Monetary Policy Cooperation and Coordination: An Historical Perspective on the Importance of Rules Michael D. Bordo and Catherine Schenk Economics Working Paper 16112 HOOVER INSTITUTION 434 GALVEZ MALL STANFORD UNIVERSITY STANFORD, CA 94305-6010 May 6, 2016 This paper addresses the ongoing debate between those who advocate for central banks to take coordinated action to reduce the international spillovers from their domestic policy actions; and those who argue that the international spillovers from recent monetary policy actions reflect the deviations from rules based monetary policy. We take an historical perspective and examine the experiences of international cooperation and coordination since the late nineteenth century across several exchange rate regimes: the classical gold standard 1880-1914; the Interwar gold exchange standard 1924 to 1936; the Bretton Woods System 1944 to 1973; and the Managed Float 1973 to the present. We find that in monetary regimes which are rules based cooperation was most successful and less so in regimes based on discretion or poorly grounded rules. We find less success for more elaborate schemes of coordination. The authors would like to thank Owen Humpage, Geoffrey Wood, Forrest Capie, and Harold James for their helpful comments. The Hoover Institution Economics Working Paper Series allows authors to distribute research for discussion and comment among other researchers. Working papers reflect the views of the authors and not the views of the Hoover Institution. 1.Introduction Eventssincethefinancialcrisisof2007-2008haveledtorenewedinterestin monetarypolicycooperationandcoordination(Frankel2015).Whilethe reintroductionoftheFederalReserve’sswaplineswithmajoradvancedcountry centralbanksinSeptember2008andcoordinatedpolicyratecutsannouncedatthe G20SummitinOctober2008attractedpraise,claimsof‘currencywars’bycentral bankersfromemergingcountriesfollowingquantitativeeasingbytheFedandlater bytheBankofJapanandtheECBhaveledtocallsformonetarypolicymakersto takecoordinatedactiontoreducetheinternationalspilloverfromtheirdomestic actions(Eichengreen2013b).Analternativeviewarguesthattheexternalitiesfrom recentmonetarypolicyactionsreflectsthedeviationfromrulesbasedmonetary policy(Taylor2013,Ahrend(2010),BordoandLandonLane(2012).Byarules basedpolicyismeantthatthecentralbanksetsitspolicyinstrument(intheUSthe federalfundsrate)inapredictablewayinreactiontoitsprimarypolicygoals:the deviationofrealgrowthfrompotentialandthedeviationofinflationfromitstarget. Inthisviewareturntorulesbasedmonetarypolicyandarollingbackofthe“global greatdeviation”byeachcountry’scentralbankwouldleadtoabeneficialglobal outcomewithouttheneedforpolicycoordination. Thispaperreviewstheissueofmonetarypolicycooperationandcoordination fromanhistoricalperspective.Weexaminetheexperiencesofcooperationand coordinationsincethelatenineteenthcenturyamongadvancedcountriesacross severalexchangerateregimes:theclassicalgoldstandard1880-1914;theInterwar 2 goldexchangestandard1924to1936;theBrettonWoodssystem1944to1973;and theManagedFloat1973tothepresent.Wedistinguishbetweencooperationand coordination,althoughthedistinctioninrealityisprettymurky.Bycooperationwe meanthesharingofinformationandtechniquesofcentralbanking,thediscussionof commonproblemsandoccasional/adhocemergencylendingorotheroperations betweencentralbanksinperiodsoffinancialcrisis.Bycoordinationwemeanpolicy actionsformallyagreedandtakenbygroupsofpolicymakers(includingfinance ministersandcentralbankers)aimedatachievingbeneficialoutcomesforthe internationalsystemasawhole.Suchactionsmayconflictwithdomesticpolicy goals.Toconserveonspace,welimitourselvestomonetarypolicyactions,including somecasesoflenderoflastresort.Wealsoavoidthevastexampleofmonetary policycooperationandcoordinationleadingtothecreationoftheEuropean MonetaryUnionandweonlytangentiallydiscussthegrowingroleoftheemerging countries,especiallyChina,intheinternationalmonetarysystem. Inthispaperwearguethatinmonetaryregimeswhicharerulesbased(inthe senseofthemodernliteratureonrulesversusdiscretion)cooperationwasmost successfulandlesssoinregimesbasedondiscretionorpoorlygroundedrules.We findlesssuccessformoreelaborateschemesofcoordination. 2.TheClassicalGoldStandard1880-1914 Theclassicalgoldstandardwastheoriginalrulesbasedmonetarypolicyregime (BordoandKydland1995).Thebasicruleforeachmonetaryauthoritywasto maintainconvertibilityofitspapercurrencyintermsofgoldattheofficialnominal 3 price(orasafixednumberofouncesofgold).Thisrequiredsubsumingdomestic policygoalstothedictatesofexternalbalance(exceptinthecaseofabanking panic).Infact,monetaryauthoritieswithcredibilityhadsomelimitedflexibilityto attendtodomesticstabilitygoalswithinthegoldpointswhichboundedtheofficial parity(BordoandMacdonald2005). Thegoldstandardwasaruleinthemodern(KydlandandPrescott1977)sense. Adheringtotheconvertibilityrulewasacrediblecommitmentmechanismto preventthemonetaryauthoritiesfromfollowingtimeinconsistentdiscretionary policies.Thegoldstandardrulewasalsoacontingentrule.Convertibilitycouldbe suspendedintheeventofwellunderstoodemergenciessuchasamajorwarora financialcrisisnotofthedomesticauthority’sownmaking(BordoandKydland 1995).Insuchcircumstancesthemonetaryauthoritycouldissuefiatmoneyonthe understandingthatitwouldberetiredoncethewarhadended.Intheeventofa financialcrisisatemporarysuspensioncouldallowtheauthoritytoprovidelender oflastresortliquidity. Centralbanksinadvancedcountriesbefore1914didconsistentlyfollowthe convertibilityrule.Theyalsoweresupposedtoadheretothe“rulesofthegame”– rulesofthumbthattheywouldusetheirdiscountratestospeeduptheadjustment toexternalimbalances.Inactualfactsomecountriesdidnotstrictlyfollowthese ”rulesofthegame“butengagedinsterilizationandgoldpolicy(policiestowiden thegoldexportpoint)(Bordo1981).1 1AprominentexampleofwhichwasFrance.SeeBazot,BordoandMonnet(2016).Asdiscussedin Bloomfield(1959)manyothercountriesalsoviolatedthe‘Rules”. 4 Cooperationduringthegoldstandardwasquitelimited.Totheextentthatcentral banksadheredtothegoldstandardtheyimplicitlycooperated.Eventheminor violationsofthegoldpointsthatoccurredwereneversufficienttothreatenthe internationalmonetarysystem.Thereisevidencethatinthefaceofseverallarge financialcrises(e.g.1890and1907))theBanquedeFrance,whichhadverylarge goldreserves,lentgoldoncommercialtermstotheBankofEngland,toallowitto avoidsuspendingconvertibility.Somearguethatthatthiscooperationwasessential tothesurvivalofthegoldstandard(BorioandToniolo2005,Eichengreen1992)but theevidencesuggestsotherwise(Flandreau1997andBordoandSchwartz1999). TheBankofEnglandhelda‘thinfilmofgold’becauseithadalongrecordof credibilitywhichensuredthatcapitalflowswouldbestabilizing.Moreover,in financialcriseswhichdidnotinvolverescueloanstheBankrequesteda‘Treasury Letter’allowingittotemporarilysuspendconvertibility.Whenthishappened,asin 1825and1847,thepanicended. Severalearlyunsuccessfulattemptsatinternationalmonetarycoordination occurredatanumberofconferencesheldtotrytostandardizegoldcoinsacrossthe majorcountries.InconferencesheldinParisin1867and1878Francetriedto convinceGreatBritainandtheUStochangetheweightsoftheirstandardgold sovereignandgoldeagleintothatofthefivefrancgoldcoin.Theideawasthat havingsimilarcoinsacrossthegoldstandardwouldreducethetransactionscostsof internationaltrade.Theadjustmentsinweightsforeachcurrencywereveryminor buttheBritishandAmericanoppositiontosuchaninfringementontheirmonetary sovereigntywasoverwhelming(Eichengreen2013a,James2016).Laterinthe 5 century,attheheightoftheFreeSilvermovement,anumberofinternational conferenceswereheldintheUStopromoteglobalbimetallism.Nothingcameoutof them. Thegoldstandardwassuccessfulbecauseitwasrulesbasedandeachmember voluntarilyadheredtotheconvertibilityrule.Manyauthorshavearguedthatgold standardadherencewasnotenoughtomaintainthegoldstandard(seeBordo 1984).TheyarguedthatitwasdurablebecauseitwasmanagedbyGreatBritain,the leadingcommercialpower.Londonwasthecenteroftheglobalfinancialsystemand ithousedtheleadingfinancialmarketsandcommoditymarketsandmany internationalbankshadheadquartersthere,oratleastbranches.Thetraditional viewisthattheBankofEnglandcoulddraw“moneyfromthemoon”byraisingits discountrate.Moreover,itwasbackedbythesafeassetsoftheBritishEmpire whosesovereigndebtwasguaranteedbytheBritishgovernment(Fergusonand Schularick2012).OthersarguethatFranceandGermanywerealsokeyplayersin thegoldstandardandthatimplicitcooperationbetweenthemguaranteedthesafety ofthesystem(TullioandWalters1996). Despiteitssuccessasarulesbasedsystem,thegoldstandardcollapsedbecause WorldWarIcompletelyunraveledtheglobalfinancialsystemandvirtually bankruptedalloftheEuropeanbelligerents.HadtheWarnothappeneditcould havelastedlonger. 3.TheInterwarGoldExchangeStandard1924to1936 6 AfterWorldWarI,GreatBritain,Franceandothercountriesexpressedastrong desiretorestorethegoldstandard.TheUShadneverleftgold,itjustimposedan embargoongoldexportsfortwoyearsafteritenteredthewarinApril1917.Allof thebelligerentshadfinancedtheirwareffortswithacombinationoftaxes,debtand seigniorage.Allhadlargedebtoverhangsandhighinflation.InGreatBritainthe pricelevelmorethandoubled,theUSinflatedsomewhatless,inFranceittripled andinGermanyitincreasedconsiderablymorethanthat.Thedebtoverhangand highinflationmeantthatitwouldbedifficultformostcountriestogobacktothe goldstandardattheprewarparitiesandmostexpertsbelievedthatitwouldtake majorinternationalcooperationandcoordinationtorestoreit.Twoimportant conferencesinBrussels1920andGenoa1922setthestagefortherestorationofthe goldstandard.Becauseofapredictedgoldshortage(therealpriceofgoldhadbeen vastlydeflatedbytheglobalwartimeinflation)itwastobeagoldexchange standardunderwhichmemberswouldholdbothforeignexchangeandgoldas internationalreserves.GreatBritainandtheUSweretobethecentercountriesof thenewinternationalmonetarysystemandtheyweretoholdtheirinternational reservesingoldvaluedattheprewarparities. Extensiveinternationalcooperationwasrequiredtostabilizethecentral Europeancountrieswhichhadrunhyperinflations.Thestabilizationpackageswere imposedbytheLeagueofNationsandprivatesectorlenderssuchasJPMorganin returnfortheloansrequiredtobuildupthereservesneededtorestore convertibilityinvolvedmassivedisinflationandbudgetbalance.TofacilitateGreat Britain’sreturntogoldin1925,theNewYorkFedestablisheda$200millionlineof 7 creditfortheBankofEnglandinNewYork(Bordo,HumpageandSchwartz2015 chaptertwo).TheFedalsokeptitspolicylooserthanwouldotherwisehavebeen thecase(FriedmanandSchwartz1963). Theinterwargoldstandardwasbasedontheconvertibilityruleaswasitsprewar ancestor,buttherulewasmorefragileandlesscredible.Onekeydifference betweenthegoldexchangestandardandtheclassicalgoldstandardwasthatfew countrieswereperceivedtobewillingtomaintainexternalbalanceattheexpense ofdomesticpolicygoals.Becauseoftheextensionofthefranchiseinmostcountries, thegrowthoforganizedlaborandthefreshresponsibilitiesofgovernmentsforthe economicandsocialwelfareoftheirpopulationsaftertheterribleexperienceof war,moreemphasiswasplacedondomesticoutput,employmentandprice stability.Centralbanksbegantofocusmoreonstabilizingthebusinesscyclein supportofexpansionaryeconomicpolicytargetsforemploymentandgrowth (Polanyi1944;Eichengreen1992).Inaddition,manyofthepostWWIparitieswere misaligned,reflectingmis-calculationofequilibriumexchangeratesandpolitical pressures,togetherwithsomerecognitionthatiftheparitywerechangeditcould bechangedagain,whichrecognitionmeantthatachangedparityreduced credibility.(Eichengreen1992chapter6).Sterlingwaspeggedtogoldatan overvalued(pre-war)parityinApril1925whileFrancewentbackin1926afteran 80%devaluation,atagreatlyundervaluedparity.Thismeantthattheadjustment mechanismofthegoldstandardwasdestinedtomalfunction(Meltzer2003).The BankofEnglandhadtocontinuallytightenmonetarypolicytoprotectitsgold reservesinthefaceofpersistentbalanceofpaymentsdeficits,whichcontinually 8 deflatedtheBritisheconomy(Keynes1925).Atthesametime,Franceranpersistent balanceofpaymentssurpluses,whichshouldhaveledtoanexpansioninthemoney supplyandinflationbutinsteadwerecontinuouslysterilized.Thismeantthat Francewasabsorbingalargerandlargeramountoftheworld’sgoldreserves(Irwin 2013).TheUSkeptsterilizingitssurpluses,joiningFranceinsuckinggoldfromthe restoftheworld.Inadditiontothemaldistributionofgold,thesystemwasfurther weakenedbyfailingconfidenceinsterlingasareservecurrency.Declininggold reservesattheBankofEnglandandFederalReservesterilizationpoliciesprompted countriestoshifttheirforeignexchangereservesfromsterlingtodollars (Eichengreenetal2016). Againstthisbackgroundofflawedrules,considerablecentralbankcooperation wasrequiredjusttopropupthesystem.Muchofthecooperationwaspersonal; betweenMontaguNorman,GovernoroftheBankofEngland,BenjaminStrong, GovernoroftheFederalReserveBankofNewYork,HjalmarSchacht,Presidentof theReichsbankandEmileMoreau,PresidentoftheBanquedeFrance(Clarke 1967,Ahamed2009,James2016).NormanandStrongworkedtirelesslytogetthe goldstandardworking.Onceunderway,theperennialproblemofsterling’s weaknesscametothefore.ItwasaggravatedbytheBanquedeFrance’sprogold policyofconvertingsterlingbillsintogold.InJuly1927Strongorganizeda clandestinemeetingbetweenthefourgovernorsattheUnderSecretaryofthe TreasuryOgdenMills’houseonLongIsland.Atthismeetingoneoftheclassic monetarypolicyco-ordinationsofalltimewasworkedouttoprotectsterling.The NewYorkFedagreedtocutitsdiscountrateandtoconductexpansionaryopen 9 marketoperationswhiletheBanquedeFrance(andtheReichsbank)agreedtoshift theirgoldpurchasesfromLondontoNewYork.Themeetingwasorganizedby StrongandonlyonememberoftheFederalReserveBoardinWashingtonwas present.Sterlingwassavedforanotherdaybutthefalloutfromthemeetinginthe USkeptspreading.In1931atthepeakoftheGreatContraction,AdolphMiller,a GovernoroftheFederalReserveBoard,blamedStrong’sactionsforfuelingtheWall StreetboomwhichburstinOctober1929andforcreatingtheGreatContraction. HiscriticismwaspickedupbyParkerWillisandCarterGlassandlaterbyHerbert HooverinhisMemoirs(Meltzer2003).Theepisodeeventuallyledtoamajor reformintheBankingActof1933whichstrippedtheNewYorkFed(andanyother Reservebank)ofanyroleininternationalmonetarypolicyandgavefull responsibilitytotheBoard.Moreover,Strong’sactionsbailingoutBritainontwo occasionsmayhaveencouragedmoralhazardbydiscouragingtheBritishfrom learningtoadjust(Meltzer2003).AfterStrong’sdeathin1928andSchacht’s departurefromtheReichsbank,Normanpushedhardtoinstitutionalizemonetary policycooperation,whichcametofruitionwiththecreationoftheBankfor InternationalSettlement(BIS)inBaselin1930. TheinitialoperationalpurposefortheBISwastomanageGermanreparations aftertheYoungPlan,butitsmorefundamentalfunctionwastoprovideaforumto promotecentralbankcooperationItwasalsosupposedtobeavenueforcentral bankcooperationbysharinginformationandprovidingaconfidentialforumfor centralbankerstomeetonaregularbasisaswellasprovidingservicesforcentral banks(e.g.goldswaps,deposits,linesofcredit)(TonioloandClemet,2005,Borio 10 andToniolo2005).Butitsearlyattemptsatcooperationwerenotsuccessful (James,2016).TheBISwasinvolvedintwofailedattemptsinspring/summerof 1931torescuetheAustrianschillingandtheGermanmark.Itsresourcesweretoo smallandtherescuesdidnothavethepoliticalbackingofFrance. Thearchitectureoftheinterwargoldstandardemphasizedtheimportanceof centralbanksfortheexerciseofmonetarypolicy.ThedelegatesattheGenoa InternationalEconomicConferencein1922explicitlystatedthatcentralbank cooperationwasavitalaspectofaprospectivenewgoldstandardandthatthis shouldbeinstitutionalizedinaconventionor‘entente’(SchenkandStraumann 2016;James2016).MontaguNormanpromotedanetworkofcentralbanks modeledontheBankofEnglandthatcouldcooperatetodeliver‘orthodox’policies aimedatmonetaryandexchangeratestability.Hisvisionwassupportedbythe FinancialCommitteeoftheLeagueofNations,whichsentmissionstoarangeof centralEuropeanstatesinthemid-1920saspartofcreatingacoordinated internationalmonetarysystem.SirOttoNiemeyerandothersfromtheBankof Englandtouredemergingmarketstoadviseonmonetarypolicy,‘soundmoney’and topromotetheestablishmentorreformofcentralbanks.Hisadvicewassometimes controversial,forexample,inAustraliawherehisrecommendationsofausterityto restoreexchangeratestabilityweregreetedwithindignation(Attard,1992;82). ManyWesternHemispherestateslookedtotheUS;EdwinKemmereroftheFederal ReserveBanktouredfrom1917-1931advisingontheorganizationofcentralbanks, includingColombia,Chile,Ecuador,BoliviaandPeru(Singleton,2011;60).Withthe increasedprominenceofcentralbanksandtheestablishmentoftheBankfor 11 InternationalSettlements,theinterwargoldstandard(whileitselfafailureof cooperationandcoordination)setthefoundationsforcentralbankcooperationfor thenextcentury. ThegoldexchangestandardcollapsedamidtheshocksoftheGreatDepression. ManyarguethatadherencetothegoldstandardcausedtheGreatDepression becauseof“goldenfetters”—becauseofthegoldconstraint,countriescouldnot followlenderoflastresortpolicies(Temin1989,Eichengreen1992)andbecauseof thecollapseoftheglobalmoneysupplygoldmultiplier(Bernanke1995).Others arguedthattheDepressionwascausedbyinappropriateFederalReservemonetary policy(FriedmanandSchwartz1963,Meltzer2003).ThecollapseintheUSmoney supplywasthentransmittedtotherestoftheworldbythefixedexchangerategold standard. Twomajorattemptsatmonetarypolicycoordinationwereundertakeninthe 1930sasthegoldexchangestandardcollapsed,oneadisasterandonequite successful.TheLeagueofNationssponsoredtheLondonMonetaryandEconomic ConferenceinJune1933totrytostabilizeexchangeratesandachieveconcessions ontraderestrictions.Theplanningforthesummitwasalreadyinplacewhenthe U.S.abandoneditsgoldpeginApril1933,andthetimingmeantthattherewaslittle prospectforasuccessfuloutcome.TheFrenchwereadamantforareturntogold, butwouldnotagreetoreflatetheireconomytosupportthetargetsinBritainand theUnitedStatesforrecoveryofprices,ortorelaxFrenchtraderestrictions (Eichengreen1992).InthewakeofthisnowtraditionalFrenchunwillingnessto cooperate,theBritishandAmericanadministrationsoptedfirmlytoprioritizetheir 12 domesticgoalsforpricestability.TheUKturnedtomonetaryandtradecooperation withthesterlingblocofcountriespeggedtothepound,thegoldbloccenteredon FrancebolstereditsdefensesandtheUSembarkedonitsownindependentpath. Threeyearslater,thetimingwasmorepropitiousforsuccessfulcooperation undertheTripartiteAgreementof1936betweentheUS,UKandFranceasthe Frenchpositionhadbecomeuntenablewhenthedollarandsterlingdepreciated againstgold.Franceneededacoordinateddevaluationtopreventafreefallinthe franc,andtheUSandUKalsohadaninterestinanorderlydepreciationofthefranc. Withthiscoincidenceofinterest,itwaspossibletoagreetoacommonstrategynot tomanipulateexchangeratesfornationaladvantage.Eachcountry’sExchange StabilizationFundengagedindailycoordinatedexchangemarketinterventionto produceanorderlydevaluationoftheFrenchfranc.Itendedattheoutbreakof WWII(Bordo,HumpageandSchwartz2015chapter3.) Monetarypolicycooperationandcoordinationcertainlycontributedtothe interwargoldexchangestandard’sproblemsbyproppingupaflawedsystemand possiblyevenhelpingfuelthe1920sassetpriceboom.Centralbankerswerelater blamedfortheGreatDepressionandhadtheirpowersandindependencestripped, withimportantconsequencesforthepostwarperiod.Unliketheprewargold standard,althoughthegoldexchangestandardwasrulesbased,thecircumstances andimplementationoftheruleswereflawedfromthebeginning.Centralbank monetarypolicycooperationandcoordinationdidnotfunctionwellinthis environment. 13 4.TheBrettonWoodsInternationalMonetarySystem1944to1973 DuringtheSecondWorldWar,theGreatDepressionwascharacterizedasafailure ofcoordinationininternationaltrade(protectionism)andalsointernational monetarypolicy;USmonetarypolicymistakesspilledovertoEuropeaneconomies, increasingthefragilityoftheglobalfinancialsystem.Thus,manyarguedthat destabilizinginternationalshorttermcapitalflowsfueledcompetitivedevaluations and‘currencywars’inthe1930sthatledtofurtherdisintegrationoftheglobal economyviaprotectionisttradebarriersandcapitalcontrols(,Nurkse1944, Kindleberger1986).Akeygoalofthepost-warperiodwasthereforetocreatea frameworkforcooperationandcoordinationunderpinnedbycrediblerulesto ensurealastingandprosperouspeace(Giovannini,1993).Formonetarypolicy,the rulesweretomaintainpeggedexchangerateswithinnarrowbands(+/-1%) supportedbycontrolsonshorttermcapitalflowsandaccesstoshorttermcredit (fromtheInternationalMonetaryFund)tocovertemporarybalanceofpayments imbalances.Unliketheinterwarsystem,membercountriescouldadjusttheir paritiesintheeventofa‘fundamentaldisequilibrium’(whichwasneverdefined). ThegoldconvertibilityrulewaspreservedthroughfixingthegoldpriceoftheUS dollarat$35/oz.Goldparitiesforothercurrencieswereidentifiedthroughthe dollar.Thecornerstoneoftheclassicalgoldstandard-convertibility–was restrictedtocurrentaccounttransactionstopromotemultilateraltradeand payments.Shorttermcapitalflowswereconsidereddisruptivetocooperationand 14 coordinationandweresacrificedtoenhancedomesticmonetarypolicysovereignty inthissolutiontotheMundell-Flemingtrilemma. ThehistoryofthedesignoftheBrettonWoodssystemisremarkableforthe strongconsensusthatareturntoapeggedexchangeraterule(andfreertrade)was thebestwaytorecapturethebenefitsofthe19thcenturyeraofglobalizationunder theGoldStandard.Thegeneralagreementontheappropriatenessandeffectiveness oftheruleshouldhavebodedwellforthesuccessandcredibilityofthesystem,if everyparticipantsharedroughlythesametoleranceforunemploymentand inflation.Butalmostassoonasitstartedtooperateasdesigned,itbegantofounder, requiringaseriesofrepairstokeepitafloat. Intheimmediateaftermathofthewarothersystemsofcoordinationwere formedtoallowmultilateraltradewithoutfullconvertibility:theEuropean PaymentsUnion(EPU)andtheSterlingAreawerethetwomostprominent examples.TheEPUprovidedmonthlyclearingforEuropeantradepaymentsfrom 1950-58withsettlementincreasinglyindollarsandgold.TheSterlingArea(UK, Commonwealth–exceptCanada–colonies,severalmiddleeasternstates)operated exchangecontrolsinconcertagainstthedollar,denominatedmostoftheirforeign exchangereservesinsterlingandenjoyedfreerinternationalcapitalflowsfrom 1945-58(thereafterthecoordinationeroded)(Schenk2010).Theseinterim solutionsallowedtradeliberalizationtofuelgrowth,andcurrentaccount convertibilitywasfinallyintroducedbymostcountriesattheendof1958. Buttheconvertibilityruleprovedinconsistentwithdomesticprioritiesoffull employmentandgrowthonceinternationalcapitalmarketscouldnolongerbe 15 contained.OffshoremarketsinLondonandcurrentaccountconvertibilityinthe 1960stestedthecredibilityofadherencetotheexchangeraterule,andtherewere repeatedparityadjustmentsthatunderminedthesystemasawhole.Thepegged raterulewasoperatedtooinflexibly,soinsteadofsmallandfrequentadjustments, therewererepeatedspeculativerushesontheDM,Francandsterling,inparticular, throughthe1960s.Bytheendofthe1960stheseattackshadspreadtothedollarat theheartofthesystemandthegoldconvertibilityrulewaseffectivelyabandonedin March1968. TheBrettonWoodssystemisanexampleofanelaborateeffortat institutionalizedcoordinationthatfailedbecauseoffundamentalflawsintherules underpinningthesystem(Schenk,2016).Instead,asetofcooperativeinitiatives weredeployedtopropthesystemuponanadhocbasisuntiltheconvertibilityand exchangeraterulesfinallygavewayin1973.Thiscooperationamongleading industrialeconomies(promotedinpartbyColdWarideology)allowedtheglobal economytoreapthebenefitsoffreertradeandtechnologicalinnovationduringthe first30yearsaftertheendoftheSecondWorldWarsothattheBrettonWoodsera wascharacterizedbylowinflationandrapidgrowth(Bordo1993). ThemostseriousvulnerabilityintheBrettonWoodsrulesarosefromtheuseof thedollarasaninternationalreservecurrency,andthereforerelianceonUS monetarypolicy.Theroleofthedollargraduallypolarizedthemainactorsinthe systemandcrystalizedtheirdistinctivecompetinginterests,underminingeffortsat coordinationanderodingcredibilityinthesystem’srules.AfterEuropeanstates declaredcurrentaccountconvertibilityattheendof1958,RobertTriffin(1960) 16 warnedthatonceoutstandingdollarreservesheldbytherestoftheworld surpassedtheUSmonetarygoldstockthatthiswouldincreasethepossibilityofa runonthedollarandacollapseofthesystem.Thinkingintermsoftheinterwar experience,TriffinworriedthatUSmonetaryauthoritieswouldtightenpolicy leadingtoaworlddepression.Forhimthesolutionwasthecreationofan alternativereserveassetsubjecttocoordinatedmanagement,likeKeynes’s(1943) proposedbancor.CloselyrelatedtotheTriffinparadoxwasthecritiquethattheUS gainedanexorbitantprivilegefromthedollar’spositioninthesystem.Sincethe dollarwasaninternationalreservecurrency,theUSdidnothavetoadjustto balanceofpaymentsdeficits,couldpromoteoutwarddirectinvestment(acquiring foreignassets)andtheUSgovernmentcouldborrowatlowerratesthanotherwise becauseoftheglobalappetitefordollardenominatedassets.TheFrenchin particularresentedthisandperiodicallypressedfortheworldtoreturntothe classicalgoldstandard(withdisruptiveeffects(Rueff1961).Recenteffortsto measurethe‘privilege’accordedtotheUSAfindittobeverysmall(McCauley, 2015).Meanwhile,WestGermansviewedtheUSdeficitsasinflationary,whichran countertoGermany’sstrongpreferenceforstablepricesandinhibitedthe BundesbankfromadjustingtheDMorreducingpersistentGermanbalanceof paymentssurpluses(Emminger1965).Nevertheless,thedollarpersistedatthecore ofthesystembecauseofitsdesirablepropertiesasavehiclecurrencyandthe unrivalledbreadthanddepthofUSfinancialmarkets.Atthetime,Depres,Salant andKindleberger(1966)arguedthattheUSactedasafinancialintermediary borrowingshorttermdepositsandlendinglongtermforeigninvestment.Inthis 17 view,aslongastheFedfollowedcrediblemonetarypolicythedollarstandardcould persist. AstheBrettonWoodssystemcrumbledthroughthesecondhalfofthe1960s, enormousenergywasputintoeffortstorenewtheframeworkforinternational policycoordination,withlittletangibleoutcome.Anarmyofinternationalcivil servantstouredtheworldonbehalfoftheG10industrialisedcountries,theOECD, theIMF,theCommitteeof20andtheGroupof24developingcountriesseekingto reformthesystemthroughschemessuchasreplacingtheUSdollarasprimary reserveassetorbroadeningexchangeratebands(Solomon1982;Williamson, 1977).Theseeffortswereplaguedbyalackofconsensusabouttheproblemtobe solved(toolittleinternationalliquidityortoomuch?)andtheproliferationof intereststhatmadeacoherentfocusmoredifficulttoachieveasproblemsof unequalgrowthanddevelopmentbecamemoreprominentduringthe1960s.US TreasurySecretaryHenryFowler’scallforanewWorldMonetaryConferencein July1965fellondeafearsastheprospectsforasuccessfulpublicmeetingweretoo slimtoriskthesubsequentshocktoconfidence.fromafailure(Schenk2010,259). Evenwhereareformwasachieved,inthecaseoftheSDRin1967/68,therewasno fundamentalconsensusaboutitspurposeoroperationandithasremainedformost ofitslifemainlyaunitofaccountratherthananeffectiveinternationalmonetary instrument(Schenk2010).Prolongeddiscussionstomakeitmoreusefulthrougha SubstitutionAccounttosupplementtheUSdollarduringthe1970sfailed(McCauley andSchenk,2015).Meanwhile,thecredibilityoftheexchangeraterulesevaporated 18 withmultipleadjustments,currencycrisesandtheendofconsensuseitheronthe diagnosisoftheproblemsintheinternationalmonetarysystemorthesolution. TheGeneralArrangementstoBorrow(GAB)in1961createdalineofcreditat theIMFsufficienttosatisfyaspeculativeattackonalargecountryliketheU.S.Its lastingimportanceisperhapslessthroughitsdirecteffectandmorefromthe creationofanewtierofleadershipintheglobalsystem.TheGroupof10countries involvedintheGABbecameanalternativetotheIMFExecutiveBoardasleadersof reformandasaforumforcooperation,challengingthebroaderconstituencyofthe IMFandtheinterestsofemergingmarketeconomies.2TheG10asacoordinating forumwasfurtherreinforcedsincetheG10centralbankgovernorsformedthe governingboardoftheBankforInternationalSettlements. InadditiontotheseambitiouseffortsatrenewedcoordinationthroughtheIMF, wastheincreasedintensityofcentralbankcooperationthroughtheauspicesofthe BankforInternationalSettlements.ThemonthlymeetingsofG10centralbank governors,supportedbyatechnocraticsecretariatandasetoftopic-basedexpert standingcommittees(Goodhart2011,TonioloandClement2005)providedan opportunityfor‘soft’cooperationthroughasharingofideas,policiesand instrumentsaswellasflexible,simpleandeffectiveresponsessuchascoordinated linesofcreditandswaps. Themeetingswereprivateandsecret,withnoformalminutesandthispromoted afrankexchangeofviews.ThemonthlymeetingsofG10centralbankgovernorsand 2G10wereCanada,UK,USA,Italy,France,Belgium,Netherlands,Japan,Sweden,andWestGermany. SwitzerlandalsoparticipatedinmultilateralactivitiesthroughtheBIS.Luxembourgalsojoinedfor theBaselCommittee. 19 theirstaffsinBaseldidnotattractpoliticalattentionorrequireparliamentary oversightinthewaythatIMFmeetingsandedictsdid.TheBIS,therefore,becamea preferredvenueforcooperationforcountriessuchastheUK,whichstruggledto maintainthesterlingexchangeratethroughthe1960suntilitfloatedinJune1972 (Schenk2010;Schenk2016). Therewerethreemaincooperativeeffortsamongcentralbankstosupportthe goldandexchangeraterulesoftheBrettonWoodssystem;theGoldPool, multilateralGroupArrangementsandbilateralFedswaps. TheGoldPoolbeganasanintergovernmentalinitiativefromtheUSTreasury SecretaryinSeptember1961tokeepthemarketgoldpriceattheofficialprice.It wasthrustupontheG10centralbankgovernorsinNovember1961;onlythe Bundesbankwasanenthusiasticsupporterfromtheoutset(TonioloandClement, 2005pp.376-77).Eachcentralbankpledgedasetamountforgoldsalestothepool andtheUSFedmatchedtheamountsoftheothermemberstoatotalof$270 million.Ontheotherside,theBankofEnglandintervenedtobuygoldwhenthis wouldnotraisethegoldprice.Partoftheproceedsfromtheseoperations($30 million)waskepttofundsales,thussavingtheformalgoldpoolfortimeswhen therewasasustainedupwardpressureonthegoldprice,whichstartedfrom1965.3 ThePooloperatedreasonablywelluntilafterthedevaluationofsterlingby14.3%in November1967.Thispromptedafatallossofconfidenceinthegoldvalueofthe dollarandthemarketrateofgoldwasfinallyallowedtoriseafteraruninMarch 1968,althoughcentralbanksandtheIMFagreedtocontinuetotradeattheofficial 3Canada,JapanandSwedenjoinedin1964,creatingtheG10GoldandForeignExchangeCommittee, theprecursortothecurrentMarketsCommittee. 20 rateof$35/oz.Atthispoint,itbecameclearthattheresourcesofcentralbanks couldnot‘buck’themarketforanylengthoftime.Fromthisdate,thegold convertibilityruleoftheBrettonWoodssystemwasessentiallyoverandtheentire system’sdayswerenumbered. Asecond(andlesswellknown)supportwasthearrangementofcoordinated linesofcreditamongtheG10centralbankgovernorsattheBISstartingin1960 (Schenk2010;TonioloandClement2005).AspikeintheLondongoldpriceto $40.00inOctober1960onfearsthatJohnFKennedywouldfollowaninflationary policyifelectedledtoaflurryofattemptsatcooperation(includinggoldswaps) betweentheESFandarangeofEuropeancentralbanks,a$1billioncreditlineof goldfromtheBISandfinallyrevaluationoftheDMandDutchguilderinMarch 1961. Inthiscontextofdollarfragility,theBritishconvincedtheG10thatsupporting sterlingwasavitalbulwarkforthecontinuationoftheBrettonWoodssystemand therebygarneredmultilateralsupport.TheItalianlirareceivedsignificantsupport butsterlingwasthemainbeneficiary,repeatedlyarrangingemergencyshortterm linesofcredit:$904millionin1961,$250millioninMarch1963,$1billionin September1964,$3billioninNovember1964.Toputthisinperspective,$3bin 1964isequivalentto$37.7billionin1997whichisonlyslightlylessthanthe$40b rescuepackagearrangedforMexicoin1997bytheIMF,theWorldBank,BISand bilateralswapscombined–andmuchmorethanthe$10bpledgedtoMexicobythe G10centralbanksthroughtheBIS.Evenforthe1997KoreanCrisis,the13 contributorstothecoordinatedrescuepackageonlypledged$20billion. 21 From1965theBankofEnglandbegantonegotiatealongertermsolutiontothe retirementofsterlingasareserveasset,culminatingintheFirstGroup Arrangementin1966,forupto$1billioninsupporttobeactivatedbyaspecificfall inglobalsterlingreserves(Schenk,2010).Aswiththeotherlinesofcredit,the GroupArrangementwasnotfullydrawn,partlybecauseitsverypresenceimproved confidence.Only$75millionoftheBIS’sownpledgewasusedandthefacilitywas renewedwithoutmuchdiscussioninMarch1967.However,thecreditwas completelyexhaustedbythetimeofthesterlingdevaluationofNovember1967,as wellasafurtherlineofcreditof$250millionorganizedbytheBISasprincipal.But thiswasnottheendoftheG10centralbankers’cooperationtosupportthedecline ofsterling. InthemidstofarunonthedollarandthecollapseoftheGoldPoolinMarch 1968,theBankofEnglandtriedunsuccessfullytogetanewpackageof$5billionin credit.Insteadcentralbankspledged$1.175billion,almosthalffromextendingthe Fed’sUKswapfacilityfrom$1.5billionto$2billion.Soonafter,theBISbeganto planaSecondGroupArrangementtoretiresterling,supportedbya$2billionlineof credit(equiv.$38btoday).Thistime,theUKwasforcedtonegotiatebilateral agreementswitheachindividualcountrythatheldsubstantialsterlingreserves(34 inall)tolimitthediversificationoftheirreserves.4ThisSecondGroupArrangement wasfinallyconcludedinSeptember1968,popularlyknownastheBaselAgreement. Itwasrenewedseveraltimes(despitethedepreciationofthedollarin1971andthe floatofsterlingin1972). 4In1968,23countriesheldoverhalfoftheirreservesinsterling. 22 AthirddefenseforthedollarwastheFederalReserve’sseriesofbilateralswap linesbetweentheUSandmajorcurrenciesbegunin1962.Theswapswerecovered short-termloanfacilitiesbetweentheFedandothercentralbanks,usuallyfor3 months,andservedtwopurposes.CountriesoutsidetheUSdrewdollarsto interveneinforeignexchangemarketstosupporttheircurrencies(theBankof Englanddrew$8.65bfrom1962-71.Ontheotherside,theFeddrewontheswapsto supportthedollarpriceofgold.Theseswapsprovidedashort-termexchangevalue guaranteeandtherebydiscouragedcentralbanksfromconvertingtheirunwanted or‘excess’dollarstogold.TheFeddrew$11.6binforeigncurrenciesfrom1962-71 (Bordo,Humpage,Schwartz,2014).Theseswaplinesweresometimesretiredwith foreignexchangeorRoosabonds(USTreasurysecuritiesdenominatedinforeign currencies)(Bordo,HumpageandSchwartz2015ch.4).Theswapnetwork expandedfromlessthanabilliondollarsin1962whenthefirstswapwasmade withFrance,tocloseto$12billionbyAugust1971and$20bbyinmid-1974by whichtimethenetworkincluded14centralbanks(includingtheBIS). Thesetoolsandrescuepackagesallworkedintheshort-runtoheadoffthe‘crise dujour’butthesystemwasnolongerconsistentwithUSdomesticpolicygoals.By thespringof1971theFrenchandBritishthreatenedtoconverttheiroutstanding dollarholdingsintogold(Garber1993,Bordo1993)andinAugust1971President NixonclosedtheUSgoldwindowontheadviceofhisTreasurySecretaryConnolly. TheBrettonWoodssystemdidnotcollapseintodeflationasTriffinprophesized; rathertheproblemwasinflation.TheUSfollowedthekeygoldstandardruleof keepinginflationlowuntil1965,butfromthenontheFedfollowedexpansionary 23 monetarypolicytohelpfinancetheVietnamWarandLBJ’sGreatSociety.Itthus brokethebasicruleoftheBrettonWoodsSystemandtheEuropeansbecame increasinglycriticalofUSinflation(Bordo1993). Liketheinterwarsystem,BrettonWoodswasarulesbasedsystembuttherules werebothanalyticallyflawedandincompatiblewiththepoliticaleconomy environmentofthetime.Ineachcasetheexchangeraterulewasformallyset(and inBrettonWoodstherewasanelaborateinstitutionalframeworktopromote coordination)buttherewasnounderpinningdomesticpolicyruletosupportthe system.Policymakersatthetimehadanincompleteunderstandingoftheroleand effectofmonetarypolicyandtheyprioritizedthepursuitoffullemploymentover pricestability(tovaryingdegrees).Totopthisoff,theUSascentercountrybroke thekeyruleofthesystembyrunninganinflationarypolicy.ThattheBretton Woodssystemlastedaslongasitdidwasdueinasignificantwaytoeffective centralbankcooperationencouragedbyadeepfearoffloatingexchangeratesand theimpactontheglobaleconomyofacollapseoftheexchangeraterules.This cooperationtranscendedthecollapseofthesystemthatitwassupposedtodefend. 5.TheTransitiontoFloating1968to1973 Althoughmostcurrenciesabandonedtheirdollarpegsintheearly1970s(starting withsterlinginJune1972followedbytheDMandYeninarushinFebruary-March 1973)therewasstillareluctancetoabandonthepeggedexchangeraterule(Schenk andSingleton,2011).Mostdevelopingandemergingmarketsretainedsomeform ofpegeithertothedollar,sterling,SDRoratrade-weightedbasket.Mostwestern 24 Europeancountriestookdeliberatestepstowardnarrowerexchangeratemargins throughtheSnakeandplansforeconomicandmonetaryunion(Mourlon-Druol 2012).Duringthe1960s,thetradeintegrationoftheEuropeaneconomiesduring thecreationofthecommonmarketincreasedthecostofexchangeratefluctuations andledthemdownanexceptionalpathtomonetaryunion,whichweleavetoothers todiscuss.Meanwhile,theUSeconomyhadmoretogainfromfloating(orsinking) thedollarexchangeratewhileEuropeandJapanhadmoretolosethrough uncontrolledappreciationoftheircurrencies.Theextraordinarytenacityofthe appealofasystembasedonapeggedexchangeraterulewasclearlydemonstrated intheill-fatedSmithsonianAgreementof1971. InAugust1971PresidentNixonfinallyendedthecharadeofthegold convertibilityrulebyclosingthegoldwindow,abruptlycallingtimeontheeffortsto resolvepersistentimbalancesbythreateningatradewarandshiftingthe responsibilityforadjustmenttosurpluscountries.WithintheUSTreasuryandFed therewasincreasingsupportforjettisoningtheexchangeratepegaswell,butthe interimgoalwasforgreaterflexibilityatanadjustedrate.TheNixonShockalso belatedlywoketheG10andtherestoftheworldtotheimportanceofJapanasa crucialplayerincoordination.Wherethefocusduringthe1960shadbeenmainly onGermansurpluses,JapanwasthemaintargetofUSpressureforadjustmentin thenegotiationsthatfollowed.TheSmithsonianAgreementre-builtthepegged exchangeratesystematnewparitieswithwiderbands,butthecredibilityofthe systemquicklyevaporatedinrepeatedrunsonthedollaruntilmostcountrieshad abandonedtheirdollarpegsbythespringof1973. 25 Asinthe1930s,thesystemwaspulledapartbypersistentimbalances,partly causedbytwooilpriceshocksin1973/4and1979.Theendoftheeraofrapid growthwithrelativelylowinflationpromptedalossofconfidenceamongpolicymakersandtheymostlyabandonedeffortsatcooperationandcoordinationinan attempttoshoreuptheirdomesticeconomies.Theseeminglyendlesscircusof panelsandmeetingstoreformtheinternationalmonetarysystemcontinued throughoutthe1970sinParis,London,WashingtonandBonnbuttherewaslittle consensusonhowtoachievestablemonetarypolicyandnorulestounderpin effortsatmonetarycooperationandcoordination. Instead,thefocusturnedtohowtocorrectpersistentglobalimbalancesthrough rulestoforcecountriesinsurplustoadjusttheirexchangerates(adirectreversalof theburdenofadjustmentundertheBrettonWoodssystem).Investigationshad begunduringtheBrettonWoodseraintheUSTreasuryasawaytoredresstheUS deficitaswellastointroducegreaterexchangerateflexibilityintothesystem, drawingonideasfromRichardCooper(1970)andothers(Schenk,2016).ThesocalledPlanXemergedfromaspecialpolicygroupledbyPaulVolckerfrom1969. By1972(beforesterlingfloated)theproposalwasforasetofindicatorsincluding thesizeofreservestopromptmultilateralpressureonacountrytoadjustits exchangerate.AlthoughnotinitiallygatheringsupportfromEuropeanstatessuch asFrance,whichwereaversetofloatingexchangerates,theconceptretainedits attractionsandversionsre-emergedinthemid-1980sandagaininthe2000sasa waytodiscouragetheaccumulationofglobalimbalances. 26 Thekeylessonfromthisperiodwasthedifficultyofrevivinganinternationalrules basedsystemwhendomesticpolicyprioritiesdiverged. 6.ManagedFloating1973tothepresent 6.11973to1980 Theinternationalmonetarysystemswitchedtoamanagedfloatingregimein1973. MiltonFriedman(1953)arguedthatfloatingrateshadtheadvantagesofinsulating thedomesticeconomyfromexternalmonetaryshocksandthattheygavemonetary authoritiestheindependenceofconductingmonetarypolicytosatisfydomestic goalswithoutimposingcapitalcontrols.AccordingtoFriedman,independencefrom theconstraintofpeggedexchangeratesrequiredmonetaryauthoritiestofollow stablerulesbasedmonetarypolicies.HispreferredrulewasfortheFedtofollowa constantmoneygrowthrateequaltothegrowthrateofrealGDPadjustedforthe trendgrowthrateofvelocity.Otherwisemonetaryinstability,inadditionto producinginstabilityinpricesandrealincome,wouldalsoleadtoinstabilityinthe nominalexchangerate. IttookclosetotwodecadesfortheFederalReserveandothercentralbanks(with theprincipalexceptionsoftheBundesbankandtheSwissNationalbank)tolearn thislesson.The1970swasadecadeofmonetaryinstabilitymanifestinhighand variableinflation.Thiswasreflectedinexchangeratevolatility.Thereisan extensiveliteratureontheGreatInflation(BordoandOrphanides2013).Many attributeittoflawedmonetarypolicybycentralbankstryingtomanipulatethe PhillipsCurvetrade-offtoachievefullemployment.Othersattributedittothe 27 accommodationofsupplyshocks(BlinderandRudd2013).Inflationbegantorisein themid-1960sand,asmentionedabove,contributedgreatlytothecollapseofthe BrettonWoodsSystem. Monetaryauthoritiesengagedinextensiveinterventiontostemtheperceived volatilityofexchangerates.TheFedandothercentralbanksbelievedthatforeign exchangemarketswereinherentlyunstableandthatexchangemarketintervention wasrequiredtokeepexchangeratesclosetotheirfundamentalsandtoreduce unexplainedvolatility(Bordo,HumpageandSchwartz2015chapterfive).Itwasnot untilthenextdecadethattheFedandothercentralbankslearnedthatstable domesticmonetarypolicygearedtolowinflationwouldreduceinstabilityin nominalexchangerates. TwoofthepropsdesignedfortheBrettonWoodssystemwereretainedthrough the1970s.Eventhoughsterlingwasmeanttobefloating,theG10centralbanks werereluctantlyconvincedtolaunchaThirdGroupArrangementinFebruary1977 of$3billion(equiv.to$28.7btoday)tofinallykilloffsterling’sresidualreserverole (Schenk,2010).ThistimethecoordinatedsupportwascontingentontheIMF conditionalityfromthe1976stand-by;theG10hadshiftedtheirmonitoring responsibilitiestotheIMF.Theprolongedsupportfortheorderlyretirementof sterlingfrom1960-1978wasanimportantexampleofcoordinationamongcentral bankstotrytoavoidacrisisintheglobalmonetarysystemandmanageanorderly transition. TheFed’scentralbankswapsystemalsocontinued,althoughtheexchangerate coverofferedtoforeigncentralbankswasremovedandasaconsequencenoG10 28 foreigncentralbankdrewontheswapsfrom1973-1980.TheFed,however, increasinglydrewontheswapsystemtosupporttheirinterventiontostabilizethe dollar.By1978totalfacilitiestotaled$29.4b,althoughatitshighestpoint(in1978) outstandingFedswapobligationsamountedtoonly$5.5b.Thepublicizedceilings hadalargelyrepresentationalpurposetodemonstratethecommitmentofthe partners(Bordo,HumpageandSchwartz2014). Againstthebackgroundofrisinginflationandwiththedollardepreciating againsttheDMandyenandothercurrencies,theFederalReserveengagedin frequentandmassivesterilizedexchangemarketintervention.Manyofthesalesof DMandYenwerefinancedbyborrowingviaswaplineswiththeBundesbankand othercentralbanksuntil1980.SomeoftheFedinterventionswerecoordinated withsimilaroperationsbytheBankofJapan,Bundesbankandothercentralbanks. AfterDecember1975theFedcooperatedcloselywithothercentralbanks,keeping theminformeddailyoftheiractions,althoughalloftheoperationsinthisperiod werecovert.Empiricalevidencesuggeststhatmuchoftheinterventionhadvery smallandpossiblyverytemporaryeffectsinreversingexchangeratemovements. Bordo,HumpageandSchwartz2015(p.236)concludedthatforthe1974to1977 period“only49percentoftheactiveinterventionstosupportthedollarandonly64 percentofthepassiveinterventionstoacquireGermanmarksappearsuccessful.” Thesituationworsenedinthenextthreeyears.In1978thedollarwentintoafree fallreflectingtheFed’slackofsuccessinarrestinginflation.OnNovember11978, theCarteradministration(alongwiththeFed)announcedamassivedollardefense packageconsistingofa1percentagepointincreaseinthediscountrateto9½per 29 cent,a$30bincreaseinforeignresourcesandclosercooperationwithGermany, JapanandSwitzerland.Theforeigncurrencypackageincludeda$47.6bincreasein theFed’sswaplineswiththesecountries.TheTreasuryalsowouldissueupto$10 billioninGermanmarkandSwissfrancdenominatedsecurities,calledCarterbonds (Bordo,HumpageandSchwartz2015page243).Massivecoordinatedexchange marketinterventionswiththeBundesbankandothercentralbanksfollowedinthe nexttwomonths.Inreactiontotheseactionsthedollarbeganappreciatingagainst themark. ButtheevidencefortheperiodSeptember1977toOctober51979suggeststhat ‘”despitethechangesinamounts,frequency,objectivesandopenness,US operationswerenomoreeffectivethantheearlieroperations.Asinthepre-1977 period,theydemonstratedsometendencytomoderateexchangeratemovements” (Bordo,HumpageandSchwartz2015page247). Inreactiontothevolatilityinthedollarandthepublic’sreactiontorising inflationandinflationexpectations,PresidentCarterappointedPaulVolckeras ChairmanoftheFederalReserveBoardinOctober1979withthemandatetoend theinflation.TheVolckershockofOctober51979whentheFedshiftedtoatight monetaristtypemonetary(non-borrowedreserves)targetingstrategy,raisedthe discountrate,imposedreserverequirementsandallowedinterestratestorise dramatically,eventuallybrokethebackofinflationandinflationaryexpectations andreversedthedeclineofthedollar.Similarpolicieswerefollowedinother countries. 30 The1970swasalowpointfortheIMFastheofficialhubofinternational monetarycoordination.Itwasonlyin1976thattheIMFfinallyrecognisedthe legitimacyofflexibleorfloatingexchangeratesandfromthistimetheIMF,seeking aroletoreplacetheoneithadlost,turnedmoreresolutelytofocusontheinterests ofdevelopingeconomiesratherthangovernanceoftheinternationalmonetary system.Thiseffortalsobroughtmixedsuccessasthegapbetweenrichandpoor countrieswidenedandmanyeconomiesaccumulatedunsustainableamountsof debt,whicheruptedinthe1982sovereigndebtcrisis. Instead,themid-1970sgaverisetothe‘G’-summits,startingwiththeG6at Rambouilletin1975,addingCanadain1976andthenRussiain1998toformtheG8. Thesewereannualmeetingsofpoliticalleaderssupportedbyfinanceministers’ meetingsandmeetingsofcentralbankers.Forcentralbanks,ofcourse,thesummits supplementedtheregularmonthlymeetingsamongG10centralbankgovernorsat Basel.Thesummitsgenerallyresultedinrathermundaneandrepetitivepublic statementscommittingtheparticipantstoensuringstablemarkets,buttheyalso providedanopportunityforsharingofideasandapproachestoglobaleconomic challengesinformally.The1975G7Summitpledgedmembersto‘closer internationalcooperationandconstructivedialogueamongallcountries’tocombat inflationandunemploymentandthat‘ourmonetaryauthoritieswillacttocounter disorderlymarketconditions,orerraticfluctuations,inexchangerates’.Very similarlanguageisusedinthejointdeclarationseversince,usuallywithreference toworkinginconjunctionwiththeIMF.AmoreambitiousinitiativeattheBonn Summitof1978saweachgovernmentexplicitlycommittedtospecificgoalsof 31 growth,lowinflationand/orfiscalpolicy‘tobringaboutabetterpatternofworld paymentsbalancesandleadtogreaterstabilityininternationalexchangemarkets’; dubbed”thelocomotive”.Buttheseeffortswerederailedbythesecondoilcrisisso thatthenextsummitatTokyoin1979focusedinsteadontargetstocutoilimports andconsumption. Monetarycooperationviacoordinatedexchangemarketintervention(EMI)and otherstrategiesdidnotworkinthisperiod.Thiswasbecausemostcentralbanks didnotfollowarulesbasedpolicyofkeepingdomesticinflationlow,consistentwith beingonafloatingexchangerate. 6.2The1980s The1980ssawareturntoaconsensusinmonetarytheoryandpolicy.Paul Volcker’ssuccessinstemminginflationintheUSwasapplaudedbycentralbankers andgovernmentsacrossthedevelopedworld.Anexaminationoftheminutesofthe monthlymeetingsoftheG10centralbankgovernorsshowsthatinthe1970sthey sharedtheircommonfrustrationswiththeirgovernments’inabilitytobeconsistent intheirpolicyguidanceandtheensuinglackofcredibilityofmonetarypolicy.They wriggledundertheirlackofindependencewhenorderscamefromministriesto reversetightmoneytopromotegrowthtargetsattheexpenseofhigherinflation. ThroughtheseregularmeetingsattheBIStheG10centralbankgovernorscreated anepistemiccommunitywithsharedgoalsforinflationbutalsoageneral commitmenttoavoiddestabilisingshorttermexchangeratechanges.Asthe operationalarmforcoordination,thisforumwasimportantforsharinginformation, 32 debateandformingopinioneventhoughtheylackedpolicyindependence.This observationgoesbeyondEichengreen’s(2013a)identificationoftheBasel CommitteeonBankingSupervisionasanepistemiccommunity,toincludethe formativedevelopmentofcommonapproachestomonetarypolicy. Volcker’spolicyshiftwasapparentlytakenwithalmostnoexternalconsultation (therewasadvancenoticefortheBundesbank)soitcannotbeclassifiedasan exampleofcooperationorcoordination.Instead,itsetthestageforanewdomestic basedruleformonetarypolicy.Duringthe1970scentralbankershadcomplainedto eachotherattheirmonthlymeetingsinBaselaboutinconsistentministersand treasuryofficials,theconflictbetweeninflationandemploymenttargetsandthe lackofcredibilityoftheirmonetarypolicyinthispoliticalenvironment.Volcker’s ‘unconventional’monetarypolicyin1979wasthereforeapplaudedatthe subsequentBISGovernors’meetingandVolcker’scolleaguesaskedwhattheycould dotohelpmakethepolicyeffective.Theirenthusiasmwastemperedbyinterest rateinstabilityandperceivedspillovereffectsthrough1980and1981,butthey continuedtoaccommodateUSmonetarypolicyandthecommunicationatthe monthlyBaselmeetingsnodoubtenhancedthatprocessofcooperationthroughthe sharingofinformation.Atthesametime,thesystemofswapsandcoordinated shortterminterventiontosmoothforeignexchangemarketvolatilitythathadbeen developedinthe1960swascontinued. Theabilitytofollowamonetaryrulewasdramaticallyreinforcedbyinnovations insmallercountries.NewZealand’sexperimentwithcentralbankindependence andtransparentinflationtargetingsetthemodelforthetransformationofthe 33 credibilityofmonetaryrules,justaseconomictheoryandunderstandingof monetarypolicywasenhancedbytheidentificationoftheTaylorRule.Bytheend ofthe1980s,therefore,wehadreturnedtoarulebasedsystemfoundedon domesticmonetarypolicyactionsbyindependentcentralbanksactingintheirown countries’interests,whichseemedtogeneratealastingperiodofmoderate inflation.Butthelingeringambitionsformoreelaboratecoordinationhadmuch lesssuccess. Whilecentralbankersmovedclosertoacommonunderstandingonmonetary policy,governmentsandTreasurybureaucratscontinuedtoseekexchangerate stabilityoratleastthe‘orderlyexchangemarkets’describedastheagreedgoalin therevisedIMFstatutes.Exchangeratevolatilitycontinuedascentralbanks learnedtoadoptandoperatethenewsetofdomesticmonetaryrules,andthe1980s witnessedaseriesofgrandgesturesummitrytocoordinateexchangerateandfiscal policythatproducedmixedresults. TheVolckershockandthreeyearsoftightmonetarypolicyledtoadeclinein inflationfromapeakof15%in1979to3%bythemid-1980s.Thisledtoamarked appreciationinthedollartoadvancedcountries—by55%onatradeweighted basis.By1985Germanyandothercountrieswerecomplainingaboutthe imbalancesandtheBundesbankhadbeeninterveningtooffsetthedepreciating mark.Moreimportant,thestrongdollarwasharmingtheexportsofUS manufacturedgoodsandthisledtothreatsintheCongresstoraisetariffs.The incomingSecretaryoftheTreasuryJamesBakerwasamuchbiggerfanof macroeconomicpolicycoordinationandofEMIthanhispredecessorDonaldRegan 34 (underwhosewatchtherewasonlylimitedEMI).SoattheG7FinanceMinisters SummitmeetingatthePlazahotelinNewYorkCityonSeptember221985 ministersagreedthatcoordinatedEMIwouldbeusedtodepreciatethedollar.They alsoagreedthattheUSwouldfollowexpansionarymonetarypolicyandJapan woulddotheopposite.Immediatelyupontheannouncementthedollardeclined. However,ithadbeenfallingsinceFebruary1985andtheincreasebeforethe meetingwasonlyatemporaryblip.MassivecoordinatedinterventionbytheFed, BundesbankandBankofJapanlastedtwoweeksbuttheevidencethatitwas successfulislimitedFeldstein(1986);Humpage(1988)arguedthatmonetarypolicy hadturnedlooserwellbeforethePlazaandthatthismorelikelyexplainedthe turnaroundinthedollar.Bordo,HumpageandSchwartz2015(page304)foundthat theEMIdidnothavemucheffectontheexchangerate.Ontheotherhand, DominguezandFrankel(1993)foundthatcoordinatedEMIdidhavesignificant effectsandFrankel(2016)arguedthatthePlazawasasuccess.Howeverthepart oftheagreementthaturgedJapantofollowtightermonetarypolicythanconsistent withmacrofundamentalsledtheBankofJapantokeeprateshigherthanwouldbe thecasehaditfollowedaTaylorrulein1986(IMF2011,Taylor2016). Thedollardeclinedthrough1986leadingtoconcernsthatithadfallentoofar. MembersattheG7meetingattheLouvreFebruary221987agreedtocoordinate policiestostabilizethedollar.ThismeantcoordinatedEMIintheoppositedirection thanatthePlaza,andthatJapanwouldfollowmoreexpansionarymonetaryand fiscalpolicywhiletheUSandGermanyandtheotherswouldkeeptheirmacro policiesconstant.AswiththePlazaAgreement,thereisstrongevidencethattheEMI 35 hadlittleeffect(Bordo,HumpageandSchwartz2015)buttherewerelongerlasting effectsontheJapaneseeconomythatweredevastating.AftertheLouvreAccord policyratesdeviatedinanegativewayfromarulesbasedpolicyandmanyargue thatthisexpansionarymonetarypolicytriggeredtheassetpriceboombustleading toaseriousbankingcrisis,andoveradecadeofstagnation. 6.3TheGreatModeration1985to2006 Bythelate1980smostadvancedcountrieshadlowinflation,hadadoptedcentral bankindependence,andwerefollowingrulesbasedmonetarypolicyThisledtoa 20-yearperiodofstableandlowinflation,andstableandrapidrealgrowth.Mostof thedisturbancesintheglobaleconomyaroseinemergingeconomiesratherthan industrialisedcountriesatthecoreoftheglobaltradeandfinancialsystem. Beginninginthelate1980stheFederalReservebegantoturnawayfromtheuse ofexchangemarketinterventionasasignificantpolicytool.Anextensivedebateat theFOMCandintheacademyarguedthatsterilizedEMIandcrediblemonetary policywereconflictinggoals.By1995ChairmanGreenspanagreedandtheUSonly undertooksuchactionsonthreeoccasionssince.Alsointhisperiodeconomists argued,basedongametheoryandmulticountryeconometricmodels,thatcentral banksthatpursuedcrediblerulesbasedmonetarypolicyminimizedthespillovers thatwerebelievedtohavenecessitatedcoordinatedpolicies(Taylor1985).Asit turnedout,inthisperiodtherewerefeweroccasionswhentherewasacallfor monetarypolicycoordinationotherthanthemundanestatementsatG7summits. 36 Instead,themainfocusofcooperation/coordinationreturnedtothelenderoflast resortroleofthe1960sand1970s. 6.4ReturntoLenderofLastResort Whileindustrialcountriesmainlyadoptedfloatingormanagedfloatingexchange rates,manyemergingmarketeconomieswithunderdevelopedfinancialsystems, andthinandshallowdomesticforeignexchangemarketsoptedforadjustable peggedexchangerates.Throughthemid-1980smanyoftheseeconomiesgrew quicklythroughexportorientedindustrialization,particularlyinEastAsia.They wereencouragedbytheIMFandWorldBanktoliberalizetheircapitalmarketsbut theirinstitutionswerenotstrongandthiscontributedtoarashoffinancialand currencycrisesinthe1990sasthedollarappreciated.5Theseepisodeswere viewedasposingsystemicthreatsviacontagiontotheadvancedcountriesand promptedcallsforinternationalcooperation,withcentralbanksservingaslenders oflastresorttosupplementtheresourcesoftheIMF.Thepatternofsupport packagesechoedseveralaspectsoftheBaselAgreementsofthe1960sand1970s; thereluctanceofdebtorsincrisistosubmittotheIMFasafirstlineofdefense,the insistenceofcreditorsonanIMFsealofapprovalbeforeofferingcoordinated bilateralsupport,thepreferenceofcentralbanksandgovernmentstoprovideonly contingentlinesofcreditthattheyhopedwouldnotbedrawn.Buttheydiffered significantlybecausetheoperationswerebail-outsratherthanrescues(inthe 5Inthe1990smanyemergingmarketcountrieswereadvisedtoadoptfirmpegsorcurrencyboards toimportcrediblenon-inflationarymonetarypolicies. 37 lenderoflastresortsense)(BordoandSchwartz,1999,2000)andthisheightened themoralhazard. Ineachcase(Mexico,Thailand,Indonesia,SouthKorea,Brazil,Argentina,Russia) thecrisisarosefromovervaluedcurrenciespeggedtotheUSdollar,whichwere toppledbyasuddenreversalofcapitalflowsthatprompteduncontrolled devaluationandafinancialcrisis.Weakfinancialsectors,heavyforeigncurrency denominatedborrowing,governmentguaranteesandexuberantinvestors contributedtothefragilityofthesystem(BordoandMeissner2016).Ineachcase thedebtorcountryinitiallysoughttoby-passtheconditionalityoftheIMFand activateswapsorbilateralsupport(Boughton,2010).But,inlinewiththefinal coordinatedsupportofferedbytheG10totheUKinthe1970s,creditorcountries insistedonanIMF‘sealofapproval’throughacontingent(smaller)stand-by agreementwithaletterofintent.TheIMFinsistedondevaluation,restructuring financialmarketsandfiscalretrenchment,withmixedsuccess.Internationalpolicy coordinationwasthusoperatedthroughtheIMFExecutiveBoardandthencentral banksandfinanceministerssupplementedthiscredit,ofteninlargeramounts.The differencefromthe1960sand1970swasthatthefundswereusedtobailout creditorsratherthanasaresourceforcentralbankstogainabreathingspace.The coordinatedoperationsthereforecreatedmoralhazardthatwasonlypartiallyoffset bytheIMF-inducedrestructuringprograms(moresuccessfulinsomecountriesthan others). Wejudgethatthecoordinatedresponsetotheemergingmarketfinancialcrises wasnotafullsuccess.Althoughthecriseswereeventuallystemmedandgrowth 38 returnedundermoreflexibleexchangerates,theyleftalegacyofinstitutional problemsthatexposedtheweaknessesoftheseregimesadecadelater.Thebailoutsdidnotremovetheincentiveofcountriestoaccumulatesubstantial precautionaryreservesthroughpersistentsurpluses.Thefragilityoftheglobal systemwasincreasedbymanycountriesaimingtorunpersistentbalanceof paymentssurplusesduringthe2000sasinsuranceagainstafuturesuddenstopand toavoidthenecessityofsubmittingagaintothedisciplinesofafuturerescue package. Whilethecurrencycrisesofthe1990spushedmostemergingmarketeconomies togreaterflexibilityby2000,thePeople’sRepublicofChinabecameanincreasingly importantnon-conformist.TheRMBexchangeratewasnotdevaluedinthewakeof depreciationselsewhereinAsiaandthishelpedtosupportexportrecoveryinthe regionasChineseeconomicgrowthacceleratedintherun-uptoWTOaccessionin 2001.FromclaimsthattheRMBwasovervaluedintheearly1990s,criticssoon pointedtoChina’shugesurplusesasproofthattheRMBwasundervalued.Capital controlsandconsistentlyhighgrowthallowedChinatoresistcallstoappreciateits currency,buttheincreasinglylargeandpersistentcurrentaccountsurpluses,most ofwhichwasunsterilized,cameatsomecosttopricestability,particularlyin volatilerealestateandotherassetmarkets.Atthesametime,China’sroleinthe governanceoftheglobalmonetarysystembecamemoreandmoredistantfrom China’simportanceintheglobaleconomy.In2005theRMBwasappreciated slightlyandamoreflexibleregimewasadoptedtoallowanorderlyappreciation, althoughtheresultswereatfirstsomewhatdisappointing.Chinahashada 39 challenginghistorywiththeIMF,mainlyfocusedaroundthehistoricallysmallquota (andthereforesmallvotingrights),theiriconoclasticinternationalmonetarypolicy andcontinuedexchangecontrols(Schenk2015). Aftertheglobalfinancialcrisisfocusedevenmoreattentiononthesystemicrisks ofpersistentimbalances,Chinaandotherlargeemergingeconomieswerebrought morecloselyintonetworksofcooperationandcoordinationthroughtheG20from 2009,includingtheRMBintheSDRin2015andtheeventualratificationofthe 2010IMFquotaenlargementattheendof2015.Butchallengespersistbecauseof thenatureoftheChinesepoliticalregimeandthechallengesofslowinggrowth. Withoutashifttoopencapitalmarketsandliberalizationofthefinancialsystem (whichseemsalongwayoff)Chinaremainsathreattoglobalstability. Thusthecoordinatedrescuesduringtheemergingmarketcrisesofthe1990s werequitefarremovedfromrulesbasedpolicy.Firsttherescueswerebailoutsto countriesfacinginsolvencyandnottocountriesfacingatemporaryliquidity shortfall,henceviolatingakeyBagehotianprincipleandengenderingmoralhazard forfuturecrises.Second,thesecountriesdidnotfollowrulelikedomesticmonetary policiesbecausetheyhadnotdevelopedsufficientlyinthesenseoffollowingthe ruleoflawandhavingdeepandliquidfinancialmarketsetc.Someofthesecountries inrecentyearshaveadoptedrulelikepoliciese.g.MexicoandSouthKorea,butnot alle.g.China. 6.52007tothepresent. 40 TheGreatModerationendedwiththesubprimecrisisof2007-2008.Thereisa voluminousliteratureonthecausesofthecrisis.Themainonesare:departures fromrulesbasedpolicyfueledthehousingboombust;globalimbalances;lax supervisionandregulationofthefinancialsectorthatledtothedevelopmentof mortgagebackedsecurities(MBSs)andotherderivativescombinedwithexcessive leverage(BaileyandTaylor2013). Theresponsetothecrisisin2007wasforthecentralbanksindividuallytofollow veryexpansionarymonetarypolicies.Byearly2008theywereworriedabouta commodityinducedinflationandsotheystoppedexpansionarypolicy.Theevents ofthesummerof2008,leadingtothecollapseofLehmanBrothers,createdafull scaleglobalfinancialpanicreminiscentofthesummerof1931.Thisledtomassive unprecedentedlenderoflastresortactions(althoughmanydidnotfollowclassical Bagehot’srules,Bordo2014)bytheFed,theBankofEnglandandothercentral banks.ItalsoledtoareactivationoftheswaplinesbytheFederalReservein September2008toprovidedollarliquiditytotheECBandotherforeigncentral bankswhofaceddealingwiththeliquidationofthedollardenominatedMBSsand othertoxicderivativesheldbytheirbanks.Thiscooperativepolicymayhave avertedaglobalpanic.Indeed,somethingsimilarmighthaveavertedthe internationalaspectofthemeltdownof1931. Inadditiontotheswaps,attheSummitinWashingtonDCinNovember2008, leadersoftheG20committedthemselves‘tostabilizefinancialmarketsandsupport economicgrowth’,withparticularemphasison‘theimportanceofmonetary support’aswellasfiscalexpansion.Theyalsocommittedthemselvesanewto 41 reformingthearchitectureoftheinternationalfinancialsystemandthegoverning boardoftheBISwasextendedtoallownineothercentralbankstobemembers. Bytheendof2008,thefinancialcrisishadendedbuttherealeconomywasstill contractingandthefederalfundsrateandothercentralbank’spolicyrateshadhit orwereclosetothezerolowerbound.TheFedannounceditspolicyofquantitative easing(QEI)inDecember2008—theunconventionalpolicyoflargescaleopen marketpurchasesoflongtermTreasurysecuritiesandAgencymortgagebacked securities.InadditiontothepurchasestheFedbeganforwardguidancetoguide financialmarketsexpectations.TheBankofEnglandsimilarlyengagedin quantitativeeasingfromMarch2009andforwardguidancefromAugust2013, relatedtoatargetunemploymentrateof7%.TheECBfollowedinMay2009.Japan hadalongerhistoryofQEfromMarch2001-2006andreneweditspolicyinOctober 2010.TheseinitiativesweresuccessfulinarrestingtheGreatRecessionbyJune 2009intheUS,buttherecoverythatfollowedhasbeenanemic.Further,the spillovereffectshavebeencontroversial. QEpoliciesdeployedbyadvancedeconomieswereparticularlycriticizedfor adverseeffectsonemergingmarketcountries,primarilythroughcapitalflowsand exchangerates.Investorssurgedintoemergingmarkets,increasingassetprices andappreciatingcurrencies.Thesespillovereffectsunderminedexport competitiveness,increasedexchangeriskondebtandthreatenedassetprice bubbles.InMay2013,whenFederalReserveChairmanBenBernankesuggested thatQEwouldbe‘tapered’,volatilityinemergingmarketassetpricesledtorenewed callsforgreatercoordination.Thespecteroftheinter-warcrisisreturnedand(asin 42 theinterwarperiod)therewerecallsforgreatermonetarycooperationtoaverta ‘currencywar’(describedinEichengreen,2013b). Theextentandcauseofspill-overeffectsisdisputed.Certainly,USmonetary policyhasglobalimplicationsbecauseoftheimportanceofUScapitalmarketsand theroleofthedollar.SpillovereffectsappeargreatestwhenFedannouncements surprisethemarketsandthereisevidencethattheseeffectsweregreaterafterthe globalfinancialcrisisthanbeforeit(Chenetal.,2014).Ontheotherhand,thereare structuralfactorsinemergingmarketeconomieswhichcanmakethemmore resilienttospillovers-suchashighergrowth,strongerbalanceofpayments,lower shareoflocaldebtheldbyforeignersexanteandliquidityoffinancialmarkets.The evidenceseemstosuggestthatadvancedeconomiesshouldavoidsurprisesand carefullysignaltheirpolicytothemarketwhileemergingmarketeconomiesshould reinforcetheireconomicfundamentalsandmarketliquiditytoincreasetheir resilience. Moreover,allowingafreefloatoftheexchangerateensuresthatemerging marketscantargetindependentmonetarypolicyondomesticpricestability(andin theshortrunoutputstabilityakaflexibleinflationtargeting)eveninthepresenceof spill-overs.Ifmonetarypolicyisinsteadaimedatexchangeratestabilityor promotingexportsthentheremaywellbechallengesforemergingmarket economiestoabsorbspillovers(Ammeretal,2016).Taylor(2016)arguedthatitis deviationsfromrulesbasedpoliciessince2002thathaveledtothespilloversand thatthesolutionistoreturntothepoliciesfollowedintheGreatModeration.The 43 casethatgreatermonetarycooperationisanecessarysolutiontospillovereffectsis notproven. Butthereisalsoevidenceofexternalitiesthatpromotepro-cyclicalityand systemicriskinfinancialmarkets,whichhaspromptedcallsformacro-prudential policy-makingtoincreasefinancialstability(Claessens,2015).Thesepoliciesmay complicatetheeffectiveuseofmonetarypolicydedicatedtolowinflation. AttheNovember2008G20meeting(astheworldclamoredforasolution,and villainswereidentified)newinstitutionswerecreatedtoprovideforafor cooperation.TheIMFwastaskedwithmonitoringspillovereffects,publishingan annualreport.TheFinancialStabilityBoard(2009)bringstogethercentralbanks, financeministriesandsupervisoryagenciestoencourage‘coherentimplementation’ ofgoodpracticeandimplementagreedstandardsandcodes,undertakingpeer reviewsofmacro-prudentialpolicyframeworks.Whileeasilydismissedas‘talking shops’,theexchangeofinformation,ideasandcommunicationmaybearsomefruit inthelongtermincreatingconsensusaroundacommonoragreedframeworkof rules. 7.Conclusions Anumberofconclusionsfollowfromoursurvey; 1. Monetarypolicycooperationgenerallyissuccessfulwhendoneinarules basedenvironment.ThiswasthecaseundertheGoldStandardandinthe GreatModeration.Cooperationintheseregimeswasdonefortechnicalor 44 LenderofLastResortreasonsandsupportedthecommunicationneededto developasharedconsensusaboutwhatrulewasbest. 2. Monetarypolicycooperationdoesnotworkwhendomesticandinternational policyprioritiesareinconsistent,i.e.whenaninternationalpolicyrule(e.g. exchangeratestability)conflictswithdomesticgoalsofpricestabilityorfull employment.Thus,theagreedinternationalrulesconflictedwithdomestic prioritiesduringtheinterwargoldexchangestandard,theBrettonWoods Systemandtheearly1980s.Undertheclassicalgoldstandardandduringthe GreatModeration,bycontrast,thenominalanchorruleswereconsistent withpricestability. 3. Itfollowsthatshorttermeffortsatinternationalmonetarypolicy coordinationdonotworkwhentheyinvolveadeparturefromdomestic policyfundamentalse.g.LongIsland1927andthePlazaandLouvreAccords. 4. Thecoordinatedrescuesoftheemergingcountriesinthefinancialcrisesof the1990sweremainlybailoutsandwerenotbasedonBagehot’sprinciples. Thispromotedfutureriskybehavior.Moreover,inanumberofcasesthe recipientsdidnotgraduatetothemonetarypolicystrategiesoftheadvanced countries,leadingtolaterinstability.Recentcooperation,largelythroughthe BIS,hashelpedtocreateanepistemiccommunityofcentralbanksthathas learnedtofollowrulesbasedpolicy.Thishasbeenbeneficialbutwillbe challengedbytheadditionofnewmemberstotheBISgoverningboardand bytheproliferationofmulti-agencygroups. 45 5. Areturntoarulesbasedsystemunderfloatingexchangeratesnowthatthe GreatFinancialCrisisislongpastwouldprovideanenvironmentconducive tostableeconomicgrowthandlowinflationfortheworldaswasthecase duringtheGreatModeration. Theevolutionofcentralbankcooperationandcoordinationsincetheclassicalgold standardhascloselyfollowedtheevolutionofcentralbankcredibility(Bordoand Siklos2014,2016).Undertheclassicalgoldstandardcentralbankshadhigh credibilitybecausethegoldstandardrulewasprimarilyadomesticruleandthe internationalgoldstandardrulefollowedfromthat(BordoandKydland1995). Centralbankcooperationwasperfectlyconsistentwiththatarrangement.Inthe GreatModeration,centralbanksenjoyedhighcredibilitybecauseunderfloating exchangeratestheylearnedtofollowdomesticrulesbasedpolicyfocusedonprice stabilityandhadtheindependencetopursuetheirtargetsconsistently. 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