Nige≥ia has failed schoolgi≥ls and thei≥ families

Thursday July 24, 2014 | BUSINESS DAILY
11
EDITORIAL & OPINION
Nige≥ia has failed schoolgi≥ls and thei≥ families
LOLA OKOLOSIE
SUFFERING
A
hundred days ago, 276
school girls from Chibok
were rounded up during
their exams and spirited away into
the forests of north-east Nigeria.
The kidnappings threw the militant
group Boko Haram, which opposes
education and secularism, into the
global spotlight.
For Nigerians, it was further evidence of how corruption and incompetence continue to wreak havoc in
the lives of ordinary women, children
and men. How could a once ragtag
clutch of extremists reach this level
of sophistication and co-ordination, completely unchecked by the
state?
Much of the answer lies in the authorities’ slow response to any kind of
crisis. Yesterday, the Nigerian president, Goodluck Jonathan, finally met
parents and survivors.
The facts speak for themselves:
despite international support from
Britain, China and the US, among
others, Nigeria remains unable
to unite the stolen girls with their
families. Thankfully, 51 managed,
without state help, to escape captivity and return home.
But Boko Haram maintains the
stranglehold on the region that it
Letters
established long before the kidnappings. Indeed, killings, fear and destruction appear to have become the
new normal in the north-east. In the
first two months of 2014, at least 25
women and girls were abducted. In
June, reports emerged that a further
60 women and girls, and as many as
30 boys had been taken.
It is particularly disturbing to
note that Boko Haram’s tactics partly
reflect those of the Nigerian state in
its fight against terrorism.
The social media campaign to
#BringBackOurGirls had Nigerians
at home and abroad shaking their
heads in continued disbelief at how
little their government was able or
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Connect more Kenyans to national grid
I
heard a news bulletin that
Kenya Power had received a
Sh3.6 billion loan to connect
homes, especially those living in
rural areas, to the national grid.
The report said that 300,000
households would be connected
under the programme. I want to
emphasise the status of electricity connectivity in the country.
Without the provision of modern energy, there is no support
for socio-economic development
and improvement of the living
conditions in rural areas. Although there is awareness of the
importance of reliable electricity infrastructure, there are still
many Kenyans who have no access to electricity.
Based on current trends, a
large segment of the population
will still lack access to power in
2030. This means the financial
framework and the enabling
environment (appropriate and
sustainable political, legislative,
organisational and financial circumstances) in the country is by
far the most important determi-
A Kenya Power employee at work. FIILE
nants for successful electrification. But it also requires improved
international cooperation.
More than two-thirds of people without access to electricity
live in the rural areas.
Over a half of the population
have no access to reliable power
supply (unplanned power outages, massive losses, power quality
issues) and most of them are poor
and living in remote areas.
Rural communities have
long depended on commercial
energy whose price is extremely
high. These traditional sources of
power include dry cell batteries,
candles, kerosene and diesel.
New delivery systems have to
be found to provide electricity to
households in rural areas without
reliable commercial service.
The uptake of energy services
and their application by the end
user is needed and as stated in the
Millennium Development Goals,
it would spur much-needed development.
To reach the development
goals of improving health care
and education, and increasing
level of incomes to cross the
poverty line, access to modern
energy is a necessity.
Lighting of homes and schools
would have an impact on education as this allows for studying
at home even when its dark, and
it would also attract teachers to
rural schools.
W
Saba rally, claiming that the opposition should be punished for
the same.
As is common, two wrongs do
not make a right. So is Mr Duale
for or against a government policy
that is trying to restore peace in
areas where bloody clashes have
left many dead, maimed or displaced?
In my opinion, the Majority
How local
bank turned
me away
M
Leader’s utterances have once
again left the government with
yolk on its face.
He should have come up with
special arrangments with security
chiefs to assist the Muslim faithful
in the affected areas observe their
Ramadhan time table in a secure
organised way, but with the involvment of security agents.
y aspiration to study
online led me to one
of our local banks to
buy a sterling pounds banker’s
draft so that I could send it to
the institution in Europe for
enrolment.
When I went to the counter
and requested for one, I was
shocked by the reaction. The
first question was, “Do you have
an account with us?” “No, but my
wife has,” I replied.
“Tell her to come and buy it
for you,” the teller said. Since my
payment was for educational
purposes, I thought they would
ask me for proof so that I could
produce my enrolment form.
Later, during a conversation
with a friend, I learnt that I could
purchase an electronic Visa card
and load it with cash without
holding a bank account.
I have a bank account but I
had wanted to use one recognised internationally, only to be
shown the door.
I went to another bank and
bought a prepaid Visa card. I
learnt that it was not the bank’s
but for another institution working in collaboration with it. It
wasn’t expensive and it took me
a short time to obtain.
I found it to be a safe, simple
and convenient way to transfer
money. You should not be frustrated in this age of advanced
technology.
DAVID MUNGAI, via email
L. MUKONJELO, via email
ERICK OKEYO KIZITO
via email
Duale should tell Kenyans to respect the law
hile the government
in which Adan Duale serves as Majority Leader has issued a curfew
in response to runaway crime
in Lamu and its environs, he has
shouted loudest telling the locals
to ignore it.
Recently, Mr Duale had accused opposition Cord of defiance when it called for the Saba
willing to do. Frustrated campaigners have been portrayed as opposition party stooges.
A functioning democracy should
be transparent and its leaders accountable. These three sorry months
have shown us how far Nigeria still
has to go.
Anger is an appropriate reaction
to the somnolent response of Nigeria’s government. But in order for it to
prompt meaningful action, the rage
will have to be sustained and cannot
be restricted to the desperate fate of
the Chibok girls. So many more are
suffering with them.
Okolosie is an English teacher
and writer
Why the wa≥
in Gaza poses
th≥eat to Egypt
SHIBLEY TELHAMI
POLICY
C
airo’s efforts to mediate between
Israel and the Palestinians in Gaza,
according to conventional wisdom,
have largely been dictated by President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s animosity toward Hamas.
After all, Hamas is an offshoot of the Muslim
Brotherhood, which Sisi’s government has
declared a terrorist organisation and regards
as a serious threat.
That is why, this argument goes, the Egyptian ceasefire proposal ignored Hamas’ conditions and why the Israelis so quickly supported it. The proposal called for an immediate ceasefire. Only then would the terms be
negotiated, including Hamas’ demands for an
end to Israeli attacks, an end to the blockade of
Gaza and the release of rearrested Palestinians
who were freed in a prisoner 2011 exchange.
The story is far more complicated, however, for both Sisi and Egypt. Because the longer
the war goes on, the more Gaza becomes a domestic problem for the Egyptian president.
One he does not want.
Indeed, the fighting provides an opening for Sisi’s opponents. At a minimum, it
creates a distraction the Egyptian president
does not need now — he has said his priorities are the economy and internal security.
So Sisi has a strong interest in ending the
war, particularly since Hamas and its allies
are exhibiting far more military muscle than
anyone expected.
Ally
But Sisi is facing a number of major complications triggered by the war. First, though
many Egyptians view Hamas as an ally of
the Muslim Brotherhood, most sympathize
with the Palestinians and are angry at Israel.
Second, the Egyptian media have given the
fighting in Gaza only limited attention.
Third, whatever the Egyptian government
may want, it is not the one doing the fighting.
Hamas and its Palestinian allies seem prepared to fight on, regardless of what Egypt says
or does. Fourth, Egypt has major interests in
Gaza tied to both the Palestinians and Israel.
The Egyptian military fears Hamas’ possible
support for the Muslim Brotherhood, and this
drives Cairo’s policy. And Egypt has a peace
treaty with Israel to protect, which is inevitably
affected by what happens in Gaza.
Fifth, there is another interest deeply ingrained in Egypt’s body politic that goes beyond the military establishment. Egypt, which
controlled Gaza from 1948 until Israel occupied it in 1967, always fears that the Israelis
are trying to “unload” Gaza on them — and
make the region Cairo’s responsibility.
Despite Hamas’ dislike of Sisi, it needs
to work with Egypt. It has no choice. So the
Israelis want Sisi to succeed. Egypt still has
a key role to play. But Cairo’s challenges and
risks will only increase the longer this conflict continues.
Telhami is author of “The World Through
Arab Eyes: Arab Public Opinion and the Reshaping of the Middle East.”