Social Science History Association
Legacies and Liabilities of an Insurgent past: Remembering Martin Luther King, Jr., on the
House and Senate Floor
Author(s): Francesca Polletta
Source: Social Science History, Vol. 22, No. 4, Special Issue: Memory and the Nation (Winter,
1998), pp. 479-512
Published by: Duke University Press on behalf of the Social Science History Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1171573 .
Accessed: 02/12/2014 14:46
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
.
Duke University Press and Social Science History Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,
preserve and extend access to Social Science History.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
FrancescaPolletta
Legacies and
Liabilitiesofan
InsurgentPast
MartinLutherKing,Jr.,
Remembering
on theHouseandSenateFloor
At a ceremonyheld in 1986 to installa bust of MartinLutherKing,Jr.,
alongsidethoseof othernationalheroesin the U.S. Capitol,formerKing
associateVincentHardingremindedthe audiencethatKing himselfproboutsidethe Capitol protesting
ably would have joined the demonstrators
Americanpolicyin CentralAmerica(Thelen 1987: 436). Harding'scommentcapturesthetensionbetweencommemoration
and dissent,or,better,
betweenstate-sponsored
remembrance
and state-targeted
oppositionthatis
thesubjectofthisessay.
SocialScienceHistory
22:4(winter
1998).
C 1998bytheSocialScienceHistory
Association.
Copyright
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
480 SocialScience
History
socialprotest.Nastateshavegood reasonto commemorate
Certainly,
tions reforgethe bonds of citizenshipby celebratingtheirrevolutionary
origins.Currentpoliticalregimesmay warrantthemselvesas veteransor
legateesof earlieroppositionto an unjustregime(Kertzer1988). Comthepastness
of dissent,since,as
memoration
mayunderscoreand reinforce
David Lowenthal(1985: 323) observes,"the memorialact impliesterminadissent'spoliticalimportforthepresentand reestabtion,"thusminimizing
of
and stability.
Protestmaybe commemorated
a
narrative
harmony
lishing
a threatto thenationaverted(Greenblatt
to celebrateitsfailure,
1983).
also carriesrisks.Publicizingthe injusticesagainst
But thisenterprise
withthepresent
whichinsurgents
once struggledmaysuggestcontinuities
rather
thanremote,
make
immediate
stateof things.Commemoration
may
mayremindand inspireratherthandistance.Celebratingvictoryoverinwiththevanquished.
identification
ternalenemiesmaylead to a subversive
bearers
whoareself-proclaimed
officials
There areotherrisks.Government
for
to
of
themselves
ofan insurgent
charges hypocrisy their
legacymayopen
currentmoderation.Since movements
rarelyfulfilltheiraims beforethey
be asked whatthey
can
fade intoobscurity,
putativelegatees
legitimately
nottarred
havedonelatelywithrespectto thosegoals.And commemorants
be
with
the
of
accommodation
allies
brush
may chargedby opponents
by
thatof undermining
withtheoppositetransgression,
by
politicalauthority
extra-institutional
("celebrating")
protest.
supporting
States are not monolithicentities;rather,theycomprisenumerous
and changingconstituencies.
For that
actorswithoverlapping,
competing,
ofprotestarerarely
reasonalone,thepoliticalstakesin thecommemoration
is oftenmarked
the
memorials
Indeed,
processof establishing
transparent.
by strangealliances,surprisingreversals,and unwittingironies.For exCarter,whoin 1983signed
ample,itwas RonaldReagan,ratherthanJimmy
the legislationmakingthe birthdayof MartinLutherKing,Jr.,a federal
holiday.The signingcame less thanthreeweeksafterReagan had assured
an opponentofthelegislation
thatsentiment
fortheholidaywas "based on
of
an imagenot a reality";in the interimhe decidedthat"the symbolism
thatday is important
enough"to signthe legislation.(He also apologized
to CorettaScott King forpubliclyquestioningKing's patriotism.
Having
smoothedruffled
he leftfora golfing
weekendat an all-whitecounfeathers,
If
saw
as
of
tryclub). Reagan
King "symbolic whatwas a veryreal crisis
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
ofanInsurgent
Past 481
LegaciesandLiabilities
HowardBaker,a keyRepublicansupporterof thebill,saw
in our history,"
it as symbolicofunity-or symbolicof symbolicunity("I haveseldomapproacheda momentin thischamberwhenI thoughttheactionwe areabout
forunity)."'
to takehas greaterpotentialforgood and a greatersymbolism
the legislation,
In an earlier,unsuccessfulattemptto forestall
JesseHelms
fellow
the
made
famous
southerners
toblock
a
by
began filibuster, technique
in the1950s;Bill Bradley,
civilrightslegislation
speakingfortheimportance
thecivilrightspast,accusedHelms of"speak[ing]fora
ofcommemorating
2 Membersofthe
ofAmericanshaveovercome."
pastthatthevastmajority
lobbied
forthelegislaBlackCongressional
Caucus,meanwhile,
vigorously
ofthe1963March
tionbutat thesametimeopposedplansfora reenactment
the occasionof King's famous"I have a dream" speech
on Washington,
(Reed 1986).
Of course,one can read each of thesepoliticalmoves,countermoves,
and turnarounds
as bids forblackand whitevotesat a timewhenelectoral
were
campaigns
gettingunderway.However,theconsequencesof positionto anticipate.
JesseHelms's staff,
ingoneselfvis-a-visthe past are difficult
forexample,admittedthattheydidn'tknowwhetherHelms's intemperate
remarksabout King's alleged communistsympathiesand sexual promiswhites'votesoralienatemoderates.
cuityhad servedto drumup disaffected
therehas been much
And as I willshowin thisessay,forblacklegislators,
ofDr. King and themovement
moreat stakein theirrepresentations
thana
As simultaneously
insidersand outappeal to constituents.
straightforward
and
of
the
establishment
members
members,
siders,
political
yetminority
relationsnotonlywithwhite
theymustnegotiatecomplexand competitive
elites(Reed 1986; Marable 1995;
politicalelitesbut also withblackprotest
Smith1996; Swain 1993; Lusane 1994). Collectivememoryhas becomea
criticalterrainfortheserelations:successfully
"representing"
King and the
movementhas become a way to warranttheirstatusas authenticrepreBlack electedofficials
thushavea
of AfricanAmericaninterests.
sentatives
an oppositionalpast than
different
to,and stakein preserving,
relationship
black activists,on
on one hand,and extra-institutional
do whiteofficials,
theother.
At minimum,
then,an instrumentalist
approachto collectivememory,
currentinterests,
mustbe
withmemorydeployedand moldedto further
and
interests
the
take
into
account
to
among
conflicting changing
expanded
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
482 SocialScience
History
groupsoftencharacterizedas unitary:"officials"(Bodnar 1992), "subordinates"(Merelman1992:248), or "AfricanAmericans"(Zerubavel1996).
But evena variegated
instrumentalist
approachmaymissthewaysin which
and identhe
interests
of
representations
pastshapeand,indeed,constitute
tities(Olick 1993;Olick and Levy 1997;Schwartz1991).If acceptedmodes
of publicremembering
generatepoliticalresources,theyalso imposereal
constraints
on how thepastcan be used.To returnto myexample:When,
in debate about passage of the King holiday,SenatorHelms complained
about the likelyrevenueloss fromgivingfederalemployeesa day off,his
wereechoed by Democraticand Republicancolleagues.When
sentiments
Marxism"to arguehis inappropriateHelms citedKing's "action-oriented
nessfornationalveneration,
senators
wereforcedto changesides,one
many
that"thesymbolism
has justbecometoo heavy."And when
acknowledging
Helms arguedthatsinceJohnand RobertKennedyhad authorizedwiretaps on King, EdwardKennedy'sargumentwithHelms was really"with
he lostalmostall his allies.Explainedone Republican
his dead brother[s],"
"You don'ttalkaboutJ.EK. yetherein dirtyterms."3By the
consultant,
timethe King holidaynextspurredSenate debate,one didn'ttalkabout
King in dirtytermseither:Helms's argumentsagainstcontinuedgovernmentfunding
forthefederalcommission
established
to promotetheholiday
werelimitedto the commission'sexcessivecost to taxpayers(at $500,000
peryear,one ofthesmallercongressional
appropriations).4
imwhat
be
a
cannot
said
is
Identifying
way to get at the constraints
a
or
collective
posed by givenrepresentation representational
structure--a
or
a
of
The
memory way remembering. Kingholidaydebateshowsin rather
starkfashionthe contoursof the sayable.But collectivememoriesare enactedin morefrequently
less overtlyconflictual
and in
contexts,
occurring,
smaller-scale
ritualformsthana monument
orholiday.Speechesbypolitical
leadersarealso publicrituals--stylized,
in "sacred"
regularized,
performed
be
to
both
the
civilianlife
from
trivial
concerns
of
spaces thought
separate
and fromthebackroompoliticsof purelysectionalinterests.
They,too,are
for
and
collective
memories.
primeground constructing,
using,
contesting
Record(theofficial
Througha contentanalysisoftheCongressional
transcript
ofHouse and Senateflooractivity)
between1January
1993and 31May 1997,
I parsethestructure
of representatives'
of Dr. King. I identify
invocations
in
who
invokes
when
and
do
how
patterns
King,
they so, in relationtowhat
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
ofan Insurgent
Past 483
LegaciesandLiabilities
I'll sketchbrief
In the following,
issuesand people,and withwhateffect.5
answersto thosequestions,but mymaininterestis in how,when,and why
do
AfricanAmericanlegislatorsreferto King. How, and how successfully,
their
role
to
overcome
difficulties
use
the
posed by
congressional
past
they
as at onceinsidersand outsiders?
forand directedto constituMuch of the flooractivityis transcribed
a
floorspeechesas not onlyjustifying
ents.One can therefore
interpret
own
the
issue
but
on
a
credibility
reinforcing speaker's
particular
position
and the legislativeinstitution
generally.
Analysisof floordiscoursereveals
ofKing
at work:I arguethatcongressional
thatlegitimation
representations
serassimilatehim intoa pluralistframework
community
by representing
Elected
of
his
activism.
the
as
vice and institutional
properlegacy
politics
in this
not extra-institutional
and community
officials
activists,
volunteers,
is
dream.
So
the
bearers
of
are
far,myargument an inscenario,
King's
commemorate
one. AfricanAmericanofficials
strumentalist
King in a way
But a sectheirown role as advocatesforblackinterests.
thatlegitimates
of an
ond featureof theirinvocationsof King pointsup the limitations
to
black
It
shows
instrumentalist
struggling
legislatorsrhetorically
analysis.
to retell
King and the movement,
representthe purposeof memorializing
thepastin a waythatneitherdeprecatesthemovement's
accomplishments
of legislaThe awkwardness
nor claims thatits aims have been fulfilled.
tors'attemptsto do this,in contrastto theircustomary
eloquence,suggests
thatare builtintoAmerithe powerof the progressand unitynarratives
thatblack
discourse.It also suggeststhegenreproblem
can commemorative
consideredappropriateto commemolegislatorsface.Epideicticrhetoric,
ratherthan changethe
rativeoccasions,invokesthe past, but to affirm
fromthe deliberative,
pragmatic,
distinguished
present;it is traditionally
of
characteristic
seen
as
and policy-oriented
legislativedecision
argument
making.In thecontextof a widespreadpublicperceptionthatfloordebate
has becomewindowdressingforbackroompoliticson one hand and concontestson theother,theremaybe stronginstitutional
stituentpopularity
to keep thetwogenresseparate.
on
representatives
pressures congressional
a valuablecriticaltool:King is
But acceptanceofthatseparationsurrenders
used to challengethepresentstateofthings,butmainlyon commemorative
occasionsthatareseenas withoutimpacton thelegislative
process.
to change
efforts
extra-institutional
as
If we defineprotest organized,
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
484 SocialScience
History
comsociety(Tilly 1978;McAdam 1982),thena paradoxof contemporary
memoration
becomes clear: memorializing
the current
protestreinforces
institutional
actors
as
politicalsystemby legitimating
political
protest's
character
offormalpolitical
properheirsandbyvouchingforthesubstantive
debatein itsveryabsencefromsuchdebate.
Martin Luther King, Jr.,on the
United States House and Senate Floor
The Congressional
Recordis theofficial
recordof flooractivityin theHouse
and Senate and is publisheddaily.6It includesnot onlyproposalsforand
debateabout new legislationbut also "one-minutespeeches"on topicsof
nationalor districtconcerndeliveredby House membersat thestartofthe
day'sbusiness,and "specialorders":five-minute
speechesin theSenateand
60-minutesessionsin the House, usuallyat the end of the
prearranged,
business
(Tiefer1989).The Recordis not a verbatimrecordof legisday's
lators'speech. Speakersmayedit theirremarks,insertlongerstatements
fromwhichtheydrawonlyselectivelyin theirfloorspeeches,and, with
insertpreviously
permission,
publishedreports,articles,and op-ed pieces.
For mypurposes,thismeansthatspeakershavehad an opportunity
to cast
theirremarks
in whattheysee as a coherentform.WhenI referto awkward
itis lesslikelythatthesearea function
formulations,
therefore,
simplyofthe
messinessof spokenspeechthanof theproblemsgeneratedby thecontent
and contextoftheutterance.
Foreach congressional
at
session,I scannedall documentsthatreferred
leastonce to "MartinLutherKing" or "Dr. King"--in total,843. For the
I discardedspeechesin whichtheKing
purposesof thisanalysis,however,
reference
was to an institution,
place,or eventnamedafterhimand those
in whichKing's name appearedonlyin the titleof proposedlegislation,
as well as Recorddocumentsthatconsistedsolelyof thetextof a proposed
resolutionor bill,a listof sponsors,or otherpurelyproceduralmaterial.I
also eliminatedanystatement
citingor quotingKing thatwas notmadeby
thelegislatorwho introduced
it (forexample,newspapereditorialsinserted
in the Record).This lefta totalof 305 entriesover the four-and-a-halfto at leastonce,and a totalof 420
yearperiodin whichKing was referred
speeches.'
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
ofan Insurgent
Past 485
LegaciesandLiabilities
Are 420 speechesmentioning
King overa four-and-a-half-year
period
a lot? There are a total of 612 entriesin which "AbrahamLincoln" or
"PresidentLincoln" is invokedat least once duringthe same period,less
thanthe 843 forKing (but presumably
thereare fewerevents,awards,and
places namedAbrahamLincoln,ratherthansay,"Lincoln High School").
The comparisonwithKing's civil rightscontemporaries
is morestriking.
Roy Wilkins,head of the NAACP; WhitneyYoung,head of the National
Urban League; andJamesFarmer,head of theCongressofRacial Equality
withKingandJohnLewis oftheStudentNonvio(CORE)-- who,together
lentCoordinating
Committee,or SNCC (now Congressman
JohnLewis),
led themajormovement
ofthe1960s-are barelymentioned.
organizations
Wilkinsappearsninetimesin fourand a halfyears,Youngfourtimes,and
Farmerfivetimes.A. PhilipRandolph,head of the Brotherhood
of Sleepand
Car
Porters
of
the
1963 March on Washington
ing
organizer
(and its
threatened
1941predecessor),
12times.
is mentioned
Who invokesKing? Overwhelmingly,
Democrats.One hundredand
that
33%
of
the
370
Democratswhohaveserved
Democrats,
is,
twenty-two
in bothchambersbetween1993and 1997,madespeechesreferring
to King;
Democratsaccountedfor344 of the 420 King speeches,or 84%. By contrast,only34 Republicans,or 10% of the 333 Republicanrepresentatives,
made King speeches(as did bothIndependents).
or 71% ofthe
Thirty-five
49 AfricanAmericanrepresentatives
made speechesinvokingKing,8as did
8 or 42% of the 18 Hispanic representatives
and 3 of the 7 Asians and
PacificIslanders.By contrast,only 17% of the 641 whiterepresentatives
referred
to King in theirspeeches.AfricanAmericansmade 182 ofthe420
King speeches,or 43%. GeorgiaCongressmanJohnLewis invokedKing
-in 24 speechesoverthefour-and-a-half-year
mostfrequently
period.Nine
all but one of whomwereAfricanAmerican,made
othercongresspeople,
to King.9
sevenor morereferences
In whatdiscursivecontextsare references
to King made?The largest
groupcomprisestributesto otherpeople,151 in total,112of whichnote
the individual'srelationshipto King (otherssimplyquote or paraphrase
him). Recipientsof such tributesare formercivilrightsactivistsfromthe
a localminister
who
activists,
legislator'sdistrict(a lawyerwho represented
marchedwith King), or nationallyknownformeractivists(Rosa Parks,
JamesFarmer,ThurgoodMarshall,Cesar Chavez, the archbishopof the
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
486 SocialScienceHistory
Table 1 Contextofreferences
toMartinLutherKing,Jr.,byraceandparty
White
Dems.
No. %
White White Black
Dems.
Repubs. Ind.
No. %
Tribute
64 43 17
Anniversary 34 23 11
7
5
3
Kinglaw
6 14
Commentary 9
Legislation 36 24 28
Total
150 101 73
23
15
4
19
38
99
Black
Repubs. Other*
Total
No.
No. %
No.
No.
No. %
2
0
0
0
0
2
62 34
42 23
21 12
27 15
28 16
180 100
0
1
0
0
1
2
6
5
0
1
1
13
151
93
31
51
94
420
36
22
7
12
22
99
Source: Thomas at www.thomas.loc.gov.
are all DemocratsexceptLincoln
*Hispanic,Asian,PacificIslander,and VirginIslanderrepresentatives
Diaz-Balart,RepublicancongressmanfromFlorida,and VictorFrazer,Independentdelegatefromthe
VirginIslands.
GreekOrthodoxChurch).They are also oftenpeople littleknownoutside
thelegislator's
district
whowere"inspiredbyDr. King,""sharedDr. King's
"in
in the
the
or
worked
spiritofMartinLutherKing." References
goals,"
second largestgroup--93-come in speecheshonoringhistoricalevents:
FreedomSummer,theSelma to Montgomery
and
March,King'sbirthday
and BlackHistoryMonth.Fifty-one
assassination,
speechescitingKingare
commentaries
deliveredby a representative
on a topicof interestbut not
pendinglegislation.
Thirty-onespeechesare about legislationproposedto
extendthe federalKing Holiday Commissionor to commemorate
King
or the civilrightsmovementin otherways,forexample,memorials,
commemorative
resolutions.
coins,orcongressional
The remaining
references
come in 94 speechesthatare partofdebates
about specificpieces of legislation.Since representatives
speak to issues
of policyconcernin extensionsof remarks,one-minutespeeches,special
orders,and resolutionsthatare not part of debate over specificlegislation,I havecombined"commentary"
speecheswith"legislative"oneswhen
the commentary
a
to
spoke
politicallysalientissue (see Table 2). Multiple
referencesto King were made in calls forfederallegislationto assistin
ofchurcharsonistsin theSouth(17 Kingspeeches),in debates
prosecution
over legislationto toughenpenaltiesagainstpro-lifeprotestsat abortion
clinics(11Kingspeeches,bothproand con),in supportofaffirmative
action
and
in
to
the
withdrawal
of
U.S.
policies(11 King speeches),
opposition
troopsfromHaiti(6 Kingspeeches).
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
andpolicy
to Kingmadein speecheson legislative
Table 2 References
issues,bypartyandraceofspeaker
White White Black Black
Dems. Rpubs. Dems. Rpubs. Total
issue
Legislative
Churcharsonfederal
response
Budgetcuts
For(BalancedBudgetAmendment)
1 international)
Against(9 domestic,
ClinicAccessBill
Abortion
For
Against
Affirmative
Action
For
Withdrawal
ofU.S. troopsfromHaiti
For
Against
Guncontrol
For
Electoralredistricting
For
D.C. statehood
For
Resolution
againstNationofIslamspeaker
For
Against
Campaignandlobbyreform
For
Ban on gaysinthemilitary
For
Against
Other*
Total
6
3
7
1
17
0
2
1
0
0
8
0
0
1
10
4
0
0
7
0
0
0
0
4
7
3
3
5
0
11
0
1
1
0
0
5
0
0
1
6
4
1
0
0
5
0
0
5
0
5
0
0
5
0
5
0
1
2
0
0
1
0
0
2
2
3
1
0
0
4
0
2
14
40
1
0
13
33
0
0
8
44
0
0
0
1
1
2
35
118
Source:Thomas at www.thomas.loc.gov.
Note: SpeechescitingKing occurredin debatesaboutbills,concurrent
and jointresolutions,
in
resolutions,
one-minuteand five-minute
speeches,and in specialorders.IncludessomespeecheslabeledCommentary
in Table 1.
to Employment
Nondiscrimination
Act;Bosnianarmsembargo;releaseofChinese
*One or tworeferences
in India; ReligiousFreedomRestorationAct; constitutional
amenddissident;humanrightsenforcement
mentprotecting
flag;armedforcesappropriations;
congressional
civilitypledge;DefenseofMarriageAct;
ofhistorically
blackcollegesand universities;
U.S. involvement
armyspying;fundingforthepreservation
in multinational
militaryforces;WorkingFamiliesFlexibilityAct; releaseof recordson FBI surveillance
of King; school voucherprogram;NAFTA; NationalServiceBill; supportforNelson Mandela; teenage
pregnancy;WorkplaceFairnessAct; hate crimes;habeas corpus reform;Educate AmericaAct; Violent
Crimeand ControlAct;nominationofNEH head; Republicanfilibustering.
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
488 SocialScience
History
Whatis thesubstanceof thereferences
to King?How is King viewed
in thesespeeches?Congressionalspeakersstylehim as oratorand moral
He is remembered
forhis rhetorical
leader,not shrewdpoliticalstrategist.
his
his
for
"dream"
of
racial
and
for
eloquence,
harmony,
"message,""lesThe dreamis rarelyspecifiedand
son," "principle,""spirit"ofnonviolence.
is sometimes
conflated
withan Americandreamofindividualsuccess("One
ofDr. King'sphilosophies
revolvesaroundthepromisethateveryindividual
can achievehis or her dreamin America"[McCarthy,House, 11January
nor its antagonists--those
1995]).1oNeitherthe movement'sprotagonists
withwhomand againstwhomKing fought-areclearlyidentified
in conas bringing
aboutchange
gressionalspeeches.Instead,King is represented
and
the
of
the
consciousness"
nation.
by "inspiring" by "raising
Usuallyit
is "America"thatchanges,and it does so throughpublicacclamation.
The
in
to
references
the
of
actions
come
Republicanreponly
illegality King's
bill
to
a
that
at
resentatives'
for
opposition
toughenedpenalties harassment
abortionclinics;opponentsof the bill maintainedthatit violatedpro-life
demonstrators'
freedomofspeechand thatit wouldquash thekindofcivil
disobedienceon whichKingand hissupporters
had relied.
the "earlyKing" who appearson theHouse and
It is overwhelmingly
theKing whocalledfor"a societywherepeoplewillbe judged
Senatefloor,
not by the colorof theirskinbut by the contentof theircharacter"-an
excerptfromhis 1963"I havea dream"speech.This is byfarthemostoften
The excerptalone is quoted 30
quoted of King's speechesand writings.
times."
"Letter
the
froma Birmingham
48
times, speech
King's
Jail,"writin congresspeople's
tenthesameyear,is also prominent
speeches,quoted24
his
and
Prize
in 1964,is quoted
Nobel
delivered
times,
acceptancespeech,
3 times.Only 5 (or 4%) ofthe119quotedexcerptswhosesourceI was able
comefromspeechesdeliveredbetween1965and King'sdeathin
to identify
1968; 3 of thosecome fromhis last speech(and are introducedthatway).
The Dr. King who appearsin congressional
speechesis not the one who
whocalledfora massivefederalfinancial
commitopposedU.S. militarism,
mentto thepoor,and whoquestioneda capitalistsociety'scapacityto make
thatcommitment.
Yet he is not so obviouslythe "harmlessblack icon" thatVincent
either.He is not
Harding(1996) foundin officialand popularmemory,
an unambiguoussymbolof progressand unityor the raceless"American"
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
ofanInsurgent
Past 489
andLiabilities
Legacies
hero thatobservershave seen in children'stextbooks(Kohl 1995), public oratoryabout the King holiday(Naveh 1990; Harding1996; Sandage
1993),and televisioncoverageof theholiday(Campbell1995). In congressional discourse,King is more likelyto be groupedwithblack"heroes,"
"firsts,""greats,"or "leaders"thanwithwhiteones: FrederickDouglass,
SojournerTruth,W. E. B. DuBois, HarrietTubman,civil rightsactivists
Rosa Parksand Fannie Lou Hamer,baseballplayerJackieRobinson,and
former
congresswomen
ShirleyChisolmand BarbaraJordan.Currentor reare oftenincluded:
and federalofficials
centcongressional
representatives
Maxine
Commerce
Waters
and
JohnLewis,
SecretaryRon
Representatives
Brown,EnergySecretaryHazel O'Leary.12This suggestsnot an assimimodel of ethnicpolitics,in whichAmericanheroes
lationist,melting-pot
honoredratherfortheirindividualtalare strippedof positionalidentities,
entsand claimeduniversally,
but ratheran ethnicgroup,pluralistmodel,
in whichleadersrepresent
theaspirations
and accomplishments
oftheirrefor
for
African
Chavez
Mexican
Cesar
Americans,
spectivegroups(King
Americans,
etc.;on thetwomodels,see Omi and Winant1986).
Withrespectto theunityand progressframesthatobservershaveseen
in publicrepresentations
ofKing,analysisofcongressional
discourseshows
between
and
white
differences
black
speakers.Whitespeakers
interesting
forKing's message,using
tendto implyAmericans'universalappreciation
"we" and "us" to referto Americansblack and white."We marvelat
the courageof MartinLutherKing.We are humbledby the eloquenceof
BarbaraJordan"(Boyd, House, 11 February1997). They also sometimes
"Let us recommit
forKingduring
hislifetime:
suggestuniversalappreciation
to thegoalswithwhichMartinLutherKing,Jr.,inspiredus all overa quartercentury
1997);"It really
ago" (Gilman,ExtensionofRemarks,7 January
was not untilthe late 1950sthatwe began to rallyin supportof thework
of MartinLutherKing, by businessmen,by laborers,by churchleaders,
and said 'let's finallyget seriousand freeourselvesfrom
byall Americans,
discrimination'
" (Kennedy,Senate,10 September1996;myemphasis).The
in addition,represents
whiteAmericansas theonesdoingthe
laststatement,
At leastone speakerimpliedthatracialunitypre(ofthemselves).
liberating
the"greatdreamofKing'sthatblacksand
cededthemovement,
describing
in thiscountryblessedbyGod in a land
whitescanonceagainwalktogether
offreedom"(McIntosh,House, 104th;myemphasis).3Whitespeakersocca-
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
490 SocialScience
History
sionallyindicatethatKing's dreamhas been realized,hisbattlewon.Thus,
one describedrecentchurchburnings
as "hearken[ing]
backto a timewhen,
to paraphraseDr. King,peoplewerejudgednoton thecontentoftheircharacterbuton thecoloroftheirskin,"implying
thatthisis no longerthecase
(Biden,Senate,26 June1996).AnotherdescribedKing's struggleand concludedthat"in theend,theAmericanidealofequalitywon,and hatelost"
whitespeakersrelyon a
(Reed,House, 18June1996).More often,however,
"thereare stillproblems,
butwe'vemadegreatprogress"frame."Progress,
notenough,hasbeenmade"(Kopetski,House,24 February1993);"we have
a longwayto go in makingour Constitutional
principlesrealitiesforeveryone, but we have accomplishedverysignificant
progress"(Frank,House,
21 June1994).The formulaic
of
the
statement
undercutsits force.
quality
of the
Since the commentsprecedingit emphasizethe accomplishments
the
commentsfollowingit rarelygive equal emphasisto
movement,and
the problemsremaining,
the messageis one of measuredsuccess and of
advance.
continuing
Blackspeakersalso tendto relyon the"we've madeprogressbut ..."
whileemphasizingthe "but . . ." clause.One speaker'scomformulation,
mentthatKinghad "movedto correcttheevil,to shednotonlylightbutto
and to terminate
themand eradicatethem
bringthoseevilsto theforefront
forour society"but that"duringhis lifetimehe [King] was onlypartially
successfulin doingthis" (Hilliard,House, 15 March 1994) is one of two
thatI found.Most formulations
claim success
quasi-failureformulations
but withqualifications:
"Martinwould wantus to raise our sightsto the
workyetto be done" (the focuson whatKing would havewanted,or on
theresponsibility
incurredby his legacy);"Dr. King wouldfindit a scandal thatso manyyoungpeople are stillbornintopoverty,
stillreceivean
and
still
have
no
of
chance
inadequateeducation,
achievingthe American
dream"(Moseley-Braun,Senate,23 May 1994). The American"dream"
of individualsuccess is invokedhere to remindlistenersof its continued
elusivenessforyoungblackpeople.One speakeraskedrhetorically,
"If we
and
reflect
on
where
we
have
since
the
marches
and
the
sit-ins
stop
gone
and boycottsof the 1960s,havewe reallygonefar?"(Jackson-Lee,House,
11February1997).And anotherinsistedthatalthough"timeshavechanged,
we havenotreachedthepromisedland"(Clay,House, 23 February1994).
While theyaccept the progressframeless readilythan theirwhite
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
andLiabilities
Past 491
ofanInsurgent
Legacies
arenowhere
oftheconnearas critical
do,blackrepresentatives
colleagues
ofKingDay,
as werethelocalcelebrations
stateofracerelations
temporary
The
Richard
Merelman
studied.
directed
to
black
that
audiences,
mainly
substantive
themeofthecelebrations
was "thecontinuing
mostfrequent
whites
of
discrimination
and pervasive
practice
by
againstblacks"(1995:
revolution
remains
87)."Theceremonies
generally
agreethatthecivilrights
in
and
to
cause
conflict
the
Merelman
continues.
unfinished, likely
future,"
tothedistance
blacksstillmustgoarefourtimesmorefrequent
"References
thanreferences
to thedistance
blackshavecome.Indeed,theceremonies
In nineofthe
at all to pastaccomplishments.
devoteverylittleattention
I
to
ceremonies
noted
four
references
observed,
only explicit
pastsuccesses.
in thesesameceremonies
therewereseventeen
menexplicit
Bycontrast,
tionsofhowfarblacksstillhadtotravel"
Celebrants
(ibid.:89).
emphasized
rather
conflict
thanunityandcontinued
rather
thanprogress
in
inequality
it.
eradicating
thatinordertounderstand
howKingis repreThesecontrasts
suggest
andtounderstand
thedynamics
sentedontheHouseandSenatefloors,
of
morebroadly,
collective
wecannottreat"congressional
interremembering
inparticular
ofthepast.In thefollowing,
ests"monolithically
constructions
I attribute
in howAfrican
American
invokeKingto
patterns
legislators
In
theirdistinctive
a
white
their
political
position. majority Congress,
ability
cento deliverto constituents
conservative
and/or
dependson persuading
intervention
tristforcesto approvesubstantial
(Swain1993).
government
Yet,fromthepointofviewofblackprotest
elites,theyareoftentooclose
to activto thehallsof institutional
power.Theyare neverinvulnerable
HowblackconAfrican
American
interests.
ists'claimstobetter
represent
the
their
to
represent relationship movement--how
theydefine
gresspeople
to theirown
King's"legacy"andtheirrolein furthering
it--isimportant
At
the
that
of
their
theirefforts
and
same
time,however,
agenda.
credibility
to call forbroadlyredistributive
to use King'smemory
policiesareconin
which
The factthat
the
institutional
context
strained
theyoperate.
by
rather
than,say,a KingDay celebration
Kingin Congress
theymemorialize
in a predominantly
blackchurch,
limitswhattheycansayandwhenthey
cansayit.
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
492 SocialScience
History
Protest, Politics, and King's Heirs
The passageof theVotingRightsAct in 1965 began whatBayardRustin
(1965)celebratedas a shift"fromprotestto politics."Whilein manyareasof
theSouth,whitecitizensand authorities
and,in the
keptup a reignofterror
to
minimize
a
series
of
vote-dilution
measures
case ofMississippi,legislated
at localand
blackelectoralgains(Parker1990),thenumberofblackofficials
black
elected
of
to
There
were
levels
state
1,100
government
began grow.
nationwideby 1969,3,600 by 1983,and 8,000 by 1993 (Marable
officials
1995:145).Championedas evidenceof thecivilrightsmovement's
success,
the
has
not
fulfilled
into
electoral
politics
highestaspirationsof the
entry
who
for
it.
Those
made
the
shift
fromprotestto politics
activistswhofought
to effectsubstantive
werequicklydisillusionedby theirinability
change.A
home
rule recouncil
under
memberof the firstWashington,
D.C., city
- "stilldamning
memberssomeof his colleagues- activiststurnedofficials
the powerstructure
and the system.I had to remindthemthattheywere
14Meanwhile,civilrightsmovement
and the system."
the powerstructure
like the NAACP, the SouthernChrisveteransand protestorganizations
tianLeadershipConference(SCLC), andJesseJackson'sOperationPUSH
foundthemselvesnot onlyrelatively
powerlessagainstan erosionof civil
butincreasingly
marginrightsgainsundertwoRepublicanadministrations
The
had
to
create.
alizedbytheblackofficialdom
postmovement
they fought
era has accordingly
been markedby persistenttensionsbetweenprotest
and electoralelites(Reed 1986;Smith1996;Swain 1993;Lusane 1994;Clay
ofthemovement
overguardianship
1992)andbyskirmishes
past.
black
elected
officials'
initial
describes
Thus, AdolphReed,Jr.,(1986:8)
a "turfdispute"becoolnesstoJesseJackson's1984campaignas reflecting
tweenelectoraland protestelites.Jackson"shouldcontinueto preach,"said
DetroitmayorColemanYoungbluntlyafterJacksonthrewhis hat in the
he's out ofhisleague."15That mostblackelectedoffiring."As a politician,
cials came aroundto supporting
Jacksonhad to do in partwithhis success
in "legitimiz[ing
himself]byprojecting
imagesofassociationwithKingand
thecivilrightsmovement"(ibid.:28)--or,as an enviousstrategist
forWalterMondale put it,Jackson'sabilityto "equat[e] thispresidential
crusade
withthe civil rightsmovement."6ManningMarable(1995) likewisesees
the 1993March on Washington
as an effort
by remnantsof thecivilrights
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Past 493
ofanInsurgent
LegaciesandLiabilities
elitebothto publicizeClinton'sfailureson healthcare,jobs,and thepromoandto regainthemantle
withinhisadministration
tionofblackprogressives
ofblackpoliticalleadershipfromblackelectedofficials.
The latterwas eviin
march
declaration
thatthemarchwas
denced
organizerJosephLowery's
intendedto "sparka renaissancein socialactivismand pass thetorchso the
strugglewill continue"(ibid.: 145), and it was underscoredby the march
planningcommittee'sfailureto inviteanyvotingmembersof Congressto
serveamongitscochairs.
ofKing,likethesehigher-profile
invocations
commemoCongressional
reflect
the
tensions
between
black
and
a
centrist
rations,
aspirations
political
and extra-institutional
elites' claims to
regimeand betweeninstitutional
blackleadership.Insofaras blacklegislatorsin the 103rd,104th,and 105th
"black interests,"
Congressessaw themselvesas advancingself-identified
a
whom
of
favored
"more
laws to re70%
theyrepresented constituency
duce discrimination"
(barelya thirdof whitespolled agreed),and 51% of
whombelievedthat"theUSA is movingtowardtwoseparateand unequal
societies--oneblack,one white"(one-thirdof whitesagreed)(ibid.: 146).
As minority
blackcongressional
havea mandate
representatives,
legislators
to securefar-reaching
changefroman oftenintransigent
politicalestablisha
more
their
task
made
difficult
outsider
status.Yet in
ment,
by
perennial
the eyes of blackactivists,theyare consummateinsiders,
alwaysin danger
of givingup an agendaofprogressive
in
of
favor
personalambitions
change
Their statusas insideroutsiders(oroutsiderinsiders)
and politicalcomfort.
as bearers
poses tricky,
eminently
practicalproblems.They seeklegitimacy
in potentialor actualcompetition
of blackinterests,
withcivilrightsactivists.At thesametime,theyseeka programofprogressive
legislative
change,
in competition
withthoserepresenting
or "white"interests.
I
majoritarian
that
African
American
use
to
references
further
both
argue
legislators King
tasksbutthattheyaremoresuccessfulin thefirstthanin thesecond.
Assimilating King
asserttheirown relationshipto King,
Congressionalspeakersfrequently
whetherdirect("I feelprivilegedto haveknownKing personally"[Payne,
House, 15 March 1994]; "I met a man who was a preacherfromMontgomery"[Hilliard,House, 15 March 1994]); "I rememberFannie Lou
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
494 SocialScience
History
Hamer,MartinLutherKing,and MaryMcCloud Bethune"[Meek,House,
28 February1996];"I was privilegedto be with[King]on thatmarchfrom
Selma to Montgomery"
[Rangel,House, 15 September1993]),or indirect
own
a
to King's dream"[Moseley-Braun,
is
testament
Senate,
("My
story
3 April1993];"it is doubtfulI wouldbe heretodayin thisCongressifmany
in the 1960sby the remarksof
people in thiscountrywho wereoffended
MartinLutherKing,Jr.had been able to silencehim" [Mfume,House,
23 February1994]).The latterformulations
are interesting
becausetheynot
to thesamegoalsas Kingbutcast
onlyvouchforthespeaker'scommitment
himor heras fruitof themovement.
This claimis oftenexplicit:"I along
withmanyofmycolleaguesam heretodayas a directresultofthestruggles
ofthesixties"(Thompson,House,21June1994).Congressional
representa"I haveseen
tivesare bothwitnessto and evidenceof racialadvancement:
progress.... I haveseena poorblackman,deniedtherightto vote,become
a Memberof Congress"(Lewis, House, 11February1997); "had Dr. King
and manyothersnot made thathistoricand dangerouswalk fromSelma
to Montgomery,
perhapsI wouldnotbe standingbeforethisbodytoday"
14
(Collins,House, May 1996).
humblein acknowledging
thattheirown caSpeakersare becomingly
reersweremade possibleby the travailsof an earliergeneration
of movementactivists.But theyalso stylethemselves
actors-qua institutional
as legitimateheirsto thatearlieractivism.Their own careersbecomethe
nextstagein a saga of AfricanAmericanstruggle."I was born,as a matterof AfricanAmericanhistory,"
JesseJackson,
Jr.,related,"on March 11,
1965.On March 7, 1965,in our history,
it is knownas bloodySunday.It is
fromGeorgia[JohnLewis],MartinLuther
theSundaythatthegentleman
King,and JesseJacksonand manyothersin our historywalkedacrossthe
EdmundPettusBridgeforthe rightto vote.Because of the strugglethat
theyengagedin in 1965,I now standhereas the91stAfricanAmericanto
everhavethe privilegeof servingin the U.S. Congress"(Jackson,House,
11February1997).AnotherspeakeralignedhimselfwithKing byappropriatinga portionof King's last speechto describehis own situation:"It is a
farfromperfectsituationwhichexistsin Alabama,or in America,butifwe
realizethisfact,and continueto progressand grow,we willreachDr. King's
promisedland.AndjustlikeDr. King,I maynotbe withyouwhenyouget
there,butifthisdaycomesaftermyworkon earthis done,I assureyouthat
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
andLiabilities
ofanInsurgent
Past 495
Legacies
I willbe thereinspirit"
House,10June1996).Speakers'
(Hilliard,
frequent
of
with
recent
and
current
has
representatives
grouping King
congressional
former
a similar
effect.
described
Thus,onerepresentative
congresswoman
of Frederick
BarbaraJordan"in thetradition
Douglass,MartinLuther
House,24 January
1996);
King,and ThurgoodMarshall"(Jackson-Lee,
another
Lewis
for
it
for
me
to
serve
praisedCongressman
"making possible
intheU.S. HouseofRepresentatives"
House,11February
1997).
(Jackson,
cited
her
African
American
Sheila
Representative Jackson-Lee
colleague
ininvestigating
theKingandKennedy
HaroldFord'sleadership
assassinaisoneofcontinuity
between
tions(House,26 September
1996).Themessage
a movement
institutional
politics.
pastandcurrent
do
claim
ofthemovement's
not
exclusive
guardianship
Representatives
in "thetralegacy.
Theyshareit,theysay,withpeoplewhoareworking
of
the
ditionof King,"whoare "shining
his
examples
legacy," "unsung
ifthe
Whoaretheseco-legatees?
heroes"ofthemovement.
activists,
Rarely
means
termis usedto describeorganized
actorsusingextra-institutional
ofpower(Tilly1978;McAdam1982).Rather,
to bid fora redistribution
thefounder
ofa homeless
twoleaders
are
shelter,
ministers,
they teachers,
thedirector
of
ofa citygrowth
ofa boys'club,thepresident
association,
American
a localhighschoolcoach."GreatAfrican
a family
carecenter,
thecaringneighbor"
electedofficials,
localleaders"are"teachers,
parents,
than
24
is
House, February
1993).King'slegacy servicerather
(Velazquez,
inspeeches
commadeas partofspecialorders
Thisis striking
insurgency.
in
1994
under
the
rubrics
Month
and
Black
1997,
History
memorating
Presentand Future"and
Afro-American
of"Empowering
Organizations:
A Reappraisal,"
The
in History:
"CivilRightsOrganizations
respectively.
ofthemcitingor
bothyears--many
honored
by legislators
organizations
ofthe1960s
in
-were
civil
their
remarks
organizations
rights
quoting
King
today:
(theNAACP,SCLC, and UrbanLeague)and civicorganizations
officers'
rehabilitation
a
after-school
centers,police
facilities,
league,a hisblackAmerica
as "undersiege,"
toricalpreservationist
group.Describing
Eddie
as wellas King,Representative
from
A. PhilipRandolph
andquoting
thehard
leveltoprotect
calledfor"workatthegrassroots
Bernice
Johnson
a
on
to
describe
went
civil
movement."
She
of
the
rights
gains
fought
a fund-raising
groupforciviccauses,andJackandJill(a groupprosorority,
education
and
self-esteem
amongblackstudents)(House, 23 Febmoting
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
496 SocialScience
History
to community
service
ruary1994). Grassroots"mobilizing"thusreferred
ratherthanextra-institutional
strikes,
challengethroughpetitions,
boycotts,
or demonstrations.
The associationofan earlierera ofprotestwithvolunteer
efforts
today
is also evidentin speechesurgingcontinuedfundingforthe federalKing
HolidayCommission.Althoughthecommissionestablishedin 1984to promotetheholidaywas intendedto be privately
in raising
funded,difficulties
led
to
of
sums
annual
adequate
congressional
appropriations $300,000after
1990.In 1994,HarrisWofford
and Carol Moseley-Braunin the Senateand
and
Lewis
in theHouse proposedlegislationto extend
Ralph Regula
John
forfiveyears.In hearingsand Senate debate,Wofford
appropriations
gave
numerousversionsofthefollowing
rationale:
Nothingwould have tickedMartinoffmorethanpeople supposedly
honoringhim by sittingon theirduffswatchingthe tube or sleeping
late.The King holidayshouldbe a dayon nota dayoff.A dayofaction,
notapathy.A dayof responding
to community
needs,nota dayofrest
and recreation.So myold civil rightscolleagueof the Selma march,
Congressman
JohnLewis, and I have introducedlegislationdesigned
to rememberMartinthe wayhe would haveliked:a day thatreflects
his propositionthat"everybodycan be greatbecause everybody
can
serve." . . . Fixingparks,tutoringchildren,rebuildingschools,feedchildren,housingthehomeless.(Wofford,
ing thehungry,
immunizing
3
Senate, April1993)
What King "would have liked" is "action,"meaning"service."Senator
Carol Moseley-Braunnotedthat"thedaycould be used to donatebloodor
volunteerat a hospital,to clean up a parkor plantflowersin an inner-city
to volunteer
fortheBoy Scoutsor GirlScoutsor theSpecial
neighborhood,
Olympics,to tutorchildrenor to workwiththosewhohaveAIDS" (Senate,
23 May 1994).Wofford's
and Moseley-Braun'sbriefforthe legislationis
echoed in remarksby otherbill supporters.Certainlyserviceis a worthy
endeavorwithpotentialforfar-reaching
change.However,its assimilation
to King's extra-institutional
rather
activismis a rhetorical
accomplishment
thanan obvioushistorical
fact.
In someof thesestatements,
is reto nonviolence
King's commitment
as
a
commitment
to
violence,
Thus,
styled
ending
especiallyamongyouth.
one representative
stated:"One needs only listento the daily news and
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
ofanInsurgent
Past 497
andLiabilities
Legacies
read theheadlinesto knowthatwe need thisCommission,now morethan
ever.Our youngpeople are dyingin greatnumberson the streets,in their
classrooms,and in theirhomes,Mr. Speaker.That is a fact.And themost
frightening
thingaboutthatfactis- ourchildrenarekillingeach other.The
King HolidayCommissionis dedicatedto teachingthe tenetsof nonvioserviceto our youngpeople" (Clayton,
lence,and thevalue of community
House, 15 March 1994)."If thereis no otherreasonforthisCommission,it
is thatwe can provideto youngpeoplepreciselythatkindofepiphanythat
is important
becauseit is predicatedon a resaysto themthatnonviolence
for
of
the
another
Senate,23 May
humanity
person"(Moseley-Braun,
spect
lobbiedCongressfor
1994).When CorettaScott King,who had tirelessly
theholidayand thecommission,
before
a
appeared
congressional
hearingon
thebill,she was quizzed on strategies
to end teenagecrime.17
for
Certainly,
a commissionunderattack,piggybacking
on the Clintonadministration's
volunteerism
initiative
made strategicsense-even if it meantplayingto a
beliefthatthe blackcommunity's
preeminent
problemwas teen violence.
That no one objectedto thatcharacterization
or offered
an alternative
one,
and thatit appearsin the Recordbeforeand afterthe debate,suggestsits
generalacceptanceamongcongressional
representatives.18
In congressional
discourse,then,the movementwithwhichKing was
associatedhas been effectively
recastin termsof conventional
pluralism.
in
the
Change,
pluralistscheme,is effectedincrementally
throughelectoralpoliticalchannelsand intermediate
forexamplecivic
organizations,
social
associations,
clubs,self-helpgroups,notthroughextra-institutional,
collective
action,whichis unnecessarygiventhe existenceof
disruptive,
multipleavenuesforreform(Gamson1990;McAdam1982).Congressional
blackrepresentatives
neverdenigrateextra-institutional
activismand activof past
ists-they are, as theyrepeatedlyacknowledge,the beneficiaries
activism
as
of
an
earlier
However,by representing
insurgency.
King's
part
as past,theyrepresent
theirowncareersas itspropersucphaseofstruggle,
cessor.References
to King thuswarrant
blacklegislators'claimto represent
blackinterests
betterthancontemporary
protestelitescan.
King as Challenge
Yet blackcongresspeople
aim to do morethanjustifytheirown existence,
and forthatreason,theyhavea realstakeinnotrepresenting
thepastas past.
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
498 SocialScience
History
This is whatmakestheirrole,and how theycommemorate
King, tricky.
As representatives
of a constituency
whoseaspirations
werevoicedbut not
realizedby the 1960scivilrightsmovement,
theymustconvincetheirconthat
there
is
much
more
to
be done.Theymustwarrant
gressional
colleagues
a visionof change,notas unfolding
but as federally
enactedand
inevitably
as urgent.If,as MichaelKammen(1991)suggests,collectiveremembering
in theUnitedStatesis boundto powerfulnarratives
ofunityand progress,
thenAfricanAmericanlegislators
facepeculiardilemmasin commemoratactivism.How to conveynot the accomplishments,
ing extra-institutional
the steps taken,the threataverted,but the promisesnot made good on,
theunresolved,
theincomplete?
How to celebratechangeachievedthrough
to changenow?These dilemmasare
conflict?
And how to tie remembering
howthey
evidentin howcongressional
representationspeakersrepresent
commemoration's
explain
purpose.
Black congressional
speakersrepeatedlyassertthatretellingthe African Americanpast-collective struggle,individualaccomplishments,
and
- is essential
to changingthepresent.But other,and somenationalbenefits
rationalesforremembering
are also offered.19
On one,
timesconflicting,
"Dr. King's stamp
are obviousand unforgettable-King's contributions
American
is
and
indelible"
(Dixon, House, 7 April
upon
history profound
and leadershipis indeliblyetchedin themindsof
1993); "his perseverance
all Americans"(Stokes,House, 24 February1993). Commemoration
celeOn another,
it is naturalforgetfulbratesratherthanpreserveshismemory.
civil
nessthatthreatens
"the
moment
of
King'slegacyrightstriumph
may
be a distantmemoryto some" (Lewis, House, 24 April1997)--orAfrican
Americans'forgetfulness:
"Too manyblackAmericansdon'trealizetheimof recallingpast strugglesand achievements
and
portanceand significance
those
efforts
to
3
conditions"
relating
presentday
(Clay,House, February
itis youngpeople,forwhomthemovement
1994).On stillanotherrationale,
"has becomeancienthistory"(Moseley-Braun,
Senate,23 May 1994),who
are mostin needofcommemorative
efforts;
theymustbe shownthat"they
havea responsibility
. . . to notjustglorify
Dr. King as a herobutlearnand
practicehisteachingsand beliefs"(Collins,24 February1993).
Commemoration
is necessaryto "close a chapter"of the past; by rewe "makesurethattheclockis notturnedback ...
however,
membering,
make sure thatwe do not repeatthatperiod of our history"(Clyburn,
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
andLiabilities
ofanInsurgent
Past 499
Legacies
thetragiclessonsofourhistory
House, 22 February1995).For "ifwe forget
we are doomedto repeatthem"(Moseley-Braun,Senate,23 May 1994).
to "drawback from
The taskis "to revelin our history"and, contrarily,
our history. . . to not have some of the unfortunate
consequencesof our
socialdevelopment
repeated"(Tucker,House, 23 February1994).Afterone
concluded
his remarkson the 1960 studentsit-insby urging
congressman
that"the morewe can come to gripswiththat,themorewe can put this,
partsof historylikethe sit-ins,behindus, and we can all becomeindivisible,underGod, withlibertyand justiceforall," anotherspeakercorrected
I hopewe willneverput thespiritofthesithim:"I thankthegentleman.
ins behindus" (Wattand Owens,House, 11February1997).The tensions
faceareevident:commemoration
blackcommemorants
mustrelivethepast
withoutforgetting
thepresent,musthonorthemovement's
leaderswithout
in the
individual
fortitude
the
must
omitting "unsungheroes,"
recognize
withoutminimizing
theoppressiveness
ofpastconditions,
faceofadversity
withouttherebyinflaming
and mustexpose past (and present)suffering
thosewhohavesuffered.
Pervasivein speakers'commentsis anxiety,
aboveall, thatmemorynot
becomenostalgia,thatit inspiregovernment
action,not substituteforit.
is
as
as
"We mustdo morethan
Merelyremembering dangerous forgetting.
Kweisi Mfumeinsisted.
keep a memoryof a greatman," Representative
ahead past the pain,the hate,and mostof all, the
"We mustpush further
thatsettleswhenwe forgetthereis moreto be done" (House,
complacency
himbutis a dayto be joyful
7 April1993)."It is nota dayjustto remember
and changed
thata manofhiscalibercamealongand settherecordstraight
notfor
America"(Hilliard,House, 15 March 1994); "we shouldremember
memory'ssake,or forthesakeofnostalgia"(Norton,House, 21June1994);
"we are not nostalgicabout the past but thereare some partsof the past
thatI would like to recall"(Lewis, House, 24 April1997): theseexcerpts
morethan,or
showspeakerstryingto makeof commemoration
something
a specialkindof,remembering.
One speakerintroducedhis co-celebrants
not just
as thosewho would "participatein thisspecialorderin memory,
I guess,in celebration,
of whathapin memory,
but in commemoration,
in
town
March
that
little
of
Selma"
7
1995).Another
(Lewis,House,
pened
we will
arguedthat"thisis a historythatwe cannotforget;lestwe forget,
surelyallow thoseenemiesof democracywho wantto restrictthe Ameri-
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
500 Social
Science
History
tovotetowane"(McKinney,
canpeople'sright
House,24 May1995);and
the
thatwe forget
"let
ever
be
so
so
us
not
brazen, commonplace
another,
ofthese
awkwardness
House,7 March1995).The rhetorical
(Watt,
struggle"
more
their
to
make
eloquent
speakers
betrays struggle
remembering
usually
and revealsthelimitsofthecommemorative
formwith
thancelebration
whichtheymustwork.
areapAfrican
American
Liketheirwhitecolleagues,
representatives
and
stakes
of
the
reluctant
to
antagonists,
parently
specify protagonists,
in anything
America's
butvagueterms.
themovement
Theytoodescribe
and
its
its
commitments
conscience
honored,
stirred, imagination
captured,
"wisdom."
over
Theytooassertunity
praiseKing's"message,"
"teachings,"
and
not
conflict.
life
was
dedicated
to
for
fighting justice equality
"[King's]
Americans
or thepoor,butforall Americans"
(MoseleyjustforAfrican
"the
civil
movement
was
not
a struggle
23
Braun,Senate, May1994);
rights
to ensureequalityof opforblackAmericans
alone.It was a struggle
for
all
Americans"
26
House, January
1993);"during
(Sawyer,
portunity
Dr. King'sfaith,
anddetermination
servedas a
hislifetime,
perseverance,
for
for
all
Americans"
of
the
(Stokes,House,11Febhope equality
symbol
and
ruary1997).Describing
King'simpactin termsofhis"contributions"
in
common
the
also
"achievements,"
phrases
speeches, suggests
change
thanstruggle.
influence
rather
through
CommemorativeOccasions
EveniftheKingtheyinvoke
is lessthanradical,
blackcongressional
speakersdo oftenforcefully
a societymarked
and
describe
racial
by
inequality
Butthesolution
tosuchconditions
morecomis more
injustice.
storytelling,
I notedearlier
memoration.
thespeaker
whoasked,"Ifwestopandreflect
on wherewe havegonesincethemarches
andthesit-insandboycotts
of
the1960s,havewereallygonefar?"Heranswer
wastocallfor"dailyefforts
tocorrect
thehistory
thatis taught
toourchildren"
House,
(Jackson-Lee,
11February
The
who
out
that
"times
have
1997).
speaker pointed
although
we havenotreachedthepromised
land"urgedthat"[we]conchanged,
remind
ourselves
and
others
of
the
blackshave
stantly
greatcontributions
madeand continueto maketo thisnation"(Clay,House,23 February1994).
It is "forgetfulness"
about "the lessons [King's] lifetaughtus" thathas
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Past 501
ofanInsurgent
andLiabilities
Legacies
to thewideninggap thatremainsbetweenthesalariesofwhite
"contributed
American
theincreasinggap betweentheincomesof
and African
workers,
middleand lowerincomeAfricanAmericans,the continuingsegregation
of our cities'schoolsand communities,
and theviolenceamongour youth
whichhas reachedheightsunimaginableeven a few yearsago," Senator
Carol Moseley-Braunargued(3 April 1993). If forgetting
has had such
shouldhaveequallytransfordebilitating
consequences,thenremembering
mativeeffect.Legislationto commemorate
the1965Selma to Montgomery
March,one speakerpromised,"will marka turningpointin thehistoryof
thiscountry'sstruggleforcivilrights"(Jackson-Lee,House, 14 May 1996).
Anotherdescribedmovementcommemorative
activitiesin a projectaimed
at reducingteenagepregnancyas essentialto building"self-esteem"and,
behavior(Waters,House, 12March1996).
thence,responsible
most
of
these
statements
comein commemorative
Since
contexts(Black
the
of
the
Month,
History
King's birthday, anniversary
VotingRightsAct)
or in discussionsofprovisionsforofficial
commemoration
(forexample,the
extensionof the King HolidayCommission),it is unsurprising
thatthey
concludewith calls forcommemoration.
But themajority
of King referI notedearlierthatthe largestnumberof
encesare madein suchcontexts.
King speecheswere deliveredas part of tributesand on commemorative
occasions;in combinationwithspeechesadvocatinggovernment
sponsoractivities,theyaccountedfor275 or 65% of the
ship of commemorative
420 speeches.Is thissimplybecausetributes
dominatecongressional
speech
The
Recorddatabasedoes not providethe overall
making?
Congressional
numberof tributeentriesrelativeto legislativediscussionentriesin a congressionalsession.So I chose a two-dayperiodon whichthe numberof
overallentrieswas close to the average(267 entriesfor15 and 16 March
1994) and, afterdiscardingproceduralentriesof thekinddiscussedearlier,
coded the remainingspeeches.Of the 266 speeches,53 or 20% weretrib5 (2%) speeches
utes,9 (3%) anniversary
speeches,43 (16%) commentaries,
and 156(59%) speechesaboutpendcallingforcommemorative
legislation,
whereas
of
the speechesreferring
to King were
65%
Thus,
ing legislation.
deliveredon commemorative
occasions,only25% ofall speechesweredethatAfricanAmerican
liveredon such occasions.Table 1 shows,moreover,
did not invokeKing moreoftenin legislativedebatesthan
representatives
did whiteDemocratsorRepublicansduringthe1993to 1997periodand that
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
502 SocialScience
History
a smallerproportionof AfricanAmericanrepresentatives'
King speeches
weredeliveredin legislativecontextsrelativeto commemorative
ones than
Table 2 showsthatthelargestnumber
werethoseof whiterepresentatives.
of King speechesin a legislativecontextcalled forfederalresponseto the
wave of churchburningsin the South,a measurethatenjoyedbipartisan
support.The secondlargestnumbercamein debaterelatedto abortionand
weremorelikelyto be made by Republicansespousingpro-lifepositions
Recordreveals,then,
thanby Democrats,whiteor black.The Congressional
an interesting
bifurcation:
even as AfricanAmericancongressional
reprein orderto bringabout
sentativesassertthe importanceof remembering
legislative
tangiblechange,theydo notofteninvokethepastin substantive
discussions.
confront
a powerfulgenreproblem,I
Whynot?Black representatives
in
situations.Epideictic
rhetoric
deliberative
that
of
argue:
usingepideictic
rhetoric"praisesor blameson ceremonialoccasions,invitesthe audience
to evaluatethespeaker'sperformance,
recallsthepastand speculatesabout
thefuturewhilefocusingon thepresent,employsa noble,dignified
literary
style,and amplifiesor rehearsesadmittedfacts"(Campbelland Jamieson
or recollection
ofa sharedpast" (ibid.: 15)
1990: 14). It relieson "memoria,
As HarryCaplan puts it, thespeakertries
and is primarily
contemplative.
"to impresshis ideas upon them[theaudience],withoutactionas a goal"
(1954: 173n).KarlynKohrs Campbelland KathleenHall Jamiesonargue
to commemorative
thatsuchrhetoric
is appropriate
speecheslikepresidential inauguraladdresses,whichseek to affirm
unity,communalvalues,the
and the president'srecognition
of the obliof the presidency,
institution
the
function.
of
office.
follows
institutional
Thus, genre
Epideictic
gations
rhetoriccan be contrastedwiththe deliberativeargumentthatis characteristicof policymaking."Deliberativeargumentpivotson the issue of
whichpolicyis bestable to addressidentified
probexpediency,
specifically,
will
more
than
evil
which
beneficial
lems,
produce
policy
consequences,and
whichis mostpractical,givenavailableresources"(CampbellandJamieson
1990: 29). Classically,deliberative
rhetoricwas intended"to persuadethe
assemblyto takea definitecourseof action,such as goingto war or not
goingto war"(O'Malley 1979:39). Occasionally,
speakershavebeen able to
combineelementsofthetwogenres,and CampbellandJamieson(1990:29)
citeLincoln'sfirstinauguraladdressforits"unusual"rhetorical
of
strategy
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
andLiabilities
ofanInsurgent
Past 503
Legacies
(againstsouthernsecession)forepideicticpurusingdeliberative
arguments
the
nation
and
communalvalues).Yetin today's
poses (unifying
reaffirming
pressuresoperatingto keep the
Congressthereare strongand distinctive
genresseparated.
Whetheranything
getsdone on the floorof Congresshas alwaysbeen
thetopicofdispute.Chargesthatfloordebateis "mere"talkhavesharpened
in thecontextoftwodevelopments.
One is representatives'
increasedattena
the
tivenessto constituents,
result
of
media's
expandedcoverage
partly
ofcongressional
activities(Bacon et al. 1995:400). For example,until1979,
commemorative
legislation(namingpublicbuildings,forexample,or designatingspecialdays)accountedforbetween1% and 10% of all legislation.
In the 96th Congress,commemorative
legislationincreasedby morethan
70% and continuedto risethereafter,
accountingformorethanone-third
ofall billssignedintolaw by 1985.Attackedforitsdiversionofmoneyand
attentionfromsubstantive
to purelysymbolicconcerns,this increasehas
to representatives'
orientation
to constituents
beenattributed
(ibid.).
A second featureof contemporary
congressionaldecisionmakingis
thedominantand, accordingto some,everexpandingroleofcongressional
committeesand subcommittees
(ibid.: 412; Denton and Woodward1990:
in
the
nineteenth
301).Already
JosiahQuincyofBostoncomearly
century,
all the
plainedthatthe House "acts,and reasons,and votesand performs
of
an
animated
and
from
own
operations
being, yet,judging
perceptions,
my
I cannotrefrain
fromconcludingthatall greatpoliticalquestionsaresettled
elsewherethanon thisfloor"(quotedin Weatherford
1981:173).Committee
roomswereonce seen as theactualsiteof decisionmaking,but,according
to J.McIverWeatherford
(ibid.: 185),once theywereopenedto thepublic
in thelate 1970s,"therealprocessoflegislationonce againescapedbeyond
intothebackroomsofpolitics.Committeehearings
theklieglights"further
of ritualdramas,and thecongresfortheenactment
becameopportunities
sional floorwas reducedto an "emptyshell." Weatherford's
judgmentis
especiallyharshbutnottoo dissimilarfromthatofotherpoliticalobservers.
and withfew
"The businessof theHouse is dominatedby its committees,
exceptionsoratoryhas littlediscernibleimpactin theprocessof proposing
and votingupon legislation,"one writerconcludes(Bacon et al.
drafting,
circumscribed
1995:612). In fact,committees'
autonomyhas been formally
in the last two decades,and flooramendingactivityhas increased(ibid.:
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
504 SocialScience
History
420), but "conventionalwisdomholds thatfloordebate does not change
minds"(Bessette1994: 166). Instead,legislationis widelyperceivedto be
made throughthe votetrading,deal making,and interest-group
lobbying
thattakesplacebehindcloseddoors.
An importantconsequenceof these developmentsmay be pressure
to demarcate
amongcongressionalrepresentatives
legislativefloordebate
frombothbackroommaneuvering
and constituent-driven
pomp.Establishthe"polingsymbolicboundaries--spatial,
temporal,rhetorical--prevents
lution"oflegislative
functions
Limitbyactivitiesdeemedless legitimate.20
in
the
of
"one-minute
them
the
duration
speeches,"scheduling
morning
ing
and at the discretionof the Speaker,and relegatingspecial ordersto the
withlegislativebusiness,are
end oftheday,whentheywillnot"interfere"
forinsulating
debatefromtheseotherforms
formalmechanisms
legislative
of talk.But theremayalso be less explicitpressureto keep epideicticand
deliberative
rhetorical
genresseparate,thatis,to notmemorialize
duringthe
"real work"of legislativepolicymaking.Of course,deliberative
discourse
has alwaysinvokedhistorical
and heroicfigprecedent,hallowedtradition,
ofcongressional
floordiscourseto charges
ures.However,thevulnerability
thatit involvesscarcedeliberation
at all, thatit is ritualdramaratherthan
make
substantive
anxiousto distinguish
debate,may
representatives
making
from
it.
history
memorializing
I am arguingthattheoperationofgenreboundariesmayconstrain
congressionalrepresentatives'
abilityto use King to criticizeratherthan to
affirm.
On legislative
is at odds witha deliberative
occasions,memorializing
rhetorical
to invokeKingin debatesaboutsubstanstyle,makingit difficult
tivepolicyissues.Andon commemorative
in order
occasions,memorializing
notmerelyto contemplate
but to legislate,thatis to takeaction,is at odds
withtheconventional
ofepideicticdiscourse.Thus, ifthefirst
requirements
set of constraints
thatI discussedstemsfromthe commemorative
form
and thenarratives
of progressand unityembeddedin it,thesecondstems
fromthecommemorative
occasion.The contextoftheirspeeches--Martin
LutherKing Day ratherthana debateaboutthe budget,say--encourages
ratherthanfornew legislation,
speakersto call formorecommemoration
moreappropriations,
betterenforcement
of existinglaws,or an otherwise
interventionist
federalstance.And in thosediscussionsof healthcare,weldefare,toxicwastecleanup,campaignand governmental
reform,
military
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Past 505
ofan Insurgent
LegaciesandLiabilities
whichtook
fense,crime,education,foreign
policy,and telecommunications
and
his
the
the
lessonsare
1993-97
period, movement,
King,
place during
notprominent.
thememoryofinsurthen,theconventions
surrounding
Paradoxically,
dissent
institutional
politicsin two ways.Memorializing
gencystrengthen
themselves
as heirsofan activistpast.And
enablespoliticiansto legitimate
iftheideologicalworkofcommemoration
to specialoccasionsis restricted
occasionson whichanyonecan be honored,fromMartinLutherKing,Jr.,
to theconstituent
whoseclaimto fameis herstampcollection-thenwhat
of
on
the
rest
thetimemustbe drivenbynationalinterests
ratherthan
goes
partisanones and musthave tangibleratherthan symbolicconsequence.
thelegislative
institution
King memorialsend up reproducing
bytheirvery
marginality.
Conclusion
Numerouswriters
haveaddressedthedifficulties
nationsfacein commemofor
the
"difficult"
Vietnam
War(Wagner-Pacifici
and
pasts: example,
rating
Schwartz1991),theHolocaust(Maier 1988;Olick and Levy 1997),and the
atomicbombingof Japan (Linenthaland Engelhardt1996). I argue that
are a specialkindof difficult
social movements
risks.
past,withdistinctive
For AfricanAmericanlegislators,commemorating
the civil rightsmovementand its martyred
leaderrisksemphasizingtheirown positionwithin
thepoliticalestablishment,
viewedas cozy ratherthantransforpotentially
framedthatwaybycivilrightsleadersvyingforthe
mative,and potentially
mantleof blackleadership.Accordingly,
blackcongressional
speakerscommemorateKing in a waythatcastselectoralpoliticsand community
service
activism(thelatterremarkable
its
ratherthanextra-institutional
absence
by
fromtheircommemorative
heirsofKingand his
speeches)as thelegitimate
of an unequalminority,
movement.As representatives
blackrephowever,
resentatives
resistcommemorating
King in a waythatacceptsthe present
Theireffort
to mold
stateofgovernmental
actionvis-ai-vis
blackAmericans.
workof the movementis less
King discourseto pointup the unfinished
to legitimate
themselves
as spokespersons.
successfulthantheireffort
Using
is difficult,
notonlyon accollectivememoryto do morethanmemorialize
in
embedded
the
commemorative
countoftheprogressand unitynarratives
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
506 SocialScience
History
formbut also on accountof remembering's
restriction
to commemorative,
ratherthanlegislative,
occasions.
What are the implications
of thiscase? For studentsof social movebattles
over
the
of
ments,
legacy protest,the kindof activismit warrants,
and the truestspokespeopleforits aspirations,
pointup an important
dyof members
namicin theinstitutionalization
of protest.The incorporation
officesdoes not signala definitive
of an insurgentgroupintogovernment
shiftin leadershipfromprotestto electoralelites.Collectivememoryand,
thestewardship
ofan insurgent
pastcan be a crucialterrainfor
specifically,
claims
thesetwo groups.The
out
between
leadership
fighting continuing
questionis how much winningthe battleovermemorycountsin gaining
as
fromgovernmental
elites,potentialallies,and constituents
recognition
Andwhatcountsas winning?
acceptedbrokerofa group'sputativeinterests.
with
have
other
that
Comparison
groups
ostensiblymade the shift"from
Afriprotestto politics"- GreenPartymembersin Europeanparliaments,
can NationalCongressmembersin SouthAfrica,and Irishelectedofficials
in answerassociatedwithSinn Fein come to mind--wouldbe important
of
the
Democratic
these
The
dominance
and
ing
questions.
Republican
Partiesand the absenceof movementpartiesin the United States(Rucht
moredebilitating,
battlesbetween
1996)mightgeneratemore,or potentially
overwhobestrepresents
the
protestelitesand theirelectoralcounterparts
movement'saspirationsand accomplishments.
On the otherhand, these
features
oftheAmericanpoliticalsystemmaybe counterbalanced
structural
for
cultural
ones,
example,what Michael Kammen (1991) sees as an
by
Americantendencyto depoliticizethepast,resultingin a kindof agnostic
One modeofdepoliticizing
thepast,I have
supportformultipletraditions.
occasions.
commemorative
argued,maybe to bringitup onlyon formally
For studentsof collectivememory,
thecase atteststo themultipleand
-officials
conflicting
projectswithingroupsoftenrepresentedas unitary
and AfricanAmericans,to name two. Counterpoising
the commemorative interestsof "politicalstructures
and ordinarypeople" (Bodnar 1992:
"dominants
and
subordinates"
and
18),
(Merelman1992:248), or "official"
"popular"memory(Scott 1996:388), evenifthefocusis on theirinterrelaand changingrelationtions,doesn'tdo justiceto themultiple,
competitive,
and withinsubordishipsamongelitesinsideand outsidethegovernment,
natedgroups.The broaderpoint,of course,is thatinstrumental
interests
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
andLiabilities
ofanInsurgent
Past 507
Legacies
existonlyin relationship.
One cannotspecifya group'sstakesin a particular
its positionvis-ai-vis
issue withoutunderstanding
groupsdefinedas allies,
and
How
constituents.
and seek
competitors,
people represent
antagonists,
to use thepastcan helpus to illuminate
thosealliancesand fissures.
The case also pointsup theinadequacyofan instrumentalist
approach,
on speakers'instrumental
constraints
however,by identifying
deployment
of representations
of the past. It isn'twhat"actuallyhappened"-the past
in some pristine,
unreconstructed
sense--thatlimitswhatspeakerscan do
withit. Rather,culturalconventions
of commemoration,
thatis, accepted
shape whatone can do withthe past (the
waysof publiclyremembering,
and whenone can do it (theoccasions
rhetoricalformof commemoration)
is acceptable).Acceptedwaysofdoingthings,of
on whichcommemoration
noruniversal.
Withrespectto thelatter,
neither
this
course,are
unchanging
it reflects,
to locatingculturewithintheinstitutions
case contributes
shapes,
and reproduces.Black legislatorsuse King remembrances,
but theydo so
in formsand at timesthatare generallyacceptableto the legislativebody.
The result,thoughnottheirintention,
is thatthecommemoration
ofdissent
as substantive
rather
reproducesa viewof Congress'spolicydeliberations
than"merely"symbolic,sincethesymbolicworkofcommemoration
takes
placeon occasionsreservedforit,and onlyon thoseoccasions.
ShortlybeforeKing's death,his associateRabbi AbrahamJ. Heschel
said that"thewholefutureofAmericadependsupon theimpactand influenceofDr. King" (Harding1996:ix). On thefloorofCongress,at least,that
to therealmofmemory.
impactseemsto havebeenlargelyconfined
Notes
She is
ofsociologyat ColumbiaUniversity.
FrancescaPollettais an assistant
professor
and has puba book entitledStrategy
and Identity
in 1960sBlackProtest
completing
Researchforthisarticle
ofsocialmovements.
lishedarticleson theculturaldimensions
was supportedby a ColumbiaUniversity
Social SciencesFacultyGrant.The author
reviewer
forSocial
thanks
Olick,ManningMarable,PaulaBaker,andan anonymous
Jeff
and Linda Catalanoforresearch
comments
forgenerousand insightful
ScienceHistory
assistance.
1 FrancisX. Clines,"Reagan'sdoubtson Dr. King disclosed,"New YorkTimes,
22 October1983;"Kingholiday-Newlaw'seffect,"
US. Newsand World
Report,
Almanac1983:601.
31October1983;Congressional
Quarterly
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
508 SocialScienceHistory
2
3
4
Congressional
QuarterlyAlmanac1983: 601.
31October1983;"Impactof
David Alpern,"BehindtheKingdebate,"Newsweek,
Helms'sattacks
NewYorkTimes,
26 October1983.
studiedbyhisconstituents,"
Record,Senate, 23 May
Congressional
QuarterlyAlmanac 1994: 157; Congressional
1994.
of Kingratherthanofthecivilrightsmovement
becausethe
5 I studyinvocations
latterareso fewinnumber.
aboutthestatus
This initselfsayssomething
important
I willsaymoreon thatbelow.
inofficial
ofthemovement
memory.
6 Aninitiative
NewtGingrich
madethelastfouranda halfyearsof
byRepresentative
the
theRecord
availableviaan Inter(covering 103rd,104th,and 105thCongresses)
I
in
withpublished
netlinkageentitled
Thomas;thisis thesource used, conjunction
ofcongressional
sometextfromearlier,
transcripts
printedissuesofthe
hearings,
andnewspaper
accountsandanalyses.
Record,
Congressional
7 Entriesin theCongressional
Record
of
mayconsistofa singlespeech,an extension
remarks
oran extended
debate.By "speech,"I meana statebyonerepresentative,
mentthatis eithera singleentryor partof one (butI countnumerous
speaking
in theentryas a singlespeech).WhenI referto the
turnsby one representative
number
of"references
toKing,"I meanthenumber
ofspeechesinwhichKingwas
at leastonce.
mentioned
8 This includesthenonvoting
fromtheDistrictofColumbiabutnot
representative
thedelegatesfromtheVirginIslands.
9 J.C. WattsofOklahoma,
oneofthetwoAfrican
American
Republican
representatoKing(histermbeganin 1995);theother,
tives,madetwospeechesreferring
Gary
FranksofConnecticut,
madenospeechescitingKingduringhistwotermsofoffice
hewasoneofthemembers
oftheKingHolidayCommission).
(although
10 Materialinbrackets
refers
to thespeaker,
forum(House,Senate,Extension
ofReand Schram1997on presidential,
marks),anddate.See White1997andRosenthal
andpopularconstructions
ofthe"American
dream."
congressional,
11 Republicans
and Democratsuse thephrasein different
ways:Democratsinterpret
it as callingforthecreation
ofan egalitarian
as an injunction
society,
Republicans
to treatpeoplein thehereand nowon thebasisofthecontentoftheircharacter.
For example,a specialordercommemorating
BlackHistoryMonthcontainsthis
"If we are to moveforward
statement:
as theworld'smostdiverseand successful
multicultural
each otherby thecolorof our skin,
nation,we muststopdefining
and striveto judgeoneanother
ofourcharacter"
(Martini,House,
bythecontent
28 February
ofthespeechmay
1995).The factthat1993wasthe30thanniversary
accountin partforitshighprofile
in the103rdcongressional
session,whenit apin
26
In thenexttwo-year
peared
speechesbycongressional
representatives.
period,
itappearedin 13speeches.However,
itappearedin9 speechesbetween
and
January
May 1997,whichis onlyone quarterofthe105thCongress.It wouldbe usefulto
sessionsbefore1993.
compareusageofthespeechincongressional
12 King is also groupedwithpeoplecharacterized
by theirmoraland/orspiritual
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Past 509
ofan Insurgent
LegaciesandLiabilities
Moses, Gandhi,Cesar Chavez(althoughthe lattertwowere
leadership--Jesus,
The onlywhitewithwhomKingis groupedmorethanthreetimes
leaders).
political
ofbothmenin 1968.He is
is RobertKennedy;all references
aretotheassassination
linkedwithAbrahamLincolnthreetimes,GeorgeWashington
twice,andThomas
to LincolnandWashington
claimedKing'shistorical
once.One reference
Jefferson
to havea holiday
on thegroundsthathe was theonlyotherAmerican
importance
in his honor;one speechby a whiteRepublicanurgedthatKing and Thurgood
as AmeliaEarhartand George
as Americans-asAmerican
Marshallbe celebrated
- rather
thanas African
Americans.
Washington
13 The importance
oftheunitynarrative
forwhitecommemorants
mayexplainwhy
of crisis,"was reluctant
RonaldReagan,who saw theKing holidayas "symbolic
to signthelegislation,
whileHowardBaker,whosaw it as "symbolicforunity,"
to the legislation
Reagan'sopposition
avidlysupportedit. Alternatively,
mayexit as "symbolicof crisis"--depending
on whether
one
plainwhyhe represented
ofthepastas shapingpolicyorlegitimating
viewsrepresentations
it,thatis,as rules
orresources.
14 EricPianin,"The marchandthedream,"Washington
Post,27 August1983.
runposesdilemmaforblackleaders,"
15 MartinSchramand Dan Balz, "Jackson's
Post,27 November1983, 1.
Washington
16 Ibid.
17 See U.S. Senate1995.
in newsmedia'scoverageoftheKing
18 Campbell(1995)describes
a similarframing
fateis intriguing.
Afterwinning
holidayin 1993.The KingHolidayCommission's
authorization
for$2 millionoverfiveyears(Congressional
Almanac1994:
Quarterly
voteditself
outofexistence
afteronlytwoyears;itsdirector
157),thecommission
thefinancial
burdenon taxpayers.
Howexplainedthattheycouldno longerjustify
executive
ofa closedmeeting
ofthecommission's
committee,
ever,transcripts
along
it
withan earliermemosentbyCorettaScottKingto thecommission
instructing
in itsfund-raising
to ceaseusingKing'snameor likeness
efforts,
suggestthatKing
as director
oftheKingCenterforNonviolent
and hersonDexter(newlyinstalled
withthose
efforts
as competing
Social Change)sawthecommission's
fund-raising
of$600,000.Commission
oftheKingCenter.In 1993,thelatterwasfacinga deficit
thata prohibition
on usingKing'snameor likenesswould
members
acknowledged
and decided,accordingly,
to disband."Adjusting
efforts
crippletheirfund-raising
7 February1995; RobertA. Jorthe King vision,"AtlantaJournaland Constitution,
Boston
feuddoesn'tdeserveOlympicstature,"
Globe,5 February
dan,"Kingfamily
1995.
Kirk Savage (1994: 129-30)foundthat
19 In his studyof Civil War monuments,
several
rationales
forsuchmonuments,
movement
"occasionally
sponsorsoffered
and need theirsocialmemory
are
that
the
forgetful
advancing argument people
is
mnemonic
bolstered
aids; sometimes
arguinginsteadthatmemory
by powerful
itacrossgenerations;
areneededto transmit
safeinthepresent
butmonuments
yet
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
510 SocialScienceHistory
a startling
thatthememory
ofheroismis
frequently
invoking
counterargumentwill
outlast
even
which
and
are
therefore
built
as proof
monuments,
undying
simply
ofmemory's
and
I
the
found
same
additional
and
rationales,
ones,
reality strength."
inAfrican
American
forcommemoration.
legislators'
arguments
20 Sociologists
and anthropologists
sinceEmileDurkheimhaveexploredthesocial
of symbolic
functions
boundariesseparating
the purefromthe impureand the
sacredfromtheprofane.See especiallyDouglas 1966and Alexander
and Smith
1993.
References
Alexander,
J.,and P. Smith(1993) "The discourseof Americancivilsociety:A new
studies."TheoryandSociety22: 151-207.
proposalforcultural
R.
H.
oftheUnitedStates
Bacon,D. C.,
Davidson,andM. Keller(1995)Encyclopedia
New
York:
and
Simon Schuster.
Congress.
ofChicagoPress.
Bessette,
J.M. (1994)The MildVoiceofReason.Chicago:University
Princeton
America.Princeton,
Press.
Bodnar,
NJ:
J.(1992)Remaking
University
Campbell,C. P. (1995)Race,Myth,andtheNews.ThousandOaks,CA: Sage.
Rheto(1990)Deeds Done inWords:Presidential
Campbell,K. K., andK. H. Jamieson
ricandtheGenresofGovernance.
ofChicagoPress.
Chicago:University
ad Herennium.
HarvardUniversity
Press.
Caplan,H. (1954)Rhetorica
Cambridge:
in Congress,
BlackAmericans
Interests:
1870-1991.
Clay,W. L. (1992)JustPermanent
NewYork:Amistad.
Press.
P.(1989)HowSocietiesRemember.
Connerton,
Cambridge:
Cambridge
University
R.
in America,
2d
Denton, E., Jr.,andG. C. Woodward
(1990)PoliticalCommunication
ed. NewYork:Praeger.
andDanger.London:Penguin.
Douglas,M. (1966)Purity
The
ofSocialProtest,
2d ed. Belmont,
CA: Wadsworth.
Gamson,W.(1990)
Strategy
D.
the
NewYork:Vintage.
Cross.
Garrow, (1988)Bearing
of
S. (1983) "Murdering
Greenblatt,
peasants:Status,genre,and the representation
rebellion."
1-29.
1:
Representations
Hero.Maryknoll,
NY: Orbis.
Harding,
V. (1996)MartinLutherKing,theInconvenient
of Traditionin
Kammen,M. (1991)MysticChordsof Memory:The Transformation
American
Culture.NewYork:Knopf.
D.
andPower.NewHaven,CT: YaleUniversity
Press.
Kertzer, I. (1988)Ritual,Politics,
H.
Should
We
Burn
Babar?:
on
Children's
and
Literature
the
Power
Kohl, (1995)
Essays
ofStories.NewYork:NewPress.
E. T., and T. Engelhardt
Linenthal,
(1996)HistoryWars:The Enola Gay and Other
BattlesfortheAmerican
Past.NewYork:HenryHolt.
D. (1985)The PastIs a ForeignCountry.
Lowenthal,
Cambridge:
Cambridge
University
Press.
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Past 511
ofan Insurgent
LegaciesandLiabilities
of Black
Lusane,C. (1994) AfricanAmericansat the Crossroads:The Restructuring
End
Press.
and
the
1992
Elections.
Boston:
South
Leadership
Past:History,
Holocaust,and GermanNational
Maier,C. S. (1988)The Unmasterable
Harvard
Press.
Cambridge:
University
Identity.
African
American
Politics.
Marable,M. (1995)BeyondBlackandWhite:Transforming
London:Verso.
1930ofBlackInsurgency,
McAdam,D. (1982)PoliticalProcessand theDevelopment
ofChicagoPress.
1970.Chicago:University
in
Two cases of culturalconflict
Merelman,R. M. (1992) "Challengeand resistance:
andPolitics.
theUnitedStates,"inMerelman(ed.)Language,Symbolism,
Boulder,
247-67.
CO: Westview:
BlackCulture.NewYork:Routledge.
S(1995)
Representing
in AmericafromAbraham
Crown
of
Thorns:PoliticalMartyrdom
E.
Naveh, J.(1990)
Press.
LincolntoMartinLutherKing,Jr.NewYork:NewYorkUniversity
"The
sins
of
the
fathers:
The
Third
Reich
and
German
Olick,J.(1993)
legitimation."
Ph.D. diss.,YaleUniversity.
and culturalconstraint:
Holocaust
Olick,J.,and D. Levy (1997) "Collectivememory
in
Review
and
West
German
American
62:
politics."
Sociological
myth rationality
921-36.
O'Malley,J.W. (1979) Praiseand Blame in RenaissanceRome.Durham,NC: Duke
Press.
University
in theUnitedStates:Fromthe1960s
Omi,M., andH. Winant(1986)RacialFormation
tothe1980s.LondonandNewYork:Routledge.
inMississippi
after1965.
F. R. (1990)BlackVotesCount:Political
Parker,
Empowerment
ofNorthCarolinaPress.
ChapelHill:University
New Haven,CT: Yale University
Reed,A., Jr.(1986)The JesseJacksonPhenomenon.
Press.
theAmerican
M. B., and S. E Schram(1997)"Pluralizing
dream,"in S. E
Rosenthal,
in Contemporary
U.S.
SchramandP.T. Neisser(eds.)TalesoftheState:Narrative
39-49.
PoliticsandPublicPolicy.Lanham,MD: RowmanandLittlefield:
in
on socialmovement
structures,"
Rucht,D. (1996)"The impactofnationalcontexts
on
and M. N. Zald (eds.)Comparative
D. McAdam,J.D. McCarthy,
Perspectives
NewYork:Cambridge
Press:185-204.
SocialMovements.
University
ofthecivilrightsmovement."
Rustin,B. (1965)"Fromprotestto politics:The future
39: 25-31.
Commentary
"A marblehousedivided:The LincolnMemorial,the civilrights
S.
(1993)
Sandage,
ofAmerican
1939-1963."
and thepoliticsofmemory,
movement,
Journal
History
80: 135-67.
andtheCivilWarmonuBlackemancipation
Savage,K. (1994)"The politicsofmemory:
The Politicsof NationalIdentity.
ment,"in J. R. Gillis (ed.) Commemorations:
Press:127-49.
Princeton,
NJ:Princeton
University
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
512 SocialScienceHistory
of
Schwartz,B. (1991)"Social changeand collectivememory:The democratization
American
Review
56:
221-36.
GeorgeWashington."
Sociological
andreconstruction
oftheHarlanMiners
Scott,S. (1996)"Dead work:The construction
Memorial."Qualitative
19
365-93.
Sociology (3):
ofNewYork.
Smith,R. C. (1996)WeHaveNo Leaders.Albany:StateUniversity
Harvard
Press.
Swain,C. M. (1993)BlackFaces,BlackInterests.
Cambridge:
University
ofAmerican
Thelen,D. (1987)"A roundtable:MartinLutherKing,Jr."Journal
History
74: 436-37.
Practiceand Procedure:A Reference,
Tiefer,C. (1989) Congressional
Research,and
Guide.
CT:
Greenwood
Press.
Westport,
Legislative
toRevolution.
MA: Addison-Wesley.
Tilly,C. (1978)FromMobilization
Reading,
U.S. Senate(1995)KingHolidayandServiceActof1993:HearingbeforetheCommittee
on theJudiciary,
GPO.
U.S. Senate,April13,1994.Washington:
and
B.
Schwartz
"The
Vietnam
Veterans
Memorial:ComR.,
(1991)
Wagner-Pacifici,
a
difficult
American
of
97:
376-420.
Journal
memorating
past."
Sociology
Wade.
Weatherford,
J.M. (1981)Tribeson theHill.NewYork:Rawson,
in chief:Whypresidents
liketo telltales,"in S. E
White,J.K. (1997)"The storyteller
SchramandP.T. Neisser(eds.)TalesoftheState:Narrative
inContemporary
U.S.
PoliticsandPublicPolicy.Lanham,MD: RowmanandLittlefield:
53-62.
E. (1996)"Socialmemories."
Zerubavel,
Qualitative
Sociology19:283-300.
This content downloaded from 128.195.64.2 on Tue, 2 Dec 2014 14:46:20 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions