M a r c h 2 1 , 1964
THE
ECONOMIC
WEEKLY
The Developing Pattern of the Congress Party
C N Bhalerao
While the Congress Party has attempted to modernise and democratise the country, the politics of the
party is directed more to capturing power and strengthening it
than to
establishing a democratic and
open
society based on
effective popular
participation in
politics.
The almost complete control of the party on politics and society leads to
executive and frustrates individual freedom and popular participation in politics.
failure
increasing
It is true that the party plays an important role in the development of the country,
to organise its power this role becomes subservient to its power politics.
but
powers
because
of the
of its
The fundamental problem in India, as in other developing countries is to establish a responsible national political process in which there is greater consistency between power and values.
In the next decade or
so the Congress Party in India will increasingly have to face this challenge.
A F T E R w i n n i n g Independence the
Congress Party in India was
faced w i t h the task of carving out
a modern, democratic State f r o m a
t r a d i t i o n a l society. The p a r t y started w i t h a clear definition of the
aims and purposes of the new State
—Sovereignty of the People, Constitutional Democracy and Fundamental Rights. An inherited stable
governmental
machinery and administrative structure, the adoption
of p a r l i a m e n t a r y and federal government and the setting up of the
P l a n n i n g Commission provided the
f o r m a l apparatus w i t h which these
purposes could be realised. All that
was needed was organisation and
drive to give content to the constitutional forms by b u i l d i n g up an
institutional continuum that w o r l d
lay the basis of a modern, democratic State.
R o u g h l y after 1955, when the
new linguistic States were carved
out, the Congress leaders became
complacent
about
the
working
of democratic-parliamentary govern
merit in I n d i a . This complacency
was largely due to the ineffectiveness of the opposition parties and
the successful implementation of the
First Five-Year P l a n . On the other
hand, the p e r i o d after 1955 was a h marked by a g r o w i n g concern over
fissiparous tendencies in the political
sphere and the slow progress of
development programmes. T h i s led
to the rise of what R a j n i K o t h a r i
calls " r o m a n t i c politics". The Congress became pre-occupied w i t h form u l a t i n g blue-prints for modernisat i o n such as 'socialistic pattern of
society', 'cooperative commonwealth'
and
'democratic
decentralisation'
and showed great concern over the
forces of regionalism, casteism and
l i n g u i s m in p u b l i c institutions, ln
f o r m u l a t i n g these Utopian programmes of action, the Congress d i d not
have to face the challenge of an
organised opposition and consequent l y the work of i n s t i t u t i o n - b u i l d i n g
was not based on a searching ana
scientific study of social issues. The
period f r o m the beginning of the
nineteen sixties forms another stage
in the development of the Congress
during
post-Independence
period.
T h i s p e r i o d is m a r k e d by an intense
struggle for power between the organisational
and the
governmental
wings of the p a r t y , between various
factions of the party and between
urban and r u r a l leadership. W h i l e
the Congress leadership is seized of
the p r o b l e m of power-conflicts in
the p a r t y , it has not yet undertaken
a c r i t i c a l self-examination except in
a peripheral way. The recent reverses of the p a r t y in the parliamentary
bye-elections at A m r o h a , Farrukkabad and Rajkot have given a j o l t
to the party, resulting in the adopt i o n of the K a m r a j Plan for the reorganisation of the p a r t y . W h i l e it
is for the Congress leadership to
assess the adequacy of the K a m r a j
P l a n , it w o u l d be useful for an
understanding of the p o l i t i c a l process in India to begin by e x a m i n i n g
the emerging structure of power in
the r u l i n g party and its consequences for society and government.
Factions and Divisions
The Congress was a united and
closely-knit party before independence o w i n g m a i n l y to its devotion
to the goal of independence. Common aspirations of the leaders and
the rank and file of the party d i d
not p e r m i t any d i s i n t e g r a t i n g or
fissiparous forces w i t h i n the party.
However, after Independence,
the
u n i t y w i t h i n the p a r t y began to
weaken. I n order to f i l l the powervacuum after
the B r i t i s h left,
the p a r t y had to be based on the
existing socio-economic forces and
get closer to society. This process
is marked by two opposing features.
The westernised elite of the Congress Party has attempted to strengthen national unity, to modernise
the country, and to operate p o l i t i c a l
and
governmental
institutions in
order to lay the basis for democracy
in I n d i a . On the other hand, the
regional and local leaders are weakening the forces that make for national u n i t y by strengthening casteism, regionalism
and l i n g u i s m ;
their t r a d i t i o n a l politics obstructs
the process of modernisation and
democratisation. In essence the conflict in the Congress Party is between modern and t r a d i t i o n a l forces, between the p o l i t i c s of modernisation and the politics of power
in a traditional society.
A major characteristic of the
Congress Party is its all-pervasive
factionalism f r o m the M a n d a l Congress Committee to the
All-India
Congress Committee. Factions w h h in the r u l i n g party constitute the
operative p o l i t i c a l categories
in
I n d i a and provide the substantive
context of the p o l i t i c a l process. The
factions organised on different lines
but w o r k i n g at a l l levels of the
Congress organization, have their
o w n structure and lines of communication and f o r m a complex system
of decision-making based on pressure, adjustment and accommodation.
At the local level factions are based
on caste, kinship and personal l o y a l 563
M a r c h 2 1 , 1964
ties, the last being the most i m p o r tant.
At the State and national
levels, power positions a n d regional
and caste
interests influence the
f o r m a t i o n of factions. These
factions cut across f o r m a l l y established
institutions, the t r a d i t i o n a l divisions
of society and sometimes p a r t y lines.
The most important f o r m of the
faction system w i t h i n the Congress
Party is the struggle for power between the governmental haves and
the organisational have-nots at the
State and national levels. Rajni
K o t h a r i describes this conflict w i t h in the Congress as "the two p a r t y
system that is r e a l l y emerging in
I n d i a " . 1 Indeed the organisational
w i n g of the p a r t y does act in a
manner t r a d i t i o n a l l y associated w i t h
opposition parties. Its members make
representation on behalf of aggrieved interests; it publicises its dissatisfaction w i t h the government; it
attempts to w i n a m a j o r i t y in the
legislature; and it canvasses extensively d u r i n g the election to the
A l l - I n d i a Congress Committee, the
High
C o m m a n d and the Pradesh
Election Committees. The organisational w i n g was t i l l now regarded
as i n f e r i o r to the governmental
w i n g since it does not c o m m a n d
power a n d prestige.
But now the
organisational w i n g is asserting itself. At the national level, the governmental w i n g has succeeded in
r e t a i n i n g control over the most
powerful committees w i t h i n the Congress — the H i g h C o m m a n d , the
A I C C and the Central Parliament a r y B o a r d ; but the organisational
w i n g is g a i n i n g a position of strength by c o n t r o l l i n g and m a k i n g political use of the affiliated agencies of
the Congress like the Seva D a l , the
Y o u t h Congress and the M a h i l a
Congress.
Indiscipline
The organisational w i n g has been
successful
to some extent
at the
State level, though even there it s t i l l
continues to be neglected. 2 In four
States (Madras in 1954, A n d h r a in
1956, B o m b a y in 1956 and U t t a r
Pradesh in 1 9 6 0 ) . the Presidents of
the Pradesh Congress
Committees
were made Chief
M i n i s t e r s and
after the 1962
General Elections,
the leaders of the
organisational
w i n g challenged the ministries for
power in M a d h y a Pradesh, Mysore
and G u j a r a t . In the D i s t r i c t , the
organisational w i n g is very weak
561
THE
a n d the view is generally h e l d that
the office-bearers of the D i s t r i c t and
M a n d a l Congress
Committees do
not possess any real power. It is
being realised that real power resides not in the organisational w i n g ,
not even in the State legislature,
but in the Panchayat
bodies, cooperative institutions, m u n i c i p a l i t i e s
and Government-subsidised v o l u n t a r y
agencies. In general the neglect of
the organisational w i n g at the State
and D i s t r i c t levels o w i n g to its i n ferior power position in r e l a t i o n to
the governmental
w i n g has given
rise to g r o w i n g i n d i s c i p l i n e w i t h i n
the p a r t y .
This does not mean that one w i n g
is u n i t e d against the other. In both
the wings there are factional groupings b u i l t around personalities and
ideologies. 3 The organisational w i n g
at the centre, for example, was d i vided into such factions as the H i n d u - m i n d e d and secularist groups,
the groups formed for securing the
Deputy Leadership of the p a r t y in
1961 or the
rightist and leftist
groups. These groups interact in
an intricate manner, governmental
factions seeking
support f r o m the
organisational
factions
and vice
versa.
New Regional Elite
A n o t h e r cleavage in the p a r t y is
constituted by the conflict between
the n a t i o n a l
party
leaders and
the new regional elites. 4 W i t h
the f o r m a t i o n of l i n g u i s t i c States
and the i n t r o d u c t i o n of regional
languages in
the
administration
and universities, there is grow
i n g a cadre of regional and local
leaders w h i c h is more in tune w i t h
t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c s . A l r e a d y i n the
State
legislatures a large b u l k of
speeches is
delivered in regional
languages;
and
some
ministers
know o n l y their
mother tongue.
Selig H a r r i s o n has cogently shown
that both history and the r e a l i t y of
l o c a l life in I n d i a p o i n t to a structure o f p o l i t i c a l
power i n w h i c h
the new regional elites w i l l increasi n g l y corner c o m m a n d i n g positions.
This trend is b e g i n n i n g to undermine the u n i f y i n g r o l e of the central
leadership of the
Congress
Party and is f o r c i n g it to adjust
more and m o r e to the compulsions
of regional politics.
Finally,
the dynamics of the
struggle for power of the Congress
has also intensified casteism in the
ECONOMIC
WEEKLY
body p o l i t i c . Caste forms the bases
of party
factions,
parliamentary
lobbies a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e espirit
de corps.
B e h i n d the choice of
candidates for elections, there is
seen a calculated caste a p p e a l ; in
t u r n the successful candidate is expected to c h a m p i o n the interests of
his caste. The d o m i n a n t castes are
w e l l represented in the
Congress
P a r t y and c o n t r o l p o l i t i c a l power
at the State level and even m o r e '
generally at the lower levels. 5 T h i s
is not to say that the
Congress
politics is o n l y an epiphenomenon
or a reflection of the
prevailing
structure of society. Recent studies
indicate that secular a n d p o l i t i c a l
forces are m a k i n g inroads in the
traditional
structure of society.
P o l i t i c a l organisation and leadership
constantly cut across t r a d i t i o n a l
loyalties and cleavages, assume an
autonomy of their own and create
new loyalties and cleavages. 6 It is
thus clear thai w h i l e casteism plays
an i m p o r t a n t role in the power p o l i tics of the Congress, the party also
secularises the caste loyalties and
cleavages and acts as a modernising
social force.
The Party and Society
The r e l a t i o n between the Congress
P a r t y and
society 7 can be understood by e x a m i n i n g how far the
p r e v a i l i n g structure of p o l i t i c a l
c o m m u n i c a t i o n and recruitment enable the assimilation of
society's
needs and interests into the framew o r k of institutions which it has
established.
It is now w e l l - k n o w n
that the p o l i t i c a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n
between the party leaders and the
people in I n d i a is too general and
amorphous and is not based on specific interests, issues and
policies.
The politics of the party is an autonomous process h a v i n g a peripher a l and
general relation to the
issues arid interests of society. T h i s
is because of the lack of accounta b i l i t y of politics to society. The
p o l i t i c a l leaders depend for their
continuation in office
not on the
f u l f i l m e n t of the p r o g r a m m e placed
before the people, but on the local
potentates, the 'key m e n ' w h o cont r o l pockets of power in society and
who constitute the ' v o t i n g banks'.
This has led to the emergence of a
new species of p o l i t i c a l i n t e r m e d i aries who w i e l d social and economic
power, men who can cajole, coerce
or i n t i m i d a t e the local voters i n t o
casting the vote for this or t h a t
March 21, 1964
candidate. W h e n a voter casts h i s
vote, it is not based on any v e r d i c t
o n the o u t g o i n g
government n o r
does the e l e c t o r a l m e c h a n i s m reflect the voters' consent to the p r o grammes or j u d g m e n t on the c o m petence of i n d i v i d u a l s
contesting
in the elections. T h e mechanics of
a c q u i r i n g p o l i t i c a l power is so geared that it is not necessary to have
the a p p r o v a l of the people. Indeed
the spectacle of an u n p o p u l a r leader c o n t i n u i n g in power unaffected
by p u b l i c o p i n i o n is not i n f r e q u e n t .
The p o l i t i c a l
c o m m u n i c a t i o n between the p a r t y a n d society is thus
e x t r e m e l y general and a m o r p h o u s .
P o l i t i c a l recruitment i n the p a r t y
has also a structure of its o w n . It
is based more on the need to w i n
power t h a n on the need to b u i l d up
a f u n c t i o n i n g h i e r a r c h y of p o l i t i c a l
cadres a n d an
effective p o l i t i c a l
machine.
The p a r t y dynamics does
not encourage the e n t r y of persons
who c o u l d strengthen the organization.
Indeed the most vigorous of
the i n t e l l e c t u a l l y endowed and highly educated go into a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ,
science, technology, teaching, journ a l i s m and i n d u s t r y ; they have 'no
a t t r a c t i o n for politics because of the
insecurity of p o l i t i c a l office and the
fear of being steamrolled into the
operative
standards of the
party.
The p o l i t i c a l leadership that emerges at different levels in the party
is, consequently, not the most competent available in society.
It
is
f a i l u r e on this f r o n t w h i c h explains
f a i l u r e on m a n y f r o n t s — in econom i c development, in a d m i n i s t r a t i o n
and local government, in the a p p l i cation of research and in m o b i l i s i n g
p u b l i c cooperation. Thus the stmeture of both p o l i t i c a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n
and r e c r u i t m e n t of the party does
not enable the needs a n d interests
of society to he assimilated in the
f r a m e w o r k of existing institutions.
This has led to a wide cleavage between the party and society. 8
Politicisation of Society
It is p a r a d o x i c a l that w h i l e the
cleavage between the p a r t y a n d society has w i d e n e d , the c o n t r o l of the
f o r m e r on the latter has increased
r e s u l t i n g in the p o l i t i c i s a t i o n
of
social processes.
T h i s results f r o m
the p e c u l i a r
position occupied by
the p a r t y p o l i t i c i a n in society.
The
p o l i t i c i a n in I n d i a c o n t r o l s all avenues of p o w e r .
Office-bearers of the
Congress
Party man all
agencies
THE
devoted to development w o r k , t h e i r
nominees f i n d representation on the
g o v e r n i n g bodies of educational i n stitutions,
most
charitable
trusts
w h i c h r u n schools and hospitals are
in their hands, t h e i r women take
charge of most social w e l f a r e organisations and are a b l e to p r o c u r e
substantial grants, and they or t h e i r
kins become the authorised dealers
of government products, issue licences and fix quotas.
The patronage
of the Congress boss extends f a r a n d
wide.
A n y o n e who wants a seat in
a college or a licence to r u n a l o r r y
or p e r m i t f o r cement is at his mercy.
He
c o n t r o l s the
panchayats,
various
cooperative
institutions,
m u n i c i p a l i t i e s a n d other local agencies. 9 He and his p o l i t i c a l colleagues in the government collect p a r t y
f u n d s f r o m local and other industrialists and are able to oblige them
in r e t u r n .
T h i s m o n o p o l i s a t i o n of
power by the Congress boss and his
alliance with
industrialists creates
vast scope for c o r r u p t i o n , influence
and patronage.
He also wields influence
on
local
administration
w h i c h is a f r a i d of h i m because of
his connections w i t h m i n i s t e r s a n d
higher-ups in the p a r t y . I n d e e d , as
Professor D R G a d g i l has s h o w n ,
the t r i u m v e r a t e of the Congress p o l i t i c i a n , the industrialist and the c i v i l
servant forms
the r u l i n g class of
society. 1 0
If this trend increases,
the Congress party w i l l develop i n t o
a m o n o l i t h i c p a r t y , an imperium in
imperio.
controlling
all
vantage
positions of p o l i t i c a l , social a n d economic power and s i g n a l i s i n g the
end of progress towards a democratic p a r t y system.
Its Consequences for Government
T h e Constitution of I n d i a sets up
a d e m o c r a t i c , p a r l i a m e n t a r y and federal structure of government
and
her c i v i l service laws establish a pol i t i c a l l y neutral c i v i l service.
The
w o r k i n g o f the I n d i a n government
and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n f o r the last fourteen years, however, shows that it
bypasses the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l forms and
gives rise to u n i q u e features w h i c h
reflect those of the r u l i n g party and
the p a r t y system.
The
framework
of
government a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n
is the same but its operative categories are different.
F i r s t l y , though the Congress P a r t y
dominates the p o l i t i c a l process the
factions of the p a r t y p e r m i t accom-
ECONOMIC
WEEKLY
m o d a t i o n of different points of view
and
interests
and
consequently
achieve m u c h
flexibility.
T h e real
o p p o s i t i o n that operates in I n d i a is
n o t against the Congress but w i t h in the Congress and in this process the o p p o s i t i o n
parties
also
p l a y some r o l e .
T h e p a r t y factions
of the Congress also prevent excessive concentration of power w i t h i n
the p a r t y and the o p e r a t i o n of M i t chel's I r o n Law o f O l i g a r c h y .
The
consequence of this f o r government
is that the policies of the government
are not dictated by cabinet and p a r t y
leaders but are generally based on
the view-points of different factions
and interests w i t h i n the p a r t y ; if the
g o v e r n m e n t a l p o l i c y is dictated by
a few cabinet and party leaders, it
is subject to change as a result of
the pressures w h i c h may be exercised by different factions.
As against this, f a c t i o n a l i s m in the p a r t y
results i n i n s t a b i l i t y i n p u r s u i n g
policies and an increase in the size
of cabinets.
Caste and Cabinets
T h e d o m i n a n t castes and m a j o r
p a r t y factions are w e l l represented
in the cabinets.
T h i s basis of cons t i t u t i n g the highest executive o r g a n
of government does n o t always conf o r m to the c r i t e r i o n of competence
and a b i l i t y .
Even w i t h r e g a r d t e
the
U n i o n Cabinet, as an observer
points out, few ministers have been
appointed on grounds of competence
alone, fewer s t i l l have been removed
on grounds of incompetence alone. 1 1
In c o n s t i t u t i n g his Cabinet the P r i m e
M i n i s t e r has to take i n t o
account
regional and c o m m u n a l representat i o n ; his choice of ministers is also
governed by personal considerations.
The result is governmental leadership at the centre and in the States
w h i c h is g e n e r a l l y weak
in
the
grasp of g o v e r n m e n t a l and a d m i n i strative
processes a n d unable to
tackle issues in a scientific and thorough manner.
In this connection
Dr C D D e s h m u k h has r i g h t l y pointed out that the basic p r o b l e m in
I n d i a is that of leadership in p o l i t i cs and government and has suggested that the r u l i n g p a r t y should
utilise the services of able persons
f r o m outside the p a r t y .
The C o n s t i t u t i o n envisages a federal p o l i t y w h i c h , w h i l e b a l a n c i n g
the autonomy of the States
with
national interests, gives some more
565
THE
March 21, 1964
powers to the Centre.
This federal
relationship is. however, operationa l l y governed by the need for economic d e v e l o p m e n t a n d the pressures and adjustments w i t h i n the
ruling party.
T h e Congress H i g h
C o m m a n d , the P l a n n i n g
Commission, the U n i o n M i n i s t r y o f C o m m u nity Development, P a n c h a y a t i Raj
and Cooperation
a n d other U n i o n
ECONOMIC
WEEKLY
M i n i s t r i e s , a n d v a r i o u s c e n t r a l agencies w h i c h give grants-in-aid to the
States
introduce a
centralisation
w h i c h is e x t r a - c o n s t i t u t i o n a l .
Sec o n d l y , the p a r t y consultations and
March 21, 1964
conferences w i t h i n the Congress such
as the meetings of P C C Chiefs or
between
the State Chief M i n i s t e r s
and Union
M i n i s t e r s w h o share
c o m m o n loyalties a n d allegiances,
a n d d e p u t a t i o n s f r o m the Congress
H i g h C o m m a n d t o the States p r o vide the operative context i n w h i c h
m a j o r decisions are t a k e n . A l o n g
d r a w n - o u t process of d e l i b e r a t i o n ,
adjustment
and
decision-making
takes place w i t h i n t h i s f r a m e w o r k
a n d it cuts across the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l d i v i s i o n o f powers between
the Centre a n d the States in I n d i a .
T h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l f e d e r a l i s m is further c o n s i d e r a b l y affected by the
emergence of r e g i o n a l leadership as
a result of the f o r m a t i o n of l i n g u i stic states.
Implications for Parliamentary
System
T h e e m e r g i n g p a t t e r n of the Congress P a r t y and p a r t y p o l i t i c s i n
I n d i a also influence the w o r k i n g of
parliamentary
government.
Theor e t i c a l l y , p a r l i a m e n t a r y government
is based on p o l i t i c a l homogeneity of
the cabinet, its collective responsibil i t y to the l e g i s l a t u r e a n d the existence o f a n opposition.
In India's
e m e r g i n g p a r l i a m e n t a r y system of
government, c o l l e c t i v e
responsibil i t y of the cabinet to the legislature
is not a l w a y s observed. T h i s is because of the lack of u n i t y and
h o m o g e n e i t y in the Central
and
State
Ministries.
They
resemble
m o r e a c o a l i t i o n of r e g i o n a l a n d
p o l i t i c a l interests t h a n a cohesive
group
united b y c o m m o n
loyalties.
T h i s is more
m a r k e d at the
State level where the s t r u g g l e between the o r g a n i s a t i o n a l and governm e n t a l w i n g s of the p a r t y and factions compel diverse interests to be
accommodated.
M o r e o v e r , the concentration o f
power i n the " i n n e r "
cabinets reduces the position of the
M i n i s t e r t o t h a t o f the D e p a r t m e n t a l
Secretary w h o i m p l e m e n t s the decision or p o l i c y t r a n s m i t t e d to h i m .
At the Centre, the p o w e r f u l personal i t y o f the P r i m e M i n i s t e r and his
charismatic
leadership
does
lend
some h o m o g e n e i t y a n d team
spirit
to the cabinet, a l t h o u g h even the
C e n t r a l Cabinet is sometimes i n t e r n a l l y d i v i d e d . A g a i n , the c a b i n e t
M i n i s t e r s i n I n d i a are m o r e responsible t o the C h i e f o r P r i m e M i n i s t e r
t h a n t o the l e g i s l a t u r e . W i t h r e g a r d
t o the o p p o s i t i o n i t was p o i n t e d out
THE
earlier that t h o u g h the o p p o s i t i o n
p a r t i e s a n d interest g r o u p s i n society
do p r o v i d e
criticism
against the
Congress, the real opposition comes
f r o m w i t h i n the Congress. I n this
o p p o s i t i o n , the
H e a d of the State,
prominent
i n d i v i d u a l s outside the
m i n i s t r y a n d the p a r l i a m e n t a r y committees p l a y a n i m p o r t a n t r o l e . Thus
the e m e r g i n g p a r l i a m e n t a r y governm e n t i n I n d i a i s one w h i c h i s m o r e
a n a m a l g a m o f the B r i t i s h , A m e r i can a n d c o n t i n e n t a l systems of gov e r n m e n t t h a n an exact r e p l i c a of
the B r i t i s h p a r l i a m e n t a r y system.
Administration De-bureaucratised
One of the p r o b l e m s in developi n g societies is that in the absence of
sufficient
channels
of
democratic
p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the bureaucratic and r a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of
g o v e r n m e n t get p o l i t i c i z e d . 1 2 It has
been noted e a r l i e r that between the
r u l i n g p a r t y and
society i n
India
there exists a wide cleavage a n d that
p o p u l a r p a r t i c i p a t i o n in politics is
generally
l i m i t e d to casting
votes
only.
Consequently,
the p o l i t i c a l
process that takes place in I n d i a is
largely
independent of the
needs,
aspirations a n d anxieties of the people. In the absence of e x p l i c i t channels for popular p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n in I n d i a is
b e c o m i n g de-bureaueratised and p o l i ticised.
The r u l i n g p a r t y controls p r a c t i cally
the e n t i r e field of p l a n n i n g
and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n .
The Planning
Commission w h i c h is m o r e p o l i t i c a l
t h a n professional in character and
w h i c h is a small e d i t i o n of the gov e r n m e n t itself, and other p l a n n i n g
bodies are closely
l i n k e d un w i t h
the A I C C and the W o r k i n g Committee.
The personnel of the p a r t y
man
most of the Panchayati R a j
bodies, cooperative
institutions and
o t h e r local a u t h o r i t i e s ,
provide inf o r m a t i o n t o government officials a n d
a c t i v e l y collaborate i n s o l v i n g local
problems.
The Congress P a r t y has
evolved a m a c h i n e r y of consultation
and
communication
between
the
p a r t y and the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n at the
Pradesh, D i s t r i c t and T a l u k a levels
a n d has also attempted c o o r d i n a t i o n
of effort
between the
party
and
official agencies l i k e the c o m m u n i t y
development
administration
and
non-official b u t nonetheless officially
sustained
organisations
like
the
B h a r a t Sevak S a m a j .
Further, poli-
ECONOMIC
WEEKLY
t i c a l influences
a n d considerations
appear to be at w o r k in the day-today w o r k i n g o f the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n
i n w h i c h police a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s not
the least i m p o r t a n t , the a p p o i n t ments to h i g h a d m i n i s t r a t i v e offices
l i k e m e m b e r s h i p o f P u b l i c Service
Commissions and statutory bodies,
a n d p r o m o t i o n s and transfers o f c i v i l
servants.
T h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of Panc h a y a t Raj in I n d i a
may further
lead to a drastic change in the relat i o n s h i p between a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d
p o l i t i c s at the l o w e r levels.
W h i l e in the
present
phase of
p o l i t i c a l development i n I n d i a
the
organisation
and
drive
available
through
coordination
of
work
t h r o u g h the Congress P a r t y and the
a d m i n i s t r a t i o n is useful, the danger
is t h a t the l a t t e r w i l l become h e a v i l y
politicised a n d m a y v i r t u a l l y become
a n a r m o f the r u l i n g
party.
The
o n l y w a y to arrest this t r e n d is to
b u i l d up active channels of c o m m u n i c a t i o n both w i t h i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and between the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n
a n d the p u b l i c a n d to encourage the
g r o w t h of v o l u n t a r y interest groups
i n society. T h i s a p p r o a c h t o i n s t i t u t i o n - b u i l d i n g is f a r more basic t h a n
which is
followed in
establishing
bodies l i k e the V i g i l a n c e Units or
Ombudsman.
Power and Values
It is clear t h a t w h i l e the Congress P a r t y has attempted to m o d e r nise and democratise the c o u n t r y ,
the p o l i t i c s of the p a r t y is directed
more to the need f o r c a p t u r i n g power a n d s t r e n g t h e n i n g it than to est a b l i s h i n g a d e m o c r a t i c a n d open
society based on the f r e e d o m of the
individual
and
effective
popular
participation in politics. The almost
t o t a l i t a r i a n c o n t r o l o f the p a r t y o n
p o l i t i c s a n d society leads to increasi n g powers
of the executive
and
frustrates i n d i v i d u a l f r e e d o m a n d
popular participation in politics. It
is t r u e that the p a r t y p l a y s an i m p o r t a n t r o l e i n the development o f
the c o u n t r y , b u t because of its
f a i l u r e to organise its p o w e r this
r o l e becomes
subservient to
its
power
politics.
The fundamental
p r o b l e m s i n I n d i a a s i n o t h e r devel o p i n g countries is to establish a resp o n s i b l e n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l process
in w h i c h there is a greater consistency between power a n d values. I n
the next decade or so the Congress
Party in
India w i l l increasingly
have to face this c h a l l e n g e .
567
March 21, 1964
THE
Politics i n I n d i a i n c r e a s i n g l y i m pinges on society and tends to become t o t a l i t a r i a n .
T h e reason f o r
this is the absence of an i n s t i t u t i o n a l
or
socio-cultural
infra-structure
built
around
voluntary
organisat i o n s : social power is not dispersed
among i n s t i t u t i o n s but is concentrated in the r u l i n g p a r t y . Such vol u n t a r y interest groups and organisations
imbibed
with
democratic
valuer alone can lay the basis of
d e m o c r a c y in I n d i a , p r o v i d e sustenance to her d e m o c r a t i c p o l i t i c a l
i n s t i t u t i o n s and m o b i l i s e p u b l i c cooperation f o r economic development.
Notes
1
2
"Party System", The Economic Weekly, June 3, 1961.
"
Organizational Development of India's
4
5
6
7
Congress Party" Marcus F Franda,
Pacific Affairs.Vol XXXV, No 3, Fall
1962.
See Nandan kagal's "In Perspective:
The High Command ", The Times of
India, July 25, 1963.
"India: The Most Dangerous Decades",
Selig S Harrison, Princeton, New Jersey, 1960.
M N Srinivas, "Caste in Modern India
and Other
Essays"
Asia Publishing
House. 1961 and "Changing Institutions and Values in Modern India".
The Economic Weekly, Annual Number. February 1962.
Rajni kothari and Tarun Sheth, "Studies in Voting Behaviour: Extent and
Limits of Community Voting — The
Case of Baroda East". The Economic
Weekly, September 15. 1962.
The analysis made here is based ou
Rajni Kothari's paper on "Social Traditions and Political Leadership; Some
Problems of Articulation in Indian
ECONOMIC
WEEKLY
Polities"
read at the International
Political Science Association Seminar
in Bombay, January, 1964
and his
other paper on "India's Political TakeOff", The Economic Weekly, Annual
Number, February, 1962
8
9
F G Bailey's paper on "Politics and
Society in Contemporary Orissa" in
"Polities and Society in India", (Ed)
C II Phillips, George Allen & Unwin
Ltd, London, 1963.
Rajni Kothari, "Prospects for Democracy," The Economic Weekly, June 10,
1961.
10
See his Convocation Address delivered
at the Nagpur University in 1962.
11
Nandan Kapal, " I n Perspective: Mr
Nehru's Cabinet", The Times of
India, June 28, 1963.
See Lucian W Pye's paper on "The
Political Implications of Urbanization
and the Development Process" read at
the U N Conference in Geneva in February 1963.
12