creating studies of a diverse
America (Carson 1995, 47). Collins images were frequently used to illustrate propaganda
materials distributed behind enemy lines to show how hyphenated Americans were
thriving in the United States (Fleischhauer 1988, 27).
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Figure 4.7. Advertisement. “Wait Soldier! Don’t Give Him Aid If He’s Not of Your
Faith!” Illustrated by W. Neff. 1944. Designed by The War Advertising Council.
Published by the Altoona Mirror, May 17, 1944.
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Figure 4.7: Fear and heroicism are key components to this tolerance-promoting
advertisement designed by the War Advertising Council as part of a national campaign.
The stark graphic components of this production focus on a battlefront depicting the
brutality and isolation of combat. Two central male figures, an injured soldier and his
companion, are threatened not only by the implied violence appearing in the background,
but also by the specter of an unseen, yet presumably heard, evil: “Don’t offer him aid if
he’s not of your faith,” reads the headline. In response the quizzical-looking, kneeling uninjured soldier appears to ask, perhaps of himself (as suggested by the broken lines
surrounding his words/thoughts), “Who said that?”
The strength of this production is in the way the visual and written text work
together to further the notion of an evil echo present on the battle field with “our boys.”
The haunting imagery is enhanced by the artist’s use of heavy charcoal shadowing and, to
the top left, the linear formation indicative of an explosion in the not-too-far distance.
Adding to the ominous tone of the piece is the background scene featuring an
unidentifiable shape on a gurney being carried by two faceless male figures. To the right
of these figures is a solitary figure propped-up against an object resembling an
architectural element with cross-like beams protruding from its top. An equally intense
element is the seemingly burnt outline of the ad’s visual component. The ragged edges of
the border are evocative of the flames of battle, the hell of war. The emotion of this
imagery is enhanced by the juxtaposition of the graphics with concrete, solid, blocks of
text. The language of the advertisement is authoritative and direct. In keeping with the
ad’s theme promoting national unity the text encourages: “…accepting the brotherhood
of man, learning the hard way there must be no such thing as Catholic against Protestant,
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Christian against Jew, class against class, or race against race.” The message advises
diverse Americans to view each other without prejudice lest “…those who would
dominate the world by evil might [succeed]… by the crafty technique of ‘Divide and
Conquer.’”
As with all war bond campaigns put forth by The War Advertising Council this
advertisement was presented by a corporate sponsor. In this example The Bon-Ton
department store chain proudly declared the announcement was “Published in the Interest
of Humanity and Freedom” and encouraged readers to show their patriotism by tolerating
those different from themselves in the name of national unity. What better way to
demonstrate your patriotism than by purchasing war bonds and patronizing the ad’s
corporate sponsor?
This ad, and many similar to it, incorporated an off-shoot President Roosevelt’s
1941 “Four Freedoms” speech to Congress and the Nation.51 Under the heading “Pledge
for Good Americans” the message promoted the following notions: “The first is freedom
of speech and expression; the second is freedom of every person to worship God in his
one way…; the third is freedom from want… to every nation a healthy peacetime life for
its inhabitants; the fourth is freedom from fear.” These words appeared frequently in
cultural productions of the period and it was likely that readers would recognize and
possibly find some comfort in this national ideological brand.
This 1944 artifact designed by the War Advertising Council was intended for a
wide audience of “everymen” in that the figures depicted are enlisted American soldiers
(not officers) as indicated by the insignia on their uniforms. These battlefield troops could
51
Franklin Delano Roosevelt delivered his “Four Freedoms” Annual Message to Congress speech
via radio to a nationwide audience on January 6, 1941.
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easily have been any readers’ son, husband, brother or father making situational
association easier for the general reader. While the template of the advertisement was
created by War Advertising Council staff for publication in newspapers nationwide this
particular artifact was published in a local Pennsylvania newspaper, The Altoona Mirror,
on May 17, 1944. The advertising department of the publishing newspaper would sell the
pre-fabricated ad template and space to a local business. The sponsor’s name, and logo if
appropriate, would have been inserted in the available space. In the case of this example
the sponsor of the advertisement was The Bon Ton department store which had a retail
store in Altoona, Pennsylvania at the time of publication.
The photo-realistic illustration is powerful in that it utilizes play of light and
shadow to create an image depicting uncertainty of fate. The artist, advertising agency
director Wesley Neff, created a dynamic illustration incorporating expressions of pain,
concern, consternation, and possibly anger and even fear onto the faces of the central
figures. The image is presented at mid-range, a technique employed so that the reader
will identify with the figures and their situation. The two central figures become the
focus, and thus, the reader will identify more closely with them than those depicted in the
background of the overall composition who could have been just “anyone.”
Mixed typography on a primarily white and light grey ground included ominous
bold and sans serif headlines enhance the power of the production. Mixing upper and
lower case letters within the larger body of narrative text broke with typographical
conventions of the period and added to the dynamic nature of the piece.
The “Four Freedoms” section features a mixture of fonts. The “Pledge of Good
Americans” is reminiscent of historical documents such as the Declaration of
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Independence. The name of the sponsor, towards the bottom of the production, is
italicized as a distinguishing mechanism. The use of bold text for the line: “Buy War
Bonds” accompanied by symbols of Americanism and patriotism indicate the importance
of national loyalty. The placement of the narrative text is overshadowed by other
elements. This is a deliberate technique so that should the reader only glance at the page
or see it from a distance, perhaps left on a surface, or across the aisle of a commuter train
or bus, the take away message that “Humanity and Freedom” are important and the
reader should recall this information from the piece, if nothing else.
The voice of an unseen speaker or force creates an ominous and dramatic tone.
The torn images of the skyline become a pattern and represent the uncertainty and uneven
nature of battle. The setting of an unidentified battle field implies desolation and
isolation. The defensive poses of the figures and the key symbols of the fallen soldier –
weapon on the ground, helmet removed, indicate a vulnerability that will play upon the
pathos of the reader as the text reinforces one of “your boys” could be in the same
situation. Logic too plays a role in that Americans and the Allies are all fighting the same
enemy – even if not seen or actually heard – the implication is apparent: Not supporting
all Americans equally is akin to being a traitor. The War is symbolized in this production
by the visual clues of a battle in progress. The threat is real (again, the use of photo
realism lends itself to this concept). The “Four Freedoms” of the Roosevelt campaign
reinforce the symbolism of the advertisement in that national unity is a key component to
ensure the nation’s freedom – we’re all in this together so discrimination is not an option.
The composition of the production is comprehensive in that it takes the reader full-circle
via narrative text and the side box featuring the “Four Freedoms” literally leaving
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“…nothing to chance” in terms of the audience’s understanding of the value that will be
added if they, like their battlefield brethren, put aside differences and treat all Americans
as unified equals.
Figure 4.8. Photograph. “In the Home of an Italian Rag Picker.” Photographed by Jacob
Riis. 1888.
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Figure 4.9. Photograph. “New York, N.Y. May 1943. Mrs. Rose
Carrendano, Italian-American mother of six children. Three are in the
Armed Forces.” Photographed by Marjorie Collins. 1943. Published
by the Office of War Information.
Figures 4.8 and 4.9: In the late 1800s photojournalist Jacob Riis took to New
York City’s diverse neighborhoods to expose the plight of urban immigrants. His
expository works including How the Other Half Lives (1895) and The Battle with the
Slum (1902) were serialized in local newspapers and became the impetus, in many
instances, for social awareness regarding the challenging conditions in which immigrants
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were existing. However altruistic Riis’s motives were, his depictions of immigrants in his
essays sometimes furthered negative stereotypes of the “other.” Readers unfamiliar with
immigrants or those with pre-conceived prejudices might have viewed Riis’s subjects as
swarthy, dirty and undesirable because of the very real and often unflattering conditions
seen in his documentary style works. Riis succeeded in capturing moments of the
immigrant experience never before published. Often in all their gritty reality – sometimes
too real for audiences of the day. Often his images shed a harsh light on subjects and
scenes never before exposed.
As seen in Chapter One of this projects Riis’s 188 image “In the Home of an
Italian Rag Picker” Figure 1.4, and here as Figure 4.8, is one example of his pioneering
photo journalistic style. The composition of this image the composition of the image,
including the central female figure’s upturned gaze and the infant wrapped in swaddling,
along with the halo-like curvilinear object (appearing to be a hat) at the upper margin of
the scene gives the piece it’s alternate title: “Madonna of the Slums.” This religious
connotation, along with the sparse belongings seen in the space, demonstrates an
existence merely of function – there is no beauty or aesthetic in the lives of these
subjects. The rags they pick for a living also serve as their furnishings. Riis’s background
as a photojournalist lent an authentication of this message and symbol which would have
played on the emotions of many readers.
Photojournalist Marjory Collins 1943 photograph “Mrs. Rose Carrendano,
Italian-American mother of six children. Three are in the Armed Forces” Figure 4.9
serves as a variation on Riis’s 1888 image. The black and white format of both Collins’
and Riis’s work would have allowed for publication in a wide-range of medium including
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books, newspapers and magazines. Both images rely on the dialogue of light and shadow
to accentuate their stories. In the Riis image the grit of the scene is illuminated fully,
quite possibly for the first time (in 1888 indoor lighting, when available, would not have
produced the lumens of flash photography). The gentle silver tones of the image
accentuate the detail of the interior space, emphasizing the humble nature of the featured
family’s existence in which every object served at least double, if not multiple, duty. One
functional object, the hat hanging on the wall above the heads of the seated figures, while
perhaps unintentionally, serves also as a halo of sorts. While likely not intentionally
placed for that purpose by the homeowner, it is quite likely Riis, a master of photographic
composition (Stange 1989, 276) deliberately included the suspended object in his
composition having noted the symbolism. Likewise, the positions of the figures within
the piles of rags that serve also as seating in their home creates the allusion to an altarlike configuration. In this photo the hat/halo and the rag bundles/altar create the notion
that the maternal figure is Madonna-like. In the Collins image the placement of the
female figure between flowing draperies with a centralized framed series of military
service stars is reminiscent of the Riis composition.52 Both female figures gaze slightly
upward as if signify sacrifice, martyrdom and maternity – notions that would have held
appeal for a wide-ranging audience. As in the Riis image, captured 55 years prior, the
central female figure’s gaze is slightly upward perhaps acknowledging some higher
52
Service Star flags, formally known as War Mothers Flags, first appeared in the windows of
American homes during World War I. Flags were displayed to denote a child of the home was in active
military service. A blue flag indicates the family member is actively serving. A gold star would be sewn
directly over the gold star to indicate the service member had died in the line of duty. The tradition was
resumed during World War II on March 8, 1942 when the Blue Star Mothers of America organization
formed nationwide (American War Mothers Papers 1918-1988).
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power – in this case the call to duty – to make the ultimate commitment of loyalty by
offering up ones’ self and family in service to the nation.
In the Collins image Mrs. Rose Carrendano is depicted as a loyal, clean (as
evidenced by her apron), white American. She is to be respected. She is no longer the
“other.” When contrasted with the Riis image, it is as if Collins’ figure of the maternal
Italian American female has come full-circle. In this case it can be argued the Italian
American label is not a marker to distance from the “other” but rather a cue to the
dominant culture to accept her and her kind, despite the hyphenation, for the implication
is that these women, like the Madonna, are pure, decent American martyrs.
Figure 4.10. Photograph. “Buffalo, New York. May 1943. Naturalized citizens
attending ‘I am an American Day’ rally at the Memorial Auditorium.” Photographed
by Marjory Collins. 1943. Published by the U.S. Office of War Information.
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Figure 4.10: In this 1943 photo a group of individuals of mixed ages and gender
sit amidst a larger assembled group in Buffalo, New York’s Memorial Auditorium. They
are gathered in observance of federal “I am an American Day” (May 16, 1943)53 and
represent some of the 250,000 foreign-born who became naturalized American citizens in
1942 (Bessemer Herald 1943,1). Such locally organized events were held simultaneously
nation-wide with a goal of promoting national unity.
Photojournalist Marjorie Collins carefully cropped this scene to highlight this
group of “Citizens Naturalized” as they sit united by their shared experience. Collins was
a frequent contributor United States Farm Service Administration and OWI projects. Her
works focused on interpretations of national identity and national unity (Cooper 1995,
47). Collins’ composition here boldly emphasizes that this group, although comprised of
foreign-born individuals, have performed their patriotic duty by loyally committing to
American citizenship. Thus they have emerged from otherness to the mainstream. Their
patriotism is symbolized by the flags at the image’s center and further reflected by
flagstaffs appearing to emerge from the heads of the group members giving the allusion
of halos – a symbol of martyrdom and purity.
The long shot format indicates a public stance – signaling to the reader that it is
acceptable to observe the subjects – they are indeed on display. Light too plays a role in
differentiating the subjects from the larger group. The light of the camera’s flash reflects
of the faces of Collins’ subjects. It serves as symbol of their newly found American
pureness this illumination also serves to highlight the significance of the group, however,
53
On May 3, 1940 Congress designated the third Sunday of May each year to be Citizenship Day
to recognize all persons who have attained citizenship of the United States. Joint Resolution authorizing the
President of the United States of America to proclaim I Am An American Day, for the Recognition,
Observance, and Commemoration of American Citizenship, Chapter 183, 54 Stat. 178, May 3, 1940.
174
it also serves to isolate the group from the larger crowd which can pose an alternate
reading of the production. This can be enhanced by the awkward, if not outright
uncomfortable expressions on the faces of the subjects.
The black and white format of the image would have lent itself to publication in a
wide range of newspapers and magazines nationwide, as was the intention of the OWI in
documenting such activities. As with similar images in this campaign series, in addition
to the practical aspects of the black and white format the option lends a somewhat
solemn, history in-the-making tone to the otherwise celebratory aspect of the event being
documented.
As Collins captured this moment in their collective and individual histories some
of the group seem aware of the cameras gaze while others appear focused on some
activity, presumably a program on stage ahead of them. While there are some challenges
to the story here, an ideal reading of this image would be that those pictured have
knowingly sacrificed their native heritage to embrace America. Thus, like the duality of
the reading, the image speaks to the in-betweeness of immigrant status, the grey area
between non-white and white, illegitimate to legitimate. Presumably these immigrants,
like so many others of their experience, sought to close the gap between the hyphen of
their heritage and identify with the dominant culture.
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Figure 4.11. Poster. “Americans All.” Designed by the U.S. Office of War
Information.1942. Published by U.S. Government Printing Office.
Figure 4.11: This vibrant, dynamic poster was produced in 1942 for The United
States War Manpower Commission. An angled red bar containing the text “Americans
All” serves as a visual device drawing the readers gaze towards a quote from President
Franklin D. Roosevelt54 which serves as the Foundation of the production “…it is the
duty of employers and labor organizers to provide for the full participation of all workers
without discrimination because of race, creed, color, or national origin.” This text,
excerpted from Executive Order 8802. June 25, 1941. Prohibition of Discrimination in
the Defense Industry promotes the ideology of unity leading to successful production and
subsequent military victory.
54
Executive Order 8802. June 25, 1941. Prohibition of Discrimination in the Defense Industry.
176
The visual components of this production depict ethnically diverse workers, as
identified by names representative of specific cultures: Schmidt (Austrian), Du Bois
(French), Williams (Anglo), Kelly (Irish), Santini (Mediterranean); Lazarri (Italian),
Cohen (Jewish), Nienciewiscz (Polish), Hrdlicka (Slovak) (Cook 2011, 136). The layout
of these names and the figures encircling the tank they are working on signify unity and
continuity emphasizing that Americans from different backgrounds could and should
work together towards the goal of war time victory.
The figures are presented as a workforce united in their effort to assemble a
Sherman battle tank. The workers are depicted in neutral grey tones, as is the object they
are working on. This serves two visual functions: The use of grayscale for the figures
eliminates any distinction in skin tones. Thus, despite their distinct, and somewhat
stereotypical, surnames they appear to be similar in appearance. Second, the grey images
against the white ground symbolize a homogenized and neutral work place. The
implication here is that all will be seamless and pure if only everyone will accept one
another “without discrimination because of race, creed, color or national origin.” The
workers are engaged in independent tasks, each with their tools in hand, but outside the
confines of a specific factory setting – their unity transcends the four walls of a
production facility. They will produce for the cause, as should all patriotic Americans,
regardless of where they are or the task-at-hand. There is no mistaking the patriotic
tenure of the incorporation of bold, patriotic colors which stand strongly against the stark
white, sterile ground and neutrality of the figures depicted.
The layout of this production features textual and visual components in a
curvilinear layout creating a harmonious motif, reinforcing the ideal reading of notions of
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continuity and unity. This piece would likely have appeared in, and around, factories and
similar environments where diverse populations of workers would have the opportunity
to interface. Such a production would have played upon the ethos of the audience in that
all good Americans, from the highest levels down, have a responsibility to enable one
another to work towards the war effort. The logic being, that regardless of an individual’s
background, all workers were needed either on the battle front or in the factory.
Manufacturing Consensus
With the establishment of the Office of War Information in 1942 the United
States Government opened the door to provide efficient delivery of government
communications through a variety of media outlets. These would reach diverse American
audiences who were also prospective consumers. As such the OWI reached-out to the
advertising industry and with the partnership of the Advertising Council (which became
the War Advertising Council in 1942) the government was able to broaden its reach. The
benefit to sponsors was also important in this equation: advertisers who included a war
message in their promotions received tax incentives and keep their corporate identities
alive in the minds of prospective consumers in a climate of suspended production and
consumer spending. The unification of government and private sector agencies and
industries was a new concept and gave birth to a new medium (still in use) – the public
service advertisement/message. Such productions signaled to the consumer that the
company or agency cared about the nation, about the consumer and his or her family and,
by such association, created a personal relationship.
Companies with existing campaigns were encouraged to incorporate war themes
into their advertisements while those looking to break into print advertisement were given
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the opportunity to part take of productions that utilized themes in support of the war
effort. The development of pre-packaged advertising in the form of prepared advertising
mats and ads where publishers and/or sponsors need only fill-in-the-blanks to promote
their product(s) and corporation(s).
The artifacts reviewed herein stand alone as powerful cultural productions, yet all
work together to reinforce the United States Government’s campaign to promote an
extended American identity to groups previously excluded from the mainstream. In
reviewing these communication artifacts several observations emerge: the period in
which these pieces were created (1939-1945) was a period of innovation and
experimentation on multiple fronts in that the communication theories and techniques
applied to each were newly developed/or recently recognized and categorized by the
emerging field of communication studies; in terms of creative direction many of these
productions incorporated graphic and typographic elements that were considered new and
unconventional; finally, the means by which these productions reached audiences was
unprecedented in United States communication history.
Art in the Service of an Idea
For the purpose of this study propaganda is considered art in the service of an
idea, a channel of communication particularly useful in conveying socio-political
ideologies. Based on this definition and a clear alignment with the rhetorical devices of
propaganda as identified by the Institute for Propaganda Analysis in their ground
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breaking “Seven Classifications of Propaganda “the artifacts surveyed herein fall into the
category of propaganda .55
The framework of propaganda classification (detailed in Chapter Three) was
developed by journalist, sociologist and educator Clyde R. Miller and colleagues who
formed the Institute of Propaganda Analysis (IPA) in 1937. The seven classifications as
identified by the IPA are summarized here:
1. The Name Calling Device: The use of labeling and derogatory language to
create negative association, primarily fear.
2. The Glittering Generalities Device: The use of words that have positive
connotations and signal approval such as “glory,” “freedom,” and “unity.”
3. The Bandwagon Device: Generating an argument by consensus via assertion
of group mentality: Everyone else is doing it – you should too.
4. The Plain Folks Device: Information presented by the everyman or “Average
Joe” – a figure that the average reader can relate to through perception of
common experience.
5. The Testimonial Device: An individual, organization or agency presents
information regardless of knowledge of the subject or necessary qualifications
to do so.
6. The Card Stacking Device: Presentation of information that supports and idea
but selectively omits information that might negate the argument.
55
The Institute for Propaganda Analysis defined propaganda as “an expression of opinion or
action by individuals or groups, deliberately designed to influence opinions or actions of other individuals
or groups with reference to predetermined end” (IPA 1937).
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7. The Transference Device: Projects qualities to place blame or praise on
another to either credit or discredit. This technique evokes an emotional
response from the reader causing them to recognize and identify with the
desired opinion.
Each of these devices worked because they played upon the emotions of the
audience. As the IPA explained in their 1937 pamphlet “How to Detect Propaganda” such
techniques worked because such emotions “sway us to be ‘for’ or ‘against’ nations, races,
religions, ideals, economic and political policies and practices, and so on through
automobiles, cigarettes, radios, toothpastes, presidents, and wars” (IPA 1937, 2).
This framework was a useful tool for further understanding how propaganda
works in the examples reviewed in this study. While the filter of the IPA framework is
applicable to this project it is important to note that for the IPA the seven devices related
specifically to the printed word. In this study the devices are considered applicable to the
analysis of all text, written and visual, in a given production. In the artifacts presented in
this project it is evident that, in many cases, the War Advertising Council utilized
multiple devices within a single production. To track the different approaches used in
each production the following table (Table 4.1) was developed:
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Table 4.1. Matrix of Propaganda Devices Applicable to Analyzed Cultural Artifacts
Propaganda Device
Figures Using Device
Name Calling
4.4; 4.5; 4.7
Glittering Generalities
4.1-3; 4.7; 4.9
Bandwagon Appeal
All
Plain Folks Appeal
All
Testimonial
4.4; 4.5; 4.7; 4.9
Card Stacking
4.1-3; 4.4; 4.7; 4.6; 4.10
Transference
4.5; 4.6
Thumbnail Reference of Analysis Productions
Figures 4.1 – 4.3
Figure 4.4
Figure 4.5
Figure 4.6
Figure 4.7
Figure 4.8
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Figure 4.9
Figure 4.10
Figure 4.11
While the mediums used in the campaign varied to include posters,
advertisements and photographs, the message was consistent: unite to become
“Americans All” lest the nation fall to the enemy, In his 1933 inaugural address President
Roosevelt presented the notion that Americans should live free of fear:
This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So,
first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear
itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to
convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of
frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people
themselves which is essential to victory. (Roosevelt 1933, 3)
The notion that Americans should not have to live in fear appears again in
Roosevelt’s1941 State of the Union address to Congress in which he asserts that the
nation should work towards securing a world “founded upon four essential freedoms:”
•
Freedom of Speech and Expression
•
Freedom of Religion
•
Freedom from Want
•
Freedom from Fear
183
Roosevelt explained that freedom from fear meant “a worldwide reduction of
armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a
position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the
world” (Roosevelt 1941). The Office of War Information took this concept and ran with
it as they were in the position, through their various outlets to use the technique of
frequent repetition in their productions. Thus the notion of promoting unity out of fear of
the “other” – “the nation or peoples who might commit an act of physical aggression
against any neighbor” became a prevalent theme throughout the campaign and their
productions were infused with variations on this theme.
One tactic to facilitate this concentrated theme was that of transference -- the
internal American “other” of the immigrant was transferred to the scapegoat of the
external Axis forces. The enemy, particularly in the forms of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi
Party, is referenced throughout the campaign as seen in Figures 4.4, 4.5 and 4.7. with
reference to “evil” or the “enemy” as in the Figure 4.7 or outright mention of “Hitler” in
Figures 4.4 and 4.5.
While some propaganda techniques are subtle, such as in the Collins’ photographs
in Figures 4.6, 4.9 and 4.10 others are more direct. Analysis of the remaining figures
indicate clear reference to diverse religious, ethnic and racial groups making the point
clear: put aside your differences and prejudices to unite.
Production Aspects
Several pieces in the campaign featured innovative approaches in graphic design
including the use of unconventional photographic components such as in Figure 4.4
where an avant-garde depiction of “Half an American” is featured; Figure 4.5 where un184
anchored images of seemingly floating (angel-like) infants are disassociated with any
specific setting or reference point(s) and in Figure 4.7 where artist Wesley Neff
incorporated techniques such as the uneven edges of his illustration previously reserved
for the covers of pulp novels to the mainstream of advertising.
Typographical styling incorporated into many of the productions breaks from
convention with the use of mixed fonts: Serif and sans serif together; Cursive and print in
the same text block (Figures 4.1, 4.5 and 4.7); Italicized and standard fonts mixed
(Figures 4.4 and 4.5) and; Type used as a directional tool (Figures 4.3, 4.5 and 4.11).
Color was used in exciting, unconventional ways as in the use of red and blue ink
enhancing the text around the grayscale figures of the tank and workers in Figure 4.11
while in Figure 4.1 an historic image was brought into the present by the use of gentle
colorization to perhaps make the statement that the past is not so different than the
present, nor the foreseeable future.
All these elements served to further the goals of the Office of War Information as
they served as a bridge between policy makers and the everyman in the manufacture of
consent. The analysis presented here confirms a concerted propaganda campaign by the
United States government to promote an extended American identity to groups
previously excluded from the mainstream.
185
CONCLUSION
Figure 5.1. Editorial cartoon. “Ugh!... foreigners!” Illustrated
by Lali. 1947. Produced by the Advertising Council for the
United Campaign Against Group Prejudice.
Tensions surrounding immigration to the United States of America began prior to
the nation’s formal establishment. Among early colonists there were concerns about
perceived contamination of Anglo-Saxon stock by non-Anglo immigrants. Such attitudes
gave rise in subsequent decades to full-blown fear and derision of the “other,” which was
often conveyed through expressions of xenophobia regarding non-Anglo ethnic
immigrants.
186
The arrival of increasing numbers of immigrants, particularly those not
considered “white,” while supporting the labor needs associated with national expansion,
caused increased anxiety within the dominant culture. As stress regarding diverse
immigrant groups arose, so did the degree of xenophobia. Representations portrayed nonAnglo ethnic immigrants as flawed, grotesque or even less-than human (and almost
certainly less-than the dominant culture). Such depictions frequently appeared in
newspapers and popular magazines including Puck, Harper’s Bazaar, and even the
Saturday Evening Post. As public opinion took an anti-foreigner stance there was
increased demand for legislation to curtail the influx of immigration in general.
During these changing times particular concern was expressed over groups
deemed to be non-white by the dominant culture. Throughout the history of the United
States the notion of whiteness has not changed, but over time the definition of whiteness
has evolved. Whiteness as a cultural manifestation serves as a marker for identity and in
this context does not imply a literal coloring (it is not simply a black or white issue) but
rather an issue of domination versus subordination, legitimacy versus illegitimacy. The
emerging field of whiteness studies, with scholarship addressing a variety of issues,
including notions of race and privilege, provides a foundation for exploring the role
ethnicity plays in this arena. Race in this research is considered socially constructed with
a basis in biological factors including physical characteristics such as skin color and hair
texture. Ethnicity, on the other hand, is constructed and based on a shared heritage of
cultural patterns such as language and behavioral traits.
Throughout America’s history those who were able to lay claim to white status
became dominant, while those whose whiteness was in question remained on the margins
187
as “other.” Given the strong relationship between perception and identity for various
groups of non-Anglo immigrants, this construct has proven problematic, as it poses
challenges to overall identity. For such groups the notion of identity has not only been
polarized in terms of black and white, but also the grey area of in between-ness – what
happens when the “unacceptable” identity of the “other” is resolved by eradication as
with the identity losses associated with diminishing traditions. In her 1968 essay “The
Crisis in Culture: Its Social and Its Political Significance” philosopher Hannah Arendt
expressed concern over the potential for identity loss associated with the ways in which
mass media affected diverse cultures. She cited Jewish culture, which previously had
been outside the mainstream, as an example of a group “which society had never quite
absorbed” as facing challenges in light of what she termed “conditions of mass society”
which had homogenized the uniqueness of diversity (Arendt 1968, 211).
The experiences of Italians, Irish, Chinese, and Eastern European Jewish
immigrants from the 1700s through the 1940s provide a microcosmic view of the journey
of non-Anglo immigrants in the United States. Because the dominant culture’s view of
these groups was not static, their experiences also serve as resources for forming an
understanding of the ways that perceptions regarding the “other” were altered or reformed. The question then arises: How did these once marginalized groups move towards
the center, the American norm that is whiteness? While there are many facets to the
response, the focus of this study is the role of mass communication in forming and reforming the identity of non-Anglo immigrants. In the pivotal period in the history of
American identity (1939-45), which not coincidentally coincides with World War II, it
was the tools of mass communication, particularly propaganda, that shaped the
188
ideological shifts that ultimately diluted xenophobia regarding non-Anglos. As a result of
concentrated campaigns fostering inclusion and national unity non-Anglo ethnics became
part of the dominant culture.
Through surveying various communication theories and techniques from the
World War II era (1939-45) this research explores ways in which communication can
operate to inform and persuade the masses. Illustrating these concepts is an analysis of
propagandistic presentations of certain identities that promoted American identity to
those previously excluded.
The primary source materials analyzed for this project were found in various
archives across the United States. By examining these materials, the majority of which
had not been viewed since their initial presentation during the World War II era, an
understanding developed of the ways in which these tools of mass dissemination worked.
Many of these visual cultural artifacts and their counterparts were originally accessible to
the average American via mass media including newspapers and popular magazines, in
the form of advertisements and pre-packaged community service columns. As such they
would have reached, and presumably affected, a wide audience leading to an increased
acceptance of previously marginalized Americans. Calls for non-Anglo ethnics to support
the war effort provided the previously excluded with an opportunity to establish their
patriotism in the eyes of the dominant culture, primarily by signifying they had no dual
loyalties (Steinberg 1981, 56). Conversely, those already considered to be white were
encouraged to put aside prejudices and accept the “other.”
This study demonstrates that concerted propaganda efforts during World War II
served as a vehicle of acceptance for previously excluded non-Anglo ethnics. For
189
example, in 1930 Italians had the highest percentage of both foreign-born non-English
speakers and people who were not yet American citizens of any immigrant group. This
situation was attributed to home-land loyalty and the fact that many Italian immigrants
still had family in their country of origin and they planned to someday return (Alba 1985,
139). This perceived lack of loyalty to the United States fueled perceptions of Italian
Americans as “other.” However, in the wake of World War II, during which Italians
joined the American war effort, they became increasingly accepted. Following the war
ethnic antagonisms as a whole declined and distinctions between “natives” and
“foreigners” further diminished. Evidence of this ideological shift in attitudes towards
previously ostracized ethnic groups from the “other” to “Americans All!” can be found in
various sources including naturalization records, public opinion polls, and as seen herein,
representations in cultural productions. Review of data reflecting assimilation on an
official level, such as naturalization records reveal that in the period from 1934-1939 an
average of 148,291 aliens were naturalized annually, while in the period from 1940-1945
the number increased to 295, 872 (Polenberg 1980, 57). This increase was due in part to
simplified naturalization procedures for immigrants who had legally entered America and
were actively serving in the United States military (NARA 2007, 2). As historian John
Patrick Diggins observed, “War was the fuel of the melting pot” (Diggins 1972, 352).
The term “melting pot” has been used to signify a stage in the process of
American immigrant assimilation involving adoption by the “other” of some significant
aspects of the dominant culture. However, such assimilation is a cycle of transition that
takes time to complete. As sociologist Robert Park observed in 1914: “Assimilation is not
a simple process, and above all else, it takes time (Steinberg 1981, 48). The dynamic of
190
race in America was somewhat different: While non-Anglo ethnic citizens had the power
of the election ballot on their side, black men were not granted the right to vote until the
Fifteenth Amendment to the constitution was ratified on February 3, 1870. The issue of
race for African Americans continued to be problematic after World War II as marked by
the continuing existence of racial segregation, particularly in the southern United States,
accompanied by the power of the southern bloc in the United States’ Congress. It was not
until the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 that the majority of Southern blacks,
male and female, would register to vote (Darling 2001,13).
Non-Anglo ethnic immigrants evaluated their place and value in white Anglodominated society and ultimately developed an understanding of their identity, or at least
the options available to them as whites. With this awareness came a request, an
expectation even, that cultural representations of them be accurate and authentic
(Kamalipour 2004, 13). Indeed, by comparing the cultural depictions of non-Anglo
immigrants before and after the period of this survey (1939-1945) it is possible to make a
determination that such propaganda did penetrate the main media of the period to effect
perceptions of nationality and ethnic origins. For example, polls published in a variety of
publications including academic journals and the popular press further reflected changing
public opinion about Jewish Americans (Tables 5.1 - 5.2).
191
Table 5.1. Objectionable Qualities of Jews
Quality
1938
%
1940
%
1962
%
None Mentioned
42
37
78
Greed
13
0
0
Dishonesty
12
32
6
Aggressiveness
9
12
6
Clannishness
7
11
4
Lack of Culture
2
10
1
Selfishness
5
4
1
Overbearance
3
0
0
Appearance
0
4
0
Other
8
4
7
Total
101
114
103
Source: Poll by George Gallup American Institute of Public Opinion. (Stember 1966,
54; 65).
Table 5.2. Performance and Status of Jews, 1938-1962
Item
Do you think Jewish
businessmen are more honest
or less honest than other
businessmen?
Response
Less =
More =
Same =
If you were an employer hiring Yes =
a new employee, would it make No=
any difference to you if he
No Opinion =
were a Jew?
1938
1962
44%
3%
44%
20%
2%
78%
43%
51%
6%
6%
94%
0
If you were moving to a new
Yes =
25%
3%
house and found that your next
door neighbor was Jewish,
would it make any difference
to you?
Source: Poll by National Opinion Research Center (Simon 1974, 87).
192
Evidence of attitudinal shifts are also found in representations of the “other” in
cultural productions, including cinematic and literary representations. In November 1945
Italian American entertainer Frank Sinatra was featured in the production of an antiprejudice public service film titled The House I Live In in which he, playing himself,
intervenes when a group of young neighborhood toughs are bullying a single boy because
they “don’t like his religion.” While Sinatra seeks clarification from the gang he cutsshort the boy who exclaims “he’s a dirty ….” Sinatra explains to the group “Religion
makes no difference. Except maybe to a Nazi or somebody that’s stupid…. We’re all
Americans.” He keeps the group’s attention long enough to break into song: The House I
live In. This song was Sinatra’s anthem against the evils of intolerance and religious bias
and it addresses the boys’ fathers’ shared experiences in the war and emphasizes that all
Americans are the same (Norrell 2005, 146). This short film won an Academy Award and
a Golden Globe in the category of “Best Film for Promoting International Good Will”
(Norell 2005, 141). The production was made available to audiences nationwide in movie
theatres and in school programs as part of a continuing national unity movement. No
doubt this served Sinatra’s personal agenda of promoting tolerance as well as reinforcing
growing momentum to cement the notion of a unified nation in the post-World War II, as
the cold war era began to loom on the horizon. Further, in 1947 two feature length films
addressing antisemitism, Crossfire and Gentleman’s Agreement, were nominated for the
Academy Award for best motion picture (Gentleman’s Agreement received the honor).
Despite the evolution of “status” of the immigrant groups discussed in this
research, in the twenty-first century the perception of who is considered “other”
continues as contradictions between the dominant, established culture and current
193
immigrants to the United States continue to challenge the nation. Contributing factors in
the prevalence of new groups assuming the mantle of “other” include increasing numbers
of immigrants, increasing diversity among immigrants, and authorization (legal or illegal)
status. Data from the 2010 Census reported 40 million American residents as foreign-born,
meaning
persons with no US citizenship at birth including identified illegal immigrants
representing approximately 12.9 percent of the total population of the United States (U.S.
Census Bureau, 2010). The ethnic and racial diversity of immigrants since the 1960s is
unprecedented and, when combined with the unauthorized status of many immigrants
fuels the continuation of the “other” (Tienda 2006, xii). Such issues are aggravated by
what journalist Anna Quindlen termed “convenient immigration amnesia” among many
Americans, particularly the descendants of Ellis Island immigrants who were themselves
deemed the equivalent of the “Mexicans and Chinese of a hundred years ago” (Quindlen
2006, 64). Public opinion polls reflect concern that immigration is problematic in terms
of taking jobs from the native-born and is responsible for increases in crime and resulting
declines in morality and social values (Gallup 2013). In 2007 conservative Republican
Congressman Tom Tancredo of Colorado led a charge against the “Ills of illegal alien
invasion” with his declaration that he would run for the American presidency. In addition
to his motto of “For our border, for our culture, for our future” his opposition to what he
considered “excessive immigration” in general, further led him to repeatedly speak out
against Latin immigrants (Tancredo 2013, 2). In 2006 while attending a conference in
Miami, Florida he remarked that the region resembled a third world nation (Kovacs 2006,
1) and in May of 2009 he appeared on the Cable News Network (CNN) likening Latin
Supreme Court Justice Sonya Sotomayor’s affiliation with the Latin civil rights
194
organization the National Council of La Raza to membership in “a Latino KKK without
the hoods or the nooses” (Park L. 2011, 234).
Going forward, this research into the ways mass communication tools have
historically been employed in the construction and de-construction of American identity
opens the door for future examination of the ways in which notions about identity -particularly who gets to be “in” versus “out,” or more specifically who gets to be
American and who will be considered the “other” -- are formed and re-formed. This
avenue of inquiry can lead to exploration of who actually does the deciding with the
ultimate goal of dismantling the hierarchy of dominance and the eradication of otherness
so that all residents of the United States can truly become “Americans All!”
195
APPENDICES
196
Appendix A
Selected Key Dates and Landmarks in United States Immigration History
1789
1790
1795
1798
1819
1850
1862
1870
1875
1882
1885
1886
1891
1892
1901
March 4. U.S. Constitution takes effect
March 26. Naturalization Act of 1790 establishes two-year residency
requirement for aliens who are “free white persons” of “good moral
character”
January 29 Naturalization Act restricts citizenship to “free white persons”
who have lived in the U.S. and renounced allegiance to their former country.
June 15 Naturalization Act of 1798 increases residency requirement to 14
years and makes it possible to deport foreigners deemed dangerous.
Reporting rule adopted: Congressional act passed requiring shipmasters to
deliver manifests enumerating all aliens transported for immigration.
Secretary of State is required to report annual number of immigrants
admitted.
U.S. Census surveys the “nativity” of citizens
Homestead Act offers 160 acres of Western U.S. land to settlers who agree
to live on and work the land for at least 5 years. The Act spurs an increase in
immigration from Europe.
Naturalization Act of 1870 expands citizenship to both whites and AfricanAmericans. Asians are excluded.
First Exclusionary Act: Convicts, Prostitutes, and Chinese contract laborers
are barred from entering U.S.
Immigration Act passed: 50 cent tax levied on all immigrants. Chinese
immigration is curtailed and several categories of immigrant are deemed
ineligible for citizenship including “lunatics” and individuals who are likely
to become public charges
Alien Contract Labor Law prohibits bringing foreigners into the U.S. under
contract to perform labor reversing an earlier federal law legalizing trade in
contract labor.
The Statue of Liberty is dedicated in New York Harbor
Office of the Superintendent of Immigration is established within the
Treasury Department (later shifted to Justice Department and currently
known as Immigration and Naturalization Service); Legislation passed
prohibiting paupers, polygamists, and persons with contagious diseases from
entering U.S.
Ellis Island opens
Prompted by assassination of President McKinley by a Polish anarchist
congress establishes the Anarchist Exclusion Act prohibiting people judged
to be anarchists and political extremists from entering the U.S.
197
1906
1907
1911
1917
1917
1921
1922
1924
1927
1929
1940
Naturalization Act of 1906 standardizes naturalization procedures, makes
some knowledge of the English language a requirement for citizenship and
establishes the Bureau of Immigration and Naturalization in the Commerce
Department to oversee national immigration policy.
Exclusions expand to include tuberculars, persons with physical or mental
defects, and persons under age 16 without parents. The Expatriation Act
declares loss of citizenship for American women who marry foreign
nationals. Tax on new immigrants increased.
The Dillingham Commission, established in 1907, publishes a 42 volume
report warning the “new” immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe
threatens to subvert American society laying the foundation for the Quota
Acts of the 1920s.
Congress overrides President Wilson’s veto and enacts a literacy
requirement for all immigrants over age 16 being able to read at least 40
words of a passage in their native language; Immigration Act of 1917 creates
“Asiatic Barred Zone” banning virtually all Asian immigrants.
U.S. Enters World War I; Jones-Shafroth Act grants U.S. citizenship to
Puerto Ricans, provided they can be recruited by U.S. military.
Emergency Quota Act restricts immigration from a given country to 3% of
the number of people from that groups representation in the 1910 census.
Law designed primarily to restrict flow of immigrants coming from Eastern
and Southern Europe. Ceiling set at 350,000
The Cable Act partially repeals the Expatriation Act, but declares an
American woman who marries an Asian man will still lose her citizenship
National Origins Act reduces annual immigration ceiling to 165,000. Quota
reduces admissions to 2% of each nationality group’s representation in the
1890 census; U.S Border Patrol is established to combat smuggling and
illegal immigration.
National Origins formula adjusted to 150,000 ceiling; Quota law revised to
2% of nationality’s representation in 1920 census (basic formula and law
stands until 1965). Asian immigration completely barred.
National Origins Act makes ceiling of 150, 000 is made permanent, with
70% of admissions slated for those coming from Northern and Western
Europe and 30% for immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe.
Alien Registration Act requires the registration and fingerprinting of all
aliens in the United States over the age of 14.
Source: United States Census Bureau; Harvard University Library Open Collections
Program; Public Broadcasting Independent Lens.
198
1821 – 1830
1831 – 1840
1841 – 1850
1851 – 1860
1861 – 1870
1871 – 1880
1881 – 1920
1901 – 1910
1911 – 1920
1910 – 1920
1921 – 1930
1931 – 1940
143,439 immigrants arrive
599,125 immigrants arrive
1,713,251 immigrants arrive
2,598,214 immigrants arrive
2,314,825 immigrants arrive
2,812,191 immigrants arrive
2 million Eastern European Jews arrive
8,795,386 immigrants arrive
5,735,811 immigrants arrive
2 million Italian immigrants arrive
4,107,209 immigrants arrive
532,431 immigrants arrive
Source: LeMay, Michael and Robert Barkan Elliott, eds., US Immigration
and Naturalization Laws and Issues: A Documentary History. Westport,
Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1999.
199
Appendix B
Analysis Worksheets
Cultural Artifact Analytic Framework - Figures: 4.1- 3.
Title: This is America…Keep it Free! The American Way Works!
Date: 1944
Producer(s): Published by Office of War Information; Printed by The SheldonClaire Co.; Photographs by - inset Figure 4.2: Luis Hine, 1905); Larger photo:
Palmer, n.d.
The Basics
Who is producing
When produced
Why? What’s the purpose
Intended Audience?
-­‐
What suggests this
Where published/how audience reached
Design Elements
Map Overall Layout
Graphic Elements
Color, B&W or Grayscale
Role of light
Layout re: image/textual placement
Featured in foreground
Featured in mid ground
Office of War Information
1944
National Unity Campaign
Diverse Americans – foreign born, first
generation
Sentimental depiction of new immigrants
juxtaposed with contemporary image of
“new” / melded Americans
Produced by OWI. Large format composite
suggests placement in larger
venues/auditoriums.
Color photos and text
Muted tones in smaller inset photo; lighter
boxes supporting text;
Bold text/diverse fonts placed on angled
grounds (to draw in reader)
Contemporary crowd photo – extends to
background
Text: The American Way Works! –
centralized so that it becomes primary “take
away” of production.
200
Featured in back ground
Photograph or Illustration
Number of images (if any)
Style of images (if any)
-­‐
Static or dynamic
-­‐
Who or what featured
-­‐
Expressions of figures (if any)
Angle/shot/focus as sign
•
•
•
•
Close-up (intimacy)
Medium (personal relationship)
Long (context, public stance)
Full (social relationship)
Typography
Layout in relation to other elements
Amount of text
Color or B & W
Bold, Italicized, Underlined, serif, etc.
Linguistic Style: Casual or formal
Historic photo in supporting position – lays
foundation for the story being told
2 photos. 1 (smaller) historic ca. 1905 black
and white – has been colorized; larger
image ca. 1944 in color
2
documentary
Dynamic – smaller images depicts active
group ascending stairs; Larger image
depicts group seated but engaged.
Inset image – non-Anglo immigrants;
dominant image – diverse audience
members (presumption is descendants of
immigrants)
Inset image: nervous/curious figures;
dominant image: engaged/focused and
unified
Inset image: Figures are depicted in full
frame indicative of social relationship (they
are being observed/considered by the lens –
not intimate); Larger image: Long shot –
these figures have been photographed to
create a contextual scene in which there is a
public relationship – this is an overview vs.
an intimate portrait.
In both text boxes the text is broken up by
font style – larger fluid text = headline. If
nothing else taken away this is the prime
message.
Inset text: Multiple lines – setting tone;
Larger text box: Continuation of initial
narrative issuing command
Combination of color (headlines) and body
(black text)
Headline text bolded. Inset image headlines
in script, body text sans serif; larger text
box all sans serif, bold headline.
Semi-formal narrative style – transitions
into a statement in larger text box.
201
Symbolism
•
•
•
•
•
Association: lifestyle, stereotype,
situation, celeb/spokesperson
Metaphor: allegorical, unusual
substitution
Storytelling: narrative, drama
Aesthetics: details become art,
pattern, abstraction
Mimesis: representation
incorporating imitation or
mimicry
State(s)/Where set (space & time)
Agents participating (people/objects)
Temporal and logical
relationships/settings
Actions/What are they doing
Circumstances
Key objects featured (if any)
Story telling format – dramatic
components combined with mimesis –
contemporary group imitates historical
group.
Inset: Ellis Island Immigration
station/processing of immigrants ca. 1905;
Larger image: Contemporary setting,
modern clothing and setting.
Inset: non-Anglo immigrants to America;
Larger: diverse group of Americans who
have or are in process of assimilating.
Juxtaposition – the old and the new
Inset- figures ascending stairs; Larger –
figures are seated and engaged in united
activity.
Inset – Immigrants entering through
processing stations; Larger – Group is
already “inside” and are comfortably
seated/engaged.
Inset – luggage and stairway indicate
transition; Larger – seating and focus on
event(s) indicates being settled and
comfortable.
Formula
Characteristics/Credibility Factors
•
•
•
•
•
Coherence
Covertness
Clarity
Continuity
Comprehensiveness
Despite the differing time periods and
styles the two images cohere to provide a
continuous narrative and give a
comprehensive overview of immigrant
experience.
202
Manifestations of Codes
•
•
•
•
•
Institutions (sociology)
Rituals/ritual behavior (anthro)
Personality (psych)
Societal roles (social psych)
Ideological (poli sci)
Engagement/Involvement
Propaganda Device(s) Employed
Key Inferences reader must make to have
text make sense? Play on appeals of:
•
•
•
Ethos
Logic
Pathos
Enthymeme (built on shared knowledge)
Cultural values involved – what
judgment(s) might reader make
Use of humor, if any, to what effect
Ideal interpretation offered/suggested
What alternative interp(s) can be made
Visual components indicate role of
institutions (immigrant processing station;
assembly hall; ritual behavior – styles of
dress; Societal roles – inset features
“nervous” newcomers; larger image
depicts established Americans;
Ideologically charged with textual
declarations.
Glittering Generalities; Bandwagon, Plain
Folks, Card Stacking
Plays on pathos: “people of different
origins…passion for freedom…this is Your
America” and also logic: If all these people
have entered the melting pot they should
have melded together into a unified people.
Notion of unification
To be a good American one must put aside
past and demonstrate they are good
Americans.
N/A
Poor immigrants suffered to ascend to
Americanness. It is their obligation to
fulfill the “hope of the world” and
demonstrate that “The American Way
Works!”
Americans stem from diverse origins. May
not be possible for old ways to fade
entirely and homogenization to seamlessly
occur.
Summary
What is text
Americans come from diverse places/backgrounds. Put aside
saying
differences and get on the same page.
How does it say Use of powerful visuals and bold, commanding text.
it
203
Cultural Artifact Analytic Framework Figure: 4.4
Title: Half an American?
Producer(s): War Advertising Council
Date: Published May 16, 1944
The Basics
Who is producing
When produced
War Advertising Council
1944
Why? What’s the purpose
National Unity / War Bond Campaign
Intended Audience?
Middle Class
-­‐
What suggests this
Where published/how audience reached
The “everyman” strolling to work.
Local Newspaper
Design Elements
Map Overall Layout
Graphic Elements
Color, B&W or Grayscale
Grayscale imagery. Black and white text.
Role of light
Grey background puts emphasis on text.
Layout re: image/textual placement
Juxtaposed text/image
Featured in foreground
Even ground – male figure
Featured in mid ground
Even ground
Featured in back ground
Even ground
Photograph or Illustration
Stock image – oddly cropped (perhaps to
imply action)?
Number of images (if any)
Single image
204
Style of images (if any)
-­‐
Static or dynamic
Dynamic image
-­‐
Who or what featured
Single male figure
-­‐
Expressions of figures (if any)
Smiling - complacent
Angle/shot/focus as sign
•
•
•
•
Close-up (intimacy)
Medium (personal relationship)
Long (context, public stance)
Full (social relationship)
Long shot = public stance as if encountered
walking down the street
Typography
Layout in relation to other elements
Layout unifies ad at top.
Amount of text
Significant amount of text
Color or B & W
Black text
Bold, Italicized, Underlined, serif, etc.
Multiple styles, fonts and sizes
Linguistic Style: Casual or formal
Casual/conversational (everyman tone)
Symbolism
Associative – lifestyle
Aesthetic – details become art
•
•
•
•
•
Association: lifestyle, stereotype,
situation, celeb/spokesperson
Metaphor: allegorical, unusual
substitution
Storytelling: narrative, drama
Aesthetics: details become art,
pattern, abstraction
Mimesis: representation
incorporating imitation or
mimicry
State(s)/Where set (space & time)
Agents participating (people/objects)
Temporal and logical
relationships/settings
Actions/What are they doing
Circumstances
Key objects featured (if any)
Sidewalk or corridor – place of motion
Male figure representative of “every man”
Unknown space/area. No relationship
established.
Briskly walking with sense of purpose
On way to make something happen
Briefcase, hat, suit (symbols of business)
205
Formula
Characteristics/Credibility Factors
•
•
•
•
•
Comprehensive formula (single
components border on illogical) only
work together
Coherence
Covertness
Clarity
Continuity
Comprehensiveness
Manifestations of Codes
•
•
•
•
•
Institutional – workforce
Ritual behavior – “Uniform” of the white
collar everyman
Institutions (sociology)
Rituals/ritual behavior (anthro)
Personality (psych)
Societal roles (social psych)
Ideological (poli sci)
Engagement/Involvement
Propaganda Device(s) Employed
Key Inferences reader must make to have
text make sense? Play on appeals of:
Use of humor, if any, to what effect
Bandwagon, Plain Folks
Ethos – the values of a “good American”
Logic – ability to assemble the disparate
pieces of the ad
Pathos – evoke emotion regarding Hitler
being the enemy.
What man’s role is in American society.
The value of appearance/suited executive
- type
Support the nation by uniting and buying
war bonds.
Judgment – only bad Americans will
discriminate and simultaneously support
the Axis.
Image device to minimal effect.
Ideal interpretation offered/suggested
Good Americans don’t discriminate.
•
•
•
Ethos
Logic
Pathos
Enthymeme (built on shared knowledge)
What does production symbolize/represent
Cultural values involved – what
judgment(s) might reader make
What alternative interp(s) can be made
Summary
What is text
saying
How does it
say it
All citizens need to be considered as full-fledged Americans or else
the enemy will divide the nation.
Enticing/engaging graphics, direct text.
206
Cultural Artifact Analytical Framework - Figure: 4.5
Title: Tell us Please Mr. Hitler … What is Hate?
Producer(s): War Advertising Council
Date: C. 1944
The Basics
Who is producing
War Advertising Council
When produced
C. 1944
Why? What’s the purpose
National unity via anti-prejudice
Diverse audience – predominantly female
Baby appeal
Intended Audience?
-­‐
What suggests this
Where published/how audience reached
Newspaper format
Design Elements
Map Overall Layout
Graphic Elements
Color, B&W or Grayscale
Grayscale images on white ground
Role of light
Figures (babies) illuminated
Layout re: image/textual placement
Featured in foreground
Black text on seamless white background
Figure of baby
Featured in mid ground
Figures of babies and text
Featured in back ground
n/a
Photograph or Illustration
Photographs
Number of images (if any)
four
Style of images (if any)
n/a
-­‐
Dynamic
Static or dynamic
207
-­‐
Who or what featured
Diverse group of infants
-­‐
Expressions of figures (if any)
Happy/amused
Angle/shot/focus as sign
•
•
•
•
Long views of each infant = public
stance “every man (baby)”
Close-up (intimacy)
Medium (personal relationship)
Long (context, public stance)
Full (social relationship)
Typography
Layout in relation to other elements
Headline offset
Amount of text
Significant amount of narrative text
Color or B & W
B&W
Bold, Italicized, Underlined, serif, etc.
Headline bold, sans serif. All other text
serif.
Linguistic Style: Casual or formal
Informal
Symbolism
Metaphor – babies symbol of
innocence/purity
•
•
•
•
•
Association: lifestyle, stereotype,
situation, celeb/spokesperson
Metaphor: allegorical, unusual
substitution
Storytelling: narrative, drama
Aesthetics: details become art,
pattern, abstraction
Mimesis: representation
incorporating imitation or mimicry
Storytelling – narrative drama
Mimesis – babies = America’s pre-war
innocence
State(s)/Where set (space & time)
Sterile, neutral space
Agents participating (people/objects)
Infants = agents of innocence/purity
Temporal and logical relationships/settings
Babies carefree – “floating” in space
without boundaries.
Actions/What are they doing
Diverse actions associated with infants
Circumstances
Utopic
Key objects featured (if any)
n/a
208
Formula
Characteristics/Credibility Factors
•
•
•
•
•
Covert – headlines attributed to infants
transitions to mature narrative.
Coherence
Covertness
Clarity
Continuity
Comprehensiveness
Manifestations of Codes
•
•
•
•
•
Ritual behavior – babies being babies
Ideological stance
Personality – (cult of)/ bias/ hatred
Institutions (sociology)
Rituals/ritual behavior (anthro)
Personality (psych)
Societal roles (social psych)
Ideological (poli sci)
Engagement/Involvement
Propaganda Device(s) Employed
Name Calling, Bandwagon, Plain Folks,
Testimonial, Transference
Ethics – hatred is wrong
Pathos – baby appeal
Key Inferences reader must make to have
text make sense? Play on appeals of:
•
•
•
Ethos
Logic
Pathos
Enthymeme (built on shared knowledge)
What does production symbolize/represent
Cultural values involved – what
judgment(s) might reader make
Use of humor, if any, to what effect
Ideal interpretation offered/suggested
What alternative interp(s) can be made
Babies are pure, malleable and learn
from adults.
Prejudice is a learned trait
Infants pure and kind until taught
otherwise.
Whimsical components – positions of
figures & text. Question being posed by
infants (humorous or endearing).
Stereotypical names humorous to some.
Hatred and intolerance are bad. Hitler
perpetuates these notions. Don’t be like
Hitler.
Infants can be manipulated. Groups are
not united (separate images of babies
can be read this way).
Summary
What is text
saying
How does it
say it
The onus is on Americans to dissuade the negative attitudes of the
axis. We must all be united.
Baby appeal and humor draw in audience. Engage to receive
message of narrative text.
209
Cultural Artifact Analytic Framework - Figure: 4.6
Title: Finale in a Play on America at War.
Producer(s): Photog: Marjorie Collins; Pub: Farm Security Administration; Office
of War Information
Date: 1943
The Basics
Who is producing
When produced
FSA for OWI
1943
Why? What’s the purpose
National unity/inclusion of formerly
marginalized. National identity – promote
the other as American.
Intended Audience?
Newspaper and magazine audiences
-­‐
What suggests this
Where published/how audience reached
Collins’ work for FSA and OWI frequently
appeared in magazines and newspapers
(Cooper 1995, 47)
Uncertain
Design Elements
Map Overall Layout
Graphic Elements
Color, B&W or Grayscale
B& W Photo
Role of light
Faces of actors (children) illuminated
Layout re: image/textual placement
Image only
Featured in foreground
Centralized figures with emphasis on
character of Uncle Sam.
210
Featured in mid ground
Featured in back ground
Photograph or Illustration
Photograph
Number of images (if any)
Single
Style of images (if any)
-­‐
Static or dynamic
Dynamic image – children singing/acting
-­‐
Who or what featured
Child performers
-­‐
Expressions of figures (if any)
intensely focused
Angle/shot/focus as sign
•
•
•
•
Close-up (intimacy)
Medium (personal relationship)
Long (context, public stance)
Full (social relationship)
Typography
Long shot implying a public stance –
literally appearing on stage. Full/open
relationship – performing for the audience
– no barriers
N/A
Layout in relation to other elements
Amount of text
Color or B & W
Bold, Italicized, Underlined, serif, etc.
Linguistic Style: Casual or formal
Symbolism
•
•
•
•
•
Association: lifestyle, stereotype,
situation,celeb/spokesperson
Metaphor: allegorical, unusual
substitution
Storytelling: narrative, drama
Aesthetics: details become art,
pattern, abstraction
Mimesis: representation
incorporating imitation or
mimicry
State(s)/Where set (space & time)
Associative symbolism – relatable to
parents and even children who have
participated in school play/production.
Storytelling – engaged in
drama/performance. Unwritten narrative
speaks to struggles of nation at war and
struggle of immigrants to become
Americans.
School stage in predominantly I/A
community
Agents participating (people/objects)
Children of Immigrants
211
Temporal and logical relationships/settings
Choreographed/staged setting –
demonstrating children of immigrants
attempting to assimilate/be good
Americans.
Actions/What are they doing
Performing
Circumstances
America at war play promoting unity
for children of immigrants and
families
Key objects featured (if any)
Iconic American costumes (Uncle
Sam, Soldiers, Sailors) worn by
children with dark (non-Anglo)
features.
Formula
Characteristics/Credibility Factors
•
•
•
•
•
Clarity – straightforward documentary
photograph
Coherent statement – immigrant
children are striving to be good
Americans.
Coherence
Covertness
Clarity
Continuity
Comprehensiveness
Manifestations of Codes
•
•
•
•
•
Institutional (school house/play)
Societal role – children acting
Ideologic – promoting Americanness
Institutions (sociology)
Rituals/ritual behavior (anthro)
Personality (psych)
Societal roles (social psych)
Ideological (poli sci)
Engagement/Involvement
Propaganda Device(s) Employed
Bandwagon, Plain Folks, Card
Stacking
212
Key Inferences reader must make to have text
make sense? Play on appeals of:
•
•
•
Ethos
Logic
Pathos
Enthymeme (built on shared knowledge)
What does production symbolize/represent
Cultural values involved – what judgment(s)
might reader make
Use of humor, if any, to what effect
Appeal of Ethos – America at
war – good Americans act the
part
Logic – Children serve as agent
to reach/bridge gap for
immigrant parents
Pathos – Cuteness factor – even
if reader is anti-immigrant/other
the kids are cute.
Iconic connections (Unk Sam
and other figures) are distinct
symbols of America
Government use of cultural
production to propagate unity
Children are the future and key
agents in fostering unity
Endearing – children in ill-fitting
costumes.
Ideal interpretation offered/suggested
Children are Americans even if
parents have not assimilated.
Accept them as Americans.
Immigrant children performing
for the amusement of the
dominant culture.
What alternative interp(s) can be made
Summary
What is text
saying
How does it
say it
Immigrants assimilate and are good Americans
Cute kids and patriotic symbols
213
Cultural Artifact Analytic Framework - Figure: 4.7
Title: Wait, Soldier! Date: 1944
Producer(s): Designed by the War Advertising Council. Illustration by Neff.
Published by The Altoona Mirror, May 17, 1944.
The Basics
Who is producing
When produced
Why? What’s the purpose
Intended Audience?
-­‐
What suggests this
Where published/how audience reached
Design Elements
Map Overall Layout
Graphic Elements
Color, B&W or Grayscale
Role of light
Layout re: image/textual placement
Featured in foreground
Featured in mid ground
Featured in back ground
Photograph or Illustration
Number of images (if any)
Office of War Information
1944
National Unity Campaign
Diverse Americans – family members of
enlisted service personnel
Text appeals to concern for “our boys”
Produced by OWI for publication in
local/regional newspapers.
Grayscale illustration
Use of shadow and light for dramatic effect
Central image with various textual
components.
Text and sponsor placement.
Text: WHO SAID THAT?... next to “Four
Freedoms” text centralized so that it
becomes primary “take away” of
production.
Illustration depicting battle scene and
injured troop.
Illustration – grayscale featuring two
soldiers in battle scene.
1
214
Style of images (if any)
-­‐
Static or dynamic
-­‐
Who or what featured
-­‐
Expressions of figures (if any)
Angle/shot/focus as sign
•
•
•
•
Close-up (intimacy)
Medium (personal relationship)
Long (context, public stance)
Full (social relationship)
Typography
Layout in relation to other elements
Amount of text
Color or B & W
Bold, Italicized, Underlined, serif, etc.
Linguistic Style: Casual or formal
Dynamic – troops moving in background
of image; linear markings indicating
explosion
Two male figures (soldiers) presumably of
the same unit. One injured, one preparing
to administer aid. Presumable they are of
different religious affiliations (from text).
Kneeling figure appears to be expressing
concern/conflict. Prone figure appears
wincing in pain.
Figures are shown in medium distance.
Implies we “know” these individuals and
creates a personal relationship. Reinforces
text “our boys” – these men can be brother,
neighbor, father, etc.
Text is prominent. Diverse font sizes and
styles provide keys to level of attention to
be given to various components
Headlines (bolded text top right) set
tone/draws in reader. Boxed text further
engages and leads reader to narrative
paragraph and additional boxed message.
Bottom bold text features wrap-up and
sponsor info.
Black text
All headline text bolded and sans serif.
Narrative text serif and some script in
sidebar text. Emphasis of purpose of
message indicated by italicized text at
bottom.
Casual linguistic style. Speaking to the
every man.
215
Symbolism
•
•
•
•
•
Association: lifestyle, stereotype,
situation,celeb/spokesperson
Metaphor: allegorical, unusual
substitution
Storytelling: narrative, drama
Aesthetics: details become art,
pattern, abstraction
Mimesis: representation
incorporating imitation or
mimicry
State(s)/Where set (space & time)
Agents participating (people/objects)
Temporal and logical
relationships/settings
Actions/What are they doing
Circumstances
Key objects featured (if any)
Image and textual components use a story
telling format featuring a dramatic
narrative.
In the midst of battle.
Military unit with focus on two soldiers.
Surreal landscape (emphasized by cut-out
motif of illustration)
Figures halted in battle by injury of one
soldier. One figure is considering a
mysterious voice (his conscience?) causing
him to pause.
Battlefront aftermath of explosion
Weapons at rest, removed helmet, first aid
kit/canteen
Formula
Characteristics/Credibility Factors
•
•
•
•
•
Coherence
Covertness
Clarity
Continuity
Comprehensiveness
Covert approach to drawing the reader in
via use of dramatic image and textual
inquiry.
Provides a comprehensive overview of the
problematic of lack of unity/Americanness
Manifestations of Codes
•
•
•
•
•
Institutions (sociology)
Rituals/ritual behavior (anthro)
Personality (psych)
Societal roles (social psych)
Ideological (poli sci)
Engagement/Involvement
Propaganda Device(s) Employed
Sociological – institution of military and
government. Psychological (personality) in
that individuals are called upon to reflect
on their beliefs. Anthropological regarding
diverse faiths and how attitudes towards
same can shape/form attitudes regarding
others. Ideological – Four Freedoms.
Name Calling, Bandwagon, Plain Folks,
Testimonial, Card Stacking
216
Key Inferences reader must make to have
text make sense? Play on appeals of:
•
•
•
Ethos
Logic
Pathos
Enthymeme (built on shared knowledge)
Cultural values involved – what
judgment(s) might reader make
Use of humor, if any, to what effect
Ideal interpretation offered/suggested
What alternative interp(s) can be made
Summary
What is text
saying
How does it say
it
Plays on pathos: graphic imagery of
injured soldier combined with text
including: “..our boys – our American
boys..” Ethos is also used here – the do the
right thing approach.
Notions of what it means to be humane
and free.
To be a good American one must put aside
religious differences to help each other out
and demonstrate they are good/unified
Americans.
Who Said That?... – not intentionally
comical but can be read as “silly.”
“Our boys – our American boys” will help
each other despite religious differences.
The everyman on the home front should do
the same to protect the American way.
Americans are of diverse faiths. The “evil”
that is perceived can get in the way to
prevent doing the humane thing.
Americans come from diverse places/backgrounds. Put aside
differences and get on the same page.
Use of powerful visuals and bold, commanding text.
217
Cultural Artifact Analytic Framework - Figure: 4.8
Title: In the Home of an Italian Rag Picker
Producer(s): Jacob Riis
Date: 1888
The Basics
When produced
188
Why? What’s the purpose
Documentary
Intended Audience?
Human interest article illustration.
-­‐
What suggests this
Where published/how audience reached
Appeared in Riis’s publications on
tenement reform
Book, newspapers
Design Elements
Map Overall Layout
Graphic Elements
Color, B&W or Grayscale
Black and white
Role of light
Light exposes the harsh reality
Layout re: image/textual placement
Female figure centralized/accented
Featured in foreground
Bare floor (squalor)
Featured in mid ground
Mother with infant
Featured in back ground
Circular object – perhaps a hat? Serves as
a symbolic halo for female figure
Photograph or Illustration
Photo
Number of images (if any)
single
218
Style of images (if any)
-­‐
Static or dynamic
Dynamic – mother is holding (almost
suppressing/protecting) infant. Gazing
upward.
-­‐
Who or what featured
Mother and child
-­‐
Expressions of figures (if any)
Mother gazing upward
Angle/shot/focus as sign
•
•
•
•
Close-up (intimacy)
Medium (personal relationship)
Long (context, public stance)
Full (social relationship)
Long shot – we are invited to observe
mother and child but not full frame of
space (logistically not possible?) so not a
true social relationship, but figures are
available to audience.
Typography
Layout in relation to other elements
N/A
Amount of text
Color or B & W
Bold, Italicized, Underlined, serif, etc.
Linguistic Style: Casual or formal
Symbolism
•
•
•
•
•
Association: lifestyle, stereotype,
situation,celeb/spokesperson
Metaphor: allegorical, unusual
substitution
Storytelling: narrative, drama
Aesthetics: details become art,
pattern, abstraction
Mimesis: representation
incorporating imitation or
mimicry
State(s)/Where set (space & time)
New York City living/work space
Agents participating (people/objects)
Female figure and infant child
Temporal and logical
relationships/settings
In confided space surrounded by the rags
of the family trade, a small altar of sorts is
created from the space.
Sitting
Actions/What are they doing
Circumstances
Metaphor/allegory of mother and child
(Madonna and child).
Riis documenting the ways which
immigrants live captures this sliver of
existence.
219
Key objects featured (if any)
Rags, ladder, curvilinear object on wall
Formula
Characteristics/Credibility Factors
•
•
•
•
•
Coherence
Covertness
Clarity
Continuity
Comprehensiveness
Clarity and comprehensiveness are key
here. Riis provides a clear, complete
picture of the immigrant challenges.
Manifestations of Codes
•
•
•
•
•
Institutions (sociology)
Rituals/ritual behavior (anthro)
Personality (psych)
Societal roles (social psych)
Ideological (poli sci)
Engagement/Involvement
Propaganda Device(s) Employed
Key Inferences reader must make to have
text make sense? Play on appeals of:
•
•
•
Ethos
Logic
Pathos
Enthymeme (built on shared knowledge)
What does production
symbolize/represent
Cultural values involved – what
judgment(s) might reader make
Use of humor, if any, to what effect
Ideal interpretation offered/suggested
What alternative interp(s) can be made
Summary
What is text
saying
How does it
say it
Institutional (how the other live)
Anthropological (inside look at the home
and tools of existence).
Card Stacking
Pathos – feel for the figures: the
impoverished conditions they exist in; the
mother’s (implied) sacrifice for the child.
The living conditions are less than ideal
Challenges of immigrant experience
Immigrants live in squalor. Love their
children as do all mothers. Conditions
must be improved.
N/A
Immigrant mothers love their children –
not unlike the Madonna and Christ.
Conditions the live in are less than. People
of means should assist.
Immigrants live in squalor by choice and
they and areas they live in should be
avoided.
Visual text implies living/working conditions for immigrants are
less than ideal. A mother, regardless of background loves her child
and will sacrifice for them.
Strong, compelling visual composition, use of light where likely
none before.
220
Cultural Artifact Analytic Framework - Figure: 4.9
Title: Mrs. Rose Carrendano, Italian-American mother of six children. Three are in
the armed forces.
Producer(s): Marjorie Collins, photographer. Published by OWI
Date: 1943
The Basics
Who is producing
When produced
Why? What’s the purpose
Intended Audience?
-­‐
Marjorie Collins, photographer for OWI
1943
National Unity Campaign
Wide audience, newspapers
Campaign source
Likely newspapers nationwide
What suggests this
Where published/how audience reached
Design Elements
Map Overall Layout
Graphic Elements
Color, B&W or Grayscale
black and white photography
Role of light
Flash creates halo-like effect for figure
Layout re: image/textual placement
Centralized figure placed between
draperies creates altar-like setting
NA
Featured in foreground
Featured in mid ground
Featured in back ground
Centralized figure with stars symbolizing
children in service
NA
Photograph or Illustration
photo
Number of images (if any)
1
Style of images (if any)
-­‐
static
Static or dynamic
221
-­‐
Who or what featured
-­‐
Expressions of figures (if any)
Female mother figure. Service stars
representing three children.
solemn
Angle/shot/focus as sign
•
•
•
•
Medium shot. Invited to relate to this
individual as if a neighbor or
acquaintance.
Close-up (intimacy)
Medium (personal relationship)
Long (context, public stance)
Full (social relationship)
Typography
Layout in relation to other elements
N/A
Amount of text
Color or B & W
Bold, Italicized, Underlined, serif, etc.
Linguistic Style: Casual or formal
Symbolism
•
•
•
•
•
Association: lifestyle, stereotype,
situation,celeb/spokesperson
Metaphor: allegorical, unusual
substitution
Storytelling: narrative, drama
Aesthetics: details become art,
pattern, abstraction
Mimesis: representation
incorporating imitation or mimicry
State(s)/Where set (space & time)
Home setting
Agents participating (people/objects)
Female mother figure. Apron (indicative
of home maker). Service stars
representing children/sacrifice. Curtain
configuration indicative of shrine/altar.
Curtains form shrine or altar like space
Sitting. Exposed. Awaiting her children
but accepting might not return.
Mother awaiting her children.
Service star plaque = children in service.
Apron = symbol of domesticity.
Temporal and logical relationships/settings
Actions/What are they doing
Circumstances
Key objects featured (if any)
Association – stereotype of apron-clad
“woman next door” – home maker and
mother.
Service stars tell story of sacrifice and
Americanism.
222
Formula
Characteristics/Credibility Factors
•
•
•
•
•
Coherence – composition provides all
details to make reading clear
Clarity – straight-forward documentary
style image
Coherence
Covertness
Clarity
Continuity
Comprehensiveness
Manifestations of Codes
•
•
•
•
•
Institution – motherhood
Ritual – home environment, apron-clad
female figure. Religious connotations
Ideological – Service star
Institutions (sociology)
Rituals/ritual behavior (anthro)
Personality (psych)
Societal roles (social psych)
Ideological (poli sci)
Engagement/Involvement
Propaganda Device(s) Employed
Key Inferences reader must make to have
text make sense? Play on appeals of:
•
•
•
Ethos
Logic
Pathos
Enthymeme (built on shared knowledge)
What does production symbolize/represent
Cultural values involved – what
judgment(s) might reader make
Use of humor, if any, to what effect
Ideal interpretation offered/suggested
Immigrants can be good, loyal
Americans.
Look on female figure’s face can be
interpreted as unhappy that children are
supporting nation.
What alternative interp(s) can be made
Summary
What is text
saying
How does it
say it
Glittering Generalities, Bandwagon,
Plain Folks, Testimonial
Logic – knowledge of what the service
stars represent
Ethos – compassion for mother’s
sacrifice (representative of all mothers
but more all IMMIGRANT mothers)
Name = that of Italian American. Service
stars = number of children enlisted.
The sacrifice of the immigrant mother.
Immigrants are Americans.
Female figure is Italian American.
Children fighting for America. All
sacrificing because they are good
Americans
N/A
Visual text indicates female figure is mother to children in service
because the family are all good, loyal Americans
Central figure (home maker, mother) is seated in shrine-like space
where service stars represent her children. Stars indicate enlistment
in armed forces.
223
Cultural Artifact Analytic Framework - Figure: 4.10
Title: Buffalo, New York. May 1943. Naturalized Citizens attending “I am an
American Day” rally at the Memorial Auditorium
Producer(s): Photographer Marjorie Collins. Published by Office of War
Information
Date: 1943
The Basics
Who is producing
When produced
Why? What’s the purpose
Collins – Photog; OWI publisher
May 1943
National Unity campaign – interpreting
national identity & unity
Intended Audience?
-­‐
What suggests this
Where published/how audience reached
Wide range: audience and magazine
readers
Black and white format; campaign reach
Newspapers, magazines, weeklies and
dailies.
Design Elements
Map Overall Layout
Graphic Elements
Color, B&W or Grayscale
B & W photo
Role of light
Immigrants highlighted – bright in contrast
to background figures. Light reflects off
faces & signage
Text contained within event signage –
Layout re: image/textual placement
indicates (verifies) group members identity
224
Featured in foreground
Individual immigrants (in row)
Featured in mid ground
Identifying signage
Featured in back ground
Crowd (indistinguishable for most part)
Photograph or Illustration
photo
Number of images (if any)
single
Style of images (if any)
-­‐
Static or dynamic
Dynamic – although row of immigrants are
very intense/somber
-­‐
Who or what featured
Immigrant rally participants
-­‐
Expressions of figures (if any)
Somber and intense
Angle/shot/focus as sign
•
•
•
•
Close-up (intimacy)
Medium (personal relationship)
Long (context, public stance)
Full (social relationship)
Long shot indicating a public stance
(signals it’s okay to observe these
individuals – they are deliberately on
display).
Typography
Layout in relation to other elements
Placed within scene to identify figures
Amount of text
minimal
Color or B & W
N/A
Bold, Italicized, Underlined, serif, etc.
Mixed: san serif and cursive
Linguistic Style: Casual or formal
Formal - programmatic
Symbolism
•
•
•
•
•
Situational association – awkward
Association: lifestyle, stereotype, assembly. Look uncomfortable. A dramatic
situation,celeb/spokesperson
moment captured – part of their individual
Metaphor: allegorical, unusual
(and possibly group) story being told.
substitution
Storytelling: narrative, drama
Aesthetics: details become art,
pattern, abstraction
Mimesis: representation
incorporating imitation or
mimicry
State(s)/Where set (space & time)
Assembly hall. Large rally.
Agents participating (people/objects)
Immigrants, flags, printed programs,
symbols of nationalism/patriotism.
225
Temporal and logical
relationships/settings
Immigrants grouped together/isolated from
Actions/What are they doing
Sitting attentively. Anxiously.
Circumstances
Grouped together due to shared experience
others.
(naturalization)
Key objects featured (if any)
Flags, individuals, printed programs
Formula
Characteristics/Credibility Factors
•
•
•
•
•
Coherence
Covertness
Clarity
Continuity
Comprehensiveness
Coherence – signage explains who.
Caption details why. Clarity result of
signage.
Manifestations of Codes
•
•
•
•
•
Institutions (sociology)
Rituals/ritual behavior (anthro)
Personality (psych)
Societal roles (social psych)
Ideological (poli sci)
Engagement/Involvement
Propaganda Device(s) Employed
Key Inferences reader must make to have
text make sense? Play on appeals of:
•
•
•
Ethos
Logic
Pathos
Enthymeme (built on shared knowledge)
What does production
symbolize/represent
Cultural values involved – what
judgment(s) might reader make
Use of humor, if any, to what effect
Ideal interpretation offered/suggested
Institutional – rally – commonality of
individuals present.
Societal roles – immigrants are isolated
and appear nervous (still the other at this
stage).
Ideological – national unity rally
Bandwagon, Plain Folks, Card Stacking
Ethos – Immigrants sacrifice old ways to
adopt Americanism. notion of promoting
Americanism. Logos: national unity (why
important)
The purpose of such a rally/importance of
unified front
OWI campaign strategy/need for national
unity.
Naturalized immigrants participate in
events promoting unity. All good
Americans should do so.
N/A
Immigrants have sacrificed and gone to the
trouble to become U.S. citizens. They are
good Americans. Accept (or at least
tolerate) them.
226
What alternative interp(s) can be made
Summary
What is text
saying
How does it
say it
Immigrants are mighty uncomfortable
looking. Perhaps being coerced into this
scene. Maybe not such great Americans
after all.
All good Americans, regardless of national origin should show their
patriotism. Be a good American like these individuals.
Symbolism, text, composition and lighting demonstrate that
immigrants should be tolerated/accepted – all must be Americans in
face of conflict.
227
Cultural Artifact Analytic Framework - Figure: 4.11
Title: Americans All
Producer(s): Design: U.S. Office of War Information. Published by: U.S.
Government Printing Office
Date: 1942
The Basics
Who is producing
OWI and US Govt Printing Office
When produced
Why? What’s the purpose
1942
Unity Campaign
Intended Audience?
Blue collar workers, management/industry
leaders
-­‐
What suggests this
Where published/how audience reached
Setting and language/tone reference to
labor organizers/work force
Poster format. Likely indoor/outdoor
posting.
Design Elements
Map Overall Layout
Graphic Elements
Color, B&W or Grayscale
Color
Role of light
Uniform, all workers presented in same
light, literally.
Layout re: image/textual placement
Circular format
Featured in foreground
FDR quote
Featured in mid ground
Text box “Americans All”
228
Featured in back ground
Workers unified around tank
production
Photograph or Illustration
Photo realistic illustration
Number of images (if any)
singular
Style of images (if any)
-­‐
Dynamic workers engaged with
Static or dynamic
production
-­‐
Who or what featured
Tank and workers unified in production
-­‐
Expressions of figures (if any)
Varied, primarily neutral
Angle/shot/focus as sign
•
•
•
•
Full shot indicating a social
relationship. Not intimate but rather
encourages viewing others as equals.
Close-up (intimacy)
Medium (personal relationship)
Long (context, public stance)
Full (social relationship)
Typography
Layout in relation to other elements
Directly linked to image (graphic
elements) wheel spokes of tank,
literally connects other elements.
Amount of text
dominant
Color or B & W
Color and white
Bold, Italicized, Underlined, serif, etc.
Sans serif except FDR attribution.
Unconventional use of caps.
Linguistic Style: Casual or formal
Formal – quote by authority figure
Symbolism
Associative – blue collar workers
engaged in situation of production
Allegorical perspective of image view
from aerial vantage point/observational
perspective/platform
Story is being told – narrative of
workers uniting for production
(common good).
•
•
•
•
•
Association: lifestyle, stereotype,
situation,celeb/spokesperson
Metaphor: allegorical, unusual
substitution
Storytelling: narrative, drama
Aesthetics: details become art,
pattern, abstraction
Mimesis: representation
incorporating imitation or mimicry
State(s)/Where set (space & time)
Unidentified production facility. Time
and actual conditions N/A
229
Agents participating (people/objects)
Diverse American workers
Temporal and logical relationships/settings
Neutral space enables “full production
of all workers”
Actions/What are they doing
Individuals engaged in own tasks, but
part of greater project.
Circumstances
War = need for production, all times,
all workers.
Key objects featured (if any)
Tank as symbol of power. Mechanism
of democracy and liberty.
Formula
Characteristics/Credibility Factors
•
•
•
•
•
Coherence – circular composition
united by quote.
Clarity – concise and to-the-point =
inclusivity
Coherence
Covertness
Clarity
Continuity
Comprehensiveness
Manifestations of Codes
•
•
•
•
•
Institutional – factory setting; good
members of society work and play well
with others.
Societal role – good Americans will
work together in any workspace.
Factory designates important agent of
freedom.
Ideology – textual component
excerpted from FDR speech.
Institutions (sociology)
Rituals/ritual behavior (anthro)
Personality (psych)
Societal roles (social psych)
Ideological (poli sci)
Engagement/Involvement
Propaganda Device(s) Employed
Key Inferences reader must make to have
text make sense? Play on appeals of:
•
•
•
Bandwagon, Plain Folks
Ethos: work = freedom and national
unity/pride.
Logic: unity gets the job done
Ethos
Logic
Pathos
Enthymeme (built on shared knowledge)
What does production symbolize/represent
Cultural values involved – what judgment(s)
might reader make
Use of humor, if any, to what effect
230
Many components to war efforts. All
hands needed to get job done.
Govt. aware of issues of
prejudice/discrimination. Determined
to abate such.
Motivate or even shame workers into
compliance
N/A
Ideal interpretation offered/suggested
Put aside differences to produce for
freedom
Agitation by some workers can lead to
complacency.
What alternative interp (s) can be made
Summary
What is text
saying
How does it
say it
Good Americans are not prejudiced and will work side-by-side with
Americans of diverse backgrounds to preserve American freedom
and ideals.
Showing how diverse individuals can heed the word of the
Commander and Chief to be Americans All and get the job done.
231
Appendix C
Notes On Image Sources
Figure
Title
Source
1.1
Know Nothing Polka
1.2
The Great Fear of the
Period
M1.A13 K Case c-MUSIC1854. Prints and
Photographs Division, Library of Congress,
Washington, D.C.
Cai 2a24364 Prints and Photographs Division,
Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
1.3
In the Home of an Italian Rag
Picker
1.4
Citizenship
1.5
1.6
The Father of our Country
as Seen by His Children
Waiting for the Forwards
1.7
The Melting Pot
Table 1.2
Dictionary of Races or
People
United States of America
Admittance Free
1.8
1.9
Come Unto Me, Ye
Opprest!
2.1
Snow-White
2.2
Regarding the Italian
Population
Difficult Problems Solving
Themselves
2.3
2.4
The Yellow Peril
2.5
The Ignorant Vote
2.6
Irish Iberian, AngloTeutonic and Negro Heads
LOT 8237 (F) Prints and Photographs
Division, Library of Congress, Washington,
D.C.
Puck Magazine, 1889
Life Magazine.
Cai 2a25309 Prints and Photographs Division,
Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
University of Iowa Libraries Special Collection.
Redpath Chautauqua Collection
National Archives Record Administration, NY,
NY.
http://apush-wiki-marlboroughschool.wikispaces.com/Life+in+America,+1
887-1892
www.baruch.cuny.edu/library/alumni/online
_exhibits/digital/redscare/HTMLCODE/CH
RON/RS017.HTM
http://digital.library.upenn.edu/women/gask
/tales/SNOW.html
www.neworleansonline.com/neworleans/mu
lticultural/multiculturalhistory/italian.html
MTP/HW: Vol 23:256 brk 7050. Prints and
Photographs Division, Library of Congress.
The Bancroft Library, University of
California.
www.friendsofsabbath.org/GG%20Rupert/T
he%20Yellow%20Peril.pdf
Prints and Photographs Division, Library of
Congress, Washington, D.C. Illus. in
AP2.H32 1876 (Case Y).
http://harpers.org/archive/1899/01/fiftyyears-of-francis-joseph/
232
3.1
3.6
Lasswell’s Model of
Communication
Picture-Writing
Advertising Can Make
People Realize What Total
War Means,
Office of War Information
Domestic Branch Including
List of Media Facilities
Free Mats on Group
Prejudice Campaign
Americans All!
3.7
This is Nazi Brutality
3.8
War Theme Digest
3.9
The Lightning Speed of
Honesty
4.1
4.2
This is America… THE
AMERICAN WAY
WORKS!
This is America… Detail
4.3
4.4
Climbing Into America
Half an American?
4.5
Tell us Please Mr. Hitler…
4.6
New York, New York. Finale
in a play …
4.7
Wait Soldier! Don’t Give
Him Aid if He’s Not of Your
Faith!
In the Home of an Italian Rag
Picker
Archive of the Advertising Council,
Champaign, IL.
New York, N,.Y. May 1943.
Mrs. Rose Carrendano
LC-USW 3- Negative No. 30282-D
Prints and Photographs Division, Library of
Congress, Washington, D.C.
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
4.8
4.9
LeFleur and Rokeach. (1983). 101 Models of
Communication.
Advertising Age, June 14, 1941
Archive of the Advertising Council,
Champaign, IL.
Archive of the Advertising Council,
Champaign, IL.
Archive of the Advertising Council,
Champaign, IL.
National Archives and Records Administration,
College Park, MD.
The Mitchell Wolfson Jr. Collection, The
Wolfsonian-Florida International University,
Miami Beach, Florida.
Archive of the Advertising Council,
Champaign, IL.
Prints and Photographs Division, Library of
Congress, Washington, D.C.
US J44.1 1944. Prints and Photographs
Division, Library of Congress, Washington,
D.C.
US J44.1 1944. Prints and Photographs
Division, Library of Congress, Washington,
D.C.
George Eastman House, Rochester, NY
Archive of the Advertising Council,
Champaign, IL.
Archive of the Advertising Council,
Champaign, IL.
LC-USW 3- Negative No. 17674-E
Prints and Photographs Division, Library of
Congress, Washington, D.C.
LOT 8237 (F) Prints and Photographs
Division, Library of Congress, Washington,
D.C.
233
4.10
Buffalo, New York. May
1943. Naturalized Citizens…
4.11
Americans All!
5.1
Ugh!... Foreigners!
LC-USW 3- Negative No. 28191-D
Prints and Photographs Division, Library of
Congress, Washington, D.C.
LC-USZC4-4265
Prints and Photographs Division, Library of
Congress, Washington, D.C.
Archive of the Advertising Council,
Champaign, IL.
234
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