MSUMUN XVI
March 18th - March 20th
UNDER THE DOUBLE EAGLES:
Belvedere Circle of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand
Chair: Ben Argiroff-Flood
Crisis Director: Matthew Suandi
Joint Crisis Director: Marie Siegel
Veronica Buschhaus, Emma Repp, Andrew Roney
Michigan State University Model United Nations XVI
Delegates,
My name is Matthew Suandi, and I am a Habsburg fanatic. Ask any MSUMUN staffer and
they will tell you of the fervent nature of my love for Austria-Hungary. Under the Double
Eagles is truly my dream MSUMUN committee. My hope is that this joint will help you to
see that the advancement of the European project and the rise of European democracy did
not first require two wars of cataclysmic scale, and the subjection of millions upon millions
under the Warsaw Pact. No, the roots for the Europe of today—a multicultural Europe
without borders, of free trade and expression—were perhaps nowhere better represented
than in Austria-Hungary.
The crisis staff and I have worked tirelessly to bring you a challenging and immersive joint
committee that will test your diplomatic abilities. In the international relations
environment of the early 1910s, backstabbing, secret treaties, and personal diplomacy
were of the utmost importance. Assisting me as crisis directors are the following:
Veronica Elisabeth Buschhaus is a first-year student in James Madison. In her spare time,
she enjoys reading Nietzsche and listening to Taylor Swift.
Emma Christine Repp is a freshman international relations major who enjoys watching
reruns of The Office and cheering on Spartan athletics. This is her first year doing MUN and
she loves it!
Andrew Kenneth Roney is a sophomore studying animal science. In his spare time, he
enjoys ballroom dancing and drinking pumpkin spice lattes.
I understand that English language print and online material about Austria-Hungary and its
colorful cast of politicians and generals is lacking. That is why it is of the utmost
importance that you read the entirety of this background guide. The historical content of
this background guide is divided into 2 sections. The first is a whirlwind tour of Habsburg
history from 1740 through 1910. The second is a document written in the first-person
discussing your options for reform of the empire’s institutions. I hope the second section
gives you a sense of the topics we will discuss and the nature of debate that will take place
in this committee.
Further research is best conducted by consulting the references listed in the bibliography.
If these references are unavailable to you, please e-mail us at
[email protected]. If you have any questions whatsoever about the
committee, PLEASE e-mail us. We are more than delighted to help you out with your
research and assist in any reasonable way we can. With all that said, I look forward to
seeing you in March! Go Green, and A.E.I.O.U.!
Sincerely,
Matthew Daniel Suandi
Belvedere Circle
Crisis Director
[email protected]
Delegates,
Guten Tag! My name is Marie Siegel, and I will be your Joint Crisis Director for the unique,
exhilarating, and dynamic Joint Crisis Committee, Under the Double Eagles. This is my third
year with MSUMUN, in which I served as an Assistant Crisis Director for the World War II
Ad-Hoc, and as the Chair for Salvador Allende’s Cabinet. I am a junior here at Michigan
State, and am majoring in International Relations and German Studies. Aside from
MUNNING, I enjoy baking cookies, spending time with loved ones, and I can never get
enough of anything and everything Germany related.
I am so excited to have you as a delegate for this year’s committee. This committee will be
unlike anything MSUMUN has done before, which will include your attention to a plethora
of factors including political, economic, social, and geographic factors. Furthermore, you
will be utilizing your critical thinking skills and creativity to make use of all the wonderful
opportunities a Joint Crisis can give you. I will be there to make sure everything runs
smoothly, and to keep you aware of the other committees struggles and triumphs. Make
sure you stop by and say hello!
I will be assisted by Scott Lenkart, a freshman from Mattawan, MI, studying International
Relations and Finance. He has been to four high school MUN conferences and looks
forward to staffing his first one here at Michigan State. Alistair Poole, a sophomore
studying Professional Writing, who has been involved in Michigan State’s competing Model
United Nations team.
I encourage you once more to get the most out of this committee. Utilize your skills in your
individual committee, but keep in mind that there is a whole other committee out there
who will be affecting your direct position. Battle and encourage diplomacy wisely,
delegates!
Sincerely,
Marie K. Siegel
Under the Double Eagles
Joint Crisis Director
[email protected]
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Delegates,
My name is Benjamin Philip Charles Argiroff-Flood, and I will be the chair for the Austrian
half of Under the Double Eagles joint crisis. I have a double major in International Relations
as well as Comparative Cultures and Politics in James Madison College. I enjoy long walks
on the beach, gazing at longingly at sunsets, and eating hummus. My geo-political passion
lies in Turkish and Central Asian politics, security, and economics. I study the Turkish
language here at MSU, and hope that I will be able to work in or with this fascinating
country in the future. I look forward to meeting all of you, and hope to make MSUMUN XVI
the best one yet.
Assisting me as assistant chair is Michael Patrick Downs. Michael is a freshman in James
Madison who is also involved in our competitive MUN team. In his spare time, Michael
enjoys watching Downton Abbey and beatboxing.
I look forward to seeing you in March.
Sincerely,
Benjamin P. C. Argiroff-Flood
Belvedere Circle
Chair
[email protected]
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Joint Crisis Overview
A joint crisis committee consists of two independent committees, which must coerce,
debate, negotiate, and persevere against one another. This committee simulates the tense
relations between the Russian and Austro-Hungarian Empires preceding the Great War
(1910-1914). Note: any decisions made by one of the subcommittees immediately affects
the other subcommittee, making the Joint Crisis a simulation unlike any other. Not only
must delegates cooperate within their own committee to advance their objectives, but they
must also be aware and willing to negotiate with the other committee. This experience
calls for even more fast-paced decision-making, intense debates, and negotiations that will
steer the final outcomes of this committee. Delegates must be constantly engaged in order
to get the most out of this type of simulation.
Rules and Procedures
Article I: General Rules
I.
Delegates are expected to adhere to all standard MSUMUN rules unless otherwise
outlined.
II.
In the event of a dispute over the Rules of Procedure, the committee Chair reserves
the right to exercise discretion on a case-by-case basis. However, the Secretary
General remains the ultimate authority of appeal.
Article II: Agenda
I.
The extent of debate may extend beyond those topics outlined in the background
guide.
II.
If, at any point in the committee, an imminent crisis arises, the Chair shall
immediately declare it as such and limit all debate to the topic of said crisis. Upon
conclusion of the crisis, debate will return to the previous topic.
Article III: Conduct of Business
I.
Committee proceedings are conducted in the form of a permanent moderated
caucus.
II.
Committee members may motion at any appropriate time for an un-moderated
caucus of specific length and purpose.
III.
Delegates may motion at any appropriate time to set the topic of the moderated
caucus for a specific length and purpose.
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IV.
Delegates may motion for either a roundtable or a straw poll. A roundtable consists
of the chair recognizing each member to speak in turn for a specified amount of time
on a specific topic or proposal. A straw poll consists of delegates giving their
probable vote on a specific proposal.
V.
Delegates may motion to introduce intelligence or other garnered information that
they feel may be of relevance to proceedings. The Chair may also invite members to
introduce intelligence.
VI.
From time to time, representatives of parties to a crisis may become available to
meet with the Committee. If this should happen, the Chair will announce their
availability and invite them to address the Committee. At the conclusion of a
representative’s presentation, if they are available to answer questions, the Chair
shall call upon members until such time as either there are no more questions or the
representative must depart. Upon a representative’s departure, debate will return to
the previous topic unless the crisis is deemed imminent.
VII.
Delegates may exercise their right to draw upon external resources in contacting
any entities deemed appropriate in furthering their interests by notes to the crisis
staff at any point during committee sessions. Any questions as to the resources
available to delegates’ personal powers should be directed to the crisis staff.
VIII.
The Chair reserves the right to veto an action order, press statement, or
communiqué if he believes it is not in the best interests of the committee.
Article IV: Types of Proposals
I.
A directive is considered a substantive proposal for voting purposes. A directive is
an action to be taken by the committee. Under normal circumstances, directives
require one sponsor and three signatories to be introduced. If the chair sees fit, a
higher threshold may be imposed.
II.
A press release is a public statement made by the committee to the press. They are
introduced the same way a directive is.
III.
A communiqué is a private message from the committee (not made available to the
public or other third parties), delivered to specific individuals, governments, and/or
organizations. These will be introduced in the same manner as directives and press
releases. Delegates may still make use of private communications between their
character and third parties at any time.
IV.
Upon introduction, a directive, press statement, and/or communiqué are discussed
non-exclusively along with all other committee business.
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V.
The chair reserves the right to veto a directive, press release, or communiqué if he
believes it is not in the best interest of the committee.
Article V: Voting
I.
Each delegate is permitted one vote on substantive matters, which include
directives, communiqués, and press releases. Most substantive matters, with the
exception of those outlined in Article VI, require a simple majority voting in the
affirmative to pass.
II.
Votes on non-substantive proposals or procedural matters will be passed by the
affirmative vote of a simple majority of members present. Everyone must vote on
procedural matters.
Article VI: Special Points Regarding the Joint Crisis
I.
Delegates may send correspondence to individuals in the other committee using
crisis notes. Delegates should not automatically assume that such correspondence is
confidential or cannot be compromised.
II.
Delegates may at any appropriate point during debate motion for a conference of
ministers. A conference of ministers entails a meeting of three delegates (to be
specified in the motion) from each committee at a neutral location. This motion is
considered procedural. Upon passage of the motion in one committee, the chair in
the other committee shall immediately be notified. Pending the other committee’s
acknowledgement and approval, the meeting will be held forthwith.
III.
In the event of the accession of Franz Ferdinand to the throne, delegates may pass
directives for mobilization and a declaration of war. These directives require a
supermajority (2/3) of delegates voting in the affirmative to pass. These directives
need not necessarily be targeted at the Russian Empire; however, the Romanov
cabinet will receive notification if either of these directives are passed.
a. Mobilization does not immediately imply a declaration of war, but it is a
prerequisite for such a declaration.
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The International Situation in Europe circa 1910
At present, the great European Powers include Austria-Hungary, France, Germany, Russia
and the United Kingdom. Italy is an emerging power in European affairs, while the Ottoman
Empire, which once had threatened the heart of Europe itself, is now known as the “sick old
man of Europe.” The retreat of the Ottomans led to the formation of Montenegro,
Macedonia, Bulgaria, and Serbia, four South Slavic states in the Balkans. Greece also
become independent in the early nineteenth century. The Low and Nordic countries all play
minor roles in European geopolitics. The Russian Empire dominates Eastern Europe and
tries to project power into Northern Europe, East-Central Europe, and the Balkans.
Figure 1: A map of European borders as they were in 1910.
Austria-Hungary is the preeminent power of Mitteleuropa, a region that included Central
and East-Central Europe, as well as a portion of the Adriatic Coast in the Western Balkans.
Austria-Hungary attempts to project power into the Balkans and Southern Europe.
Germany is the main power of Northern Europe and tries to project power into the Nordic
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Countries, Mitteleuropa, Eastern Europe, and Western Europe. France dominates Western
Europe and tries to challenge Germany in Northern Europe and the Low Countries while
simultaneously attempting to project power into Southern Europe and the Balkans. The
United Kingdom is the world’s preeminent maritime power, and their main interest in
European Affairs is to maintain the balance of power on the continent.
The Russian Empire is primarily allied
with France. France is also an ally of the
United Kingdom. France and Russia are
both allies of Serbia. Austria-Hungary’s
primary ally is Germany, and both
Germany and Austria-Hungary are
loosely allied with Italy. During periods
of Russian closeness to Serbia, Bulgaria
begins to lean towards Austria-Hungary.
The Ottomans have no strong allies,
although Germany and the United
Kingdom have cooperated with the
Ottomans on various projects, and both
have interests in a strong Ottoman
Figure 2: A helpful diagram of the European
alliance system.
Empire to counterbalance Russia. The
Russians and the Austro-Hungarians are
the Ottomans’ traditional adversaries.
The former Ottoman states in the Balkans are also adversaries of the Ottoman Empire.
The United Kingdom and Russia are traditionally adversaries, but both have begun to work
with each other due to their mutual alliance with France and their interests in containing
Germany. Germany and the United Kingdom have historically cooperated on the
containment of France, but the fast emergence of German power following the unification
of Germany under Prussian leadership during the Franco-Prussian War caused great alarm
for the United Kingdom. This alarm has also been intensified due to a naval arms race
between Germany and the United Kingdom. Germany and Russia have also attempted to
maintain friendly relations, but these relations are often very tense.
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The Habsburg Empire, 1740-1867
Consider the history of the Habsburg Empire since the accession of Maria Theresa to the
Habsburg throne in 1740. The kingdoms and lands over which Maria Theresa would reign
were vast. Stretching from Vorarlberg bordering Switzerland to Transylvania, governing
these dominions proved an immense challenge. Traditionally, the Habsburgs solved this
question of governance by compromising with and delegating most tasks to the local
nobility. However, governing by proxy proved inefficient for the raising of revenue. For
reasons outside the scope of this guide, Maria Theresa’s rise triggered a desire to partition
the lands of the Habsburg monarchy among the European great powers. This, in turn,
necessitated the building of a standing army. Such an army proved extraordinarily difficult
to fund in light of existing Habsburg governance structures, or rather, the lack thereof.
Thus, under Maria Theresa and Joseph II, the Habsburg bureaucracy was transformed. New
structures to raise revenue were created, and officials were hired to staff them. In addition,
these officials were imbued with a sense of duty and loyalty to the state. They were sent out
into the vast lands of the monarchy with a mission to serve and remake the lands in which
they served according to the interests of the greater state.
However, the rate of administrative reforms made under Maria Theresa and Joseph II
stagnated following the death of Joseph in 1790. The following emperor, Francis, found
Joseph’s reformist zeal dangerous in light of the revolution sweeping France. Then came
the Napoleonic wars, and with the state’s survival at stake, Francis decided on a return to
the status quo and tradition. But while the bureaucracy was purposefully denied
opportunities to expand, Francis did not eliminate it. Overworked bureaucrats were still
better at raising money for the state than wealthy landowners with their own interests.
Bureaucratic reform, stopped by a revolution beginning in France, would be reinitiated by a
revolution beginning in France. In the year 1848, a liberal revolution swept across most of
continental Europe. Protests of a nationalist and democratic nature engulfed the Austrian
empire. Eventually, these protests would be put down and the monarchy maintained at the
hands of Habsburg generals Jelačić, Radetzky, and Windisch-Grätz. Yet the revolution was
not entirely fruitless. Though representative institutions only emerged in the 1860s, 1848
sparked the development of an imperial administration, which by necessity, was more
responsive to the people’s needs than ever before.
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The 1850s would see major Austrian investments into its national infrastructure. The
imperial administration built roads, bridges, railroads, hospitals, orphanages, among taking
on other roles to which the European state was now obligated. Austria transformed itself
into an infrastructure state, which built wealth and legitimacy in the hearts and minds of its
peoples. Though these new roles for the state meant massive new hires of bureaucrats, a
study of state finances during this period revealed that the increase in revenue over the
course of the 1850s was more than sufficient to cover the costs of an expanded Habsburg
administration and criminal justice system.
But political and financial pressures brought about by a series of military defeats in 1859
and 1866 forced further reform onto the Habsburg state. With the state’s finances in
disarray and its status as a great power more in doubt than ever following defeat at the
hands of Prussia, Franz Joseph sought to resolve questions of internal governance. The
Hungarian nobility, taking advantage of the situation to corner Franz Joseph, forced a great
compromise, or Ausgleich, upon him. The Ausgleich separated the monarchy into two
administratively independent states—the “Kingdoms and Lands Represented in the
Imperial Council” and the “Lands of the Holy Hungarian Crown of Saint Stephen.” For our
sanity, we will refer to the former as Austria and the latter as Hungary for the remainder of
this guide.
Post-Ausgleich Governance in Austria and Hungary
Although Austria and Hungary were now administratively independent, the Ausgleich
delineated those institutions which they would oversee jointly. The common ministries for
Austria and Hungary were the Finance, Foreign Affairs, and Defense ministries.
Additionally, Austria and Hungary would form a single customs-union and currency zone,
maintaining the economic unity of the Habsburg lands. The economic terms of the
Ausgleich—in particular Austria and Hungary’s respective contribution to their joint
budget—would be renegotiated every ten years.
Henceforth, the constitutional norms under which Hungary had traditionally been
governed would be restored. Meanwhile, a constitution was likewise drafted for Austria
which would shore up support for the Ausgleich among Austrian politicians. The December
Constitution would provide for the establishment of the rule of law. The constitution
created an Austrian citizenship guaranteeing personal freedoms, freedom of worship,
freedom of speech, and the right to associate. Furthermore, it provided with the Austrian
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parliament, or Reichsrat, with important prerogatives concerning the budget and the
legislative initiative.
Figure 3: A map of the Habsburg Realm post-Ausgleich. The red line shows the border
between the Austrian and Hungarian halves of the empire. Bosnia and Herzegovina was
annexed to the empire in 1908 and was jointly overseen by Austria and Hungary.
But traditional Hungarian constitutional norms were not conducive to non-noble or nonHungarian participation in politics. This had consequences for the peasantry and ethnic
minorities alike. Additionally, it also had consequences for Austria whenever budgets for
the joint ministries were negotiated. Whereas Austria’s fractured political system created
divisions within its delegation, Hungary, by virtue of its existence as as a state of Hungarian
nobles made by Hungarian nobles for Hungarian nobles, could present a united front.
These periodic budget fights called into question the existence of Austria-Hungary multiple
times between 1867 and 1910.
Meanwhile, in Austria, the evolution of national politics reduced the Reichsrat into a
mockery of itself. Expansion of the suffrage, eventually culminating in universal male
MSUMUN XVI
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suffrage in 1907, seemed no assistance to the actual functioning of parliament. The chaos in
the Reichsrat triggered by alternating periods of Czech and German obstruction became a
source of entertainment for the Viennese citizen, a certain Adolf Hitler among them. The
fractious situation in the multilingual crownlands meant that anytime a government was
perceived as making a concession to one particular ethnic group, the other ethnic group(s)
would in turn refuse to participate in parliamentary politics. In these periods of crisis,
Austrian governments were forced to turn to Article 14 of the constitution. Article 14
granted emergency powers to the Emperor to fund government initiatives as he saw fit.
The fecklessness of Austria’s parliament has been taken by past historians to represent the
declining nature of Austria-Hungary. But this attitude is taken with ignorance to the
vibrancy of political discussion, important debates, and considerations of imperial reform
undertaken in the monarchy during the first decade of the 1900s. Meanwhile, the Austrian
bureaucracy underwrote a vast welfare state building institutions and infrastructure for
economic development. It built sanatoriums, orphanages, provided for public health,
improved agricultural yields, and developed public education. In fact, it was these areas of
economic development, of railways, roads, and waterways where even the most radical
Czech and German members of parliament could work together. This limited cooperation
would not have been possible without the strength of that pillar of Austrian statehood—its
bureaucracy.
Though the issues confronting the monarchy are vast, socialists, liberals, bureaucrats, and
radicals alike wait with anticipation for the accession of the Thronfolger (heir-to-thethrone), the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, and the ensuing reform to be unleashed.
Conversations and debates about the future of the monarchy continue in the Halls of the
Belvedere and the Café Central alike. Two things are sure. The monarchy continuing in its
present form is entirely unacceptable, yet so too is its total dissolution.
_________________________________________________________________________________________________________
With these thoughts in your mind, you ride toward the Belvedere to meet once more with the
Thronfolger and his other advisers. Events in Austria still influence all of Europe, as the recent
Bosnian crisis proved. You carry in your hands a document. It is a document which proposes
changes, some of extremely radical nature, to the Austrian state, military, and foreign policy
alike. And you are ever-so-aware that how this document is eventually acted upon will
determine the future of Austria, and by extension Europe as a whole. Once more, on the 3rd of
June, in the year of our Lord 1910, the entire world is subject to Austria.
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Reform of the Imperial and Royal Military
The existence of the Habsburg monarchy is intrinsically linked to the existence of the
Imperial and Royal Army. From the Great Turkish Wars, to the battles with Napoleon, to
the revolutions of 1848, the army has saved the monarchy from total destruction. The army
is the source of the dignity and legitimacy of the state. In the words of former War Minister
Krieghammer, “it will never make a difference whether the regiment comes from the north
or the south of the monarchy, or what language it uses, because in the army every
nationality is equal and is equally respected. No officer recognizes any national differences.”
Our army is the personification of our multinational, indivisible and inseparable monarchy.
How strange, then, that Austrian and Hungarian politicians alike have contrived to allow
the near destruction of our army’s capabilities at the hands of their merciless budget cuts.
Every other great power in Europe, including our so-called Italian “allies,” fund their
defense establishments to a higher degree than ourselves. Our recruit contingent remains
fixed at 126,000 per year, limited by a figure set in 1889. This means that our standing
army is far under strength, and that mobilization would bring in great numbers of poorly
trained reservists and untrained recruits into the army. Given the questionable loyalty of
Italy, and the external threats faced by our monarchy from Serbia and Russia, failing to
improve the state of our army is a recipe for disaster.
One should also note the deficiencies of our military’s equipment. Our artillery is still
equipped with steel bronze barrels which are inferior to those in use in Italy and Russia,
which have greater range and speed of fire. We do not have the heavy mobile artillery
required to smash the Italian fortresses which are being constructed at breakneck speed on
our mutual frontier. The cavalry has barely been updated since 1866. Even the machine
gun detachments introduced last year retain their sabers. Barely any investments have
been made in the aeroplane.
The organization of our military likewise leaves something to be desired. The 1867
compromise created 3 separate Austrian Armies, the Landwehr of Cisleithania, the Honvéd
of Transleithania, and the Imperial and Royal Army, which remains under the control of the
Emperor and derives its troops from both halves of the monarchy. Although these three
armies would come under the unified command of the army high command in times of war,
in peacetime they serve as distractions from funding of the I & R Army, and with particular
regard to the Honvéd to strengthen subversive elements in the monarchy. Therefore, we
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should seek to consolidate the armies of the monarchy, and to reverse all concessions made
to Hungary with regard to the Honvéd. We must no longer recognize any Hungarian troops,
but only units recruited, trained, or stationed in Hungary.
Indeed, the traitorous present war minister, Schönaich, has signaled his willingness to
appease the Hungarians by offering them further military concessions. He has offered to
reduce active service from three to two years, which would critically impair troop
discipline. Furthermore, he seeks to follow through on the expansion of the use of the
Hungarian language within the army. This would totally upset the historical norms of our
army, under which German has been a unifying principle among the many nationalities
which serve within the army. We must not permit for Hungary to introduce its
Magyarization policies, which have so alienated the minorities in Hungary, in the common
army.
Though oft-neglected, we must also recall the importance of our navy. In the event of war
with Italy, the navy will play a pivotal role in defending the Adriatic coastline, and to
conduct further sorties into the Mediterranean. Furthermore, the navy is a symbol of
Habsburg prestige, and its continued expansion is critical to our being perceived as an
equal partner in our alliance in Germany. The revolution in battleship construction
following the construction of the English Dreadnought allows us to reset the naval
equilibrium in the Mediterranean. We must seek to at least match, if not exceed Italian
dreadnought construction. But we would be wise to recall the difficulties experienced
funding our first class of dreadnoughts, where Admiral Montecuccoli had to personally
guarantee the funds necessary to initiate construction. The only way to remove these
funding difficulties, with respect to the army and the navy, is to SMASH the Hungarians.
Enforcing Universal Suffrage on the Hungarian Parliament
Universal suffrage is perhaps our only effective weapon against the stubbornness of the
Magyar magnates. It is already in force throughout Cisleithania, and thus cannot be
excluded from Hungary, where only 6 percent of the population are allowed to vote. There
are at present 19 million inhabitants of the Hungarian lands, only 8.7 million of whom are
Magyar, and of which 1 million of those are Hungarian-speaking Jews. Additionally, there
are 2.8 million Rumanians, 2.2 million Germans, 2.1 million Slovaks, 1.1 million Serbs, 0.4
million Ruthenians, and 1.7 million Croats. According to the principle of universal suffrage,
the 453 seats of the Hungarian Lower House should be divided between 206 and 247 non-
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Magyar members, but the present system results in 40 Croat members plus 10 to 20
representatives of the other nationalities, opposed by about 400 Magyar representatives.
We must note that they, the non-Magyar nationalities, are largely loyal to the imperial
crown and want to have nothing to do with either separation from Austria or any military
concessions in favor of the Magyars. This is why the introduction of universal suffrage in
Hungary would completely transform the political situation.
According to the law of 1791, the coronation of the Archduke as King of Hungary and his
swearing of the coronation oath must take place within six months of his succession to the
throne. It is the interest of the Archduke to first reform the Hungarian situation, and then
attend his coronation. Ideally, the various matters at issue should be settled by
constitutional means. Otherwise, then it may be necessary to resort to imperial decree.
Certainly, upon the Archduke’s accession, he should immediately present to the Austrian
parliament amending the time limit as dictated by the Hungarian constitution.
However, if constitutional and peaceful methods to resolve the Hungarian question should
fail, we should not be afraid to resort to use of the military. If the military is to be employed,
our odds of achieving victory over forces which may remain loyal to the Magyars are great.
We can rely on the loyalty of 80% of the I & R army and the Landwehr. Difficulties arise,
however, from the financial cost of resolving our constitutional difficulties through military
action, as well as the responses of foreign powers. Since the 1908 annexation crisis, our
relations with the Russian Empire and with the Serbian Kingdom have evaporated. Tying
up most of our army internally may cause the vultures to circle.
The imposition of universal suffrage may also cause questions of land reform to arise in the
Hungarian parliament. The disparities in land ownership between rich and poor in
Hungary are well documented—4,000 Magyar aristocrats own as much land as 2,400,000
small farmers. The 324 largest estate, averaging 41,000 acres each, cover nearly 20% of the
whole agricultural area of the country. Though land reform may win the loyalty of the
minorities in Hungary, it would raise awkward questions in the rest of the monarchy about
their relative land distributions.
Furthermore, merely imposing universal suffrage and even land reform on Hungary will
not resolve Czech obstructionism in the imperial parliament, nor Croat aspirations to unite
with Dalmatia, nor Italian desires for expanded educational opportunities within the
empire. Therefore, this solution is no panacea to the empire’s greater racial problems.
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However, to paraphrase Count Taaffe, it may prove vital toward the maintenance of “all
nationalities in a balanced state of mild dissatisfaction.”
Trialism
Figure 4: A proposed division of the Habsburg Empire into 3 constituent states: Austria (red),
Hungary (green), and Croatia (Purple). The blue represents an Italian automous territory
within the Croatian state.
Perhaps even more frightening to the Magyar aristocracy than the imposition of universal
suffrage is the adoption of the Trialist solution. This envisions the transformation of the
dual monarchy into a triple monarchy, consisting of Austria, Hungary, and a Greater Croatia.
This Greater Croatia would consist of the Croatian-Slavonian Kingdom, Dalmatia, BosniaHerzegovina, and the Slovene lands. In theory, the creation of Greater Croatia would serve
as powerful counterbalance to the influence held by the Hungarians on the monarchy’s
affairs. It would also serve to eliminate Serbian aspirations to create a Yugoslav state under
their guidance and leadership. Also, the Croatians would look favorably on expansion of the
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Navy, given that development of our Adriatic coast to support the I & R Navy would
undoubtedly benefit their state.
But the Trialist solution undoubtedly has its own difficulties. First and foremost, giving the
South Slavs their own kingdom while keeping the North Slavs—Czechs, Poles, Ruthenes—
under the authority of Vienna may not inspire loyalty among those nationalities.
Furthermore, the Croats themselves have not always stood by the monarchy. We should
not forget their October 1903 declaration in which they declared the would fight “shoulder
to shoulder with the Hungarian nation in the struggle for constitutional rights,” which was
signed by almost every Croatian party. It is possible that the incessant fights over the
franchise, army recruitment, military manuals, etc. between ourselves and Hungary may be
extended to the proposed new Croatian state. Lastly, the Hungarian kingdom has existed in
personal union with Croatia since 1097. Undoubtedly, the Hungarians will not take lightly
the severance of that union. It is an almost guaranteed instigator of civil war.
The United States of Greater Austria
Given the inherent limitations of Trialism, the United States of Greater Austria (USGA)
presents an even more radical solution to the German-Magyar-Slavic racial tensions in the
monarchy. Proposed by our very own Aurel Popovici, this scheme aims to divide the Dual
Monarchy into fifteen new units based as closely as possible on race. It stresses a strong
central power, based in Vienna, to counterbalance the national assemblies and judicial
autonomies accorded to the member-states. Indeed, among its most noteworthy reform
proposals is the right of the Emperor to substitute the elected representatives of a
constituent state in the parliament with his own representatives given that said elected
representatives failed to respect the parliamentary process after having been warned
thrice.
While the USGA may finally resolve our parliamentary deadlock, we should not take lightly
its complete scrapping of the existing borders between the various crown lands of our
empire. These borders are the work of custom and pride of centuries. Each time, whether
under Joseph II or Franz Joseph, the crown lands have attempted to be done away with,
they have resurged to the political forefront. Also, some territories within our empire are
simply too mixed ethnically to have any hope of being divided into mono-ethnic territories.
I refer in particular to the Banat and the Vojvodina, but it applies to virtually every territory
in our empire excepting the Northern Tyrol and the Sudetenland. For example, creating the
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proposed East Galician state, which will be majority-Ruthene, would leave a large Polish
enclave in Lemberg. The USGA may very well be too radical for its own good. Yet one can
only imagine the possibilities for the empire if it were successfully executed.
Figure 5: A map showing the proposed boundaries for the constituent states of the United
States of Greater Austria overlaid on an ethnographic map of Austria-Hungary.
Author’s Note: I have attached a copy of Herr Popovici’s proposed constitution under
“Appendix A.”
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Advisers to the Thronfolger
Moritz Freiherr von Auffenberg
General Auffenberg came to Franz Ferdinand’s attention as
the author of “Case U,” the overthrow of the Hungarian
government. Totally loyal to Ferdinand, he dedicated himself
to the cause of expanding and reforming the dynastic army.
He believed in the necessity of reducing Hungary’s special
privileges. As commander of the 15th Army corps in Sarajevo,
he has intimate knowledge of the South Slav question.
Alexander von Brosch-Aarenau
Franz Ferdinand’s right hand man politically and militarily,
and a family friend. Brosch heads Franz Ferdinand’s military
chancellery at the Belvedere. Brosch worked to clarify the
Archduke’s thinking on how to reform the monarchy, and
found experts to advise him on constitutional law. By 1910,
Brosch grew to have doubts of the effectiveness of Trialism
as a solution to the Hungarian question.
Svetozar Boroević von Bojna
Raised to the Hungarian nobility in 1905, Field Marshal
Lieutenant Boroević commands the Croatian-Slovenian 7th
Landwehr District. As such, in the event of a military
intervention in Hungary, Boroević would play a major role.
Boroević was considered one of the finest defensive
strategists in the army, and while a Croatian patriot, was of
unquestionable loyalty to the dynasty.
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Ottokar Graf Czernin von und zu Chudenitz
A leading light of the German aristocracy from Bohemia,
Czernin was one of the Archduke’s principal political advisers
on reform of the empire. Czernin supported a strong central
government. He wished to degrade Hungary to “the status of
an Austrian province.” He wanted to strengthen the German
element in the monarchy, and viewed the army as the best
way to resolve internal political difficulties.
Erzherzog Eugen von Österreich-Teschen
A General of the Cavalry, Archduke Eugen commands the 14th
army corps in the Tyrol. When the possibility of war against
Serbia was raised following the Bosnian annexation, Eugen
was named as a presumptive army commander. Eugen
recommended the appointment of Conrad von Hötzendorf to
chief of the general staff. Eugen is also the grand master of
the Teutonic Order.
Erzherzog Karl von Habsburg-Lothringen
The second-in-line to the Austrian throne and Franz
Ferdinand’s nephew, was extremely close to the Archduke,
who frequently discussed with him the problems facing the
monarchy. Karl recently came under pressure to marry from
Franz Joseph, due to the ineligibility of Ferdinand’s children
to succeed to the throne. Though young, Karl is a bright mind
and believes in the virtues of constitutional monarchy.
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Milan Hodža
A member of the Slovak National Party, Hodža is the founder
and editor of the Slovenský týždenník, a weekly newspaper.
He was a strong advocate for the federalization of the empire,
and the necessity of land reform in Hungary. In cooperation
with other non-Magyar members of the elite, including
Popvici and Vaida-Voevod, Hodža’s name struck fear into the
hearts of any Magyar nationalist.
Conrad von Hötzendorf
Chief of the General Staff, Conrad was the greatest war hawk
of the Habsburg Monarchy and a tireless advocate of a
surprise attack against Serbia and Italy. He worked with the
Archduke to modernize the army, introducing the telephone
and automobile, raising a nascent air-force, modernizing the
artillery, and revising training methods. Conrad brought
Popovici’s federalization plan to the Archduke’s attention.
Heinrich Lammasch
An Austrian jurist, Lammasch was a professor of criminal and
international law. Though a committed pacifist, Lamasch was
also an ardent monarchist. He served as a member of the
Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague, working to
settles disputes between the great powers. He was an
advocate of the idea of a “league of nations” in a Christian
philosophical context.
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Ernst von Koerber
Minister-president of Austria from 1900 to 1904, Koerber’s
infrastructure and public works initiatives successfully forged
cooperation among the various ethnicities in Austria. His
administration was brought down by his plan to reduce the
powers of provincial autonomies and charter cities in
Cisleithania. But reformists in the monarchy were hugely
sympathetic to Koerber’s ideas and style of governance.
József Kristóffy
The Archduke’s chief expert on the Magyar question and one
of the only Hungarians the Archduke actually liked, Kristóffy
worked within the Hungarian government to increase
representation of its non-Hungarian peoples. He was an
advocate for the centralization of the empire, and believed in
the old Austrian program to find an exit from the Adriatic via
the annexation of Salonika.
Tomáš Masaryk
Serving in the Reichsrat as a member of the Realist Party,
Masaryk advocated for gradual steps by means of education
and cultural clubs in achieving full political and cultural
rights for the minorities of Austria and Hungary. He was an
advocate of the reformation of Austria-Hungary into a federal
state. He also denounced clericalism, fighting against the
power of the Catholic church in Bohemia and Moravia.
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Aurel Popovici
Author of the The United States of Greater Austria, a scheme
to federalize the monarchy into sixteen new states drawn on
ethnic lines, totally ignoring the historical provincial borders.
These nation-states would receive significant autonomies,
but importantly, could be counterbalanced by the central
power which remained in Vienna. As a result of his book,
Popovici was banned from Hungary.
Freiherr Pavao Rauch
Ban of Croatia from 1908 to February 1910, Rauch worked to
construct public buildings, schools, and churches. He
promoted Croatian history and culture, and successfully
looked to private capital to invest in Croatian businesses and
infrastructure. But his loyalty to both Hofburg and Belvedere
alienated him to the Hungarians, as did his perceived loyalty
to the authorities in Budapest to the Croatians.
Alexander Spitzmüller
Chairman of the board of directors of the Creditanstalt,
Spitzmüller was Franz Ferdinand’s top financial adviser. The
Creditanstalt was the largest bank in Austria-Hungary, and
was responsible for financing many major public works
projects, as well as extending loans to the Bohemian and
Hungarian nobility. Spitzmüller maintains amicable relations
with the Rothschilds, who founded Creditanstalt.
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Edmund Steinacker
The leader of the German people’s party in Hungary,
Steinacker represented the interests of the German
landowning minority in Hungary. He founded in 1899 a
German-language daily newspaper, and was an advocate for
German-language education in Hungary. He deeply resented
the Magyarization policies of the Hungarian government, and
was determined to end dualism.
Karl Tersztyánszky von Nádas
Commander of the 14th division located in Preßburg
(modern-day Bratislava), Lieutenant Field Marshal
Tersztyánszky was one of the Archduke’s most trusted
generals. Though he was regarded as intelligent, daring, and
of fine character, he was also known to have an
extraordinarily short temper. Despite his Hungarian
background, his lifelong service in the Imperial army mean
**he had little command of Hungarian.
Alexandru Vaida-Voevod
Vaida-Voevod was a member of the Hungarian parliament
who represented the Romanian National Party. He was a
close associate of Popovici and as such supported the United
States of Greater Austria scheme. He was especially cognizant
of the need for land reform in Hungary, which he believed
would win the eternal loyalty of both Magyar and nonMagyar to the Habsburg dynasty.
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Appendix A
Principles of a Federal Imperial Constitution
Imperial or Federal Territory
The entire present day Austrian-Hungarian territory will be, with the exception of Bosnians
and Herzegovinians, according to the indwelling nation divided into the following nationalpolitical states:
I.
German-Austria
IX.
East-Galicia
II.
German-Bohemia
X.
Slovakia
III.
German-Moravia
XI.
Carniola
IV.
Bohemia
XII.
V.
Hungary
XIII.
Szeklerland
Transylvania
XIV.
Trento
XV.
Trieste
VI.
VII.
VIII.
Croatia
Vojvodina
West-Galicia
These 15 nation-states together build one Federal State under the name “The United States
of Greater Austria” under the scepter of his Sire Emperor Franz Joseph I.
3.
Every citizen of a nation-state is also an Austrian citizen. No one can exercise political
rights in more than one nation-state.
4.
The United States of Greater Austria build one common customs territory.
Competence of the Empire
5.
In entire territory of the Empire (or federal) the right of legislative power, law
enforcement, and justice are practiced under the clauses of the present constitution.
6. The competency of the empire (federal association) and its organs extends itself to the
following, all national, individual or member states of the federal association and similar
affairs:
a) Court dotation of the crown
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b) All foreign affairs involved in diplomatic and commercial representations with
foreign countries, as well as those in reference of the international agreements
approximate noteworthy regulations
c) The whole warfare and navy with the embodiment of the recruits consent plus
the legislation over the ways for fulfillment of conscription, the regulations
regarding the deployment and provisions for the armies
d) The tariff legislation
e) The common legislation of all civil rights, criminal law, and the judicial
procedure
f) Legislation about and administration of the continuous railroad lines plus the
protection of the empires noteworthy lines
g) Regulations over citizen rights and establishments
h) Legislation over maritime law, trading and exchange rights
i) Traveling documents, external/foreign affairs, sanitation and veterinary police
(animal control)
m) Establishment of the coin and money system
n) measurement and weight system
o) hallmarks, trademarks, copyright, invention patents
p) The jurisdiction over those under this title further invoked litigation, claims, and
assessments**
q) The administration of the Bosnians and Herzegovinians
r) The financial affairs taking account of the federal earnings and expenses
7.
The empire or the federal government exists for the representation of the nation-states. At
the top of the empire or federal government there is a federal chancellor who will be
elected emperor.
8.
The imperial parliament is composed of:
a) the house of deputies
b) the house of lords
Imperial or Federal Law
9.
The lawful use of violence by the empire (or confederative) will be collaboratively
executed:
a) by the emperor
b) by the house deputies
c) by the house of lords
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10.
The house of deputies with be shaped by general, direct, and secret elections from the
entire population of the empire (or confederative).
11.
house.
Members of the house of lords are through birth: the of-age princes of the imperial
Members of the right in connection with are: the archbishops and bishops of the
various denominations; the headmasters of the various universities; the presidents of the
various academies of the sciences, plus the trade and industry of the state capitals.
Members through election: from every individual state dispatch the concerning
position of the doctors, advocates, engineers, architects, bank directors, land cultivators,
middle and high school teachers, public officials, and the position of the press – each
individual representative in the house of lords and a significant commitment of five years.
Members through appointment : the emperor has the right, to appoint for life out of
the various nation-states’ admirable men, who through the city or church, who have earned
money out of science, the army, navy, trade and industry or art, et cetera, members of the
house of lords.
The house of deputies and the house of lords sit (hold meetings) in Vienna.
The Government of the Empire
12.
The executive authority of the empire practices the emperor in association with the
government***
13.
The governments of the nation-states delegate their authorized representative in the
government after the following relations:
German-Austria
7
Hungary
7
Bohemia
5
Transylvania
4
Croatia
3
West Galicia
3
East Galicia
3
German-Bohemia
2
Slovakia
2
German Moravia
1
Carniola
1
Vojvodina
1
In total 42 votes
The government builds the following Committees
1) Internal Affairs
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2) Foreign Affairs
3) Army and Navy
4) Finance
5) Management of the occupied territories
15.
In everyone of these committees there have to be a minimum of three nation-states
represented.
In every committee every state is administered only one vote.
The Emperor
16.
The emperor is hallowed, inviolable, and unaccountable.
The emperor practices governmental power through the Reich and the subordinate public
officials.
The responsibility for the Reich is worn by the President.
The emperor appoints and dismisses the Presidents of the Reich, occupies by proposition
of the President in all branches of the government office insofar unless otherwise specified
by the enacted law.**
The emperor appoints the governor of the particular nation-states together with the higher
officials.
The emperor bestows titles, orders, and such state accolades.
The emperor leads the armed forces as supreme commander.
The emperor perorates the treaties, certifies and receives the ambassadors
To the validity of the trade agreements and every treaty that the reich (government) or
part there of is burdened or to which each individual citizen is obliged, is the required
approval of the houses of the deputies and the house of lords.
The minting privilege is wielded in the name of the emperor.
The announcement of the laws takes place in the name of the Emperor with appeals with
the approval of the representative constitutional body and with the signing from the reich
(government) chancellor (or President of the reich/government) or representatively the
relevant governor.
The emperor represents the Empire under international law
The emperor has the right with approval of the government to declare war name of the
government war and to forge peace.
The emperor convenes, opens, adjourns and concludes the house of lords and house of
deputies.
Both representative bodies will have to at minimum convene and open up one time per
year.
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The Reich (government) Chancellor
17.
The Reichskanzler (Imperial chancellor) is the president of the Empire
He renders submittals and decisions of the Empire in the house of deputies and the house
of lords, where those who are participants of the Empire are represented.
The orders and regulations of the emperor in the name of the Empire require to the validity
of the countersignature of the chancellor, which the accountability is taken over through.
The Reich (government) – Jurisdiction
18.
There will be a supreme court of the empire instituted, who has the power to decide:
Regarding legal disputes, in which the imperial party is, legal disputes between
particular nation states; between these nation states on one side and the Empire on the
other side, between one nation state and the citizen or corporation of another; between the
people and the empire; between the citizens and varying nation states; accusations against
imperial offices; about higher acts of treason against the security of the empire; about
slander or violent disorders against the imperial authorities; over crimes and
Incidents against international law; about the abuse of the press against the dynasty, the
empire, and its bodies. The legislative power of the empire is authorized to produce these
previously stated laws
The Nation-States
19.
All those affairs that not directly subjected the competency of the empire, belong to the
competence of the individual nation states.
20.
In every nation state there will be a parliament, a special administration/cabinet, and
judicial authority set in place.
21.
For every nation state the emperor will name an imperial governor on the top of the
government. This person must be a citizen of the nation state.
22.
The Emperor names the members of the administration/cabinet at the suggestion of the
governor.
23.
Every nation state takes care of its own constitution. This must, in order to come into life
(become valid), must be warranted (approved) by the Empire. Until then the
administration/cabinet of the nation states exerts autonomy (of rights) over the country.
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Warranty of the Constitution of the Nation State
24.
The empire warrants the nation states their territories, their autonomy, in so far that those
are not restricted through the imperial constitution, and their particular state
constitutions.
To this goal, every individual state has the command to guarantee his constitution by the
empire.
This warranty occurs on behalf of the imperial regime under the following conditions:
1. The constitution of the individual states may not contradict the standing conditions
in the imperial constitution.
2. They must secure the practice of the political rights in the basic principles of the
constitutional monarchy.
3. They will have to assume the absolute majority of the legislature of the relevant
individual states
4. Every alliance and any pacts of a political nature between the individual nation
states are illegitimate.
5. The nation states, in which the middle accepted foreign-nation minorities are
decided, have to be vouched for through liberal measurements.*
The Conciliatory Languages
25.
Every nation state determines its own official language.
The international conciliatory language of the empire is German. When such is the official
language of everyone in Vienna it is also that of the residential imperial authorities, the
imperial cabinet/administration, the parliament, the army and navy, further is the official
language between the individual nation states on one side, between these and the Empire
on the other side.
In the imperial parliament every member can also use his own language.
All imperial authorities – except for the military – officiate in the state language of the
concerning nation states. In association with the central authorities or with the imperial
authorities in the other nation states the German language will be used.
For this reason, every federal civil servant except for the miscellaneous evidence that he
can consummate both the official language of his state and also the German language.
All laws, ordinances, and notices on behalf of the imperial authorities may always be
drafted and made known in the official language of the concerning individual states.
Every imperial authority’s inscription with inclusion of the military may be applicable only
in the concerning states
Every state has to be adopted on the banknotes and coins
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Execution Proceedings
26.
When an individual state consistently and deliberately defaults to send his representatives
in the imperial administration/cabinet, then the emperor has the right for the concerning
state to appoint an otherwise befitting number of representatives in the
administration/government.
If an individual state does fulfill his other constitutional requirements, he will be reminded
by the empire three times. This remembrance is without triumph, so refunded the imperial
government the statements of the public legislative bodies. These then can pronounce the
execution, which means the concerning regions will have his governmental power
sequestered.
Universal Provisions
27.
The imperial officials in the individual nation states have to be citizen in their respective
individual states. These provisions do not extend to those in Vienna due to activity of the
central authority officials.
28.
Vienna is the capital and residential city of the empire.
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Works Cited
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*****Ferdinand and Sophie. London: Harville, 1984. Print.
Cassels, Lavender. The Archduke and the Assassin: Sarajevo, June 28th 1914. New York:
*****Stein and Day, 1984. Print.
Deak, John. Forging a Multinational State: State Making in Imperial Austria from the
*****Enlightenment to the First World War. Stanford, CA: Stanford U, 2015. Print.
Dedijer, Vladimir. The Road to Sarajevo. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1966. Print.
Eisenmenger, Victor, and James A. Galston. Archduke Francis Ferdinand. London: Selwyn &
*****Blount, 1931. Print.
Popovici, Aurel C. Die Vereinigten Staaten Von Gross-Österreich; Politische Studien Zur
*****Lösung Der Nationalen Fragen Und Staatsrechtlichen Krisen in Österreich-Ungarn.
*****Leipzig: B. Elischer Nachfolger, 1906. Print.
Rothenberg, Gunther E. The Army of Francis Joseph. West Lafayette, IN: Purdue UP, 1976.
*****Print.
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