United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
Organisation des Nations Unies pour l’éducation, la science et la culture
SLAVE VOICES
The Sounds of Freedom
Compiled by
Hilary McDonald Beckles
Verene Shepherd
University of the West Indies
Educational resource for teachers prepared with the financial assistance of NORAD (Norway),
for “Breaking the Silence”, the Transatlantic Slave Trade Education Project,
Associated Schools Project Network,
Division for the Promotion of Quality Education.
Address : 7, place de Fontenoy, 75352 Paris 07 SP/1, rue Miollis, 75732 Paris Cedex 15
Tel. central : + (33.1) 45.68.10.80 - Fax central : + (33.1) 45.67.56.39 – Email [email protected]
Website : http://www.unesco.org/education/asp
"......listen to the voice of liberty which speaks in the hearts of all of us"
'Zamba' Boukrnan
Priest-leader of the St. Domingue (later Haiti)
Slave Rebellion (1791)
"
You do not know how sweet it is to die for liberty"
Madame Chevalier, a slave in the S1. Domingue Rebellion, speaking before
her execution'
CONTENTS
Introduction: Pursuing Freedom: The slaves write back
.
1.
PART ONE: Out of Africa: the Middle Passal:e
Ajayi: the Yoruba
On his captivity
On the capturing of women
2.
Olaudah Equiano :
the Ibo
Africa and the Middle Passage
3.
AsaAsa
The Middle Passage
4.
Ottabah Cugoano:
the Fanti
On captivity and enslavement
5.
Prince Zamba of
the Congo
On his sale in America
1.
Danish Slaves
2.
Mary Prince
On female slavery
Horrors of slavery
Desire for freedom
3.
Linda Brent
Crisis of church and slavery
4.
Boukman
The 'voice of liberty' speech
5.
Omar Ibn Seid
A Muslim speaks out
6.
Ignatius Sancho
On black slavery in Europe
1.
PART THREE: Writinl: Back: Sonl:s, Letters, and Verse
A Slave Sermon
All christians are equal: black and
white
2.
Danish Slaves
On conversion to christianity
3.
Political Songs
African solidarity in V.S.
Emancipation songs in Jamaica
4.
Phillis Wheatley
Letter to George Washington
Poem for George Washington
PART TWO: Critiques of Slavery
On slave status in Africa
11
5.
Peruvian Slaves
On the right to family
6.
Letters on Freedom
Rights to freedom in Demerara
Requesting freedom in Barbados
7.
" Philipaut"
Letters to Madame de Mauger
8.
Brazilian Slaves
Songs oflife
1.
PART FOUR: Journeys to Freedom
Esteban Montejo:
On life and living
Cuban Maroo
2.
Juan Francisco Manzano
On slavery and freedom
3.
Louis Hughes: Canada
Five flights to freedom
4.
Jonas Bath: Islamic
Mandingos in Trinidad
The back to Africa movement
5.
Bussa's Exiles in Mrica
The back to the Caribbean movement
6.
Catalina
Self purchase and freedom in Peru
1.
PART FIVE: Liberators and Freedom Leader
NatTurner
Confessions of a liberator
2.
Frederick Douglass
On citizenship, nationhood, and
identity
3.
Sojourner Truth
'A'n't 1 a Woman'
'I have a right to have just as much as
a man'
4.
Harriet Tubman
Achieving freedom
5.
Booker T. Washington
Black enfranchisement: The Atlanta
Exposition Address
6.
Toussaint L'Ouverture
Enlightenment philosophy in action
In the service of liberty
7.
The Haitian Constitution
Testing Freedom: Granting Citizenship
111
.
".
INTRODUCTION:
Rejecting Slavery: Pursuing Freedom:
The Slaves Write Back
It is universally recognized that texts generated by oppressed people occupy a unique place
within literary traditions. In the modem period texts produced by enslaved African peoples,
the most exploited of the oppressed, have come to represent something altogether more
special. The publication of their organized thought is evidence of the telling defeat of
slaveowners' claim that their slaves were beneath, and indifferent to, the intellectual
discourses that surrounded them. The facts, however, are quite to the contrary. Slaves did
participate fully, for example, in the counter-discourse ofanti-slavery using all the available
literary instruments, and produced, in some instances with assistance from free people, an
extraordinary body of philosophically rich literature.
Enslaved Africans were defined and categorized under laws in all colonial jurisdictions as
chattel - property and real estate. In effect, they were categorized under these legal
provisions as 'things', and appear in financial accounts alongside cattle, horses, furniture,
machinery, and so on. But a major conceptual problem for slaveowners was that African
people possessed intellectually developed social views, and were keen to use literary forms
to express them.
Slaves, then, not only fought back; they wrote and spoke back and in so doing they
contributed greatly to the broad-based Atlantic anti-slavery literature. They understood and
critiqued the dominant European scientific and intellectual dogma on the subject of slavery
and race. These written, narrated, and spoken words combined to establish a literary canon
that leaves little doubt about their intention to uproot slavery and implement social ideas of
freedom with justice.
IV
Despite the endemic anti-intellectual culture bred by slavery many Africans wrote
important treatise, dictated autobiographical accounts, presented critical oral testimony to
Commissions of Inquiry, and made arrangements for the recording and publication of a
wide body of opinions. Their literary output, both written and narrated, serves to situate
anti-slavery ideology at the core of enlightenment modernity.
The memoirs of Olaudah Equiano the Tho man who survived kidnapping as a child and
decades of slavery in the Caribbean,written by himself, for example, was received in
intellectual circles as a major political treatise with no equal in the literature of 19th century
anti-slavery. The dictated autobiographies of Esteban Montejo and Mary Prince, together
with the transcribed speeches of Toussaint L'Ouverture, represent the anti-slavery voice of
Blacks in its many tones and textures. In pursuit of social freedom, equity, justice, and
political power, enslaved Africans mobilized their intellectual, literary and artistic cultures
in remarkable ways, and with striking effect. It should not be possible, therefore, to write
or speak of slavery without central reference to these texts. Historians are not as yet
sufficiently sensitized to the importance of the slaves' subjective knowledge, nor the need
to examine these texts in order to achieve an insider perspective on slavery. The entry of
this literature into the dominant historiography will in itself be a major achievement in
conceptual and intellectual liberation. Furthermore, such a development will be part ofthe
long awaited academic recognition of the authenticity and relevance of the slaves' voice.
This collection of 'voices' is far from exhaustive. There is more, much more that could as
easily be included. It is but a small sample of what exists, chosen to represent the
considerable diversity of African experiences in the Atlantic world. Entries reflect the
magnitude of African dispersion and take into consideration issues as far apart as gender
relations and imperial ownership. Collectively, they speak to the African community's
rejection ofslavery and its engagement with the wider movement ofanti-colonialism. They
represent, finally, a variety of tones within the loud voice of Africans who responded with
a resounding NO! to slavery. These voices are but echoes ofan unrelenting determination
to uproot the corrupting institution of slavery from modem civilization.
v
.'
1
'0
PART 1: Out of Africa: the Middle Passage
1)
Ajayi: the Yoruba
Ajayi, a Yoruba boy of 13 - 15 years old, was kidnapped and placed on board the ESPERANZA
FELIX bound for Brazil with 181 other slaves. The British had abolished slave trading in 1807 and
slavery in 1834, and in their role as 'police' of the African coast, captured the ship off the coast of
Lagos, Nigeria, and put ashore the African captives at Sierra Leone. There Ajayi grew up and
became a Christian. In 1826-27, he attended school in England, and later taught in Sierra Leone.
In 1843, he published a study ofthe Yoruba language, and he was ordained a priest in the same year.
He was consecrated a Bishop in 1864, and became widely mown as Bishop Samuel Ajayi Crowther.
In 1837 and 1841 he wrote extensive accounts of his enslavement experience.
On being captured:
For some years, war had been carried on in my Eyo Country, which was always attended with much
devastation and bloodshed; the women, such men as had surrendered or were caught, with the
children, were taken captives. The enemies who carried on these wars were principally the Eyo
Mahomedans, with whom my country abounds - with the Foulahs, and such foreign slaves as had
escaped from their owners, joined together, making a formidable force of about 20,000 who
annoyed the whole country. They had no other employment but selling slaves to the Spaniards and
Portuguese on the coast...
The morning in which my town, Ocho-gu, shared the same fate which many others had experienced,
was fair and delightful and most of the inhabitants were engaged in their respective occupations.
We were preparing breakfast without any apprehension; when, about 9 o'clock a.m.., a rumour was
spread in the town, that the enemies had approached with the intention of hostility.
It was not long after when they had almost surrounded the town, to prevent any escape of the
inhabitants; the town being rudely fortified with a wooden fence, about four miles in circumference,
containing about 12,000 inhabitants; which would produce 3,000 fighting men. The inhabitants not
being prepared, some not being at home; those who were, having about six gates to defend, as well
as many weak places about the fence to guard against, and, to say in a few words, the men being
surprised, and therefore confounded - the enemies entered the town after about three or four hours'
resistance...
.... continue
,"
2
".
On the Enslavement of Women
Here a most sorrowful scene imaginable was to be witnessed! - women, some with three, four, or
six children clinging to their arms, with the infants on their backs, and such baggage as they could
carry on their heads, rumring as fast as they could through prickly shrubs, which, hooking their blies
and other loads, drew them down from the heads of the bearers. While they found it impossible to
go along with their loads, they endeavoured only to save themselves and their children: even this was
impracticable with those who had many children to care for.
While they were endeavouring to disentangle themselves from the ropy shrubs, they were overtaken
and caught by the enemies with a noose of rope thrown over the neck of every individual, to be led
in the manner of goats tied together, under the drove of one man. In many cases a family was
violently divided between three or four enemies, who each led his away, to see one another no more.
Your humble servant was thus caught - with his mother, two sisters (one an infant about ten months
old), and a cousin - while endeavouring to escape in the manner above described. My load consisted
of nothing else than my bow, and five arrows in the quiver, the bow I had lost in the shrub, while
I was extricating myself, before I could think ofmaking use of it against my enemies. The last view
I had of my father was when he came from the fight, to give us the signal to flee ...
In attempting to escape in the crowd with my mother, two sisters and a cousin, we were taken by two
Yorriba Mahomedans who immediately threw nooses of cords around our necks and led us away as
their prey ... Scarcely had we got to the middle of the town when two Foulah men attacked our
captors and contended with them about dividing their prey as they had not gone in time to get any.
My cousin was violently held on both sides; and my mother hearing the threats from the Foulahs to
cut the poor fellow to pieces if our captors did not let him go; she intreated them rather to give him
over to the Foulahs instead ofhaving him killed; our captors having some feelings ofhumanity, left
the boy to them with whom they ran offwith the fury of a tiger. We four now remaining, great care
was taken lest we should also be lost in like manner, as the soldiers were no little robbers among
themselves.
Sources: Church Missionary Record, No. 8, Oct. 1837
Journals of Rev. Janes Frederick Schon and Samuel Crowther (London, 1842); Richard Hart,
Blacks in Bondage. (ISER, UWI, Kingston, 1980) Vo!. 1, pp. 36 - 42
3
Study Indicators:
Ajayi presents a clear opinion on the social and political background of West Africa, the
Nigerian hinterland specifically, within which the slaving culture emerged. He tells us about I)
2)
3)
4)
5)
the political conflicts between nations
the spread of Islam, and its political importance
the penetration and disruption of village life by slave raiders
the destruction offarnily and the special vulnerability of women
the moral attitude of Africans to the business
Students should:
•
•
observe the social culture and political circumstances outlined
assess the impact of slave trading on individuals, family, and community
i«
.~ T11e Life
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I or GllstavllS Vassa
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4
2)
Olaudah Equiano: the Ibo
Equiano was born in the village called Essaka in Iboland, Nigeria, around 1745. About the age of
14, he and his younger sister were kidnapped on the outskirts ofthe village by slave raiders. He was
taken to the coast, sold to traders, and placed on board a vessel bound for Barbados. For the better
part of his early life, he was enslaved in various English colonies, but finally found his freedom in
England where he participated as a principal spokesman in the anti-slavery movement. He
established a reputation in England as a public orator, frequent writer to newspapers, and as a
socialite in radical society. His autobiography was published in London in 1789 while he was in his
mid 40's.
On Africa and the Middle Passa2e
One day, when all our people were gone out to their works as usual and only I and my dear sister
were left to mind the house, two men and a woman got over our walls, and in a moment seized us
both, and without giving us time to cry out or make resistance they stopped our mouths and ran off
with us into the nearest wood. Here they tied our hands and continued to carry us as far as they
could till night came on, when we reached a small house where the robbers halted for refreshment
and spent the night ... I was now carried to the left of the sun's rising through many different
countries and a number oflarge woods. The people I was sold to used to carry me very often when
I was tired either on their shoulders or on their backs. I saw many convenient well-built sheds along
the roads at proper distances, to accommodate the merchants and travellers who lay in those
buildings along with their wives, who often accompany them; and they always go well armed.... All
the nations and people I had hitherto passed through resembled our own in manner, customs, and
language: but I came at length to a country the inhabitants of which differed from us.... Thus I
continued to travel, sometimes by land, sometimes by water, through different countries and various
nations, till at the end of six or seven months after I had been kidnapped I arrived at the sea coast.
The first object which saluted my eyes when I arrived on the coast was the sea, and a slave ship
which was then riding at anchor and waiting for its cargo. These filled me with astonishment, which
was soon converted into terror when I was carried on board. I was immediately handled 'and tossed
up to see If I were sound by some of the crew, and I was now persuaded that I had gotten into a
world of bad spirits and that they were going to kill me. Their complexions too differing so much
from ours, their long hair and the language they spoke (which was very different from any I had ever
heard) united to confirm me in this belief. Indeed such were the horrors of my views and fears at
the moment that, if ten thousand worlds had been my own, I would have freely parted with them
all to have exchanged my condition with that of the meanest slave in my own country. When I
looked round the ship too and saw a large furnace or copper- boiling and a multitude ofblack people
of every description chained together, every one of their countenances expressing dejection and
sorrow, I no longer doubted of my fate; and quite overpowered with horror and anguish, I fell
motionless on the deck and fainted. When I recovered a little I found some black people about me,
who I believed were some ofthose who had brought me on board and had been receiving their pay;
5
'.
they talked to me in order to cheer me, but all in vain. I asked them if we were not to be eaten by
those white men with horrible looks, red faces, loose hair. They told me I was not, and one of the
crew brought me a small portion ofspirituous liquor in a wine glass, but being afraid ofhim I would
not take it out ofhis hand. One ofthe blacks therefore took it from him and gave it to me, and I took
a little down my palate, which instead ofreviving me, as they thought it would, threw me into the
greatest consternation at the strange feeling it produced, having never tasted any such liquor- before.
Soon after this the blacks who brought me on board went off and left me abandoned to despair.
I now saw myself deprived ofall chance ofreturning to my native country or even the least glimpse
of hope of gaining the shore, which I now considered as friendly; and I even wished for my former
slavery in preference to my present situation, which was filled with horrors of every kind, still
heightened by my ignorance ofwhat I was to undergo. I was not long suffered to indulge my grief;
I was soon put down under the decks, and there I received such a salutation in my nostrils as I had
never experienced in my life: so that with the loathsomeness of the stench and crying together, I
became so sick and low that I was not able to eat, nor I had the least desire to taste anything. I now
wished for the last friend, death, to relieve me; but soon, to my grief, two of the white men offered
me eatables, and on my refusing to eat, one of them held me fast by the hands and laid me across I
think the windlass, and tied my feet while the other flogged me severely. I had never experienced
anything of this kind before, and although, not being used to the water, I naturally feared that
element the first time I saw it, yet nevertheless could I have got over the nettings I would have
jumped over the side, but I could not; and besides, lest we should leap into the water: and I have seen
some ofthese poor African prisoners most severely cut for attempting to do so, and hourly whipped
for not eating. This indeed was often the case with myself. In a little time after, amongst the poor
chained men I found some of my own nation, which in a small degree gave ease to my mind. I
inquired of these what was to be done with us; they gave me to understand we were to be carried to
these white people's country to work for them. I then was a little revived, and thought ifit were no
worse than working, my situation was not so desperate: but still I feared I should be put to death, the
white people looked and acted, as I thought, in so savage a manner; for I had never seen among my
people such instances of brutal cruelty, and this is not only shown towards us blacks but also to
some of the whites themselves. One white man in particular I saw, when we were permitted to be
on deck, flogged so unmercifully with a large rope near the foremast that he died in consequence of
it. This made me fear these people the more, and I expected nothing less than to be treated in the
same manner. I could not help expressing my fears and apprehensions to some of my countrymen:
I asked them if these people had no country but lived in this hollow place (the ship): they told me
they did not, but came from a distant one••••At last, when the ship we were in had got in all her cargo,
they made ready with many fearful noises, and were all put under deck so that we could not see how
they managed the vessel. But this disappointment was the least of my sorrow. The stench of the
hold while we were on the coast was so intolerable loathsome that it was dangerous to remain there
for any time, and some of us had been permitted to stay on the deck for the fresh air; but now that
the whole ship's cargo were confined together it became absolutely pestilential. The closeness ofthe
place and the heat of the climate, added to the number in the ship, which was so crowded that each
had scarcely room to turn himself, almost suffocated. This produced copious perspirations, so that
the air soon became unfit for respiration from a variety of loathsome smells, and brought on a
6
sickness among the slaves, of which many died, thus falling victims to the improvident avarice, as
I may call it, oftheir purchasers. This wretched situation was again aggravated by the galling ofthe
chains, now become insupportable, and the filth ofthe necessary tubs, into which the children often
fell and were almost suffocated. The shrieks ofthe women and the groans ofthe dying rendered the
whole scene ofhorror almost inconceivable. Happily perhaps for myself! was soon reduced so low
here that it was thought necessary to keep me almost always on deck, and from my extreme youth
I was not put in fetters. In this situation I expected every hour to share the fate ofmy companions,
some of whom were almost daily brought upon deck at the point of death, which I began to hope
would soon put an end to my miseries....
One day, when we had a smooth sea and moderate wind, two ofmy wearied countrymen who were
chained together (I was near them at the time), preferring death to such a life of misery, somehow
made through the nettings and jumped into the sea: immediately another quite dejected fellow, who
on account ofhis illness was suffered to be out of irons, also followed their example; and I believe
many would very soon have done the same ifthey had not been prevented by the ship's crew, who
were instantly alarmed. Those ofus that were the most active were in a moment put down under the
deck, and there was such a noise and confusion amongst the people of the ship as I never heard
before, to stop her and get the boat out to go after the slaves. However two of the wretches were
drowned, but they got the other and afterwards flogged him unmercifully for thus attempting to
prefer death to slavery. In this manner we continued to undergo more hardships than I can now
relate... [until] at last we came in sight of the island of Barbados
Sources: The Life Of Olaudah Eguiano. or Gustavus Vassa,the African: written by himself: 1789 (ed) Paul
Edwards (Longmans edit. Lon. 1988) pp. 1-9, 11-14,22-28, 74-76, 84-87; Susan Everett, History of Slavery (Grange
Books,London, 1996)
:
7
Study Indicators:
'.
Olaudah Equiano recounts vividly the circumstances under which he and his sister were captured
from their village in Africa and soid into slavery. His account of the journey to the coast and the
experience of the Middle Passage reflects:
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
his- fear at the unfamiliar sight of the slave ship at the coast
his fear of the sea, ofbeing eaten, of his unknown destination and of being killed
the cruelty of slave captors and the dehumanizing and insanitary conditions aboard the slave
ship
his feeling of displacement at being torn from his homeland
his unfamiliarity with whites.
Students should note:
•
•
•
•
•
that women were involved in the kidnapping of slaves
the stages in, and the length of, the journey of Africans from capture to shipment to
the Americas. Equiano and his sister travelled through other African villages and
'nations' in order to reach the coast and the barracoons. This took a long time.
the methods used to control slave captives and the way in which such captives
resisted. Notice that Equiano refused to eat and despite the whipping he received,
still contemplated jumping overboard,
that netting was used to prevent slaves from jumping overboard; and that despite this
precaution, slaves managed to jump overboard to escape the horrors of the Middle
Passage and an uncertain fate. Those who succeeded in committing suicide
obviously preferred death to slavery.
that slave resistance was a factor on the Middle Passage and was not confined to the
plantation.
*Study carefully the way in which slaves were accommodated on the ship for
transportation to the Americas.
8
3.
Asa - Asa: The (French) Middle Passaee
Asa Asa, slave of a French Antillean planter, gives this brief description of his experience
of the Middle Passage:
'The slaves we saw on board the ship were chained together by the legs below deck, so close
they could not move. They were flogged very cruelly; I saw one of them flogged till he
died; we could not tell what for. They gave them enough to eat. The place they were
confined in below deck was so hot and nasty I could not bear to be in it. A great many ofthe
slaves were ill, but they were not attended to. They used to flog me very bad on board the
ship: the captain cut my head very bad one time.'
Source: Anthony de Verteuil, Seven Slaves and Slavery Trinidad. 1777-1838 (Port of Spain, 1992 NP.)
pp.16
Study Indicators:
Like Equiano, Asa Asa recounts his experience of the Middle Passage. He points
out the features on board the ship as follows:
•
•
•
•
slaves were chained together by the legs
slaves were placed below deck
slaves were brutally treated on board
illness was a common feature of the captives' experience on board.
Students should note that:
The conditions of the Middle Passage were similar whether slaves were going to the
British Caribbean (as Equiano was), or to the French Caribbean, as Asa Asa was.
..
9
'.
4.
Ottobah Cueoano: the Fanti
On Capture and Enslavement
In 1787, the memoirs ofOttobah Cugoano, a Fanti, were published in London. He had been
a slave in the West Indies, but as a free man was well known in London as an anti-slavery
advocate, writer and public speaker. Ottobah was keen to illustrate that the form of slavery
experienced by Africans in Europe and the Americas had no similarities with the social
relations at home. New WorId slavery, he said, was brutal, alienating, and destructive oflife
and humanity itself He wrote:
I must own, to the shame ofmy own countrymen, that I was first kidnapped and betrayed by
my own complexion, who were the first cause ofmy exile and slavery; but if there were no
buyers there would be no sellers. So far as I can remember, some of the Africans in my
country kept slaves, which they take in war, or for debt; but those which they kept are well,
and good care taken of them, and treated well ...
But I may safely say that all the poverty and misery that any ofthe inhabitants ofAfrica meet
among themselves is far inferior to those inhospitable regions of misery which they meet
with in the West Indies where their hard-hearted overseers have neither regard to the laws
of God, nor the life of their fellow-men
Source: Ottobah Cugoano, Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil and Wicked Traffic of Slavery and the
Commerce ofthe Human Species (London, 1787) Also, Richard Hart, Slaves Who Abolished Slavery, Vol.!.
Blacks in Bondage (ISER, UWI, Mngston 1980) pp, 35-36
Study Indicators:
Cugoano makes it clear that fellow Africans were involved in the capture and sale of slaves
to the Americas. This reality makes him feel betrayed and he expresses this feeling of
betrayal. He is nevertheless realistic that without a demand for slaves, there would have been
no capture and sale of Africans by Africans.
Students should note that Cugoano admits openly that slavery existed in Africa. But he is
at pains to stress that slavery in Africa in no way resembled New World/Caribbean slavery,
the latter being much harsher.
Follow-up activity:
Do further research on the differences and similarities between slavery in Africa and
the Caribbean.
10
5.
Prince Zamba of the COneD: On his sale in America
One of the most extraordinary documents of the great era of slavery is that by a tribal
chieftain named Zamba. Zamba was a son ofa local 'king' who ruled a small community 200
miles up to Congo. The king, Zambo1a, acquired considerable wealth as a slave dealer,
selling to an American captain named Winton. At about the age of 20, in 1800, Zamba
himself became king and, having acquired a rudimentary education, determined to extend
his horizons by travelling to America with Winton. Winton readily agreed to the suggestion,
accommodated Zamba in style on his slave ship - and then, as the ship neared Charleston,
imprisoned him and sold him into slavery. Zamba was lucky; he managed to preserve some
of his wealth which was invested by his humanitarian owner. He later wrote an account of
his life and - since slaves were not allowed to read or write - smuggled his manuscript out
with the help of a white friend. It was published in England in 1847. In this extract, he
describes on board the slaver from a unique point of view: that of one who suffered as a
slave, but who was, at the beginning ofthe voyage, being given the rights and privileges of
apnnce.
Several dray-loads of clothing for the slaves were brought alongside. Next day was still
cold; but the whole ofthe slaves were put ashore, and obliged to wash and scour themselves.
They were then provided with tolerably good clothing, made ofblue or white coarse woollen
cloth, of English manufacture, commonly called "plains." The owners of the ship had
provided these; but, had the weather been warm, the poor slaves would have been put up for
sale in the scanty clothing they were in. The captain told me they were advertised for sale,
which would take place in two days. Meantime we had a considerable number of white
gentlemen to visit us, mostly intending purchasers. On the appointed day, the auctioneer,
a Mr. Naylor, accompanied by two young clerks, came down; and, after much careful
inspection, arranged the whole cargo in separate lots, some ofthem singly, and others in lots
of fifteen or twenty. The single ones were intended for domestic servants in town, and were
chosen from the youngest and smartest looking; the larger lots for the country, or what are
called "field hands." At length, a great number of white gentlemen had arrived, and a few
white ladies - at least, white women; for their conduct was not such as would entitle them
to be called ladies in Europe: in a calm, cool, business-like way, they went around the
various groups of Negroes, examining and handling their limbs in the same manner as I
afterwards saw butchers examining cattle.
The sale soon began, and took up a considerable time; the prices ranging from 250 to 450
dollars a head: the 32 Negroes whom I had put on board brought nearly 10,000 dollars. It
will be thus seen that the owners ofthe ship had made an excellent speculation: by this trip,
as I learned from the captain, they had cleared from 90,000 to 100,000 dollars; and it must
be allowed, that great part of this arose from the prudent and humane treatment which was
exercised towards the live cargo. No doubt exists in my mind, that the moving principle in
all concerned was avarice; and, in this case, it showed that, even from sinister motives,
.
11
'.
Providence can cause good to be produced at last. In the course of my subsequent
experience, I have known ships, of the same tonnage as the Triton, arrive from Africa, in
which 750 slaves had been embarked; but, owing to cruel usage, scanty and unwholesome
provisions, impure air, and absolute filth, which prevailed on board, not more than 400 lived
to reach Charleston; and of these, one-halfwere in a most weakly and miserable condition,
and the remainder could by no means be classed as sound and healthy. In these cases, greed
and avarice joined to inhumanity were punished; but at a sad expense oflife, as regarded the
wretched Negroes. I have seen a slave-ship arrive from Africa, in such a condition as to its
freight of flesh and blood, that no mortal of ordinary nerves could put his head below the
hatch; and in such a miserable state were the Negroes, that I have known 30 or 40 out of one
cargo sent up to the hospital in carts. I heard frequently also, from what I deemed good
authority, that on board these crowded and ill-conducted slavers, it was not a rare
circumstance for the captain to order such poor slaves as were evidently dying, to be thrown
overboard during the night, while yet the pulse of life was beating!
Source: Suzanne Everett, History of Slavery (Grange Books, London 1996) pp. 109
Study Indicators:
The sale of slaves in the Americas after the long transatlantic crossing was a further
frightening experience. Prince Zamba points out the main features of the slave sale or
auction in the Caribbean:
1)
2)
3)
4)
slaves were taken ashore and washed in preparation for sale
slaves were provided with clothing (and he describes the material used)
prospective buyers, responding to advertisements, attended the auction in their
numbers
slaves were organized for sale in batches, urban slaves being separated from rural
field slaves
Students should note:
•
•
•
•
•
the characteristics ascribed to domestic slaves as opposed to field slaves
that slave buyers attending the auction included white women
the prices paid for slaves and the profits realized by the owners of the slaver
the relationship between profits and the claim that on this voyage treatment had
been humane
the preoccupation with describing the hold of the ship with its filthy conditions
12
PART 2: Critiques of Slavery
1.
Danish Slaves
"I am a Prince"; "I was much greater in Guinea": (slaves in the Danish islands).
The captives taken from Africa to be enslaved in the Caribbean were not all previously
servile people as Europeans often made out. Some were of African royalty and found
enslavement in the Caribbean particularly humiliating. They vowed not to submit to
servitude. Below are two examples which were related word for word by C.G.A .Oldendorp
who visited the Danish islands in the Caribbean and made extensive commentary:
i): an enslaved man to his master:
"I am a prince.... For the time being, I am in your power, but nothing will ever
persuade me to serve you; I would rather end my life by voluntary death".
ii): an enslaved woman to her mistress:
"I was much greater in Guinea than you are here. I had many more slaves in my
service than you have. Now you expect me to be your slave? I would much rather
die of starvation".
Source: C.G.A. Oldendorp's History ofthe Mission ofthe Evangelical Brethren on the Caribbean Islands
of St. Thomas, St. Crob:, and St. John. Ed. Johann Jakob Bossard. Amold R. Highfield & Vladimir Barac
trans. (Karoma Pubs., Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1987), pp. 220.
Study Indicators:
These extracts indicate that:
•
•
•
enslavement did not dull the spirit of the African
some slaves often felt superior to their enslavers
some slaves preferred death to enslavement
Students should note the methods of resistance which slaves employed to escape
enslavement.
.:
...
:>
"
•
'-
13
2.
Mary Prince:
Mary Prince, says Moira Ferguson, was the first black woman to escape British slavery in
the West Indies and publish an autobiography. Published in London and Edinburgh in 1831,
it went into its third edition within the year. After experiencing the horrors ofslavery in her
native Bermuda, then Antigua, and Turks and Caicos Islands, she arrived as a slave in
London in 1828 with her 'owners'. Born about 1788, Mary demonstrated a keen intellect as
a young woman which earned her the wrath of successive slave owners. Her book, which
illuminates the evil of slavery from the view point of a woman, was particularly influential
in demonstrating the corrupting moral and spiritual effects of slavery on society.
On Slavery and Women
Poor Hetty, my fellow slave, was very kind to me, and I used to call her my Aunt; but she
led a most miserable life, and her death was hastened (at least the slaves all believed and said
so,) by the dreadful chastisement she received from my master during her pregnancy. It
happened as follows. One of the cows had dragged the rope away from the stake to which
Hetty had fastened it, and got loose. My master flew into a terrible passion, and ordered the
poor creature to be stripped quite naked, notwithstanding her pregnancy, and to be tied up
to a tree in the yard. He then flogged her as hard as he could lick, both with the whip and
cow-skin, till she was all over streaming with blood. He rested, and then beat her again and
again. Her shrieks were terrible. The consequence was that poor Hetty was brought to bed
before her time, and was delivered after severe labour of a dead child. She appeared to
recover after her confinement, so far that she was repeatedly flogged by both master and
mistress afterwards; but her former strength never returned to her. Ere long her body and
limbs swelled to a great size; and she lay on a mat in the kitchen, till the water burst out of
her body and she died. All the slaves said that death was a good thing for poor Hetty; but
I cried very much for her death. The manner of it filled me with horror. I could not bear to
think about it; yet it was always present to my mind for many a day....
Horrors of Slavery
Oh the horrors of slavery! - How the thought of it pains my heart! But the truth ought to be
told of it; and what my eyes have seen I think it is my duty to relate; for few people in
England know what slavery is. I have been a slave - I have felt what a slave feels, and I know
what a slave knows; and I would have all the good people in England to know it too, that
they may break our chains, and set us free....
I
must say something more about this cruel son of a cruel father. - He had no heart - no fear
of God; he had been brought up by a bad father in a bad path, and he delighted to follow in
the same steps. There was a little old woman among the slaves called Sarah, who was nearly
past work; ana, Master Dickey being the overseer ofthe slaves just then, this poor creature,
,
14
:.
who was subject to several bodily infinnities, and was not quite right in her head, did not
wheel the barrow fast enough to please him. He threw her down on the ground, and after
beating her severely, he took her up in his anus and flung her among the prickly-pear bushes,
which are all covered over with sharp venomous prickles. By this her naked flesh was so
grievously wounded, that her body swelled and festered all over, and she died in a few days
after. In telling my own sorrows, I cannot pass by those of my fellow-slaves - for when I
think of my own griefs, I remember theirs.
Desire for Freedom
Another time (about five years ago) my mistress got vexed with me because I fell sick and
I could not keep on with my work. She complained to her husband, and he sent me offagain
to look for an owner. I went to a Mr. Burchell, showed him the note, and asked him to buy
me for my own benefit; for I had saved about 100 dollars, and hoped with a little help, to
purchase my freedom. He accordingly went to my master: - 'Mr. Wood,' he said, 'Molly has
brought me a note that she wants an owner. If you intend to sell her, I may as well buy her
as another.' My master put, him off and said that he did not mean to sell me. I was very sorry
at this, for I had no comfort with Mrs. Wood, and I wished greatly to get my freedom.
The way in which I made my money was this. - When my master and mistress went from
home, as they sometimes did, and left me to take care of the house and premises, I had a
good deal of time to myself and made the most of it. I took in washing, and sold coffee and
yams and other provisions to the captains ofships. I did not sit still idling during the absence
of my owners; for I wanted, by all honest means, to earn money to buy my freedom.
Sometimes I bought a hog cheap on board ship, and sold it for double the money on shore;
and I also earned a good deal by selling coffee. By this means I by degrees acquired a little
cash. A gentleman also lent me some to help to buy my freedom - but when I could not get
free he got it back again. His name was Captain Abbot. ...
After this, I fell ill again with the rheumatism, and was sick a long time; but whether sick or
well, I had my work to do. About this time I asked my master and mistress to let me buy my
own freedom. With the help of Mr. Burchell, I could have found the means to pay Mr.
Wood; for it was agreed that I should afterwards serve Mr. Burchell a while, for the cash he
was to advance for me. I was earnest in the request to my owners; but their hearts were hard too hard to consent. Mrs. Wood was very angry - she grew quite outrageous - she called me
a black devil, and asked me who had put freedom into my head. 'To be free is very sweet,'
I said: but she took good care to keep me a slave. I saw her change colour, and I left the
room.
I sti1llive in the hope that God will find a way to give me my liberty, and give me back to
my husband. I endeavour to keep down my fretting, and to leave all to Him, for he knows
what is good for me better than I know myself. Yet, I must confess, I find it a hard and
heavy task to do so.
15
;
I am often much vexed, and I feel great sorrow when I hear some people in this country say,
that the slaves do not need better usage, and do not want to be free. They believe the foreign
peoples who deceive them, and say slaves are happy. I say, Not so. How can slaves be happy
when they have the halter round their neck and the whip upon their back? and are disgraced
and thought no more of than beasts? - and are separated from their mothers, and husbands,
and children, and sisters, just as cattle are sold and separated? Is it happiness for a driver in
the field to take down his wife or sister or child, and strip them, and whip them in such a
disgraceful manner? - women that have had children exposed in the open field to shame!
There is no modesty or decency shown by the owner to his slaves; men, women, and children
are exposed alike. Since I have been here I have often wondered how English people can go
out into the West Indies and act in such a beastly manner. But when they go to the West
Indies, they forget God and all feeling of shame, I think, since they can see and do such
things.
Source:Mary Prince, The History of Mary Prince: A West Indian Slave: related by herself (edited Moira
Ferguson, Pandora, London 183 1, reprint 1987) pp. 57, 64-65,70-76,83
Study Indicators:
Mary Prince's account ofthe horrors of her life as a slave (and that of other fellow
slaves), leaves us in no doubt that domestic slavery was not mild as traditionally claimed.
She recounts:
I)
2)
3)
4)
the cruel treatment received by, and the subsequent death of, Hetty, her fellow slave,
at the hands of her master
the heartlessness of owners, even towards very old slaves like Sarah, and pregnant
women like Hetty
the reasons given by owners for punishing slaves
the degraded behaviour ofEnglishmen in the Caribbean as opposed to the behaviour
of those back in England
Students should note that:
•
•
•
•
slaves used their own initiative and accumulated savings to try to buy their
freedom
the possibilities which existed under slavery for the enslaved to earn cash
the practical tasks done to get money for freedom.
no consideration was given to sick slaves
,
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16
3.
Linda Brent: Crisis of Church and Slavery
Linda Brent was a mixed-race woman, the great grand daughter ofa South Carolina planter.
Born in 1818, she escaped from slavery at age 27, and wrote a book about her life some ten
years later. She speaks with a feminist voice, and tells us that 'slavery is terrible for men' but
'it is more terrible for women'. The sexual abuse, destruction of family and emotional ties,
and the lack ofrespect for women, she says, constitute evidence that slavery is an unchristian
institution. Here, she writes about slaveholders policy on black christianization:
The Church and Slavery
After the alarm caused by Nat Turner's insurrection had subsided, the slaveholders came to
the conclusion that it would be well to give the slaves enough ofreligious instruction to keep
them from murdering their masters. The Episcopal clergyman offered to hold a separate
service on Sundays for their benefit. His colored members were very few, and also very
respectable - a fact which I presume had some weight with him. The difficulty was to decide
on a suitable place for them to worship. The Methodist and Baptist churches admitted them
in the afternoon; but their carpets and cushions were not so costly as those at the Episcopal
church. It was at last decided that they should meet at the house of a free colored man who
was a member.
I was invited to attend, because I could read. Sunday evening came, and, trusting to the
cover of night, I ventured out. I rarely ventured out by daylight, for I always went with fear,
expecting at every turn to encounter Dr. Flint, who was sure to turn me back, or order me to
his office to inquire where I got my bonnet, or some other article of dress. When the Rev.
Mr. Pike came, there were some twenty persons present. The reverend gentleman knelt in
prayer, then seated himself, and requested all present, who could read, to open their books,
while he gave out the portions he wished them to repeat or respond to.
His text was, "Servants, be obedient to them that are your masters according to the flesh,
with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart, as unto Christ."
Pious Mr. Pike brushed up his hair till it stood upright, and, in deep, solemn tones,
began:"Hearken, ye servants! Give strict heed unto my words. You are rebellious sinners.
Your hearts are filled with all manner of evil. 'Tis the devil who tempts you. God is angry
with you, and will surely punish you, if you don't forsake your wicked ways. You that live
in town are eye-servants behind your master's back. Instead of serving your masters
faithfully, which is pleasing in the sight ofyour heavenly Master, you are idle, and shirk your
work. God sees you. You tell lies. God hears you. Instead ofbeing engaged in worshiping
him, you are hidden away somewhere, feasting on your master's substance; tossing coffeegrounds with some wicked fortuneteller, or cutting cards with another old hag. Your masters
may not find you out, but God sees you, and will punish you. 0, the depravity ofyour hearts!
When your master's work is done, are you quietly together, thinking ofthe goodness ofGod
•
17
to such sinful creatures? No; you are quarreling, and tying up little bags of roots* to bury
under the door-steps to poison each other with. God sees you. You men steal away to every
grog shop to sell your master's corn, that you may buy rum to drink. God sees you. You
sneak into the back streets, or among the bushes, to pitch coppers. Although your masters
may not fmd you out, God sees you; and he will punish you. You must forsake your sinful
ways, and be faithful servants. Obey your old master and your young master-your old
mistress and your young mistress. If you disobey your earthly master, you offend your
heavenly Master. You must obey God's commandments. When you go from here, don't stop
at the corners ofthe streets to talk, but go directly home, and let your master and mistress see
that you have come."
The benediction was pronounced. We went home, highly amused at brother Pike's gospel
teaching, and were determined to hear him again. I went the next Sabbath evening, and
heard pretty much a repetition of the last discourse. At the close of the meeting, Mr. Pike
informed us that he found it very inconvenient to meet at the friend's house, and he should
be glad to see us, every Sunday evening, at his own kitchen.
I went home with the feeling that I had heard the Reverend Mr. Pike for the last time. Some
ofhis members repaired to his house, and found that the kitchen sported two tallow candles;
the first time, I am sure, since its present occupant owned it, for the servants never had any
thing but pine knots. It was so long before the reverend gentleman descended from his
comfortable parlor that the slaves left, and went to enjoy a Methodist shout. They never
seem so happy as when shouting and singing at religious meetings. Many of them are
sincere, and nearer to the gate ofheaven than sanctimonious Mr. Pike, and other long-faced
Christians, who see wounded Samaritans, and pass by on the other side.
Source: Waiter Teller: Incidents In The Life Of A Slave Girl (Harcourt Brace Jovanovich Publishers) pp.
69-71.
18
Study Indicators:
Linda Brett's narrative speaks to slaveholders' fear of slave insurrection and their
attempt to use the church and religion to pacify Blacks. She indicates that:
I)
2)
3)
4)
a suitable place was found for slaves to meet to receive religious instruction
about 20 slaves attended the first meeting
some of the slaves who attended were able to read the bible
the slaves were highly amused at the Rev. Pike's [nonsensical?] sermon and what
passed for gospel teaching.
Students should observe the following:
•
•
Linda Brett was fearful that Dr Flint would prevent her from attending the
religious meeting
the text chosen for slaves to study focussed on obedience to masters. Religion
was obviously being used to encourage enslaved people to accept their status as
slaves
the preacher, Rev. Mr Pike, articulated his opposition to slave resistance
Sculptwf to the Unknown MfJToon, Haiti.
19
4.
Boukman: Priest Leader in French St. Domin~ue
Boukman, the priest leader, is said to have been the primary motivator ofslaves in the revolt
that culminated in the Haitian Revolution. He was a coachman on the Clement Plantation
that participated in the first round ofthe uprising. Known as 'Zamba' on account ofhis 'spirit
power', he was associated with another 'high priestess' with similar religious authority. With
the slaves gathered to hear plans for freedom, Boukman gave the now well known 'Voice of
Liberty' speech that galvanized his followers into anti-slavery action:
Voice of Liberty:
The Good Lord who created the sun which gives us light from above, who rouses the sea and
makes the thunder roar -listen well, all of you - this god, hidden in the clouds, watches us.
He sees all that the white man does. The god ofthe white man calls him to commit crimes:
our god asks only good works of us. But this god who is so good orders revenge! He will
direct our hands; he will aid us. Throwaway the image of the god of the whites who thirsts
for our tears and listen to the voice of liberty which speaks in the hearts of all of us.
Source: Carolyn Fick: The Making of Haiti: The Saint Dominigue Revolution from Below (Univ. of
Tennessee Press, Knoxville. 1990) pp. 92-9
Study Indicators:
Leaders of slave rebellions often gave inspirational speeches before the actual uprising.
These speeches were usually quite emotional and fiery and served to motivate the enslaved
to participate in the rebellion. Boukman's speech falls into this category.
Students should note the way in which Boukman tries to get his listeners to feel that
rebellion was justified based on:
•
•
the cruelty of whites towards the enslaved
divine will; for the good god would direct the rebel's actions and support their
struggle against injustice.
,
20
5.
Omar Ibn Seid: A Muslim speaks out
Seid was a Fula, horn in West Africa about 1775. He was sold into slavery in the United
States, and commenced his ordeal in Charleston in 1807. He was literate in Arabic, and
schooled in the teachings and philosophy of the prophet Mohammad. He owned a copy of
the Koran and lived the best he could by its principles. When asked to write his life story,
he indicated that he had forgotten much ofhis literary ability; he presented, nonetheless, an
outline of his enslavement as a Muslim in a Christian 'slave culture'.
My name is Omar Ibn Seid. My birthplace was Fut Tur between the two rivers. I sought
knowledge under the instruction of a Sheikh called Mohammed Seid, my own brother, and
Sheikh Soleiman Kembeh, and Sheikh Gabriel Abdal. I continued my studies twenty-five
years, and then returned to my home where I remained six years. Then there came. to our
place a large army, who killed many men, and took me, and brought me to the great sea, and
sold me into the hands of the Christians, who hound me and sent me on board a great ship
and we sailed upon the great sea a month and a half, when we came to a place called
Charleston in the Christian language. There they sold me to a small, weak, and wicked man,
called Johnson, a complete infidel, who had no fear of God at all. Now I am a small man,
and unable to do hard work so I fled from the hand of Johnson and after a month came to a
place called Fayd-il. There I saw some great houses (churches). On the new moon I went
into a church to pray. A lad saw me and rode offto the place ofhis father and informed him
that he had seen a black man in the church. A man named Handah (Hunter?) and another
man with him on horseback, came attended by a troop ofdogs. They took me and made me
go with them twelve miles to a place called Fayd-il, where they put me into a great house
from which I could not go out. I continued in the great house (which, in the Christian
language, they called jail) sixteen days and nights. One Friday the jailor came and opened
the door of the house and 1 saw a great many men, all Christians, some ofwhom called out
to me, " What is your name:' Is it Omar or Seid? "I did not understand their Christian
language. A man called Bob Mumford took me and led me out of the jail, and I was very
well pleased to go with them to their place. I stayed at Mumford's four days and nights, and
then a man named Jim Owen, son-in-law ofMumford, having married his daughter Betsey,
asked me if I was willing to go to a place called Bladen. I said, Yes, I was willing. I went
with them and have remained in the place of Jim Owen until now.
Source: J. F. Jameson, The American Historv Review: Vol. xxx, no. 4. 1925
21
Study Indicators:
The slaves who were forcefully transported to the Americas not only had their origins in
different geographical regions ofWest Africa, but also displayed diversity in their religious
beliefs. Omar Ibn Seid represents an example of the Muslim dimension of the religious
culture of the enslaved. In this extract, Ibn Seid tells us about:
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
his religious upbringing in Africa
his capture and transportation to the Americas
his purchase by Mr Johnson whom he called an 'infidel' - clearly a non-Muslim
his escape from his first slave master
his capture, imprisonment and re-enslavement
Follow-up activity for students:
Find out all you can about the impact of Muslim slaves in the plantation regimes of the
Americas.
.
22
6.
Ignatius Sancho. the Scholar: On Black Slavery in Europe
Sancho was regarded in 'high society' as a man of letters. His letters, written in the latter
years of his life reveal an amiable, well-read man, whose good humour prevailed against
poverty, sickness and death. He was part of a small black elite in 18th century Britain. He
developed his taste for art, literature and music in his master's household and became an
amateur musician and composer. Sancho arrived in England as a slave and worked as a
domestic (valet). He quit being a domestic servant in 1773 and became a shopkeeper. In a
letter to his friend Julius Soubise, also a 'liberated' black, Sancho commented on the
exploitation of black slaves in London:
On Black Slavery in London
Happy, happy lad! what a fortune is thine! - Look round upon the miserable fate of
almost all of our unfortunate colour - superadded to ignorance, - see slavery, and the
contempt of those very wretches who roll in affluence from our labours. Superadded to
this woeful catalogue - hear the ill-bred and heart-racking abuse of the foolish vulgar
Source: R. King et.al. (eds.) Ignatius Sancho: (National Portrait Gallery, London, 1997)
Study Indicators:
Ignatius Sancho refers in this short extract to the miserable nature ofthe Black existence
in England and the contrast between the material world of Blacks and of those who
benefited from the labor of Blacks.
Follow-up Activity for Students:
•
•
•
Find out as much as you can about the free black community in England in the
18th and 19th centuries.
How did members of this community make a living?
What evidence is there to indicate that the labor of Blacks created affluence
among whites in England?
.'
A H0 \' F.: Black preacher
addressing a conwegatioll
of slaves and their owners
23
Part 3: Writine Back: Sones, Letters, and Verse
..
1.
All Christians are Equal: Black and White
A slave burial sermon in Jamaica
" Dea belubb'd, we gather together dis face congregation, because it horrible among all
men not to take delight in hand for wantonness, lust, and appetite, like brute mule, dat
hab no understanding. When de man cut down like guinea grass, he worship no more any
body, but gib all him world's good to de debbil; and Gararnighty tell him soul must come
up into heab'n, where notting but glorio. What de use of fighting wid beast at Feesus ?
Rise up all and eat and drink, because we die yesterday, no so tomorrow. Who shew you
mystery? Who nebba sleep, but twinkle him yeye till de trumpet peak? Who baptize
you, and gib you victory ober de debbil's flesh? Old Adam, belubb'd! - he bury when a
child, and de new man rise up when lie old. Breren, you see dat dam rascal Dollar;-he no
Christian; he no Jew, no missionary, no Turk, for true. You see him laugh [Abdallah
denied it] - when he go to hell he die, and nebba gnash him teeth, and worms can't' nyam
him. Breren, all Christians., white and black man, all one colour-Sambo and mulatto-no
man bigger dan another, no massa, and no fum fumplenty 0' grog.- So, breren!
Gararnighty take de dead man, and. good night!"
Source: Cynric Williams, A Tour Through the Island of Jamaica (London 1823) pp. 105-106
"'I.t\( . .
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24
2.
Danish Slaves: On Conversion to Christianity
The Moravian missionaries were active in the Danish-colonized Caribbean islands of St.
Croix, St. Thomas and St. John. C.G.A. Oldendorp, one of the missionaries, spent two
years in the Danish Caribbean from 1767-1769. He collected extensive data on slave life
in those islands and published a lengthy 2-volume work in 1777. He related the
following conversation between an examiner and a baptized slave:
The following may serve as a sample of the questions raised.
Question: "In what were you baptized?" Answer: "In Christianity."
Question: "In any other name?" Answer: "In the name of the Father, the
Son, and the Holy Spirit, that is the name of the triune God, we were
baptized". Question: "What is baptism?" Answer: "The washing away of
sins by means of not only water but also the Holy Spirit." Question:
"Where does evil come from?" Answer: "We have inherited it from our first
parents, Adam and Eve; but in the new life, God's spirit prevails." When
asked about the meaning of communion, they declared that it was bread
and wine and that, if one b~lieves, one receives the body and blood of
Christ through it.
The following are letters written by slaves in the Danish-colonized West Indies relating their
christian conversio~ experiences.
i):
Petrus to a church brother in Amsterdam, 1738
I am full ofjoy about God's grace, which I have received into my heart. I have thus forsaken
all evil and have learned to love Jesus who has died for us. Together we pray to the Lord in
this place in the following way: "Oh dear Lord! Have pity on us poor creatures; bless us
together; teach us to recognize you properly; so that nothing evil remains among us; let us
do well; so that no pride, avarice, whoredom and adultery remain among us. None of these
evil things must remain among us".
ii):
Various slaves to Baas Nathanael, 1762
"My dear Baas Nathanael! Oh, what love I feel in my heart when I think of the great love
the Saviour has bestowed on us! It brings me to melt down in tears and that is the only thing
that I have in my heart. I see that our Lord and Savior enlarges our congregation from day
to day. We cannot thank Him enough for it. When we are assembled
in our conference of helpers, we are aware that the Savior is with us. I can feel His grace,
and although I am not worthy or it, I am consoled by it."
Jonathan
25
"1
_ ~s are always wet since I have recognized my misery and the great love ofthe Savior.
I wish that it might remain so until I go home to my Savior. He has redeemed me with His
precious blood. I want to stay with Him. He is so glad to help me."
Johanna Mingo
"I do not really have anything but what I have received by the grace of our dear Lord and
God. He has redeemed me with grace and love; that is why I want to stay with Him. I am
steadily growing in my knowledge ofHim, and my heart lives in His bloody wounds. Thus
I live cheerfully, and I shall not abandon Him for as long as I live. Let Him help me!"
Maria
"My dear Baas! May the Savior give you a great deal of good health and energy in order to
enable you to continue. His work which you have undertaken among us. The word which
you have imparted to us is still in action, and our congregation has been growing from time
to time. I am very bad indeed. But I feel the Savior in my heart and want to stay with Him."
Benigna
"My dear Savior has made himself felt in my heart to such an extent that it burns with love
for Him. I am unable thus to prevent my eyes from overflowing with tears. I am wondering
only why I have not learned to know Him better since I have already spent quite a long
period oftime in studying the doctrine of the death and suffering of our God and Savior. I
weep over that. But I am determined to know about nothing other than my Jesus. He is
helping me out of my death. I will continue to be the reward for His suffering until I go to
Him. Nothing else."
Erdmuth
"I am very poor and miserable and have recognized that there is no other advice or help for
me in the whole world except in the bloody wounds ofmy God and Savior. I am His and He
is mine. Whatever I lacked, He has earned for me. My Lord lives, and I remain His poor
sinner, though I live in sin no longer."
Rebecca
Source: C.G.A. Olendorp's History of the Mission of the Evangelical Brethren on the Caribbean
Islands of St. Thomas, St. Croix, and St. John, Ed. Johann Jakob Bossard, trans. Amold R. Highfield &
Vladimir Barac (Karoma Pubs., Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1987), pp. 330, 549-550
26
3.
Political Soo2: 00 Africao Solidarity (1810's)
A sense of Afiican identity characterizes this song by slaves in the southern United States,
many of whom had fought for national independence from Britain. According to cultural
historian, Sterling Stuckey, 'African and European political as well as religious ideals at
times mingled and were united, the one preparing the ground for the other'. Some who sang
the song were said to have been involved in the Vesey Slave Conspiracy for Freedom and
Independence in 1822.
Hail! all hail! ye Afric clan,
Had! ye oppressed, ye Afric band,
Who toil and sweat in slavery bound
And when your health and strength are gone
Are left to hunger and to mourn,
Let independence be your aim,
Ever mindful what 'tis worth.
Pledge your bodies for the prize,
Pile them even to the skies!'
Source: Sterling Stuckey, Slave Culture: Nationalist Theory and the Foundations of Black America
(Oxford Univ. Press, Oxford, 1987) pp.49
27
3.
Slave Emancipation Sones: Jamaica in the 1810's
The slaves not only took up anns in the search for freedom, but also mobilized their
performance culture for the task of self-liberation. The creative arts, particularly dance and
song, were forged as anti-slavery instruments, much to the disturbance ofslaveowners. The
singing and dancing went side by side with the running away, revolts, and general apathy
with respect to work. The following slaves songs - songs of freedom - were recorded in
Jamaica during the early 19th century:
(i)
Oh me good friend, Mr Wilberforce, make we free!
God Almighty thank ye! God Almighty thank ye!
God Almighty, make we free!
Buckra in this country no make we free!
What Negro for to do? What Negro for to do?
Take force with force? Take force with force?
(ii)
King give mi mi freedom;
Tenke Massa...
Driber 'tan mi side, but let mi talk to mi 'busha;
NYhan 'busha gan, is mi an' yu de yah...
If yu kick mi, mi kick yu back;
Tenk yu Massa
If yu buck me, mi buck yu back;
Tenk yu Massa.
If yu lick mi, mi lick yu back;
Tenk yu Massa.'
Source: Michael Craton, Empire, Enslavement, and Freedom in the Caribbean (IRP, Kingston, 1997) pp.
269,299-300
28
4.
Phillis Wheatley - Poetess
When George Washington took command of the United States revolutionary anny on July
3, 1775, he had little choice but to call upon the entire slave population to participate in the
struggle against Britain if national liberation and independence were to be secured. Many
black soldiers had already served with distinction. Washington had first to overcome his
southern slaveholder prejudices ifhe intended to lead blacks into battle with effect. Towards
the end of October 1775, he received a parcel from Phillis Wheatley, the slave poetess. It
contained a letter, and attached was a poem. Phillis, although a slave, was the first black
woman, and second woman, to publish a volume of poetry in the United States. She had
been kidnapped as a child in Senegal, and sold in Boston in 1761. As a young woman she
had established a reputation as the 'slave scholar!'
(i)
The Letter to Georee Washineton
"Providence,
"October 26, 1775
"Sir,
"1 have taken the freedom to address your Excellency in the enclosed poem, and
entreat acceptance though I am not insensible of its inaccuracies. Your being appointed
by the Grand Continental Congress to be Generalissimo of the Armies of North America,
together with the fame of your virtues, excite sensations not easy to suppress. Your
generosity, therefore, I presume, will pardon the attempt. Wishing your Excellency all
possible success in the great cause you are engaged in, I am
"Your Excellency's most obedient and humble servant,
"PHILLIS WHEATLEY"
(ii)
A Poem for Georee Washineton
Celestial choir! enthron'd in realms of light
Columbia's scenes of glorious toils I write.
While freedom's cause her anxious breast alanns,
She flashes dreadful in refulgent anns.
See mother earth her offspring's fate bemoan,
And nations gaze at scenes before unknown!
See the bright beams of heaven's revolving light
Involved in sorrows and the veil of night!
The goddess comes, she moves divinely fair
29
Olive and laurel binds her golden hair:
Wherever shines this nature of the skies,
Unnumber'd charms and recent graces rise.
Muse! bow propitious while my pen relates
How pour her armies through a thousand gates;
As when Eolus heaven's fair face deforms,
Enrapped in tempest and a night of storms;
Astonished ocean feels the wild uproar,
The refluent surges beat the sounding shore,
Or thick as leaves in Autumn's golden reign,
Such, and so many, moves the warrior's train.
In bright array they seek the work of war,
Where high unfurl'd the ensign waves in air.
Shall I to Washington their praise recite?
Enough thou know'st them in fields of fight,
Thee, first in place and honours,-we demand
The grave and glory of thy martial bond.
Fam'd for thy valour, for thy virtues more,
Here every tongue thy guardian aid implore!
One century scarce performed its destined round,
When Gallic powers Columbia's fury found.
And so may you, whoever dares disgrace
The land of freedom's heaven-defended race!
Fix'd are the eyes of nations on the scales,
For in their hopes Columbia's arm prevails.
Anon Britannia droops the pensive head,
While round increase the rising hills of dead.
Oh! cruel blindness to Columbia's state!
Lament thy thirst of boundless powers too late.
Proceed great chief, with virtue on thy side,
Thy every action let the goddess guide.
A crown, a mansion, and a throne that shine,
With gold unfading Washington be thine.'"
Sources: Matthew T. Mellon, Early American Views on Ne2ro Slavery(Mentor Books, 1969,
N.Y.) pp. 44-45.1 Ann Shockley, Afro-American Women Writers. 1746-1933 (1988,
Signet, NY) pp. 22
30
Study Indicators
Slave culture displayed interesting characteristics. In this section, the focus is on
expressive culture: from a slave sennon at a burial, to poetry and songs.
Things to note:
i: the slave sermon:
Students should pay attention to:
I)
2)
3)
the language used in the slave sennon. Notice that it represents the slaves'
attempts to master the English language as well as to mimic the missionary jargon
the way in which the slave preacher expressed his understanding of the Bible
the reference to the existence of muslim slaves (Abdullah) in Jamaica
ii: Danish slaves: on conversion to christianity:
1)
2)
3)
4)
the interrogation of the baptized slaves demonstrate that the Moravians were
successful in getting slaves in the Danish Caribbean to learn the tenets of the
christian faith
slaves acquired literacy skills through the efforts of the missionaries
slaves seemed grateful to the Moravian missionaries for 'bestowing' christianity on
them
slaves did not appear to see any incompatability between christianity and slavery
iii: political song on African solidarity:
Students should note that:
1)
2
3)
4)
the style in the verse displays a clear European literary style, though the end words
do not always rhyme
the composer refers to the productive labor of the enslaved and the physical toll
this has on the enslaved
the composer includes a call for resistance; for liberty
the objective is to encourage a sense of African identity among slaves in the USA.
iv: emancipation songs in 19th century Jamaica:
Students should note that:
1)
the language in which the songs are written represent a mixture of English and
Jamaican dialect
31
2)
3)
slaves refer, in both songs, to the role of the humanitarians in the anti-slavery
struggle. The first song actually names Wilberforce and denies any role of the
enslaver (planter) in the abolition movement. There is also a reference, posed as a
question, about the role of slave resistance in the fight for freedom.
the role of the state or the monarchy in emancipation is clearly articulated in the
second song. Another interesting aspect of this song is its indication of slaves'
hostility to the slave driver.
v: Phillis Wheatley's poetry:
The artistic and literary abilities of female slaves are evident in Wheatley's poem
dedicated to George Washington. The poem expresses and reveals:
1)
2)
3)
the religious influence on the poetess
the influence of the English literary style
Wheatley's clear admiration for Washington and her support of the war effort and
thus the independence movement
Follow-up activity for students:
Collect as many examples as you can of poems written by slaves or former slaves in
the USA.
32
5.
Peruvian Slaves: Right to Family
Slaves in urban Peru demanded the freedom to live as normal a life as was possible. They
demanded, for example, the right to a married life. Ultimately, the formulations and
arguments they used questioned the integrity of ecclesiastical officials and gave wider
currency to the slackening of the slave holding system that affected the urban population.
Domingo explained his reasoning with honest indignation:
Domingo
When I sold myself it was with the condition that I could always see my wife, and thus I did
not leave Lima. Now, for what reason should something granted by our holy Church such as
the sanctity of marriage be denied without any other reason except that masters are even
greater despots than the Church superiors, causing such scandalous divorces, which here and
now only emerge in very criminal cases.... I do not ask that my expectation be completely
satisfied, nor that my wife's master be left without her services. The only thing I am
requesting is to be permitted to be with her in my spare hours, without interfering with her
duties.
The logic underlying the slaves' agenda was summed up by Pedro Jose Iturrizaga, a limefto
slave, in a petition dated 1818:
Pedro Jose Iturrizaga
If we the poor slaves were to understand at the time of marriage that were not the perpetual
owners of our bodies for our entire life but rather the victims ofthe arbitrariness and cruelty
ofan owner, who wants no part ofresponsibility and all the rest before God (for the harm and
many evils ofsoul and body, for which they are the responsible party), I believe that no slave
would ever marry.
Source: Cbristine Hunefeldt, Paying The price of Freedom:Family and Labor Among Lima's Slaves,
1800-1854. (Berkley, 1994, pp. 157)
33
Study Indicators:
Slavery affected the family life of the enslaved. This is brought out clearly in the
indignant voices of Domingo and Pedro.
Students should be aware of the social context of slave society and the reasons family life
was not always encouraged among the enslaved.
Crucial points to note in the extracts are as follows:
1)
2)
3)
Domingo accuses slave masters of being greater despots than the Church; for the
Church sanctioned marriages and masters discouraged family relations.
Domingo does not wish to deny his wife's master of her services, but demands the
right to see her even in her spare time.
Pedro Jose lturrizaga questions owners' total control over slaves' bodies and social
life; but of course, that was the nature of slavery.
34
6.
Letters on Freedom
Riehts to Freedom:
A Letter to John Smith of Demerara
In 1823, the English colony Demerara, now part of Guyana, experienced one of the largest
slave uprisings in the Americas. According to Emilia da Costa, ten to twelve thousand slaves
rose up in the name of their 'rights'. The rebellion started on plantation 'Success', which
belonged to John Gladstone (father ofthe future British Prime Minister), and spread to about
sixty others. The rebellion was brutally suppressed, and hundreds ofslaves were put to death.
John Smith, an evangelical missionary sent from Britain in 1817 to preach Christianity to
slaves, was accused ofbeing the instigator of the rebellion. He was tried by a court-martial,
and condemned to death. The following two letters, written by slaves, were submitted as
evidence by the Crown in the case against Smith:
i)
Letter of Jack Gladstone, a slave at 'Success', to Jack Reed:
Dear Sir,
Excuse the liberty I take in writing to you; I hope this letter may find yourselfand Mrs. Smith
well. Jack Gladstone has sent me a letter, which appears as if! had made an agreement upon
some actions, which I never did; neither did I promise him any thing, and I hope that you will
see to it, and inquire of members, whatever it is they may have in view, which I am ignorant
of, and to inquire after it, and know what it is. The time is determined on for seven o'clock
to night.
(ii) Letter to Smith by Jack Reed, a slave in Smith's congregation:
Dear Brother Jacky,
I hope this letter will find you well, and I write to you concerning our discourse, and I hope
you will do according to your promise; this letter is written by Jack Gladstone, and all the rest
ofthe brothers in Bethel chapel, and I hope you will do according to our agreement; we shall
begin at the Thomas, and hope, you will try your best up the coast.
(in) Smith's Reply to Reed:
I am ignorant ofthe affair you allude to, and your note is too late for me to make any inquiry.
1 learnt yesterday, that some scheme was in agitation, but without asking questions on the
subject; I begged them to be quiet; and trust they will. Hasty, violent, or unconcerted
35
measures, are quite contrary to the religion we profess, and 1 hope you will 'have nothing to
do with them. Yours, for Christ's sake.
Requesting Freedom in Barbados
Old Doll, the retired housekeeper slave on Newton Plantation in Barbados at the end of the
18th century, had three daughters, all ofwhom were literate, and protected from the physical
rigours of slavery. John and Thomas Lane, absentee proprietor of the estate, who lived in
London, received the following letters from two of these sisters, Dolly and Jenny both
requesting their freedom and that of their children:
Barbados, November 26, 1807
Honoured Master,
I take the liberty of conveying these few lines to you hoping to find you my master
and mistress and family well, and requesting the kind favour of you to be so good as to
take the trouble to have my manumission executed for me. As you will find by Mr
Jackson's letter, my friend who has wrote to you on the subject, as I chose it sent to you
from all your former kindness to me and my family, I would wish you to complete the
business for your servant.
Hon'd Sir I remains
Your Humble Servant
Dolly Newton
My honoured Master,
I hope you will pardon the liberty your slave has taken in addressing herself to you on a
subject which I hope may not give you the least displeasure or offence. When my valued and
good Master Wood was about to leave this Country, I requested him to make a proposal to
you in my behalf, which he most kindly promised to do, but as I understood he never had it
in his power to make my request. I now with my Mistress Wood's approbation, venture to
address myselfto you which favour I have to ask good Master is this. I have a friend who has
been generous enough to promise me if! can obtain your consent will pay for my freedom but
first I must implore you to take another good slave in my stead, or sell me, which ever you
please to do, and you shall be most honestly paid if it should please you to sell me. I should
never have thought of changing my situation if! could be assured of always living as I have
done with my master and mistress Wood, but as you are at a distance and I don't know whose
hands I may fall into, I hope you will not blame me for embracing this offer of my freedom.
With all due obedience and submission I sign myself your humble slave,
Jenny Lane
....continue
36
Barbados, March 4th, 1813
Honoured Sir/
I have taken the liberty to write to you, hope you will excuse me requesting the favour of
your Goodness to oblige me with my two Mullato sons at Newton's; the Name of one is
Robert a joiner by trade, but one ofhis arms is affected and no use to the estate; the other
is William Henry a tailor by trade and a Poor constitution that I think is but little use to the
estate. If I thought or knew they was any Great use, you may Depend I would not taken
the liberty, but my having A little to Depend on and they poorly would wish to have them
to own it, which I have named to General Haynes [plantation attorney], and I knows what I
say in this letter to be true.
I Remains your truly well wisher and very humblest
Jane Lane
Both Robert and Henry were freed in 1819 at the ages of32 and 30 years respectively.
Jenny died the year before their manumission (1818) aged 50 years.
Source: Newton Papers, M.523/579;690 Senate House Library, London University
Study Indicators:
The letters written by Jack Reed, Jack Gladstone and Old Doll indicate that despite the
limited educational opportunities open to slaves, some did manage to acquire even basic
literary skills. These letters reveal the following:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
there was an attempt to implicate John Smith in the planning of the 1823 slave
rebellion
Jack Gladstone seemed to have had knowledge of the planning and had expected
Jack Reed to be involved
Jack Reed disassociated himself from the planning of the rebellion. Why?
John Smith (unsuccessfully) refuted claims that he had prior knowledge of the
planned revolt
open revolt was not the only route to freedom. Slaves like Old Doll negotiated in a
non violent way, for their manumission
enslaved domestic women used their 'privileged' position as part of the 'slave elite'
to win even more favours from their owners
enslaved women, despite the impression conveyed by the Eurocentric literature,
cared about their offspring and their family
37
7.
"PhiIipaut": Letters to Madame de Maueer:
"Philipaut" (also written Philipau and Philipeau ), was a head slave on a S1. Dominigue indigo
plantation, Vieux Bac, the property of the absentee owner, Madame de Mauger. He seemed
to have been born on the property and gradually rose to a position of trusted head slave. His
assistant was his brother, Charles, 10 years his junior. He was married and he and his wife,
"Mama Caba", lived on the same property. By 1784, he was quite old and ill, but was still
described as a valuable slave to his owners. Between 1784 and 1793, he dictated several
letters to his mistress through a coloured woman, Sanite Guyon, an acquaintance ofMadame
de Mauger. None ofthe letters that his mistress wrote back to him have survived. When the
Haitian Revolution broke out, Philipaut, fearing that he may have been regarded as a spy for
his owners, destroyed them. His own letters have survived and two samples, translated from
the original French, follow:
July 18, 1784
Madame my very dear good mistress,
Your poor slave "Philipau" is no longer alive. He fears that his dear mistress
has forgotten him. He no longer gets news of her. What could I have done to so displease
my good mistress. I always put myself into my work. When I think of you, I drive myself
mercilessly. I do my very best to increase your bounty but, my good mistress, I have no
assistance. Your misfortune is that I am black, that you cannot place your trust in me. I am
black, therein lies my shortcoming. If! could lighten my skin you would see, with the will
of God, the increase in your bounty. I will say no more about it. If! were to speak to you it
would be ofthings quite different, my dear mistress; I would tell you of things that I cannot
put in writing to you. It would be good ifmy little master could come and devote a few years
to your affairs, to take stock of the yearly revenue and to see everything for himself Your
slaves, my dear mistress, are too wretched. As for me, I have no more vegetables in my
garden. If! plant something, they take it all and I can say nothing for fear of being abused.
This is why I say that I you ave abandoned me because ifyou had recommended me to your
overseer as you did your other slaves, this would not be happening. My dearest mistress,
please allow your faithful Philipeau to make these observations and do not take them in a bad
light. Please believe that it is a zealous mistress, your manager (s) cannot complain about me:
I do my duty with courage and zeal. He wants me to be more strict with your slaves. I cannot
treat him with ill-will thinking too much ofyour interests. Your overseers never come to the
property. Your slaves are being killed. There are four runaway slaves, and among those four
is your old Lamour who has never run away since I have been in your service. I have never
found it necessary to give him a flogging. He has four children" He has abandoned
everything. Think on these things, my good mistress. I hope that you will not think me
malicious for having warned you about what is happening with your property. Be assured that
I am telling you the truth. I speak to you as before God, rendering account. I have never
38
wronged anyone. I have nothing to be ashamed of. I have always worked well. Believing
that I was fulfilling my duty by looking after your interests. Deal tactfully with you faithful
Philipaut. Let no one know that I have written to you. You are not here on the property. If
they know that I have written to you I will be insulted and ill-treated. I have spoken with your
overseers. They do not listen to me. They no longer speak of you to me. Could I live with
no memory of you? No, my good mistress, think of your slave who is so devoted to your
service. Please speak of me to my two barrels of polished rice sent to you. He says that he
will not be able to. Try to evoke your memories ofme. I am still deserving ofyour goodness
my dear mistress and my dear master. I am deeply respectful and submissive, and pray
incessantly to the Lord to keep you and your family.
My very dear and good mistress
Your very humble and submissive slave
Philipaut
If you do me the honour of replying, please address my letter to Miss Sanitte
Guyon, residing in the town of Petite Riviere or to Mr. Sterlin who is your neighbour. He
lives on the property bordering yours at Vieux Back.
June 8, 1787
My dear mistress, I have told the truth concerning the daily happenings on your property, to
your sisters so as to reiterate and confirm the truth of all that I told you in the two previous
letters that I had the honour ofwriting to you. Yes, my dear mistress, I tell you and I repeat
as a faithful servant, to bring swift order to the division which reigns at present on your
property, as this would be in your best interest.
Responsible as I am for the care of your property at Vieux Back and to your neighbour and
friend who will eventually see everything for himself, and I close, my dear mistress, by asking
you to accord me all the goodness that I will have earned all my life by always taking your
interest to heart. It is in this spirit ofdevotion and respect that I ask the Almighty to keep you,
my dear master and mistress.
Your very humble and very obedient subject.
For Philipau Mauge
P. S. Ifyou do me the honour ofreplying, please address my letter to this lady that I mentioned
to you. Please put the letter in the care ofMr. Sterlin, your neighbour, who will give it to her
immediately and she will ensure that it reaches me. And please allow me to write the exact
truth about that which is happening on your property.
Source: G. Debien, Les Esclaves des Plantations Mauger a St. Domingue (Notes D'Histoire Co1oniall,
Guade1oupe, 1980), pp. 100-102; 104-105
39
Study Indicators:
"Philipaut's" letters to Madame de Mauger provide a good view of the life of a slave on an
indigo plantation. They give a synopsis of the complaints and sufferings of the enslaved
from the "inside". They indicate that slave life on non-sugar properties in the Caribbean
segment of the Atlantic World was not rosy as has been suggested by some historians.
Written as they were just before the outbreak of the Haitian Revolution, they give ample
evidence of some of the possible causes of the slave revolt. "Philipaut" writes to his
mistress about:
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
6)
7)
his ill-health
his disappointment that his mistress does not reply to his letters
his faithfulness as a slave
the necessity for his mistress' son to begin to take interest in her property which he
would, no doubt, inherit
the wretched condition of 'her' slaves, including his own children
the difficulties he is experiencing in reaping the produce from his provision ground
Resistance on her plantation, some slaves like Lamour, having run away
Students should note that "Philipaut" seems to hold great affection for his mistress. It is
also clear that he wants his mistress to keep his letters secret. He fears that he will be
further ill-treated if-his correspondence is discovered.
40
8.
Brazilian Slaves:
Son~s
of Life
Slaves in Brazil sang on every possible occasion. They sang as they worked in rural and
urban settings. Even the porters in Rio de Janeiro sang as they jogged through the streets with
loads on their heads. Sometimes they stopped to rest; but they still managed to engage in
singing with others who were also resting. The lyrics of the songs were varied, reflecting
slaves' views on marriage, love, race and slavery, work and politics, drunkenness, emotions
about Africa, repatriation, conditions of slavery, the nature of their owners. They even
mocked their overseers in some of their songs. Below are some examples:
Song #1 - On Marriage
St. John, marry me quick, ,while I am a lass, do you hear? For the corn that is split too
late Yields neither straw nor ear.
Song #2 - On Love Between Master and Slave. White and Black
My little white charmer,
Sweet master, my brother,
Your captive adores you,
You and none other.
For you say "little sister"
To a black girl like me,
Who trembles with pleasure,
So happy is she.
At nightfall you go fishing,
Little master, so sweet;
You send piau and corvina
For the little black girl to eat.
Song #3 - On Race and Slavery
Branco diz 0 preto furta
Preto furta corn razao
Sinho branco tamben furta
Qunado faz a escravidao
The white man says: the black man steals.
The black man steals for good reason.
Mister white man also steals
When he makes us slave
41
Sone #4 - On Work and Politics
o Lele, turn the milt,
o Lele, mill has turned.
When you have no shirt
Why wish for an overcoat?
And long live. Joe Nabuco and all his gang,
And the Knight of the Holy Ghost and the liberal party !
Sone #5 - On Drunkenness
"What has become of your partner?
The mountain water. took him !
It was not the water-that was nothing.
It was the cachapa brandy that slew him."
Source: Denis Pierre, Brazil (Charles Scribner, N.Y. 1911) pp. 325; Katia M. deQueiro's Mattoso,
To be a Slave in Brazil, 1550 - 1888 (Rutgers, London, 1989), pp. 137; Gilberto Freyre,
The Masters and the Slaves (Alfred A. Knoff, N.Y. 1956) pp. 355,363
Brazilian Sones cont'd
Sone #6 - On FeeIines about Work and Africa
You carregando por meus pecados
Mala de branco p'ra viajar,
Quem dera ao ToOOo, pore de negro,
P'ra sua terra poder voltar!
(For my sins I am carrying
The luggage of a white man
Who will give to Tony, poor black,
The chance to return to his own land!)
Sone #7 - On the Rigors of Work
A vida de preto escravo
Eurn pendao de pemi:
Trabaiando todo dia:
Sem noite pra descansa.
(The life of a black slave
Is a burden of pain;
Working all day;
Without the night to rest)
42
•
Son2 #8 - On Life in Brazil
Na terra nao existe ceu,
Mas se nas arejas piso,
Desta raia carioca,
Penso estar no paraiso.
(There is no heaven on earth,
But if! walk on the sands,
Of this Cariocan beach,
I think I am in Paradise.)
Son2 #9 - On Love of Maria
Quando bebo nao quero donner
Quando durmo nao vou trabalhar,
Quando danso nao quero beber;
Mas Maria vou logo beijar!
(When I drink I don't want to sleep.
When I sleep I don't want to work.
When I dance I don't want to drink.,
But Maria I'm soon going to kiss)
Source: M. Karasch, Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro 1808-1850. Princeton V.P. 1987
Son2 #10 - On Overseers
That devil of a bembo taunted me
No time to button my shirt
That devil of a bembo
Source: Stanley Stein, Vassouras: a BraZilian Coffee Country, 1850 - 1900 (Princeton, New Jersey,
1985edn.), pp. 162
43
Study Indicators:
The songs from Brazil are crucial for what they reveal about:
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
slave culture
gender relations
enslaver/enslaved relations
inter-ethnic non-violent relations
slaves' views on racism, property rights, work and past-time.
Students should note the following:
•
•
not every movement of the slaves' life was spent in violent resistance
slaves used songs to express their dissatisfaction with slavery. This strategy falls
into the category of subtle, non-violent resistance.
song #1
song #2
Song #3
Song #4
song #5
song #6
song #7
song #8
song #9
song #10
slaves valued marriage and family
some slave women seemed to have had feelings of love for white
men.
slaves and masters had a different view of what constituted " theft".
mill work was a crucial aspect of estate production and slaves held
views on politics
some slaves could not hold their brandy! !
slaves had a strong desire to return to Africa
the pain of slavery
slaves loved nature
slaves expressed views on love and male/female relationship
some slaves were contemptuous of the overseer
.
•
"
TIle AutobiogralJlly of
a
RUl1,lW(:ly SI~lVC
Estehan 1\100 t ejo
44
PART 4: FJiebt and Journeys to Freedom
1.
.•
Esteban Montejo: Cuban Maroon
The Autobiography ofEsteban Montejo, the Cuban slave who ran away and spent the better
part of his life in the forest as a maroon, is now considered a classic text in the political
history of slavery. He tells his life story with enormous intellectual energy and power, and
leaves the reader impressed with his wit, knowledge, and general social awareness. His life
in the forest was a difficult one, but he valued his freedom and celebrated in full his
individuality.
On Life and Livine
THERE are some things about life I don't understand. Everything about Nature is obscure to
me, and about the gods more so still. The gods are capricious and wilful, and they are the
cause of many strange things which happen here and which I have seen for myself. I can
remember as a slave I spent half my time gazing up at the sky because it looked so painted.
Once it suddenly turned the colour of a hot coal, and there was a terrible drought. Another
time there was an ecl~pse of the sun which started at four in the afternoon and could be seen
all over the island. The moon looked as if it was fighting with the sun. I noticed that
everything seemed to be going backwards-it got darker and darker, and then lighter and
lighter. Hens flew up to roost. People were too frightened to speak. Some died of heart
failure and others were struck dumb.
I saw the same thing happen again in different places, but I never dreamed of trying to find
out why. You see, I know it all depends on Nature, everything comes from Nature, even what
can't be seen. We men cannot do such things because we are the subjects of a God; of Jesus
Christ, who is the one most talked about. Jesus Christ wasn't born in Africa' he came from
Nature herself, as the Virgin Mary was a senorita.
The strongest gods are African. I tell you it's certain they could fly and they did what they
liked with their witchcraft. I don't know how they permitted slavery. The truth is, I start
thinking, and I can't make head or tail of it. To my mind it all started with the scarlet
handkerchiefs, the day they crossed the wall. There was an old wall in Africa, right round the
coast, made of palm-bark and magic insects which stung like the devil. For years they
frightened away all the whites who tried to set foot in Africa. It was the scarlet which did for
the Africans; both the kings and the rest surrendered without a struggle. When the kings saw
that the whites -- I think the Portuguese were the first -- were taking out these scarlet
handkerchiefs as if they were waving, they told the blacks, 'Go on then, go and get a scarlet
handkerchief, and the blacks were so excited by the scarlet they ran down to the ships like
•
45
sheep and there they were captured. The Negro has always liked scarlet. It was the fault of
this colour that they put them in chains and sent them to Cuba. After that they couldn't go
back to their own country. That is the reason for slavery in Cuba.
(ii)
I got used to living with trees in the forest. They have their noises too, because the leaves
hiss in the air. There is one tree with a big white leafwhich looks like a bird at night. I
could swear that tree spoke. It went, 'Uch, uch, uch, ui, ui, ui, uch, uch.' Trees also cast
shadows which do no harm, although one should not walk on them at night. I think trees'
shadows must be like men's spirits. The spirit is the reflection of the soul, this is clear.
One thing it is not given to us men to see is the soul.
We cannot say whether it is of such or such a colour. The soul is one of the greatest things
in the world. Dreams are there to put us in touch with it. The' Congolese elders used to
say that the soul was like a witchcraft inside you and that there were good spirits and bad
spirits, or rather, good souls and bad souls, and that everybody had them. As far as I can
see, some people only have the magic sort of souls, while others have ordinary ones. But
the ordinary ones are better, I think, because the others are in league with the Devil. It can
happen that the soul leaves the body-when a person dies or sleeps-and joins the other souls
wandering in space. It does this to rest itself, because so much strife at all times would be
unbearable. There are people who don't like being called while they are asleep, because
they are easily frightened and could die suddenly. This is because the soul travels far
away during sleep and leaves the body empty. I sometimes get the shivers at night, and
the same used to happen in the forest. Then I cover myself well because this is God's
warning to one to take care of oneself. People who get the shivers need to pray a lot.
The heart is very different. It never leaves its post. If you put your hand on your left side
you can make sure that it is beating. But the day it stops no one can help but go stiff. That
is why you should not trust it.
Now the most important thing of all is the guardian angel. It is he who makes you go
forwards or back. To my mind, the angel ranks higher than the soul or heart. He is always
at your feet, watching over you and seeing everything. Nothing will ever make him go. I
have thought a lot about these things, and I still find them a bit obscure. These are the
thoughts which come when one is alone. Man is thinking at all times. Even when he
dreams, it is as though he were thinking. It is not good to speak of these thoughts. There
is danger of decadence setting in. You cannot put much trust in people. How many
people ask you questions so as to be able to use the information against you afterwards!
Besides, this business of the spirits is infinite, like debts which keep piling up. No one
knows the end. The truth is I don't even trust the Holy Ghost. That was why 1 stayed on
my own as a runaway_ I did nothing except listen to the birds and trees, arid eat, but I
never spoke to a soul. I remember I was so hairy my whiskers hung in ringlets. It was a
46
sight to inspire fear. When I came out of the forest and went into the villages an old man
called Ta Migue cropped me with a big pair of scissors. He gave me such a close crop I
looked like a thoroughbred. I felt strange with all that wool gone, tremendously cold. The
hair started growing again in a few days. Negroes have this tendency-I have never seen a
bald Negro, not one. It was the Galicians who brought baldness to Cuba.
All my life I have liked the forest, but when slavery ended I stopped being a runaway. I
realised from the way the people were cheering and shouting that slavery had ended, and
so I came out of the forest. They were shouting, 'We're free now.' But I didn't join in, I
thought it might be a lie.
Source: Esteban Montejo, The Autobiography of a Runaway Slave
(London, 1993, MacMillan) pp.35-37, 61-64,77
Study Indicators
Esteban Montejo's classic autobiography speaks to several issues:
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
his inability to understand nature and natural phenomena like the eclipse ofthe
sun, drought etc., due, in part, to his lack of scientific education
his uncertainty about God's original role in people's lives; and especially about
why God would permit slavery to exist
the differences between African and Western gods
the obvious cultural differences between Europeans and Africans which led to the
capture and enslavement of people from his village
slaves' ability despite the negative views of some contemporary writers, to
philosophise about religion, nature, the soul, death and the after life
Students should take note of the life that Montejo lived as a runaway and a maroon.
47
2.
Juan Francisco Manzano
Juan Francisco Manzano, a Cuban slave born around 1797, was the son ofTorbio Castro and
Maria Pilar Manzano, domestic slaves to the Marquesa de Santa Ana. When the Marquesa
died, the family passed into the service of a cruel mistress, the Marquesa de Prado Ameno.
Francisco ran away to Havana where he worked independently. Domingo Monte helped him
to buy his freedom around 1836. He acquired literary skills and wrote his autobiography in
1839. The following section of his narrative chronicles his escape from the brutality of de
Prado Ameno who had threatened to send him to the estate of Molino:
I remembered at that moment the fate of one ofmy uncles, who in a case like mine, took the
same determination of escaping to Havana, to Don Nicholas, Don Manuel, and the Senor
Marques and was brought back again like a wild beast - but for all that I resolved to venture
on my escape, and in some case of detection, to suffer for something. I waited til twelve
o'clock. That night everybody retired early, it being very cold and rainy. I saddled the horse
for the first time in my life, put on the bridle, but with such trembling that I hardly knew what
I was about, after that I knelt down, said a prayer, and mounted the horse. When I was going
away, I heard the sound ofa voice saying, "God bless you, make haste." I thought that nobody
saw me, but as I know afterwards, I was seen by several ofte negroes, but nobody offered any
impediment to my flight.
Manzano also wrote poetry which captured his personal recollections of slavery:
Thirty Years
When I think on the course I have run,
From my childhood itself to this day,
I tremble, and fain would I shun,
The remembrance its terrors array.
I marvel at struggles endured,
With a destiny frightful as mine,
At the strength for such efforts: - assured
Tho' I am, 'tis in vain to repine.
I have known this sad life thirty years,
And to me, thirty years it has been
Of suff'ring, of sorrow and tears,
Ev'ry day of its bondage 've seen.
48
But 'tis nothing the past - or the pains,
Hitherto I have struggled to bear,
When I think, oh my God! On the chains,
That I know I'm yet destined to wear.
Source: J. Mullen, ed., The Life and Poems of a Cuban Slave: Juan Francisco Manzano, 1797 - 1854
(Archon Books, Connecticut, 1981), pp. 23, 115
Study Indicators:
The narratives ofMontejo and Manzano provide much-needed insight into the everyday life
of slaves in Cuba. Manzano brings out the differences in the character of slave owners. It is
also clear from his narrative that he was well aware of the dangers of running away and of
being caught and returned.
Students should notice that other slaves watched Manzano's escape with approval. Years
after Manzano made his escape to Havana and gained his freedom, he still recalled the horrors
of his enslavement through his poems.
..
. .........
i' :.
).:~-
..,
THIRTY YEARS A SLAVE
From Bondage to Freedom
THE INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY
AS SEEN ON THE PLANTATION •••
IN THE HOME OF THE PLANTER.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF LOUIS HUGHES.
49
4.
Louis Huehes: in Canada Five Fliehts to Freedom
Louis was born into slavery in Virginia, U. S., in 1832. His father was a white man and his
mother an African slave. His family comprising two brothers and their mother, were sold to
a Dr. Louis, a practising physician, when he was six years old. Shortly thereafter Dr. Louis
sold his mother, who he never saw again. With the assistance of a literate slave friend, he
learnt to read and write, using newspapers as texts. He developed a love ofliterature, and on
securing his freedom in Canada wrote his autobiography, entitled 'Thirty Years a Slave.' In
it, he details five attempts at freedom by flight. Here, the narrative of his first flight is
presented:
My First Break For Freedom
In the new home my duties were harder than ever. The McGees held me with tighter grip, and
it was nothing but cruel abuse, from morning till night. So I made up my mind to try and run
away to a free country. I used to hear Boss read sometimes, in the papers, about runaway
slaves who had gone to Canada, and it always made me long to go; yet I never appeared as
if! paid the slightest attention to what the family read or said on such matters; but I felt that
I could be like others, and try at least to get away. One morning, when Boss had gone to
town, Madam had threatened to whip me, and told me to come to the house. When she
called me I did not go, but went off down through the garden and through the woods, and
made my way for the city. When I got into Memphis, I found at the landing a boat called the
Statesman, and I sneaked aboard. It was not expected that the boat would stay more than a
few hours, but, for some reason, it stayed all night.
My heart sprang into my throat when I heard two men read this advertisement. I knew, at
once, what it all meant, remembering how often I had heard Boss read such articles from the
papers and from the handbills that were distributed through the city. The captain asked me if
I could dance. It seemed he felt sorry for me, for he said: "That's a bright boy to be a slave."
Then turning to me he said:"Come, give us a dance." I was young and nimble, so I danced a
few of the old southern clog dances, and sang one or two songs. like this:
" Come along, Sam, the fifer's son,
Aint you mighty glad your day's work's done?"
After I finished singing and dancing, the captain took up a collection for me and got about two
dollars. This cheered me a good deal. I knew that I would need money if I should ever
succeed in getting on.
On the following evening, when we reached West Franklin, Indiana, while the passengers
were at tea, another boat pushed into port right after ours. Immediately a gentleman passenger
came to me hurriedly, and whispered to me to go down stairs, jump out on the bow of the
other boat, and go ashore. I was alarmed, but obeyed, for I felt that he was a friend to slaves.
50
I went out as quietly as I could, and was not missed until I had gotten on shore. Then I heard
the alann given that the boy was gone -- that the runaway was gone. But I sped on, and did
not stop until I had run through the village, and had come to a road that led right into the
country. I took this road and went on until I had gone four or five miles, when I came to a
fann house. Before reaching it, however, I met two men on horseback, on their way to the
village. They passed on without specially noticing me, and I kept on my way until reaching
the fannhouse. I was so hungry, I went in and asked for food. While I was eating, the men
whom I had met rode up. They had been to the village, and, learning that a runaway slave was
wanted, and remembering meeting me, they returned in hot haste, in hope of finding me and
securing the reward. They hallooed to the people in the house, an old woman and her
daughter, whom they seemed to know, saying: " There is a runaway nigger out, who stole off
a boat this evenin-." The old lady said, " Come," becoming frightened at once. When they
came in they began to question me. I trembled all over but answered them. They said: "You
are the fellow we want, who ran off the boat." I was too, scared to deny it; so I owned I was
on the boat, and stole off. They did not tarry long, but, taking me with them, they went, about
a mile and a half, to their house. They planned and talked all the way, and one said: "We are
good for $ 75.00 for him anyway." The next morning they took me into the village. They soon
found out that the engineer, by order of the captain, had stayed over to search for me. A
lawsuit followed, and I was taken before the magistrate before the engineer could get
possession ofme. There was a legal course that had to be gone through with. A lawyer, Fox
by name, furnished the $75.00 for the men who had caught me. That part of the case being
settled, Fox and the engineer started for Evansville, Ind., that same night. Upon arriving
there, Fox received from the captain of the boat the money he had advanced to the men who
caught me; and we went on, arrivin- at Louisville, Ky., the next day.
Source: Louis Hughes, Thirty Years a Slave: From Bondage to Freedom
(Milwaukee, South Side Co.1897) pp. 80-90, 127-146
51
Study Indicators:
The autobiography of Louis Hughes should help students to understand the social context
which bred runaways. The section of his autobiography presented here indicates that:
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
Hughes changed owners; and his life became even more unbearable under the McGees
Mrs. McGee was no gentler in her treatment ofHughes than Mr. McGee
even though Hughes was a domestic slave, like Mary Prince, his duties were by no
means light
Hughes had knowledge ofthe possibility offlight to Canada as a solution to his plight,
though he played deaf (pretended not to hear) when 'Boss' read about the issue in
vanous newspapers
the journey to freedom was filled with all sorts of dangers; and Hughes did not
immediately succeed in his first attempt to reach Canada
Follow-up activity for students:
Find out how Louis Hughes eventually made good his escape to Canada.
52
5.
Jonas Bath: Islamic Mandingos in Trinidad:
The Back to Africa Movement
In 1824, the Mandingos slaves of Trinidad, fonned a society to promote Islamic solidarity,
finance to selfpurchase, and return to Africa. The Iman ofthe group was Jonas Bath who in
1830 led a group of some 140 Muslim slaves. The following year, he pioneered a back to
Africa campaign in Port of Spain for his followers. As Sierra Leone was being established
as a 'free' English colony in Africa, they petitioned the English Government for permission
to settle there - thereby escaping slavery in Trinidad. They wrote:
'We respectfully beg leave to infonn your Excellency that we have communicated with our
tribe (that is, in Trinidad) and have resolved to brave all dangers and run all risks, if the
British Government will afford us a passage to Sierra Leone. Those dangers and risks we do
not apprehend to be either as serious or numerous as the philanthropic Secretary of State for
the Colonial Department in his anxiety for our safety and welfare seems to anticipate, as some
of our tribe have already perfonned the journey from our country to Sierra Leone, overland.
On our arrival at that settlement we shall meet with a number of our brethren and we shall
then make such arrangements as will ensure us a safe journey across the Country. This of
course will be done at our own expense from our own resources. We never thought oftaxing
the generosity ofthe British Government so far as to require an escort from the Sea Coast.'
This and other petitions were signed in Arabic characters by:Jonas Bath, Mahomrned Waatra, Salhim, Maharnmed Sissei, Fonta Torre, Abouberiha
Torre, Brahima, Harnmadi Torrovhe, Mahommed Balliah, Sama Jaiih, and Malik Jub.
Source: Anthony de Verteuil, Seven Slaves and Slavery: Trinidad 1777-1838 (Port of Spain, 1992 NP)
pp. 266-269
53
Study Indicators:
The petition from Bath and the memorandum from John Proverbs et al reveal two
contrasting tendencies among slaves in the Caribbean: an attachment to Africa by some,
an attachment to the Caribbean by others.
Students should note that Bath has a carefully worked out plan of repatriation; one that
would entail no cost to the British Government. He and other Muslim slaves seemed
aware of the 'dangers' and 'risks' associated with their project, but felt confident about
overcoming them.
The exiles in Sierra Leone seemed equally committed to the idea of returning to the
Caribbean. Their identity is unambiguously Caribbean, specifically Barbadian. Like
Bath, their plan involved self-financing as opposed to requesting financial assistance from
the British Government.
",
.<~,.
#~(.
54
6.
Bussa's Exiles in Africa: Back to the Caribbean Movement
Following the defeat ofthe 1816 slave rebellion in Barbados, which was led by a slave
named Bussa, 123 of the rebels were tried, found guilty of insurrection, and sentenced by
court martial to the punishment of transportation as convicts back to Africa. Many of the
Jamaican maroons who were defeated in the 1790's were also deported to Sierra Leone.
Bussa's rebels were Creoles, that is, born in the colony; most were several generations
Creoles. By 1816 less than 5% of the blacks in the colony were born in Afiica. With the
final abolition of slavery in the British colonies in 1838 these exiled radicals petitioned the
Queen of England for permission to return to their 'native' land. The Jamaican maroons
also sought permission to return 'home' and many did. Most of the Barbados exiles were
described during the trials as the 'better' slaves - namely the artisans and supervisors, who
were literate and generally knowledgeable. This is their memorandum to the Queen:
To Her Most Gracious Majesty
Victoria, Queen of the
United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland
Defender of the Faith
Sierra Leone
13th May, 1841
The Humble Memorial of your Majesty's most dutiful
Barbadian subjects being inhabitants of the colony of Sierra Leone:
That your Memorialists have learned with deepest satisfaction that your Most
Gracious Majesty has asked whether your Memorialists feel a desire to emigrate to Jamaica,
one of your Majesty's West Indian Islands.
Your Memorialists having taken into consideration your Majesty's Royal wish, begs
most respectfully to say that your Memorialists duly appreciate the kind mark and
condescension shown by your Majesty, yet your Memorialists cannot but feel it their bounded
duty to express with extreme sorrow and regret that as the boon is not held out by your Most
Gracious Majesty by which your Memorialists can return back to their own native island, they
decline going to the Island of Jamaica in consequence of your Memorialists being totally
ignorant of the manner and customs of that place.
In conclusion, your Memorialists most respectfully crave that should your Most
Gracious Majesty be pleased to grant that your Memorialists be allowed to return back to
Barbados, the place of our nativity, your Memorialists will feel extremely grateful for the
55
same, and by which your Memorialists will endeavour to avail themselves ofdoing so without
causing any immediate expense to your Majesty, and thus by that means it will save your
Majesty from any further trouble for our transportation from this colony to any of your
Majesty's West Indian Islands.
John Proverbs
John Morgan
Robert Chapman
J. Thomas
'Acting for and on behalf of the other Barbadian subjects who have agreed to the foregoing
statement.'
Source: These correspondence are found in the (Public Records, London. CO.267/164).
56
7.
Catalina: Self purchase and freedom
Urban slavery was never envisaged as one of the consequences of the slave trade.
Nevertheless, urban slavery became a distinct fonn of labour exploitation in the Americas.
Cities in South America such as Lima, Sao Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and Buenos Aires saw a
gradual increase in their slave populations. In Latin America, slaves were initially sent to
rural plantations or to the mines located on coastal areas where the indigenous population had
either died or moved away to escape Iberian colonization: but an urban population eventually
built up in the cities. In the urban centres, slaves and free blacks became the back-bone ofthe
day-to day existence, functioning as artisans, water carriers, muleteers and house servants.
The struggle for freedom was no less intense among urban slaves, although the strategies
may have been different from those pursued by their rural counterparts.
Catalina:
In a petition dated 1806, Catalina, married to Miguel, related how - thanks to daily wages she had managed to obtain freedom ofboth:
Last year, in 1791, being subject to the slave servitude ofDofia Sipriana Palacios, I married
Miguel Geronimo de Teruz, a black bozal, born and raised in the Portuguese Indies and then
after we married and when he began to work with me, we reaped the fruits of our labour and
he was freed first, and afterward we proceeded to liberate me. However, Your Most
Honourable Sir should understand the conditions in which I did this: he being a slave and
house servant, and I being a day labourer, who would be the one who worked to liberate
both?"
Source: Christine Hunefeldt, Paying the Price of Freedom: Family and Labour Among Lima's Slaves.
1800-1854. Berkeley, 1994
Study Indicators:
After reading this section on Catalina, students should note the following:
1)
2)
3)
4)
marriages were contracted under slavery
not all slaves worked on rural plantations
urban slaves had a developed anti-slavery consciousness
slaves cared about each other. Catalina used her wages to buy freedom first for her
husband, and then herself
Follow-up activity for students:
Find out more about how freed blacks made a living in urban Peru.
57
'Joanna' Joanna was John Stedman's reputedly beautiful slave mIstress. Note how the facial features and
dress emphasise ideal of beauty and feminmity. The naked breast and pose, however, hint at the alleged
sensuality of African women which \cd to sexual, as well as economic explOItation of black women.
Evidence indicates, however, that Slcdman respected Joanna and purchased her freedom.
Suurce: B. Bush, Slave Women In Carihhean Society (I klllelllallll,
ll)l)())
pp
\Cl
58
8.
Joanna: Response to Offer to Buy her Freedom
When John Stedman, on his expedition to Suriname, developed a fever, he was nursed
back to health by the slave woman, Joanna. He was so grateful to her that he proposed to
buy, educate and take her to Europe with him. She rejected his offer with this declaration:
I am born a low contemptible slave.
Were you to treat me with too much attention,
you must degrade yourself with all your friends
and relations, while the purchase of my freedom
you will find expensive, difficult and apparently,
impossible. Yet though a slave, I have a soul,
I hope, not inferior to that of a European, and
blush not to avow the regard I retain for you ...
Source: 1. Stedman, Expedition to Suriname (Folio Society, London, 1963), pp. 41
Stud" Indicators:
•
•
•
•
•
Stedman, like other contemporary writers attest to the nursing abilities of enslaved
and free coloured women
the extract above indicates that manumission was not a cheap or easy process
Joanna did not seem to be that anxious to be bought by Stedman
Joanna seems to have internalized some of the negative views that Europeans held
of slaves
Joanna is at pains to point out that slaves were also human beings, capable of
affection
..
/
I
.~
;
. tI)
J
(
A charcoal skecch of Sac Turner
tI/[('T IllS
,1rrcsr.
59
PART 5: Liberators and Political Leaders
1.
Nat Turner: Confession of a Liberator
The best known of all United States slave revolts was that which broke out on August 21,
1831 in Virginia, under the leadership of a slave named Nat Turner. In the uprising
approximately 60 slaveholders lost their lives, while in the suppression over 100 slaves were
executed. Turner was not captured until 30 October, and was executed - going calmly to his
death on November 11, 1831.
While a prisoner, Nat prepared this autobiography statement:
I was thirty-one years of age the second of October last, and born the property of
Benjamin Turner, of this county. In my childhood a circumstance occurred which made an
indelible impression on my mind, and laid the groundwork of that enthusiasm which has
terminated so fatally to many, both white and black, and for which I am about to atone at the
gallows. It is here necessary to relate this circumstance. Trifling as it may seem, it was the
commencement of that belief which has grown with time and even now, sir, in his dungeon,
helpless and forsaken as I am, I cannot divest myself of. Being at play with other children,
when three or four years old, I was telling them something, which my mother, overhearing,
said it had happened before I was born. I stuck to my story, however, and related some things
which went, in her opinion, to confirm it. Others being called on, were greatly astonished,
knowing that these things had happened, and caused them to say, in my hearing, I surely
would be a prophet, as the Lord had shown me things that had happened before my birth.
And my mother and grandmother strengthened me in this my first impression, saying in my
presence, I was intended for some great purpose, which they had always thought from certain
marks on my head and breast. ...
My grandmother, who was very religious, and to whom I was much attached--my
master, who belonged to the church, and other religious persons who visited the house, and
whom I often saw at prayers, noticing the singularity of my manners, I suppose, and my
uncommon intelligence for a child, remarked I had too much sense to be raised, and, if! was,
I would never be of any service to anyone as a slave. To a mind like mine, restless,
inquisitive, and observant of everything that was passing, it is easy to suppose that religion
was the subject to which it would be directed; and, although this subject principally occupied
my thoughts, there was nothing that I saw or heard ofto which my attention was not directed.
The manner in which I learned to read and write, not only had great influence on my own
mind, as I acquired it with the most perfect ease,---so much so, that I have no recollection
whatever oflearning the alphabet; but, to the astonishment of the family, one day, when a
book was shown me, to keep me from crying, I began spelling the names ofdifferent objects.
This was a source of wonder to all in the neighbourhood, particularly the blacks-and this
learning was constantly improved at all opportunities. When I got large enough to go to work,
60
while employed I was reflecting on many things that would present themselves to my
imagination; and whenever an opportunity occurred of looking back at a book, when the
school-children were getting their lessons, I would find many things that the fertility of my
own imagination had depicted to me before. All my time, not devoted to my master's service,
was spent either in prayer, or in making experiments in casting different things in moulds
made of earth, in attempting to make paper, gunpowder, and many other experiments, that,
although I could not perfect, yet convinced me of its practicability if I had the means.
I was not addicted to stealing in my youth, nor have ever been; yet such was the
confidence of the Negroes in the neighbourhood, even at this early period of my life, in
my superior judgment, that they would often carry me with them when they were going on
any roguery, to plan for them. Growing up among them with this confidence in my
superior judgment, and when this, in their opinions, was perfected by Divine inspiration,
from the circumstances already alluded to in my infancy, and which belief was ever
afterwards zealously inculcated by the austerity ofmy life and manners, which became the
subject of remark by white and black; having soon discovered to be great, I must appear
so, and therefore studiously avoided mixing in society, and wrapped myself in mystery,
devoting my time to fasting and prayer.
By this time having arrived to man's estate, and hearing the Scriptures commented on at
meetings, I was struck with that particular passage which says, "Seek ye the kingdom of
heaven, and all things shall be added unto you." I reflected much on this passage, and
prayed daily for light on this subject. As I was praying one day at my plough, the Spirit
spoke to me, saying, "Seek ye the kingdom of heaven, and all things shall be added unto
you. " Question. "What do you mean by the Spirit?" Answer. "The Spirit that spoke to the
prophets in fonner days,"-and I was greatly astonished, and for two Years prayed
continually, whenever my duty would pennit; and then again I had the same revelation,
which fully confirmed me in the impression that I was ordained for some great purpose in
the hands of the Almighty. Several years rolled round, in which many events occurred to
strengthen me in this my belief. At this time I reverted in my mind to the remarks made of
me in my childhood, and the things that had been shown me; and as it had been said of me
in my childhood, by those by whom I had been taught to pray, both white and black, and
in whom 1 had the greatest confidence, that I had too much sense to be raised, and if I was
I would never be of any value to anyone as a slave; now, finding I had arrived to man's
estate, and was a slave, and these revelations being made known to me, I began to direct
my attention to this great object, to fulfil the purpose for which, by this time, I felt assured
I was intended. Knowing the influence I had obtained over the minds of my fellowservants, --(not by the mean of conjuring and such-like tricks-for to them I always spoke
of such things with contempt), but by the communion of the Spirit, whose revelations I
often communicated to them, and they believed and said my wisdom came from God, -- I
61
now began to prepare them for my purpose, by telling them something was about to
happen that would terminate in ful. filling the great promise that had been made to me.
Source: Herbert Aptheker (ed) A Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States
(Citadel Press, 1951) pp. 201-206
Study Indicators:
In this extract we hear the voice of a slave activist who contributed greatly to the collective
freedom of enslaved peoples: here are also expressed views on a vision of free society.
Students should note how Turner:
•
•
•
•
provides important biographical details
gives an insight into slavery which inspired his liberationist ideology
reveals his deep spirituality
explains his feelings that God meant him to lead his people
Frcd<.'rJck l)ollglas~,
62
Frederick Doue1ass: On Citizenship. Nationhood. and identify
A slave, who emerged as a major United States political leader and Ambassador, Frederick
Douglas campaigned ceaselessly for the institutional establishment ofblack nationhood
and citizenship. Throughout the mid 19' century his political oratory was described as
second to none. He was appointed by Congress as United States Ambassador to Haiti. In
his role as chairman of the 'Committee on Declaration of Sentiments' of the National Antislavery Convention held in Rochester, New York, in 1853, he argued:
We are Americans, and as Americans, we would speak to Americans. We address you not
as aliens nor as exiles, humbly asking to be pennitted to dwell among you in peace; but we
address you as American citizens asserting their rights on their own native sod.... We
would not lay our burdens upon other men's shoulders; but we do ask, in the name of all
that is just and magnanimous among men, to be freed from all unnatural burdens and
impediments with which American customs and American legislation have hindered our
progress and improvement.... We ask that, speaking the same language and being of the
same religion, worshipping the same God, owing our redemption to the same Saviour, and
learning our duties from the same Bible, we shall not be treated as barbarians.
Source: Sterling Stuckey, Slave Culture: Nationalist Theory and the
Foundations of Black America (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1987) pp. 224
Study Indicators:
In this extract we hear the voice of a slave activist who contributed greatly to the collective
freedom of enslaved peoples; here are also expressed views on a vision of free society.
This fonner slave saw himself as a citizen of the United States first and foremost. As
such, he claimed the rights of citizenship at the time given mostly to whites.
Students should discuss the prophetic nature of Douglass' statement
63
3.
So-journer Truth
(a)
'A'n'! I a woman
Sojoumer Truth (c. 1797-1883) was a slave who fled in 1827 from the household in New
York State where she worked and found refuge with a religious group which helped her to
find and free two of her children who had been sold into slavery.
She moved to New York City in 1829, found work as a domestic and became active in
religious movements. After 'voices' told her to take the name of Sojourner Truth, she
became a preacher against the evils of slavery, drawing big crowds in Ohio, Indiana,
Missouri and Kansas.
She delivered this speech at the State Women's Rights Convention in Akron, Ohio, 28th
May, 1851.
Wall, childern, whar dar is so much racket dar must be somethin' out 0' kilter. I tink dat
'twixt de niggers of de Souf and de womin at de Norf, all talkin' 'bout rights, de white men
will be in a fix pretty soon. But what's all dis her talkin' 'bout?
Dat man ober dar say dat womin needs to be helped into carriages, and lifted over
ditches, and to hab de best place everywhar. Nobody eber helps me into carriages, or ober
mud-puddles, or gibs me any best place. And a'n't I a woman? Look at me! Look at my
arm! I have ploughed and planted, and gathered into barns, and no man could head me!
And a'n't I a woman? I could work as much and cat as much as a man - when I could get it
- and bear de lash as well! And a'n't I a woman? I have borne thirteen childern, and see
'ern mos' all sold off to slavery, and when I cried out with my mother's grief, none but
Jesus heard me! And a'n't 1 a woman?
Den dey talks 'bout dis ting in de head; what dis dey call it? (Intellect, whispered
someone near.) Dat's it, honey. What's dat go to do wid womin's right 0 nigger's rights?
If my cup won't hold but a pint, and yourn holds a quart, wouldn't ye be mean not to let me
have my little half measure full?
Den dat little man in black dar, he say, women can't have as much rights as man,
'cause Christ wan't a woman. Whar did your Christ come from? Whar did your Christ
come from? From God and a woman! Man had nothin' to do wid him.
If de fust woman God ever made was strong enough to turn de world upside down
all alone, dese women togedder ought to be able to turn it back, and get it right side up
again! And now dey is asking to do it, de men better let 'em. (Long continued cheering)
Bleeged to ye for hearin on me, and now old Sojoumer han't got nothin' more to say.
(Roars ofapplause.)
•
64
•
b)
1 have a rieht to have -just as much as a man
Sojourner Truth settled in Battle Creek, Michigan, in the late 1850's and solicited food and
clothing for the Negro volunteer regiments preparing for the Civil War - and was later
recognized in Washington for her efforts by President Lincoln. She continued speaking
for black rights and women's suffrage, as in this speech to the National Convention of
American Equal Rights Association at the Church of Puritans in New York City.
My friends, I am rejoiced that you are glad, but I don't know how you will feel
when I get through. I come from another field - the country of the slave. They have got
their liberty - so much good luck to have slavery partly destroyed; not entirely. I want it
root and branch destroyed. Then we will all be free indeed. I feel that if I have to answer
for the deeds done in my body just as much as a man, I have a right to have just as much
as a man. There is a great stir about coloured men getting their rights, but not a word
about the coloured women; and if coloured men get their rights, and not coloured women
theirs, you see the coloured men will be masters over the women, and it will be just as bad
as it was before. So I am for keeping the thing going while things are stirring; because if
we wait till it is still, it will take a great while to get it going again. White women are a
great deal smarter, and know more than coloured women, while coloured women do not
know scarcely anything. They go out washing, which is about as high as a coloured
woman gets, and their men go about idle, strutting up and down; and when the women
come home, they ask for their money and take it all, and then scold because there is no
food. I want you to consider on that, chil'n. I call you chil'n; you are somebody's chil'n,
and I am old enough to be mother of all that is here. I want women to have their rights. In
the courts women have no right, no voice; nobody speaks for them. I wish woman to have
her voice there among the pettifoggers. If it is not a fit place for women, it is unfit for men
to be there.
I am above eighty years old; it is about time for me to be going. I have been forty years a
slave and forty years free, and would he here forty years more to have equal rights for all.
I suppose I am kept here because something remains for me to do; I suppose I am yet to
help to break the chain. I have done a great deal of work; as much as a man, but did not get
so much pay. I used to work in the field and bind grain, keeping up with the cradler; but
men doing no more, got twice as much pay; so with the German women. They work in
the field and do as much work, but do not get the pay. We do as much, we cat as much,
we want as much. I suppose I am about the only coloured woman that goes about to speak
for the rights of the coloured women. I want to keep the thing stirring, now that the ice is
cracked. What we want is a little money. You men know that you get as much again as
women when you write, or for what you do. When we get our rights we shall not have to
come to you for money, for then we shall have money enough in our own pockets; and
may be you will ask us for money. But help us now until we get it. It is a good
consolation to know that when we have got this battle fought we shall not be coming to
you any more. You have been having our rights so long, that you think, like a slaveholder
65
that you own us. I know that it is hard for one who has held the reins ;or so long to give
up; it cuts like a knife. It will feel all the better when it closes up again. I have been in
Washington about three years,- seeing about these coloured people. Now coloured men
have the right to vote. There ought to be equal rights now more than ever, since coloured
people have got their freedom. I am going to talk several times while I am here; so now I
will do a little singing. I have not heard any singing since I came here.
(Accordingly, suiting the action to the word, Sojourner sang, 'We are going home. )
There, children, in heaven we shall rest from all our labours; first do all we have to do
here. There I am determined to go, not to stop short of that beautiful place, and I do not
mean to stop till I get there, and meet you there, too.
Study Indicators:
Sojourner Truth's 1851 speech must rank as one of the earliest feminist declarations. She
makes it clear that:
1)
2)
3)
she did not view herself as a helpless woman: on the contrary, she was strong and
capable
she recognized no major differences between her capabilities and those of men
she supported women's right's as much as civil rights for black people
Her 1867 speech repeats some of her 1851 sentiments but students should note that she
goes into more details about the inequities between 'colored' women and 'colored' men.
The latter displayed patriarchal tendencies (male superiority attitudes) towards 'coloured
women'. She also comments on the fact that employers paid a higher wage to male
workers.
Students should do further research into black feminism.
Source: Brian MacArthur, Historic Speeches (Penguin, 1995, N.Y.) pp. 433-434, 436-437
•
Harnc'! T[{bma/!. t'Olldll<"ior
Railw(ld.
,)l/
rht' L /l,;a:;rcllllld
66
4.
Harriet Tubman:
Achievin~ Freedom
Harriet Tubman was born either in 1820 or 1821. Her parents were Harriet Green and Ben
Ross, but they belonged to Mas Brodas' who owned a plantation in Bucktown, Maryland.
She was originally named Araminta or 'Minty' for short, and she grew up with 11 brothers
and sisters. When she was 6 years old she was hired out by her master to work for a
woman called Miss Susan'. Miss Susan later returned her to the Brodas plantation where
she was sent to the fields. She was soon hired out again, this time to James Cooke. She
married John Tubman, a free black man. In 1849, after she had discovered that she was to
be sold to the deep south she ran away. She became one ofihe most active conductors on
the underground railroad and made around 19 trips back to the south to free slaves and
take them to freedom in the north. Among those she freed were members of her own
family.
(On reaching free soil as a fugitive slave)
I looked at my hands, to see if! was the same person now I was free. There was such a
glory over everything, the sun came like gold through the trees, and over the fields, and I
felt like I was in heaven....
I had crossed the line of which I had so long been dreaming. I was free; but there was no
one to welcome me to the land of freedom, I was a stranger in a strange land, and my
home after all was down in the old cabin quarter, with the old folks, and my brothers and
sisters. But to this solemn resolution I came; I was free, and they should be free also; I
would make a home for them in the North, and the Lord helping me, I would bring them
all there. Oh, how I prayed then, lying all alone on the cold, damp ground; "Oh, dear
Lord," I said, "I ain't got no friend but you. Come to my help, Lord, for I'm in trouble!"
Source: Bert lames Loewenberg and Ruth Vogin, Black Women in 19th century American Life.
Pennsylvania, 1976, pp. 219-221 and P & C McKissack pp. 33
Study Indicators:
Harriet Tubman:
Students should note the contradictory emotions which Harriet felt when she finally
reached free soil. On the one hand, she was joyous at being free: on the other hand, she
clearly felt alien in a foreign country and deeply missed her family.
•
•
_.._------
BOOKER T. WASHINGTON
.~
',I.
•
.-;
,
~::~
,UP
FROM
L~AVERY
..:::
"'_ .'2
•
..
67
5.
Booker T. Washin2ton: Black Enfranchisement: The Atlanta Exposition Address
•
Booker T. Washington was born as a slave at the end of the 1850's in Virginia, USA, but
emerged as one of the most important leaders of the African diaspora at the end of the 19th
century. His role in the struggle for black enfranchisement through economical and political
inclusion has been recognized as constituting a major pillar in the rise of 20th century
American democracy and civil rights. His autobiography, Up From Slavery, is a classic in
black and American political literature, often cited as an historical manifesto of the
movement. In 1895, he delivered the feature address at the Atlanta Exposition which is now
held as one of the greatest speeches in American oratory.
The Atlanta Exposition Address. September 18. 1895
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the board of Directors and Citizens.
One-third ofthe population of the South is of the Negro race. No enterprise
seeking the material, civil, or moral welfare of this section can disregard this element of
our population and reach the highest success. I but convey to you, Mr. President and
Directors, the sentiment of the masses of my race when I say that in no way have the value
and manhood ofthe American Negro been more fittingly and generously recognized than
by the managers of this magnificent Exposition at every stage of its progress. It is a
recognition that will do more to cement the friendship of the two races than any
occurrence since the dawn of our freedom.
Not only this, but the opportunity here afforded will awaken among us a new era of
industrial progress. Ignorant and inexperienced, it is not strange that in the first years of
our new life we began at the top instead of at the bottom; that a seat in Congress or the
state legislature was more sought than real estate or industrial skill; that the political
convention of stump speaking had more attractions than starting a dairy farm or truck
garden.
Nearly sixteen millions of hands will aid you in pulling the load upward, or they
will pull against you the load downward. We shall constitute one-third and more of the
ignorance and crime of the South, or one-third its intelligence and progress; we shall
contribute one-third to the business and industrial prosperity of the South, or we shall
prove a veritable body of death, stagnating, depressing, retarding every effort to advance
the body politic.
Gentlemen of the Exposition, as we present to you our humble effort at an
exhibition of our progress, You must not expect overmuch. Starting thirty years ago with
ownership here and there in a few quilts and pumpkins and chickens (gathered from
miscellaneous sources) , remember the path that has led from these to the inventions and
•
68
..
production of agricultural implements, buggies, steam-engines, newspapers, books,
statuary, carving, paintings, the management of drug-stores and banks, has not been
trodden without contact with thorns and thistles. While we take pride in what we exhibit
as a result of our independent efforts, we do not for a moment forget that our part in this
exhibition would fall far short of your expectations but for the constant help that has come
to our educational life, not only from the Southern states, but especially from Northern
philanthropists, who have made their gifts a constant stream of blessing and
encouragement.
The wisest among my race understand that the agitation of questions of social
equality is the extremest folly, and that progress in the enjoyment of all the privileges that
will come to us must be the result of severe and constant struggle rather than of artificial
forcing., No race that has anything to contribute to the markets of the world is long in any
degree ostracized. It is important and right that all privileges of the law be ours, but it is
vastly more important that we be prepared for the exercises of these privileges. The
opportunity to earn a dollar in a factory just now is worth infinitely more than the opportunity to spend a dollar in an opera-house.
In conclusion, may I repeat that nothing in thirty years has given us more hope and
encouragement, and drawn us so near to you of the white race, as this opportunity offered
by the Exposition; and here bending, as it were, over the altar that represents the results of
the struggles of your race and mine, both starting practically empty handed three decades
ago. I pledged that in your effort to work out the great and intricate problem which God
has laid at the doors of the South, you shall have at all times the patient, sympathetic help
of my race; only let this be constantly in mind, that, while from representations in these
buildings of the product of field, of forest, of mine, of factory, letters, and art, much good
will come, yet far above and beyond material benefits will be that higher good, that, let us
pray God, will come, in a blotting out of sectional differences and racial animosities and
suspicions, in a determination to administer absolute justice, in a willing obedience among
all classes to the mandates of law. This, then, coupled with our material prosperity# will
bring into our beloved South a new heaven and a new earth.
•
Source: BookerT. Washington, Up From Slaverv (1967 edition, Airmont, Toronto) pp. 133-145
69
Study Indicators:
•
Booker T. Washington's 1895 address reveals that:
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
African-Americans comprised a significant proportion of the American population
by the late 19th century. Their presence and voices could not, therefore, be ignored.
understandably, political representation was a more pressing objective than
economic independence for sections of the black population, politically
marginalized for so long
Washington had a vision ofthe role that blacks should play in their own progress
as well as general progress of the USA
technological achievements though slow were evident among the blacks
Social equality could only be earned not forced (students may wish to debate this
in class)
Students should observe that Washington advocated unity among Americans of both racial
groups, and he was in favor of the end of sectional differences and old hatreds. He seemed
full of hope for the future of the USA.
.
•
•
Toussaillt Louuerture.
70
6.
•
Toussaint L'Ouverture: Enliehtenment Modernity in Action
In the many efforts to uproot slavery from the Atlantic world and socially implement
renaissance visions of the Americas, no other figure stands above Toussaint L'Ouverture,
leader ofthe St. Domingue anti-slavery revolution that culminated in the independent republic
of Haiti in 1804. According to George Tyson, "a new nation has been forged on the anvil of
war and revolution and along with, new men, new leaders." It was Toussaint, Tyson tells us,
who moulded the army of slaves into an efficient unit that gave birth to universal liberty and
citizenship for the first time in Americas. Records of his speeches and letters constitute
critical sign posts within the literature of modem political action. From slave to statesman,
Toussaint's life reflected the important aspects of the democratic impulse of Atlantic
modernity. His great and unparalleled contribution to humanity is that he led the movement
that first uprooted slavery from modem civilization.
In the Service of Liberty
It is my duty to render to the French Government an exact account of my conduct.
I shall relate the facts with all the simplicity and frankness of an old soldier, adding to
them the reflections that naturally suggest themselves. In short, I shall tell the truth,
though it be against myself.
The colony of Saint Domingo, of which I was commander, enjoyed the greatest
tranquillity; agriculture and commerce flourished there. The island had attained a degree
of splendor which it had never before seen. And all this -- I dare to say it -- was my work.
[Then] Gen. Lec1erc came. Why did he not inform me of his powers before
landing? Why did he land without my order and in defiance of the order of the
Commission? Did he not commit the first hostilities? Did he not seek to gain over the
generals and other officers under my command by every possible means? ...
In regard to the Constitution, the subject of one charge against me: Having driven
from the colony the enemies of the Republic, calmed the factions and united all parties;
perceiving, after I had taken possession of St. Domingo, that the Government made no
laws for the colony, and feeling the necessity of police regulations for the security and
tranquillity of the people, I called an assembly of wise and learned men, composed of
deputies from all the communities, to conduct this business. When this assembly met, I
represented to its members that they had an arduous and responsible task before them; that
they were to make laws adapted to the country, advantageous to the Government, and
beneficial to all-laws suited to the localities, to the character and customs of the
inhabitants. The Constitution must be submitted for the sanction of the Government,
which alone had the right to adopt or reject it. Therefore, as soon as the Constitution was
•
71
•
decided upon and its laws fixed, I sent the whole, by a member of the assembly, to the
Government, to obtain its sanction. The errors or faults which this Constitution may
contain cannot therefore be imputed to me. At the time of Leclerc's arrival, 1 had heard
nothing from the Government upon this subject. Why today do they seek to make a crime
of that which is no crime? Why put truth for falsehood, and falsehood for truth? Why put
darkness for light and light for darkness? ...
If Gen. Leclerc went to the colony to do evil, it should not be charged upon me. It
is true that only one of us can be blamed; but however little one may wish to do me
justice, it is clear that he is the author of all the evils which the island has suffered, since,
without warning me, he entered the colony, which he found in a state of prosperity, fell
upon the inhabitants, who were at their work, contributing to the welfare of the
community, and shed their blood upon their native soil. That is the true source of the evil.
If two children were quarreling together, should not their father or mother stop
them, find out which was the aggressor, and punish him, or punish them, if they were both
wrong? Gen. Leclerc had no right to arrest me; Government alone could arrest us both,
hear us, and judge us. Yet Gen. Leclerc enjoys liberty, and 1 am in a dungeon.
Having given an account of my conduct since the arrival of the fleet at St.
Domingo, I will enter into some details of previous events.
Since I entered the service of the Republic, I have not claimed a penny of my
salary; Gen. Laveaux, Government agents, all responsible persons connected with the
public treasury, can do me this justice, that no one has been more prudent, more
disinterested than I. I have only now and then received the extra pay allowed me; very
often I have not asked even this. Whenever I have taken money from the treasury, it has
been for some public use; the governor (l'ordonnateur) has used it as the service required.
I remember that once only, when far from home, I borrowed six thousand francs from
Citizen Smith, who was governor of the Department of the South.
•
I will sum up, in a few words, my conduct and the results of my administration. At
the time of the evacuation of the English, there was not a penny in the public treasury;
money had to be borrowed to pay the troops and the officers of the Republic. When Gen.
Leclerc arrived, he found three million, five hundred thousand francs in the public funds.
When I returned to Cayes, after the departure of Gen. Rigaud, the treasury was empty;
Gen. Leclerc found three millions there; he found proportionate sums in all the private
depositories on the island. Thus it is seen that I did not serve my country from interested
motives; but, on the contrary, I served it with honor, fidelity, and integrity, sustained by
the hope of receiving, at some future day, flattering acknowledgments from the
Government; all who know me will do me this justice.
72
•
I have been a slave; I am willing to own it; but I have never received reproaches
from my masters.
I have neglected nothing at Saint Domingo for the welfare of the island; I have
robbed myself of rest to contribute to it; I have sacrificed everything for it. I have made it
my duty and pleasure to develop the resources ofthis beautiful colony. Zeal, activity,
courage -- I have employed them all.
The island was invaded by the enemies of the Republic; I had then but a thousand
men, armed with pikes. 1 sent them back to labor in the field, and organized several
regiments, by the authority of Gen. Laveaux.
The Spanish portion had joined the English to make war upon the French. Gen.
Desfoumeaux was sent to attack Saint Michel with well disciplined troops of the line; he
could not take it. General Laveaux ordered me to the attack; I carried it. It is to be
remarked that, at the time of the attack by Gen. Desfourneaux, the place was not fortified,
and that when 1 took it, it was fortified by bastions in every corner. 1 also took SaintRaphael and Hinche, and rendered an account to Gen. Laveaux. The English were
intrenched at Pont-de-l'Ester; I drove them from the place. They were in possession of
Petite Riviere. My ammunition consisted of one case of cartridges which had fallen into
the ,water on my way to the attack; this did not discourage me. I carried the place by
assault before day, with my dragoons, and made all the garrison prisoners. I sent them to
Gen. Laveaux. I had but one piece of cannon; I took nine at Petite Riviere. Among the
posts gained at Petite Riviere, was a fortification defended by seven pieces of cannon,
which I attacked, and carried by assault. I also conquered the Spaniards intrenched in the
camps of Miraut and Dubourg at Verrettes. I gained a famous victory over the English in
a battle which lasted from six in the morning until nearly night. This battle was so fierce
that the roads were filled with the dead, and rivers of blood were seen on every side. I took
all the baggage and ammunition of the enemy, and a large number of prisoners. I sent the
whole to Gen. Laveaux, giving him an account ofthe engagement. All the posts of the
English upon the heights of Saint Mare were taken by me; the walled fortifications in the
mountains of Fond-Baptiste and Delices, the camp ofDrouet in the Matheux mountains,
which the English regarded as impregnable, the citadels ofMirebalais, called the Gibraltar
of the island, occupied by eleven hundred men, the celebrated camp ofl'Acul-du-Saut, the
stone fortifications ofTrou-d'Eau, three stories high, those of the camp ofDecayette and
ofBeau-Bien-in short, all the fortifications of the English in this quarter were unable to
withstand me, as were those ofNeybe, of Saint Jean de la Maguana, ofLas Mathas, of
Banique and other places occupied by the Spaniards; all were brought by me under the
power of the Republic. I was also exposed to the greatest dangers; several times I narrowly
escaped being made prisoner; I shed my blood for my country; I received a ball in the right
hip which remains there still; I received a violent blow on the head from a cannon-ball,
which knocked out the greater part of my teeth, and loosened the rest. In short, I received
upon different occasions seventeen wounds, whose honorable scars still remain. Gen
.
73
•
Laveaux witnessed many of my engagements; he is too honorable not to do me justice: ask
him if I ever hesitated to endanger my life, when the good of my country and the triumph
of the Republic required it.
If I were to record the various services which I have rendered the Government, I should
need many volumes, and even then should not finish them; and, as a reward for all these
services, I have been arbitrarily arrested at St. Domingo, bound, and put on board ship like
a criminal, without regard for my rank, without the least consideration. Is this the
recompense due my labors? Should my conduct lead me to expect such treatment?
I was once rich. At the time of the revolution, I was worth six hundred and forty-eight
thousand francs. I spent it in the service of my country. I purchased but one small estate
upon which ,to establish my wife and family. To-day, notwithstanding my
disinterestedness, they seek to cover me with opprobrium and infamy; I am made the most
unhappy of men; my liberty is taken from me; I am separated from all that I hold dearest
in the world,-from a venerable father, a hundred and five years old, who needs my
assistance, from a dearly-loved wife, who, I fear, separated from me, ca.'1Ilot endure the
afflictions which overwhelm her, and from a cherished family, who made the happiness
of my life.
On my arrival in France I wrote to the First Consul and to the Minister of Marine,
giving them an account of my situation, and asking their assistance for my family and
myself. Undoubtedly, they felt the justice of my request, and gave orders that what I
asked should be furnished me. But, instead of this, I have received the old half-worn dress
of a soldier, and shoes in the same condition. Did I need this humiliation added to my
misfortune?
When I left the ship, I was put into a carriage. I hoped then that I was to be taken
before a tribunal to give an account of my conduct, and to be judged. Far from it; without
a moment's rest I was taken to a fort on the frontiers of the Republic, and confined in a
frightful dungeon.
It is from the depths of this dreary prison that I appeal to the justice and
magnanimity of the First Consul. He is too noble and too good a general to turn away
from an old soldier, covered with wounds in the service of his country, without giving him
the opportunity to justify himself, and to have judgment pronounced upon him.
I ask, then, to be brought before a tribunal or council of war, before which, also, Gen.
Leclerc may appear, and that we may both be judged after we have both been heard;
equity, reason, law, all assure me that this justice cannot be refused me.
Source: Toussaint L'Overture, Speeches and Letters, extracts from George Tyson, Jr. Toussaint
L'Overture (Prentice Hall, 1973) pp. 27-45
74
Study Indicators:
Students should familiarize themselves with the details of the Haitian Revolution in order
to understand the context within which Toussaint emerged as a revolutionary leader and a
post emancipation political leader.
These extracts from his speeches and letters contain many details. Students should look
out for the following
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
Toussaint's description ofpre-revolutionary St. Domingue (Haiti after 1804)
Toussaint's perspectives on who was responsible for much of the hostilities in St.
Toussaint's justification for his actions in Haiti after 1793, specifically his
constitutional refonn and military assaults on the enemies of Haiti, example the
Spaniards.
Toussaint's defense of his integrity in handling the financial affairs of Haiti.
Toussiant's capture and imprisonment in a dungeon in France and his unsuccessful
attempt to get a hearing in court so that he could defend his actions.
"
7
Testing Freedom: Granting Citizenship - The Haitian constitution
•
Following the declaration of Independence on January 1, 1804, the Haitian government finalized
a constitution in 1805 that gave effect to their vision of universal freedom from slavery, and the
rights to citizenship and nationhood for all blacks. Despite frequent changes of leadership, and
the splitting of the nation into tow rival regimes, these principles embedded within the first
constitution came in January, 1817, when 15 Jamaican slaves, the property of James M'Kewan
took possession of his ship at Port Royal in Jamaica and sailed to Haiti in search of freedom and
citizenship. Mr. M'Kewan petitioned President Petion of Raiti for the restitution of his property.
In his reply, the President outlined why M'Kewan could not gain full satisfaction.
..
Port-au-Prince
30th January, 1817
14th year of Independence
Mr. James M'Kewan
Port-au-Prince
Sir,
I have received your letter of 28th inst. claiming the English schooner Deep Nine,
together with the individuals who brought her from Jamaica to Trou-bon-bon, as your property. I
have just given directions for restoring to you the vessel, and everything appertaining to her, but
as to the men, they are recognised to be Haytians by the 44th article of the constitution of the
republic, from the moment they set foot in its territory, and it is out of my power to restore them
to you agreeably to your demand. Each country has its laws, as you must know, sir, and,
fortunately for the cause of humanity, Hayti is not the only one where slavery is abolished. The
allusion you make in your letter cannot be attended with any serious consequence, because no
body here has been guilty of suborning subjects belonging to other powers; but such persons as
arrive in this territory must be protected, since the laws require it. If there be, among the men
you claim, any who have committed crimes against the rights of men, they will, on your
furnishing me with proofs of their crimes, be delivered over to the proper tribunals established
for the purpose oftaking cognizance of them by the local laws of the country, of which they are
now citizens.
I have the honour of saluting you, sir, with consideration.
A. Petion[sic]
Port-au-Prince
30th January, 1817
.
;
A
,
Study Indicators:
Students should understand the role of Haiti, the first black majority Independent state in the
Americas, in the process of African redemption. By declaring slaving and slavery illegal forever,
and making provision for all blacks to become citizens, the Haitian Government subverted the
integrity of all claims made by slaveholders about slavery as a natural order. Students should
also appreciate the enonnous political pressure put to bear on Haiti by Europeans and American
slave owning powers for taking this stance.
Points to note
•
The President's willingness to return the vessel but not the people who were declared
citizens under the 44th article of the constitution.
The President's statement that the constitution does not recognize black people as
property
•,
•
The President's willingness to discuss what actions could be brought against these new
citizens in local courts if criminal allegation are made against them
•
The President' assertion that the laws of Haiti speak to the "cause of humanity".