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Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 2 Methods ..................................................................................................................................... 10 Results ....................................................................................................................................... 14 Athabasca and Brazeau Forests .......................................................................................... 16 North Saskatchewan River Basin and the Clearwater Forest .............................................. 17 Bow River Forest ............................................................................................................... 18 Rocky Mountains Park (Present Day Banff National Park) ................................................... 19 Ghost and Red Deer River Regions ....................................................................................... 19 Sheep & Elbow River Regions ............................................................................................... 21 Highwood River Region......................................................................................................... 25 Kananaskis Valley .................................................................................................................. 28 Crowsnest Forest ............................................................................................................... 29 Porcupine Hills and Willow Creek Fires ................................................................................ 29 Livingstone Valley ................................................................................................................. 32 Crowsnest Pass ..................................................................................................................... 35 Discussion: After the 1910 Fires ...................................................................................... 38 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 46 References ................................................................................................................................ 48 Appendix A ............................................................................................................................... 53 i. Introduction Fire history studies are an important tool for understanding the role fire events played in structuring today’s landscape. The year 1910 was an unprecedented year for wildfire history in the northern U.S. as well as Canada (Pyne, 2007). These fires had profound social impacts and influenced the creation of forest fire fighting policy with continued reverberations today. While the ecological and social effects of the 1910 fires have been studied closely in the U.S., little research has been done on the magnitude of these fires in Canada until recently. In Alberta, the 1910 fires were monumental both in terms of the area burnt and the development of fire policy in the Dominion Forestry Branch, which had been established in 1899 but was still in its early phase of development. In this paper, the extent of the 1910 fires in Alberta is defined, and the evolution of Dominion forestry and fire protection is examined in the context of the 1910 fire events and the political and social underpinnings of the United States. Examining the 1910 fire events in Alberta provides a basis on which to build our understanding of how those events influenced forest fire policy and social attitudes towards wildfire. I examine evidence from local histories, newspaper articles, historical reports, survey photographs, and recent fire history studies in the context of each forest reserve, as well as the adjacent provincial lands, in an effort to evaluate the geographic, political, and social extents of the 1910 fires in Alberta. Prime Minister John A. Macdonald’s vision of Canada was a Dominion that extended from Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean (Murphy, 1985). At that time, all the territory in the Hudson’s Bay Drainage, known as Rupert’s Land was owned by the 2
Hudson’s Bay Company and had been granted to them by Imperial Britain. Canada, as it is known today, was shaped by two major actions of the Macdonald government. First was the transfer of Rupert’s Land from the Hudson’s Bay Company in 1870. The second was convincing British Columbia to join Confederation by promising to extend a railway to the west coast to link the province with the rest of Canada (B.C. became the sixth province in 1871). In the same year, the Dominion obtained governance over Rupert’s Land and incorporated the area as Dominion Lands within the North‐West Territories (NWT) (Murphy & Stevenson, 1999). Macdonald expressed concern over the unregulated exploitation of timber resources in the West and the destruction of timber by fire. The Macdonald government realized that two factors were imperative to the success of western settlement in Canada: water and timber. Surveyors of the late 1800s reported back to Ottawa on the scarcity of water for irrigation in the future prairie provinces as well as the lack of timber for fuel or construction (Murphy, 2007). In 1872 the Dominion Lands Act was passed which enabled the federal government to set aside public land as Dominion Forest Reserves in order to create timber revenue and protect valuable watersheds for agriculture and settlement. The Department of the Interior was formed in 1873 to administer the federal assets in the North‐West Territories, including timber. An amendment to the Dominion Lands Act in 1884 identified the importance of the “crests and slopes” along the east slopes of the Canadian Rockies. It authorized reservations of land specifically for the protection of the headwaters of rivers that eventually ran through three prairie provinces, and it protected timber from land sale, harvest, settlement, and fire (Murphy, 2007). Thus 3
the parliamentary cornerstone was laid for the creation of the Rocky Mountains Forest Reserve (RMFR), later to be expanded and divided into the Athabasca, Brazeau, Clearwater, Bow River, and Crowsnest Forests, all with boundaries still relevant in Alberta’s forest management. John A. Macdonald’s determination to extend Canada from sea to sea included the ambitious construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) to fulfill his promise to bring British Columbia into Confederation (Byfield et al., 1991). As provinces were set to benefit from the construction of the railway, Macdonald secured ownership of a 40‐mile wide swath of forested provincial land in British Columbia along the CPR as the Railway Belt and 3.5 million acres in the Peace River Block as payment for the railway construction (Murphy, 2007). Despite its importance for development and connectivity, the construction of the railway posed a major threat to the very resource it was designed to make more accessible. Fires caused by the railway destroyed thousands of miles of timber annually on Dominion lands (Murphy, 1985, pg.9). Preventing fires for the protection of timber reserves and water supplies became increasingly important as more settlers moved west. In 1877, the council for the North‐West Territories passed a mandate for the prevention of forest and prairie fires through the establishment of fire districts and appointed fire guards in the NWT (Murphy, 1985). Ten years later marked the completion of the CPR (1888), but no effective legislation had been passed to mitigate fires started by the railway. When the Liberal government came into power under Prime Minister Wilfred Laurier in 1896, the parliamentary tone for the creation of Forest Reserves 4
had been set by the Macdonald government, but had so far only manifested as National Parks in the Rocky Mountains and a few timber reserves defined by Orders‐in‐Council. The arrival of the Liberal government fostered the development of Canadian forestry and conservation ideology. Clifford Sifton, appointed Minister of the Department of the Interior, was a firm believer in centralized forest policy and a proponent of scientific forestry (Murphy, 2007). Key figures and events in the United States featured in the early development of Canadian forestry. Bernhard Fernow steered the development of American forestry prior to the establishment of the forest service and had key role in the founding the Commission of Conservation (Pyne, 2007). Fernow became the first Dean of the new Faculty of Forestry at University of Toronto in 1907, and brought with him the forest practice and policy he had been influential in developing for the United States (Pyne, 2007). Fernow’s take on forestry and was much more agronomical then the Gifford Pinchot’s, who later became first Chief of Forestry in the United States in 1905 (Eagan, 2009). Fernow believed that forestry was, “an agriculture for trees” and that conservation was “a business proposition” (Pyne, 2007, pg.158). Pinchot had an almost spiritual approach to conservation, a sensibility fostered by the father of the conservation movement, John Muir, and propounded by the charismatic Theodore Roosevelt. Roosevelt’s brief time as president drastically influenced the American conception and practice of conservation (Eagan, 2009). Public support for the conservation cause was attributable to Roosevelt’s passionate campaign speeches crafted by Pinchot. At the heart of the campaign was the protection of forests (as reserves) 5
from development and industry so that they might exist and have value in their original form for the enjoyment of the people (Eagan, 2009). According to historian Stephen Pyne (2007), “Close links existed between American and Canadian conservationists, with forestry a primary conduit” (p.157), and Fernow and Pinchot were the primary vectors. Elihu Stewart’s appointment as the first Chief of Forestry in the Dominion’s Forestry Branch in 1900 further defined the relationship between U.S. and Canadian forest practice and policy. Pinchot acted as a sounding board for Stewart’s development of the Canadian Forest Service and the establishment of forest reserves was of primary importance (Murphy, 2007). Stewart expanded on the sentiments of former Prime Minister Macdonald, stating “It cannot be too strongly urged that further reserves should be set aside well in advance of settlement, and in order that this may be intelligently done, a thorough exploration of the unsurveyed portion of our public domain should be undertaken and kept up so as always to be ahead of the settler.” (Murphy, 2007, p. 80). Between the years 1900 and 1905, Stewart strengthened the forestry program in Canada by campaigning for public support and developing the administrative infrastructure needed to manage and protect the Forest Reserves. Fire rangers were posted out of Calgary beginning in 1902 (Murphy, 2007). The Canadian Forestry Association, formed in 1900, comprised Canada’s leading forest conservationists at the time. In 1905 and 1906, a number of pivotal events further linked forestry development in the United States and Canada. The U.S. Forestry Branch was created in 1905 under the direction of Gifford Pinchot. Canada’s Dominion Forestry Branch had its roots in 1899 with Stewart at its helm, and in 1906 the first Forest Reserves Act was passed (Murphy, 2007). Concurrently, under 6
the amendment of the British North American Act, the province of Alberta was formed in 1905 out of former North‐West Territory lands. While the federal government still maintained ownership of Dominion lands under statute of the Dominion Lands Act, the emergence of a provincial government meant another stakeholder in the evolution of forest policy and fire management in Alberta (Murphy, 2007). In 1906, with the support of Prime Minister Laurier, the Canadian Forestry Association held its first Convention in Ottawa, and this meeting proved to be a catalyst for the Dominion Forest Reserves Act passed later that year. The act served the federal government’s agenda to preserve lands from sale or settlement for the protection of timber, water, and prevention of wildfire. Reserves were to be managed by the Superintendent of Forestry, who also had the power to appoint forest rangers. Surveys for potential Forest Reserves subsequently commenced along the eastern slopes; an act, according to R.H. Campbell, that was “the first necessary step for the establishment of permanent forest policy” (Murphy, 2007, p. 89). Political shakeup in the upper levels of governance once again shaped future forest and fire management policy in Canada. Sifton resigned in 1905 and Frank Oliver took his place as Minister of the Department of the Interior. Two men could not be at further ends of the political spectrum regarding public assets on federally managed land. Sifton had spent his career as Minister campaigning for centralized and planned western development (Gillis and Roach, 1986). Sifton shared conservationist views with Pinchot and strongly believed in the importance of the 7
federal reserves (Murphy, 2007). Oliver, on the other hand, advocated for free enterprise and frowned upon governmental regulations on the timber companies. According to Gillis and Roach (1986, p. 91), “He was not a supporter of federal forestry initiatives, except for fighting wildfires”. Elihu Stewart resigned to work with the forest industry, and R.H. Campbell was appointed to the renamed position of Director of Forestry. Although he had no scientific training in forestry, he was a leader in advancing forestry practices in Canada. Campbell and Stewart’s views on forest management were almost as similar as Sifton and Oliver’s were different. Both men had worked with the Canadian Forestry Association and shared views that have strongly influenced forestry politics to date (Murphy, 2007). It was during this time that the management of Dominion Parks was briefly placed under the Dominion Forestry Branch, which, in the words of Deputy Minister W.W. Cory, “[had] become one of very great importance from a public point of view” (Murphy, 2007, p. 88). The public attention the Forestry Branch received in 1908 is indicative of the expectations the general public had already formed of the department since its recent establishment in 1906. The Commission of Conservation was formed in 1909 after the American Conservation Conference in Washington D.C. (Pyne, 2007). Roosevelt and Pinchot knew they had to act before the end of Roosevelt’s presidential term to set up an international scientific body as a watchdog over the conservation and forestry milestones they had achieved in America over an admirably short and energetic period (Egan, 2009). On Christmas Eve of 1908, Roosevelt invited the Governor General of Canada, Lord Earl Grey, as well as the Mexican President, Porfirio Diaz, to 8
send delegates to the North American Conservation Commission meeting planned for the coming February. Grey strongly supported the Commission’s cause, and Prime Minister Laurier and Clifford Sifton were the key Canadian conservationists responsible for establishing the Canadian chapter of the Commission (Gillis and Roach, 1986). While the Commission did not have the political weight its founders had hoped for, it proved effective in research capacity and ability to influence public opinion through publication. Clyde Leavitt, former secretary to Fernow, was appointed the Chief Forester to the Commission and chief fire inspector on the Board of Railway Commissioners (Pyne, 2007). The fact the Commission operated outside of a particular governing body gave it the ability to pressure institutions such as the newly formed Dominion Forestry Branch through setting a high standard for research and conservation practice. The cross‐boundary operation of the Commission further paralleled the development of American and Canadian forestry (Pyne, 2007). 1910 is a well‐documented year for fire in the United States both in terms of regions burned and social impacts. The climatic conditions that season primed the region for a major fire conflagration. The spring of 1910 was hot and dry—a situation exacerbated by the low amounts of precipitation during the previous winter. The unseasonable conditions were accompanied by frequent dry lightning storms with over 3000 recorded fire starts that season (White, 1985). The fires that started in Montana and Idaho burnt northwards, straddling the continental divide (Cohen & Millar, 1978). The “Big Blow‐Up” occurred from August 20 to 22 when hurricane‐speed winds created a major firestorm across the Montana 9
and Idaho border. Several towns were destroyed in this event, and 78 firefighters and 7 civilians lost their lives over those three days (Cohen & Millar, 1978). Over three million acres burnt across the Northern U.S. that year, making 1910 one of the worst fire seasons on record for the U.S. (White, 1985). The major loss of life and acreage as a result of the fires deeply impacted American policy on conservation and fire management as well as social attitudes towards wildfire (Egan, 2009). Methods In order to determine the extent of the 1910 fires in Alberta, I compiled historical information referencing the size and location of the fires from various sources. Much of the reference material used in my study built upon fire reference notes from a number of other peoples’ personal collections. Rick Arthur, a Wildfire Prevention Officer with ASRD, has a large collection of newspaper articles on historical fire events in southern Alberta. The 1910 fire references he contributed included newspaper articles from the Morning Albertan, The Blairmore Enterprise, The Calgary Daily Herald, and The Nanton News, as well as excerpts from local history books Our Foothills (1975) and Crowsnest and its People (1979). Arthur’s fire history notes for the region also entailed a number of historical images that document the 1910 fires from the ASRD’s Historical Photo Collection (HPC), which were accessed online at http://www.srd.alberta.ca/ImageLibrary/Default.aspx. Robert Watt, former Resource Management Specialist in Waterton Lakes National Park, provided notes on the 1910 fires for the southern Rockies as well. These included newspaper articles from the Lethbridge Daily Herald, the Blairmore 10
Enterprise, and the Pincher Creek Echo. As part of his fire reference collection, Watt also had notes on the 1910 fires from the Library and Archives Canada (LAC) Forestry Collection (RG39), which detailed townships and ranges where fires occurred. This collection included the map of Forest Cover & Grazing Lands that showed previously burnt regions in the Crowsnest Pass circa 1910. Furthermore, Watt’s fire reference material contained excerpts from a number of local history books referencing the 1910 fires including In the Light of the Flares (Sheep River Historical Society, 1979) and From Prairie Grass to Mountain Pass: A History of the Pioneers of Pincher Creek (Pincher Creek Historical Society, 1974). Peter Murphy wrote the majority of literature on the history of fire management and forest policy in Alberta. He also contributed his collection of notes on and photographs of the 1910 fires documented by Dominion Forest Service, as well as references to the prairie fires of 1909 in Alberta. I examined archival material at the Glenbow Museum in Calgary and the Provincial Archives in Edmonton in an effort to uncover more historical maps detailing burns from 1910, as well as newspaper articles and other report references to the fires. No further maps or historical reports were discovered. The Forest Service at the time of the 1910 fires was managed by the Dominion (federal) government, so most of those records are in the forestry collection in Ottawa. Additional newspaper articles from the Calgary Daily Herald accessed on microfiche at the Glenbow Museum were added to the reference collection for this study. Newspaper articles from the Red Deer Advocate were examined, but no references 11
to the 1910 fires were found. Articles from the Ottawa Citizen were accessed via online search. This study used 1910 fire event maps from various fire history studies conducted in Alberta. M.P. Rogeau is responsible for the majority of this fire mapping, and this study incorporates her work (and that of others) in the Jasper and Foothills Model Forest, the Ghost Region, Banff National Park, and the front ranges of the Kananaskis region. Work from Cliff White’s fire history study of Banff National Park (1985) was also included. Further information on the extent of the 1910 fires in Alberta was obtained from the Annual Report of the Department of the Interior for the Fiscal Year Ending March 31, 1911 (Canada, 1911), which included reports on the fires from A.B. MacDonald (the Superintendent of the Rocky Mountains Park), R.H. Campbell (the Superintendant of Forestry), and A. Knechtel (the Inspector of Forest Reserves). References to the 1910 fires from the report of J. White (Chief Fire Inspector for the Board of Railway Commissioners), Forestry on Dominion Lands, published in the Commission of Conservation Report (1915), Forest Protection in Canada 1913­1914, were also used in this study. After the references to the 1910 fires in Alberta were collected, they were organized by fire events within, or in proximity to, the Dominion Forest Reserves. The Forest Reserve boundaries follow major drainage divides, and fire events are often contained to major watersheds (personal communication, Rick Arthur, March 5, 2010). The fact that the reserve boundaries are similar today to their establishment in 1911 also makes organizing fires this way preferable for administrative purposes. Organizing all the references by geographic region allowed 12
me to compare different accounts of fires in the same region. References that depicted size estimates and dates of fires were incorporated into the Timeline spreadsheet (see appendix) and color coded by fire event to match the boundaries shown in the 1910 Fire Map in Google Earth. I chose Google Earth as a medium to display the visual depiction of the 1910 fires because of its simple user interface that allows information to be easily shared and incorporated. I labeled creeks, rivers, hamlets, and other geographic regions that were mentioned in the fire references with regards to a 1910 event. Some of the names of river and creeks had changed over time, so I cross‐referenced the creek and river names from the reference document with the original maps of the Forest Reserves (courtesy Rick Arthur, March 12, 2010, see map references in appendix). Fire boundaries in the 1910 Fire Map were either obtained from other sources or created based on verbal descriptions from historical reports and newspaper articles. The map layers in Google Earth are organized by geographic region based on the Forest Reserves as well, and the reference for each boundary is embedded in the layer. No fire boundaries for the Athabasca or Brazeau forests are mapped due to the limited amount of references for this region; however, some references are discussed in later in this paper. The shape files I received of fire boundaries from Rogeau’s fire history studies were converted to kml (Google Earth files) using the Shape2Earth 1.471 plug‐in for MapWindow GIS, an open source GIS program. I also received fire boundaries created by Rick Arthur based on survey photographs from M.P. Bridgland’s 1913‐14 photo‐topographic work in the Crowsnest Forest Reserve and Crowsnest Pass region. It is thought that the majority of the fire evidence in these 13
photographs is attributable to the 1910 fires (Rick Arthur and Rob Watt, personal communication April 6, 2010). I created an index of the Bridgland photographs north of the Crowsnest Pass based on verbal descriptions of the fire evidence in the photographs. Photos that had extensive blowdown, trees with slipped bark, or substantial regeneration‐‐ indicators that these areas had burnt prior to 1910‐‐ were not included in the final map. The remaining fire boundaries (those referenced in Rogeau’s fire history studies or Arthur’s fire mapping based on the Bridgland photos) were created based on the supporting references as mentioned above. Once all the references had been mapped in Google Earth, I used Google Earth Pro to calculate the size in hectares of boundaries based on verbal descriptions. The fire size totals based on both the map and the compiled historical references are displayed and compared in the Fire Size Totals table (see appendix), where they are organized by Forest Reserve. Results According to the Pincher Creek local history, Prairie Grass to Mountain Pass, 1910 is “still remembered as the year of the big fire” (p.70). The weather conditions for Alberta in 1910 paralleled those of the Northern States. 1909 was a hot, dry year across Canadian Rockies and Foothills regions, with drought conditions that sparked the last of the great prairie fires in Alberta. The largest fire burnt late in the fall, devastating an estimated 12‐18 million acres of land (Roder, 1964). Two young girls were killed with their mother in the path of the fire around Stettler (Red Deer Advocate, October 8, 1909) and a man died near Hutton (Calgary Herald, October 7, 14
1909). Dry conditions persisted into the following winter and the little snow that fell over the prairie‐provinces had melted by mid‐March that spring. April of 1910 was dry and warm, contrasted by a miserably cold and windy early May. Spring showers finally came in the latter half of May, a welcome sight to farmers and ranchers who had suffered the severity of 1909’s droughts and fires. June and July were drier than usual, with temperatures above the annual averages for the last twenty years by as much as three degrees (Canada, 1911). Abraham Knechtel, the Inspector of Forest Reserves for the Dominion Forestry Branch, reported that the 1910 fire season extended from mid April to sometime after August 5 and Alberta suffered the most severely of the prairie provinces (Canada, 1911). 1910 was considered to be the worst fire to date for the province, and no subsequent fire was thought to rival it until 1919 (Morning Albertan, July 8th, 1919). Unlike the fires in the U.S.A., however, where the worst of the fires of 1910 occurred during the “Big Blow Up” over August 20‐22, the most severe fires in Alberta occurred in July and early August (see timeline). Based on his personal research and experience, Rick Arthur, (Wildfire Prevention Officer, ASRD) noted that over the past century, there seems to be a general trend for major fire events in southern Alberta (1910, 1919, 1934, 1936, 2000, and 2003) to occur over a three‐week period from mid July to early August (Rick Arthur, personal communication, April 2, 2010). The forests of the soon‐to‐be reserves, as well as the foothill and montane regions of Alberta, were ripe for a big fire. G.H. Edgecombe, surveyor of the eastern boundary of the Rocky Mountains Forest Reserve from the Elbow River to its 15
southern limits, estimated in 1910 that over the last 60 years, 60% of the timber on the southern slopes had been burnt over. Likewise, P.Z. Caverhill, surveyor of the eastern boundary from the Elbow River north, stated that 80% of the region had burnt in the last 50 years, and 60% of the burnt region had likely been burnt over in as little as the last 25 years1 (Canada, 1911). The active exclusion of aboriginal fire by the establishment of Indian Reserves through treaty with the Federal Government, combined with the loss of the great buffalo herds likely contributed to moderate fuel accumulation in the foothill regions along the eastern slopes (personal communication, Rick Arthur, April 8, 1910). Slash from rail and road construction had also become an issue in more developed regions of the southern province (Canada, 1911). The product of this fuel load combined with extreme weather conditions and complex topography was wildfires that left marks not only physically, but also socially and politically. Athabasca and Brazeau Forests In his report to the Department of the Interior, Campbell (Canada, 1911) estimated that millions of feet of timber were burnt along the Athabasca River. According to historian Peter Murphy (personal communication, February 25, 2010) this was likely north of Athabasca Landing and around the Grand Rapids portage along the transportation route to Waterways and northwards. The Edmonton Bulletin (1910) reported a loss of 4000 square miles of timber at Athabasca Landing (personal communication, Mark Heathcott, March 15, 2010). Both regions mentioned are well outside the Athabasca and Brazeau Forests’ boundaries. In their 1 These estimates would have included the 1910 fires. 16
fire history research, Rogeau (1997) found that 5250 ha burnt in Jasper National Park and the Forest Management Area. There is less information available on the 1910 events this far north in comparison to other regions, due to its remoteness as reflected in the lack of maps, access routes, development and settlement, and the absence of a formal forest service (personal communication, Peter Murphy and Rick Arthur, April 8, 2010). Based on the references examined, the 1910 fires appear to have been more severe further south. North Saskatchewan River Basin and the Clearwater Forest White (1915, p. 244) wrote “the Clearwater forest appears to have suffered less than the others [forest reserves], due no doubt to its remoteness from civilization”. In his fire history for Banff National Park, White (1985) reports a large 1910 fire in the North Saskatchewan region (2500ha) that burnt eastwards into the foothill regions. White (1985) also states that fires starting in the Banff region often burn eastwards out of the mountains as a result of strong southerly winds. In their stand origin mapping for Banff National Park, Rogeau & Gilbride (1994) mapped out the North Saskatchewan fire from White (1985) as well as smaller fires in the Porcupine Lake region and along the Cline and Peppers Rivers. A historical photo, thought to be taken around 1910 from Marble Mountain (HPC 3393) shows evidence of a fire extending northeast to Burnt Stick Lake (see Clearwater section on map). 17
Figure 1: Looking towards Burnt Stick Lake from Marble Mountain region, ASRD Historical Photo # 3393. The report of the Dominion Parks Superintendant (Canada, 1911) referenced a large fire coming down from the Brazeau and Ghost rivers to a point east of Minnewanka in 1910. However, given the size of the region described, it is surmised that the Superintendant was mistaken in the geographic description of the fire, and that the actual extent of this fire could have been overestimated from the heavy smoke conditions (personal communication, Ian Pengelly, Fire and Vegetation Specialist for Banff National Park, March 3, 2010; Robert Water, Resource Conservation Specialist for Waterton Lakes National Park, April 13, 2010). Bow River Forest According to annual reports for 1910, 316 295 acres burnt in the Bow River forest reserve (Murphy et al, 2006). White (1915) reported that at least 0.5 million acres burnt east of BNP in the forest reserve south of the Red Deer. 18
Rocky Mountains Park (Present Day Banff National Park) In the Rocky Mountains Park (now modern day Banff National Park), the year 1910 was not as severe compared to other regions in the province. 1908 was an unprecedented fire year in the Rocky Mountains Park and prompted the inclusion of the Dominion Parks in the jurisdiction of the forestry branch for fire protection (White, 1985, p. 46). Besides the North Saskatchewan fire (mentioned in the above section), the rest of the 1910 events in the park were minimal. White (1985, p. 49) also references historical reports of ‘large fires coming down to the east end of Minnewanka, and these events are likely the fires that are shown to have burnt in the Ghost region (see following section). Rogeau & Gilbride’s (1994) stand origin mapping identified 1910 fires in the Lower and Middle Bow Valleys, as well as the Dormer, Mistaya, and Panther valleys, totaling 1582 ha. The Morning Albertan for July 26, 1910 also mentions a fire that burnt around 10 acres on Sulphur Mountian, near the middle springs, but it was promptly extinguished. Ghost and Red Deer River Regions Rogeau’s fire history mapping for the Ghost region (2005) shows a large 1910 fire event burnt from the Ghost River north to the southern branches of Fallen Timber and Burnt Timber creeks. This fire matches the description of the fires noted by the Superintendant of the Rocky Mountains Park (Canada, 1911; White, 1985, see Rocky Mountains Park section) who mentions two fires occurring at the east end of Lake Minnewanka, one of which 19
“came down from the Brazeau2 and Ghost rivers to a point near the east end of Lake Minnewanka and we had to send a party of fire fighters out from here to prevent it getting into the park, which, I am glad to say, was accomplished after considerable work” (Section V, p. 16). Knechtel (Canada, 1911) and later White (1915) both record a large fire that burned approximately 110 square miles at the headwaters of the Little Red Deer River. These two events are encompassed by Rogeau’s fire regime mapping in the Ghost region (HFR‐001, 2005). It is expected that this event also spread southwards and perhaps westwards out of Rogeau’s study plots. The Morning Albertan (1910) references this fire on July 23rd and 25th. By the 26th the paper reported that the fires along the Ghost had almost reached the Bow, consuming valuable timber along the Eau Claire and Bow Lumber timber limits (see South Ghost fire on map). News of this fire’s severity reached papers in Ottawa, and on July 29th the Ottawa Citizen wrote, “so intense is the heat and the clouds of smoke are so thick that fire rangers and other fire fighters are almost powerless to do anything to check the destruction now going on” (1910). These fires burnt furiously for another couple of days before receiving heavy showers around August 1st (Morning Albertan, 1910). In the historical references examined, there is no other mention of the Ghost river fires after this point, so it is expected that these showers prevented the further spread of the fire. Two other separate fire events appear to have occurred in the Ghost and Red Deer River regions that season. One is another fire reported by Knechtel (Canada, 1911) that burnt further north and east of Rogeau’s large fire event in the Fallen 2 See above reference to the actual extent of this fire. Reference to the fire coming down from the Brazeau is not credible. 20
Timber Creek region (see Fallen Timber Creek fire on the map). This may be the fire that is referenced in a photo taken on the divide between the south fork of the Burnt Timber and Fallen Timber Creeks (HPC #3413). On July 19th The Morning Albertan noted another fire in the prairie region north of Cochrane (see Cochrane Prairie Fire on map). This was the only reference to this fire that was examined, making it difficult to estimate the actual extent. Because it was only mentioned once in the Morning Albertan, this fire was likely to not have to been that significant of an event, as the larger fires in the Ghost region eclipsed it. Sheep & Elbow River Regions According to Bragg Creek local history, Our Foothills (1975), the 1910 fires burnt “practically all the area from the headquarters of the Elbow and Sheep rivers to east of the present day forestry boundary (p. 416, courtesy of Rick Arthur), although is likely somewhat of an embellishment of the actual extent of the fires. Rogeau’s fire history study for the Kananaskis region (2005) outlined a huge 1910 fire event extending from the front‐range mountains to the eastern boundary of the reserve, north to Jumpingpound Creek and south to the Sheep River. These fire boundaries may extend outside of plot samples west into the front range around the north fork of the Sheep River, as well as east out of the reserve. According to historical references, there appear to have been at least two fire events along the Sheep River in 1910. The first record of a fire in the Sheep region is from the July 19th edition of the Morning Albertan. The paper noted a fire 21
that occurred earlier in the season in the North Fork3 of Sheep Creek4 around the Lineham Lumber Company limits. The Lineham timber drivers fought the fire but in the end it was brought under control by a rainfall. The paper reports that the fire was caused by a coal prospector’s camp in the region. The second fire occurred later in the season, starting around mid July, again in the north fork of Sheep Creek around the Lineham timber limits. The Calgary Herald stated on July 15th that the fire was burning within the Lineham Timber limits, but according to the Morning Albertan, the fire didn’t reach the Lineham timber limits until around July 25th. The Morning Albertan added, “The fires this season are the worst and most destructive in the history of that section of the province”. On July 19th the Morning Albertan reported that the fire was burning second growth timber in regions that had been previously logged where there was an abundance of slash; the cause of the fire was unknown. This fire was severe enough to make the news in Ottawa. On July 29th, 1910, the Ottawa Citizen elaborated on the Sheep Creek/Lineham fire stating “the wind was so high yesterday and the air so charged with smoke that it was difficult to tell just exactly where the fire is worst”, adding, “there is no doubt, however, that the whole of the Foot Hills country is ablaze and that much valuable timber, grass, and other property is being destroyed”. This fire is covered by Rogeau’s fire mapping (HFR‐002) in the Lower Foothills region (2006). Rogeau’s fire boundary also indicates that the Sheep fire burnt over 20 km along the south branch of the Sheep River. This supports the 3 Known today as Three Point Creek. 4 This is synonymous with Sheep River. 22
description for Historical Photo 270 (HPC), which shows the valley of the south Sheep River affected by fire. It is possible that the fire in the north fork of the Sheep River burnt as far south as the south branch of the Sheep River, but none of the historical references examined comment on this. The other possibility is that a separate fire, or multiple fires, started further south and burnt into the north Sheep fire boundaries at some point over the 1910 season. The Turner Valley’s history book, In Light of the Flares (1979) contains an excerpt from Meriel Hayden who explained; “In 1910 it was extremely dry along the whole mountain and foothill area from Idaho to the Bow River basin. In these parts there was only a quarter inch of rain between April 1st and September 1st, and the whole area was studded with separate outbreaks.” (p. 230, courtesy of Robert Watt). Campbell reported that in 1910, 10‐20 million feet broad measure of merchantable timber was destroyed in the Elbow and Ghost regions (Canada, 1911). White (1915, p. 243) wrote, “the Elbow Valley was cleaned out entirely, as well as the adjacent prairie country”. A photo taken from Elbow falls (HPC 1404) shows the country burnt over. 23
Figure 2: Elbow Falls, ASRD Historical Photo # 1404. The Elbow River Fire is thought to have started east of Elbow River Falls and then burnt east of the forest reserve, threatening the town of Priddis (Rogeau HFR 002, 2006; Calgary Herald, July 15th and 23rd, 1910). The Herald also noted that the flames were driven by strong winds, and that the fire was burning over a territory “30 miles across the face of it”. Again, this description matches that of the Sheep River/Lineham fire, and these events appear to have burnt into one another, according to Rogeau’s HFR 002 (2006). Knechtel also make reference to a fire on the Elbow River close to the falls, and Rogeau’s HFR 002 maps out this burn as well. This region is the burn shown along the Powderface Trail, just north of the Elbow River (HPC 3374). 24
Figure 3: Burnt timber along the Powderface Trail, ASRD Historical Photo # 3374. Highwood River Region The mill manager for the Lineham Lumber Company, E.A. Dagget, took two photos of a fire near the Sheep River in 1910, noting on the back of one of the photos that the fire was “7 miles wide by 30 miles long” (11.27 km by 48.28 km) (Rick Arthur, personal communication, January 15, 2010). This figure matches Campbell’s (Canada, 1911), and White’s (1915) description of a large fire in the Highwood Valley around the same time. According to Campbell (Canada, 1911), a large fire occurred along the Highwood Valley, that was 30 miles long and 5‐6 miles wide (48.28 km by 8.05‐9.67 km). However, according to Knechtel’s more detailed report of the Highwood fire (Canada, 1911), the fire was 40 miles long and on average, 3 miles wide (64.37 km by 4.83 km). This fire was also considered the worst outbreak in the region (Canada, 1911). It is possible that Dagget was referring to the Highwood Fire on the backs of his photographs, or 25
that the two fires were similar in size, or burnt into one another. The northern extent of the Highwood fire is shown in a photo from Mist Mountain (DFB 18258) located in the north end of the Highwood Valley. Figure 4: Northern extent of Highwood Valley fire, Dominion Forestry Branch, photo # 18258. A number of photos taken in 1910 document the extent of timber burnt in the Highwood Valley that season (HPC 305, 306, 310). The Highwood fire was reportedly started by a survey party on the Lineham Lumber Company limits at mouth of Pickle Jar Creek and spread down the Highwood Valley (Canada, 1911: Hayden, 1979). According to Campbell’s account of the fire, the survey party had lit a smudge for their horses, which escaped from them in the dry grass (Canada, 1911). The fire burnt south and east along the Highwood Valley, and once it was out of the mountains it spread in all directions (Hayden, 1979). This fire may then have merged with other fires burning in the foothills at that time, approximately 18 miles southwest of the town of High River. The sentiments of the general public were reflected in the tone of the Calgary Herald’s coverage of the fires, 26
which claimed that no governmental action had yet been taken on the fires and that “the people of the district feel that it is time something big was done to check the flames”. It was also expressed that the government should put together large ‘gangs’ of men under experienced foresters and rangers to fight the fires (Calgary Herald, July 21st, 1910). Figure 5: Timber burnt in the Highwood Valley, Historical Photo # 310. On July 30th, 1910, the Morning Albertan wrote of a fire, burning north and south of the Bar U Ranch, being ‘turned back into the hills’ around the end of July. This may have been the Highwood fire north of the ranch, and the Willow/Mosquito Creek fire (see Crowsnest Section) south of the ranch. It also may have been a separate fire (or fires) burning in the foothill regions in closer proximity to the ranch. According to Hayden (1979) the Highwood fire(s) were extinguished by rain around the middle of August, except for parts of the fire that burnt in the muskeg pockets into the following winter. Hayden also comments on 27
the efforts made by Fire Warden Sylvester Brown (in charge of region from Sheep Creek Basin to south of the Oldman River) who had plowed a fireguard from one side to the other of his patrol region upon commencing his position. During the 1910 events, along with backfiring, Brown was able to keep the fire contained. Most of the fire suppression efforts of 1910 were focused on preventing the fires from spreading east out of the reserves towards the foothill communities and regions where there were other values at risk, such as timber berths. 100 years later, according to Arthur, not much has changed with regards to where the suppression efforts take priority when the resources are stretched5 (personal communication, April 8, 2010). Kananaskis Valley White (1915) stated that the Kananaskis Valley was ‘largely burned’ (p. 243) in 1910, but goes no further to elaborate on the fires. Knechtel makes no reference to fires in Kananaskis for the 1910 season, and his report appears to be fairly comprehensive (Canada, 1911). The stand origin map for Banff National Park (Rogeau & Gilbride, 1994) shows a small fire event for 1910 on east side of the Kananaskis Valley around the headwaters of Evans‐Thomas Creek. This is likely the fire evident in HPC 3374, taken from the range north east of the burn. In his stand origin mapping for the Kananaskis Valley around the Kananaskis Lakes and Smith‐Dorrien region, Hawkes (1979) found evidence of large fires occurring 5 Most wildland fire agencies have established some sort of priority for assessing and suppressing wild fires. In Alberta, they are: Human Life, Communities, Watershed/Soils, Natural Resources, and Infrastructure (Rick Arthur, personal communication, April 12, 2010). 28
in 1904 and 1920, but no stand replacing fires in 1910 for that region. Likewise, Johnson and Fryer (1987) did not find any evidence of a major 1910 fire in their study region of the Kananaskis Valley. Crowsnest Forest The Crowsnest Forest and communities of the Crowsnest Pass were the most affected by the fires of 1910. Fires in this region started in the early spring and lasted late into the season (see Timeline table in appendix). Millions of board feet of timber were lost in the Livingstone Valley, just months before its establishment as a forest reserve (Canada, 1911). The work of foresters Edgecombe and Caverhill, who surveyed the eastern border of the Rocky Mountains Forest Reserve over the 1910 fire season, highlighted the imperativeness of forest protection for the preservation of timber revenue and watershed quality (Canada, 1911). Likewise, the fires that threatened the communities of the Crowsnest Pass emphasized the public sentiment on wildfire, and built upon frameworks of fires past of the public’s expectations for governmental fire control. Porcupine Hills and Willow Creek Fires The first fire of the 1910 season along the eastern slopes was reported in the Lethbridge Daily Herald on April 26, 1910. This bush fire had already been burning for over a week in the Porcupine Hills region, around the headwaters of Willow and Trout Creeks. According to the paper, the fire lasted for three weeks before it was extinguished, and burnt an estimated 300 square miles along Trout Creek (see Trout Creek and Porcupine Hills fire on map). On May 12th, the Herald reports that the fire destroyed “one sawmill, a number of settler’s homes and 29
ranch buildings, and a vast amount of timber before it was extinguished” (1910). This is possibly the same Porcupine Hills fire Knechtel refers to in his Annual Report (Canada, 1911), but he records the fire to be only 50 square miles in size. White (1915) reiterated this in the Commission of Conservation report on Fire Protection in Canada for 1913‐14. In their coverage of Porcupine Hills fires, the Lethbridge Daily Herald highlights tensions between the public and the forest rangers. Waldron Ranch owner, W.R. Hull was quoted in the Lethbridge Daily Herald: “the forest rangers are not taking the role they should in fighting the fire, as they say their salaries do not commence until May 7 th, so that they would receive no compensation for their trouble in fighting the fire at the present time. Another factor that militates against successfully coping with the fire is the fact that while there are plenty of men willing to fight, they are up in the hills without any provision or means of securing any” (April 26th, 1910). Knechtel, however, (Canada, 1911) reported that this early fire was actioned by Fire Ranger Wm. Flack6 who ploughed a fireguard south of the burn. According to Peter Murphy (personal communication, April 6, 2010), there was some tension between the Dominion Forestry Branch and the provincially appointed fire guardians over fire permits issued by the province without proper inspections being conducted before hand to ensure the resources were in place to prevent the spread of a fire if it escaped. This discontinuity between the Dominion and provincial fire management likely added to the frustration and confusion expressed by the public. 6 Flack, Wm. A. is listed as a Forest Fire Ranger, annual report of the Auditor General for 1910‐11. Stationed at Lyndon, 52 ½ days to August 17th at $4.00 per day. 30
By mid July another fire had blown up in the Porcupine Hills, this time in the north fork of Willow Creek. According to the Morning Albertan for July 19th, 1910, the fire was believed to have been started by a fisherman. The Morning Albertan references the fire as being 40 miles west of Nanton, but this reaches all the way to the continental divide, therefore was likely an over‐estimate. On July 21st the Calgary Herald reported that the fire was burning northwards along Willow Creek and had jumped Mosquito Creek (see North Willow/Mosquito Creek Fire on map). The Herald also estimated that the fire had damaged hundreds of miles of hayland and was burning east of forest reserve. The Calgary Herald, The Morning Albertan, The Nanton News, and The Lethbridge Daily Herald all referenced fires occurring in the Porcupine Hills between mid‐end July. These papers are likely referring to the Willow/Mosquito Creek fires that were burning at the same time. On July 30th, 1910, the Morning Albertan reported that a fire burning north and south of The Bar U ranch had been ‘turned back into the hills’ and was considered under control. This may be the north Willow Creek/Mosquito Creek Fire in the Porcupine Hills, which is mentioned around mid‐late July in a number of papers. Or it may have been the north end of the Livingstone Range fire which may have burnt through Willow Creek and up into the Pekisko Creek region, then east towards the ranch. It is likely that a large portion of the region between Willow Creek and the Highwood River burnt in 1910 (personal communication, Rick Arthur, April 8, 2010). The fire referred to north of the Bar‐U Ranch may have been the Highwood fire once it 31
burned out of the valley and into the foothills (see Highwood River section). This fire is thought to have burnt well into the month August (Hayden, 1979). Livingstone Valley The fire that burnt from the Crowsnest Pass north through the Livingstone Valley to Sheppard Creek was the largest event in the southern part of the Province (Canada, 1911). The valley of North Fork7 of the Oldman River was all burnt, except for the headwaters of the western branch8 (White, 1915). Campbell estimated that 100 million feet burnt from the Crowsnest Pass up the Livingstone Valley (Canada, 1911). Dominion Land surveyor, M.P. Bridgland, surveyed the Crowsnest and Livingstone regions in 1913 and 1914 using photo‐topographic methods. Rick Arthur, Wildfire Prevention Officer with Alberta Sustainable Resource Development (ASRD), mapped out the fire boundaries visible in Bridgland's survey photographs of the Livingston Range and Crowsnest Pass regions. It is expected that the majority of the fire evidence in these photos would have been from the 1910 fire event as it was the most recent large‐scale event in the Livingstone Valley. 7 The Livingstone River 8 Expected to be today’s north fork of the Oldman River with headwaters around the Lyall and Beehive Mountains on the Continental Divide. 32
Figure 6: View of fire evidence in Livingstone Valley from Bridgland’s Dutch Creek North 1 Station, 1913‐
1914 (B13‐34). Figure 7: View of fire evidence in the Livingstone Valley region from Bridgland’s White Creek East Station, 1913‐1914 (B13‐405). 33
Figure 8: View of fire evidence in the Livingstone Valley near the Gap region from Bridgland’s Bolton 2 Station, 1913‐1914 (B13‐46). Photos that had evidence of older burns (white bark on trees or excessive blow down) were not included in mapping the 1910 boundaries. The photographs that were left out were all from the western headwaters region, which coincides with White’s (1915) statement that this region was spared of fire in 1910. The total burn area from Arthur’s fire mapping of the Bridgland photos north of the Crowsnest Pass is 66 926 ha (see HFR008 and 009 under Livingstone Range Fire on map). The fire mapping from Bridgland’s photographs also matches Knechtel’s (Canada, 1911) account that the fire burned from Coleman along the Crowsnest railroad to Sheppard Creek in a “northeasterly direction 42 miles long having an average width of 6 miles” (approximately 67 km by 10km) (Section VII, p. 32). 34
This fire was also reported to have burnt through the Livingstone Gap in the Crowsnest forest while Lady Grey, the wife of Governor‐General Albert (Earl) Grey, was camping there with her party. No doubt this experience deeply impacted the Lady Grey, whose husband (as mentioned above) played a key role in promoting the Canadian chapter of the Commission of Conservation along with Prime Minister Laurier. The fires in the forest reserve burnt into the month of August (Canada, 1911). Crowsnest Pass The earliest fire examined for the southern Crowsnest region in 1910 started in late April in the Mill Creek region around the Whitney Creek junction (Pincher Creek Historical Society, p. 170). According to the Pincher Creek Echo, the fire was “nearly out” on April 26th, but on May 5th the paper reports that the fire had crossed Mill Creek just below Gladstone Creek (1910). The Lethbridge Daily Herald confirmed this on May 6th, and noted the heroic actions a local homesteader turned hero who prevented the fire from destroying homes in the area. Arthur’s fire mapping (HFR007) extends south west of this fire well into the South Fork of Oldman River9. According to the Lethbridge Daily Herald (July 18, 1910), bush fires had been burning in the Crowsnest Pass region since mid July. One fire started west of Coleman (LAC Forestry Collection, notes courtesy of Rob Watt, February 10, 2009) and burnt eastwards around both sides of Saskatoon Mountain, coming within half a mile of Coleman, while another fire blazed at the west end of Slav 9 Today’s south Castle drainage. 35
Town (Blairmore Enterprise, July 21, 1910). The Saskatoon Mountain fire spread northeast, threatening the town of Lille (see Lille fire on map), which had to be evacuated (Blairmore Enterprise, July 28, 1910). The Lille Notes (July 26 and 27th, 1910) praised the efforts of Constable Irwine of Frank who, along with the Frank Fire Brigade and a number of men from Blairmore, protected the town of Lille from fire. This is likely the fire that also burnt north through the Livingstone Valley. Equally great devastation from fire appears to have occurred across the valley. According to White (1915) “south of the Crowsnest River little timber had escaped fire, outside the valley bottoms”. A fire north west of Blairmore on the south side of the valley burnt from Sentinel Mountain eastwards to near Lee’s Lake (Crowsnest Pass Historical Society, 1979; Blairmore Enterprise, July 21st, 1910), and further evidence of this fire is supported by Arthur’s fire boundary mapping from the Bridgland survey photographs for south of the Crowsnest. Arthur’s fire mapping from the same survey also documents an event that is expected to have started in the Carbondale River region, and spread northwards to Cherry Hill and into the Sentinel Mountain and Less Lake fire (personal communication, Rick Arthur, April 12, 2010). This event was contained on the west side by Willoughby Ridge (see HFR005 in South Crowsnest section on map). Sections from the Dominion Forest Branch Forest Cover and Grazing Lands map (1914) showed recently burnt regions south of the Crowsnest (see LAC 1910 Fire 1 in Southern Crowsnest section on map); one of which is covered by Arthur’s fire mapping. This fire extended eastwards out of the forest reserve, and likely 36
contributed to the Burmis and Passburg blazes. A smaller fire mapped by Arthur (HFR004) occurred south of the HFR005, west of the Beaver Mines Creek. The fires south of the Crowsnest Pass around Burmis and Passburg received a lot of attention from the local papers between the end of July and late August. On July 28, the Blairmore Enterprise first noted the blaze east of Burmis, thought to extend south by at least 10 miles. By August 4th, the fire was reported to extend 12‐14 miles (19‐22 km) south to the South Fork10 River (Blairmore Enterprise, 1910). According to the Pincher Creek Echo, the fire had crossed the South Fork River by August 4th, having already destroyed a number of homesteads in its path and threatening the town of Mountain Mill (see Passburg‐Southfork‐Mountain Mill fire on map). A group of around 40 men who had volunteered to fight the fire were praised for their “strenuous and unselfish efforts” in keeping the fire from spreading towards Pincher Creek (Pincher Creek News, August 9th, 1910). Five other smaller fires mapped by Arthur, based on the Bridgland photographs (HFR001, 002, 003, 004 and 006) occur in the Southern Crowsnest region, but are not paralleled by any of the references examined. Local histories, newspaper articles, and historical reports on the 1910 fires in Alberta, as well as survey photographs and recent fire history studies, support the occurrence of large fire events in the Bow and Crowsnest Forests of the RMFR. Fires burnt upwards of an estimated 149 915 ha in the Sheep, Highwood, Elbow, Bow, and Ghost regions. Smaller events also occurred in the Kananaskis Valley and Banff National Park Regions. In the Porcupine Hills, Crowsnest Pass, and Livingstone 10 Today’s Castle River. 37
Range regions the 1910 fires consumed an estimated 145 523 ha. Smaller fire events occurred in the Clearwater region (~2551 ha). Fire events also occurred in the Athabasca, Brazeau, and Clearwater Forests, but there is little information available on these fires. The known totals are included in the Total Table (see appendix), but events were not mapped. The total area burnt in the foothill and Rocky Mountain regions of southern Alberta based on the references examined in this study was 297 989 hectares, or upwards of 0.7 million acres. (see Totals Table in appendix). The loss of timber on the forest reserves and damage done to the prairie and ranch lands in the Foothill regions surpassed other bad fire seasons. These losses were keenly felt in the communities south of the Bow River and in the Crowsnest Pass. Discussion: After the 1910 Fires The 1910 fire events in Alberta impacted fire policy and social attitudes towards wildfire. In the United States, 1910 fires demonized fire in the psyche of the American people (Cohen & Millar, 1978). This fear was fueled by Gifford Pinchot’s conservation theories and policy that followed the 1910 fire events. After the 1910 fires, the American discourse on fire management and essentially forestry was shaped by the polarization of the dominant political opinions on forest management. Pinchot and Roosevelt had spent the years leading up to 1909 working tirelessly in protecting huge forest reserves to preserve the legacy of the American landscape. Their opposition, senators in support of unrestrained economics and large lumber corporations, were appalled at the thought of “wasting” this resource that could generate so much commercial value. They strongly disagreed with government 38
interference in western development (Egan, 2009). When Roosevelt left office in 1909, William Taft replaced him. Although selected by Roosevelt as his successor, Taft lacked the former president’s contagious passion for conservation, which left Pinchot and the Forest Service in a fragile and underfunded position come the 1910 fire season. The “Big Blow Up” was the turning point for forestry in the eyes of the American people (Egan, 2009). Roosevelt and Pinchot had already widely popularized conservation in America, but the fires of 1910 deeply threatened the very landscapes they had worked so hard to preserve. Forestry was forced to take conservation one step further to justify the preservation of large swaths of land. Not only did they have to protect forests from industry and development, they had to protect them from nature itself, as fire was only a destructive and wasteful force in the minds of the American public. While the opposition questioned whether government should even be trying to stop large fire events like those of 1910, risking and costing men’s lives, the conservationists took to fire protection like a war. Pinchot blamed the government for crippling the Forest Service’s early development though lack of funding, and publicly campaigned for the protection of forests and need for fire suppression support. Thomas Egan writes, “Without a doubt, none could match the blowup of 1910, not in size or ferocity or the way it captured the public imagination.” Pinchot and his Forest Service won the hearts of the American people, who were still reeling from the magnitude of the fires’ devastation in the West. The Dominion Forestry Branch echoed the determination of the American Forest Service to control and prevent wildfire in light of the 1910 events. The DFB 39
had faced budgetary constraints similar to those suffered by the U.S. Forest Service, but the increased funding post‐1910 didn’t come near to the amount the U.S. Forest Service budget had been bolstered by (Pyne, 2007). However, 1910 solidified the establishment of the Dominion Forest Reserve system in the eastern slopes‐‐ a product of over 50 years of federal concern over Alberta’s timber and water supplies (Murphy, 1985, pg.13). The Forest Reserves and Parks Act of 1911 allowed for the expansion of the new Rocky Mountains Forest Reserve (RMFR) and for the re‐allotment of reserve lands into Dominion Parks as the Order‐in‐Council saw fit (Murphy, 2007). The 1910 fires also highlighted the limits of the relatively new Forestry Branch for administering fire prevention and suppression. In his summary of the 1910 fire events for the Commission of Conservation, Campbell wrote: “…the year 1910 was one of the most disastrous years for the forests since their protection has been given any attention. The losses which occurred on the Canadian side of the border in that year became only relatively less important in comparison with the very heavy losses of forest and other property, and of human life, in the States to the south of the International Boundary. The number of fires reported on Dominion territory in that year was 1,227; and the most extensive areas of fire were in the Rocky Mountains in Southern Alberta … At that time the organization of the protective force was not at all thorough or complete. The Rocky Mountains were not then being handled as a forest reserve, and the area of forest reserve elsewhere was comparatively small ... Even the Forest Reserve administration was new and undeveloped and it was not taken very seriously by the public, although the results of protection on the forest reserves were decidedly better than outside of them.” Aspects of the Forest Fire Situations in 1914, p. 186 As mentioned, the public forest lands in Alberta were held by the federal government and managed by the Dominion Forestry Branch. According to Pyne (2007), one of the most distinct differences between U.S. and Canadian fire 40
management systems at this point was the Dominion government’s efforts to control fire outside the Forest Reserves on provincial land. Forest fire control under the administration of the Forestry Branch distinguished between Forest Reserves and Fire Ranging Districts. Forest Fire Rangers assigned to smaller districts with relatively greater resources patrolled the higher‐valued Forest Reserves. The Fire Ranging Districts were served by seasonal Fire Rangers who patrolled vastly larger districts in northern areas and whose purpose was mainly to try to prevent fires. In and around homesteading areas and at the edges of settlement, seasonal fire guardians could be appointed by the province of Alberta to issue burning permits for land clearing under provincial fire legislation (Peter Murphy, personal communication, April 6, 2010). As highlighted in the accounts of the 1910 fire events, this structure of fire control was often confusing for the public as well as frustrating for the federal fire guardians with patrols on provincial land. The rangers at that time had no provincial authority to require the public to action a fire, rendering much of their protective role ineffective. Inspector Letellier O’Conner advocated to Campbell in 1911 that “fire‐rangers be given the power of constables.” This request was an effort to bestow clear and publicly respected authority to aid in the effectiveness of the rangers (Murphy, 1985, p. 172). The Commission of Conservation went further to identify railways and slash piles as major fire dangers and stressed the importance of developing ways of regulating these hazards for increased fire control. The Commission of Conservation report for 1912 attributed 34% of fire starts in 1910 to railway operations. An amendment to the Railway Act, effective almost immediately, followed the findings 41
of the Commission. The new legislation, which penalized railway companies for fire starts along rail lines, was set in motion because of the findings of this report (Murphy, 1985). The Commission also invited Campbell to speak to them about the Rocky Mountains Forest Reserve. In his address, Campbell stressed that proper administration of the Reserve was as valuable as its designation to protect timber and water supplies, and that proper administration cost money. The Commission increased the budget for the Forest Reserves in the fiscal year of 1912‐1913, allotting Campbell the amount he had asked for prior to 1910 (Murphy, 1985, p. 175). The number of forest rangers appointed for the reserves was also increased from 34 to 46 in 1911 (Murphy, 1985). As District Inspector of Forest Reserves in 1913, W.N. Millar made numerous recommendations for the improvement of fire control on the Forest Reserves. This included the construction of roads, trails, and ranger cabins to improve access to fires and patrol routes, as well as the expansion of telephone lines for increased communication. However, Millar also noted that “there was no organization or other system whereby [the work] could be done” (Murphy, 1985, p. 182). In his report, Millar emphasized the importance of public education, noting that many of the ranchers close to the Forest Reserves were eager for the development of more sophisticated fire suppression as their grazing and crop lands were greatly affected by the 1910 fires (Murphy, 1985). Millar held close ties with H.R. MacMillan, a fellow Yale forester graduate in 1908. Millar started his forestry career with the U.S. Forest Service, and MacMillan was appointed as Inspector of the Dominion Forest Reserves in 1909. One of his first 42
objectives was to travel to the states to exchange ideas with Millar on the administration of forest reserves. In 1912, MacMillan took a position with the BC Forest Service, and Millar took his place as principle administrator of the Dominion Forest Reserves. The recommendations made by Millar after the 1910 fires were likely influenced by his connection to MacMillan, who went on from the BC Forest Service to create one of the most well know forest products companies known today, MacMillan Bloedel. In 1914, Millar was recruited by Fernow to teach in the new forestry school at the University of Toronto. This connection between MacMillan, Millar, and Fernow exemplifies, once again, how closely linked the development of American and Canadian forestry was (Murphy and Stevenson, 1999). The 1910 fire events highlighted the need for improved fire control in the regions outside the reserves. The provincial fire legislation of the time had been created for the control of prairie fires, and therefore was not sufficient for dealing with fire in the province’s forested lands (Murphy, 1985). E.H. Finlayson, the Inspector of Fire Ranging in 1913, was responsible for fire protection along the railways and fire protection outside the Forest Reserves. Since the Railway Act amendment, effective prior to the 1912 fire season, Finlayson reported that fewer fires had occurred as a direct result of fire patrols along rail lines. Echoing Millar’s remarks on fire control in the fire ranging districts, Finlayson stressed the need for increased authority to be given to fire rangers as well as legislation that penalized careless individuals responsible for fire starts. Another issue highlighted by Finlayson that had yet to receive legislative attention was that of brush piles that 43
posed a major fire hazard along provincial roads. The Commission of Conservation reiterated this concern in their 1915 report, pinpointing slash as the “greatest menace to the safety of timber” and stated that, as witnessed in 1910, “small fires, by reaching old cuttings, attain uncontrollable size” (White p. 271). However, this matter was dealt with under the Timber, Mines and Grazing Branch of the Interior, and according to Campbell’s report in 1915, it appears that steps were taken to mitigate the hazard (Murphy, 1985 p. 188). The Nanton and District Historical Society (1975), recorded in their local history that “a systematic scheme of grazing the Forest Reserves” began in 1911 (p. 94). The Timber, Mines, and Grazing Branch would have facilitated this method of fuel control as well. During his career as Director of Forestry, Campbell stressed that proper administration for fire control was paramount, and this involved not only proper funding, but also proper staffing. Time and again in his reports, Campbell stated that properly trained foresters in fire ranger positions were imperative to the success of the fire control program. By this time there were three Canadian university forestry programs, and graduates were filling DFB forester positions, but Campbell wanted more positions to be created. On the other hand, there was a shortage of qualified forest rangers in the country, and in 1912, Campbell recommended that a forest ranger school be established to afford the Branch an opportunity to employ trained forest rangers (Murphy, 1985 p. 178). In 1913, Campbell highlighted improvements that had been made with regards to fire prevention and control, including an increase in the amount and effectiveness of rangers, the development of infrastructure for fire prevention on 44
the reserves, the education of the public, and the swift articulation of the amendments to the Railway Act. Despite these improvements, 1914 heralded another devastating year for fire. However, the legislation from the Railway Act proved effective in holding the rail companies accountable for a large amount of the damage. Finlayson noted that the quieter fire seasons prior to 1914 had created a “tendency to give too much stress to the construction of facilities” and “no matter what the immediate condition may be, from April to November we must constantly keep before us the distinct vision of the ever‐lurking enemy, fire” (Murphy, 1985, p. 192). According to Murphy (1985), this emphasis on fire detection and initial attack underpinned Forest Service planning and operations at least into the 1980s. Campbell’s report on the 1914 season stressed once again the need for trained and qualified staff, as well as the need to develop fire protection plans for each of the reserves. In the following years, continued emphasis was placed on public education and fire prevention through penalization. Both Finlayson and Campbell stressed the limitations of fire protection under the current federal reserve and fire‐ranging systems were due to a lack of collaboration with provincial fire guardians following the 1910 and 1914 fire years. But more pressing matters had the attention of parliament as WWI emerged, and changes in various levels of government hampered leadership in the Department of Interior. Over the years, the Commission of Conservation, while originally well‐
supported by government, was loosing its influence. Still, the Forestry Branch continued efforts to address the issues of ranger training, public education, and fire 45
hazards within the current system and under budgetary constraints (Murphy, 1985). The dual management system under the Dominion Forestry Branch lasted for another 20 years (to October 1930), shaped by modifications along the way. However, until the Transfer of Resources in 1930, forest fire control remained largely a Dominion Forestry Branch responsibility. Between 1910 and 1930, the Forest Reserve and park boundaries were adjusted as the federal government searched for a balance between political pressures: the desire for access to timber and hunting rights in Forest Reserves versus the need for preservation of scenic values, tourism, and wildlife viewing in parks. Alberta’s provincial government struggled financially throughout the 1920s, and discussions were held between the federal and provincial governments over the transfer of the national reserves to stimulate economic growth in the province. In 1930, under Prime Minister King and by amendment of the British North American Act, the Dominion Lands (including the Forest Reserves and northern forests) were transferred to the province, but the Dominion Parks remained under federal jurisdiction (Murphy, 2007). For the most part, the eastern boundaries of the reserves and their administrative distinction as determined in 1930 prevailed and are still recognizable today (Murphy 2007). Conclusion The parallel development of Canada’s National Parks and Forest Reserves for both forest protection and recreation molded the Canadian public’s view of conservation and fire protection. It was early on in the birth of both Canada as a 46
nation, and Alberta as a province, that conservation was rooted in the literal protection of forested lands from fire. A hundred years later, we realize the cost of this ideal was the functional forest ecosystem as a whole. Fire protection began with forest protection, and the conservation movement in the United States influenced the roots of forest protection in Canada. The 1910 fires shaped forest policy in both countries and deeply influenced the publics’ perception of wildfire as well as the governments’ role in controlling them. The early advocators of forestry and conservation, men such as Bernhard Fernow, Gifford Pinchot, and Clifford Sifton, had well‐meaning intensions for the policy and institutions they helped shape, but their failure to understand the role fire played in fire‐dependant ecosystems translated into decades of fire suppression in Canada. It wasn’t until the 1980s that Parks Canada started to adjust their fire management programs in light of research showing importance of fire as a natural disturbance process. This research also highlighted the link between fire suppression and major issues facing forestry such as insect outbreak, fuel loading, and habitat loss (White, 1985). Parks Canada staff, such as Cliff White and Ian Pengelly, became new leaders in fire management, boldly reintroducing fire into National Parks and taking steps to re‐educate the public about the importance of fire. Likewise, the Alberta Forest Service began to adjust their fire management programs and to re‐evaluate the fire policy that had been so widely accepted in light of major fire events like 1910. One hundred years after the fact, the impacts of the 1910 fire events are still evident in Alberta’s social, political, and physical landscapes. 47
References Byfield, T. (1991). The great west before 1900. Alberta in the 20th century: A journalistic history of the province in 11 volumes. (Vol. 1): Edmonton: United Western Communications Ltd. Campbell, R.H. (1915) Aspects of the forest fire situations in 1914. In Commission of Conservation, Report of the sixth annual meeting held at Ottawa, January 19‐20, 1915. (Courtesy of Robert Stevenson). Cohen, S., and Miller, D. (1978). The big burn: the Northwest’s forest fire of 1910. Missoula: Pictorial Histories Publishing Company. Crowsnest Pass Historical Society (1979). Crowsnest and its people: A History of the Crowsnest Pass. Blairemore: Crowsnest Pass Historical Society. Available at http://www.ourfutureourpast.ca/loc_hist/toc.aspx?id=7927 (Courtesy of Rick Arthur, November 9, 2009). Egan, T. (2009). The big burn: Teddy Roosevelt and the fire that saved America. Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin, & Harcourt. Gillis, P.R., and Roach, T.R. (1986). The American influence on conservation in Canada: 1899‐1911. Journal of Forest History, 30 (4), 160‐174. Hawkes, B.C. (1979). Fire history and fuel appraisal study of Kananaskis Provincial Park, Alberta. Contract for Alberta Provincial Parks. Department of Forest Science, University of Alberta. Accessed from Alberta Sustainable Resource Development. Hayden, M. Forest Fires. In Sheep River Historical Society (Eds. 1979). In the light of the flares. Turner Valley: Sheep River Historical Society. Courtesy of Robert Watt, February 9, 2010. Johnson, E.A., and Fryer, G.I. (1986). Historical vegetation change in the Kananaskis Valley, Canadian Rockies. Canadian Journal of Botany, 65: 853‐858. Millarville, Kew, Priddis and Bragg Creek Historical Society. (1975). Our foothills. Calgary: Millarville, Kew, Priddis and Bragg Creek Historical Society. Courtesy of Rick Arthur, November 10, 2009. Murphy, P.J. (1985). History of forest and prairie fire control policy in Alberta. Edmonton: Alberta Energy and Natural Resources. Murphy, P.J., and Stevenson, R.E. (Spring 1999). A fortuitous international meeting of two Yale foresters in 1908‐ H.R. MacMillan and W.N. Millar. Forest History
Today, Durham: Forest History Society.
48
Murphy, P.J., Stevenson, R.E., Quintilio, D., and Ferdinand, S. (2006). The Alberta forest service 1930­2005: protection and management of Alberta’s forests. Edmonton: Alberta Sustainable Resource Development. Murphy, P.J. (2007). “Following the base of the foothills”‐ tracing the boundaries of Jasper Park and its adjacent Rock Mountains Forest Reserve. In I.S. MacLaren (Ed.), Culturing wilderness in Jasper National Park. (p. 71‐121). Edmonton: The University of Alberta Press. Nanton and District Historical Society. (1975). Mosquito Creek roundup: foothills fires of 1910. Nanton‐Parkland: Nanton and District Historical Society. Courtesy of Robert Watt, March 2, 2010. Pyne, S.J. (2007). Awful splendour­ a fire history of Canada. Vancouver and Toronto. University of British Columbia Press. Pincher Creek Historical Society. (1974). From prairie grass to mountain pass: a history of the pioneers of Pincher Creek. Pincher Creek: Pincher Creek Historical Society. Courtesy of Robert Watt, February 9, 2010. Rogeau, M‐P., and Gilbride, D. (1994). Fire history of Banff National Park, Alberta. Resource Conservation, Banff National Park. Courtesy of Rick Arthur, February 10, 2010. Rogeau, M‐P. (1997). Landscape Disturbance Project, Stand Origin Mapping 1997. Foothills Model Forest, Box 6330, Hinton, AB. T7V 1X3. 69 p. Rogeau, M‐P. (2005). Fire history study, Kananaskis district, Alberta: 2004 field results. Accessed by request from Alberta Sustainable Resource Development. Rogeau, M‐P. (2006). Fire history study, Kananaskis district, Alberta: 2005 field results. Accessed by request from Alberta Sustainable Resource Development. White, C.A. (1985). Wildland fires in Banff National Park 1880­1980. Occasional Paper No.3. National Parks Branch, Parks Canada, Environment Canada. White, J. (1915). Forestry on Dominion lands. In C. Leavitt (Ed.), Commission of Conservation Canada, Committee on Forests, Forest Protection in Canada 1913­
1914 (p. 231‐270). Toronto: William Briggs. Newspaper Articles Blairmore Enterprise, July 21, 1910. The fires’ work. (Courtesy of Rick Arthur, November 21, 2009). 49
Blairmore Enterprise, July 28th, 1910. Forest fire ravages. (Courtesy of Rick Arthur, November 21, 2009). Blairmore Enterprise, August 4th, 1910. With the fire fighters. (Courtesy of Rick Arthur, November 21, 2009). Calgary Herald, October 7th, 1910. Gallant work of Alberta heroine. (Courtesy of Rick Arthur, April 12, 2010). Calgary Herald, July 15th, 1910. Bad fires rage in the hills. (From Rick Arthur’s fire history notes). Calgary Herald, July 21st, 1910. Accessed on microfiche at the Glenbow Museum Archives, February 12, 2010. Calgary Herald, July 23rd, 1910. Accessed on microfiche at the Glenbow Museum Archives, February 12, 2010. Lethbridge Daily Herald, April 26th, 1910. Forest Fires in Porcupine Hills. (Courtesy of Robert Watt, February 3, 2010). Lethbridge Daily Herald, May 6th, 1910. Heroic work of homesteader in Porcupine Hills. (Courtesy of Robert Watt, February 3, 2010). Lethbridge Daily Herald, May 12, 1910. Damage done by brush fire in Porcupine Hills. (Courtesy of Robert Watt, February 3, 2010). Lethbridge Daily Herald, July 18th, 1910. Bush fires raging all through the Crowsnest Pass. (Courtesy of Robert Watt, February 3, 2010). Lille Notes, July 26 and 27th, 1910. (From Rick Arthurs’ fire history notes). Morning Albertan, July 19th, 1910. Extent of the fires in the province. (Courtesy of Rick Arthur, November 3, 2009). Morning Albertan, July 23rd, 1910. Millions of feet of timber destroyed. (Courtesy of Rick Arthur, November 3, 2009). Morning Albertan, July 25th, 1910. Forest fires are still raging. (Courtesy of Rick Arthur, November 3, 2009). Morning Albertan, July 26th, 1910. National Park’s narrow escape. (Courtesy of Rick Arthur, November 3, 2009). 50
Morning Albertan, July 30th, 1910. Porcupine hills fire is now under control. (Courtesy of Rick Arthur, November 3, 2009). Morning Albertan, August 1st, 1910. Welcome rain checked fires in the foothills. (Courtesy of Rick Arthur, November 3, 1910). Pincher Creek Echo, April 26, 1910. Robert Watt’s fire history notes. Pincher Creek Echo, May 5, 1910. Robert Watt’s fire history notes. Pincher Creek Echo, August 4, 1910. Robert Watt’s fire history notes. Pincher Creek News, August 9th, 1910. Robert Watt’s fire history notes. Ottawa Citizen, July 29th, 1910. Fiercest forest fires in Alberta. Accessed online March 4, 2010. Red Deer Advocate, October 8, 1909. Rick Arthur’s fire history notes. Historical Maps used in the creation of the 1910 Fire Map in Google Earth Original Rocky Mountains Forest Reserve maps (GR1976.0206.214, GR1976.0206.216, and GR1976.0206.220) for the Bow River, Crowsnest, and Clearwater Forest Reserve, respectively. Courtesy of Rick Arthur, March 12, 2010. Used to map out forest reserve boundaries and historical names of river, creeks, hamlets, and timber berths. Dominion Forest Branch. (1914). Map showing forest cover and grazing lands. Library and Archives Canada, Forestry Collection RG39, vol.451, file 39859, map reference no. 52693. Courtesy of Robert Watt, February 6, 2010. Used to map out recently burnt areas in the Crowsnest Pass region. Dominion Lands Survey. (1913‐1914). Crowsnest Forest Reserve. Accessed from the Mountain Legacy Project server, University of Victoria, BC. Used to identify historical place names. Historical Photographs Used in 1910 Map and Report HPC 3393 HPC 3413 HPC 270 HPC 1404 HPC 3374 HPC 305, 306, 310 51
HPC 3374 All HPC images available at http://www.srd.alberta.ca/ImageLibrary/Default.aspx Images documenting the 1910 fire events were identified by Rick Arthur (ASRD). DFB 18258 (Courtesy of Peter Murphy, October 20, 2009). Bridgland’s 1913‐14 photographs from the Dominion Land Survey of the Crowsnest Forest Reserve. (available at www.mountainlegacy.ca) 52
Appendix A Conversions: One
ha=2.471 acres;
One
ha=10,000sq.meters
or 107,600 sq.feet;
One ha=0.00386102
sq.miles; 227 fbm
per m3
Size References for
Fires in Alberta and
11
Map Totals
Region
Alberta and/or
Southern Reserve
Totals
Canadian Rockies
Total
3.6 million
acres
Ha
Source
1.46 million ha
Pyne (2007)Awful Splendor
pg. 302
Dominion Lands:
East Slopes of Southern
Rockies, including the
Porcupine Hills,
Crowsnest, Highwood,
345,660 acres
139 887 ha
Commission of
Conservation
(1915)
Fallen Timber Creek
494 sq.miles
127 945 ha
Canada, 1911
(Knechtel, VII)
Athabasca Landing
20x200miles
1,155,995 ha
Edmonton
Bulletin
Athabasca and Brazeau
Forest Reserves
extent of fires
unknown
Athabasca and Brazeau
Forests
FMA (Weldwood?) and JNP
White (1915)
5250ha
Andison & Rogeau
North Sask
2500 ha
Rogeau and
Gilbride (1994)
Siffleur River
51 ha
Rogeau (2009)
Clearwater Forest
11 Shaded cells correspond with fires mapped in the 1910 Fire Map in Google Earth, and represent values used to compute the total area burned. 53
Forest Reserves south of
Red Deer (unsure how far
south)
0.5 million
acres
202,429 ha
White (1915)
128 054 ha
Murphy et al.,
2006 (based on
annual reports)
28 490 ha
Canada, 1911
(Knechtel VII
pg.32)
23 313 ha
Rogeau (2006)
5 509 ha
Annand (2010)
Based on Morning
Albertan, July
26th, 1910
2 897 ha
Annand (2010)
Based on Canada,
1911 (VII
Knechtel pg. 32)
Cochrane Prairie Fire
1 779 ha
Annand (2010)
Based on Morning
Albertan, July 19,
1910
Banff
1582 ha
Bow River Forest
Ghost Region
316,295 acres
110 sq. miles
Ghost (HFR-001)
South Ghost
Fallen Timber Creek
Sulpher Mountain
10 acres
Kananaskis
Elbow and Ghost
Elbow (HFR-002)
Elbow Fire East
10-20 million
feet board
measure (88
106 m3)
4 ha
Rogeau and
Gilbride (1994)
Morning Albertan,
July 26th, 1910
555 ha
Rogeau and
Gilbride (1994)
?
Canada, 1911
(VII Campbell
pg.15)
73 348 ha
Rogeau (2005)
2 320 ha
Annand (2010)
Based on Canada,
1911 (VII,
Campbell pg. 15)
54
North Sheep/Lineham Fire
Highwood
3 494 ha
Annand (2010)
Based on Calgary
Herald, July 15,
1910; Morning
Albertan, July 19
and 25, 1910.
150 sq.miles
38 850 ha
120 sq.miles
31 008 ha
White (1915)
Canada, 1911
(Knechtel VII
pg.32)
35 114 ha
Annand (2010)
Based on mid
number between
the two above
reports
12 953 ha
Canada, 1911
(VII Knechtel
pg.32)
13 120 ha
Annand (2010)
Based on Canada,
1911 (VII
Knechtel pg.32)
17 000 ha
Annand (2010)
Calgary Herald,
July 21st,
perhaps hundreds
of miles of hay?
?
Canada, 1911
(VII Campbell
pg.15)
Crowsnest Forest
Porcupine Hills
Trout Creek
Willow/Mosquito Creek
Livingstone Range
~50 sq.miles
50 sq. miles
30 sq.miles
100,000,000
million feet
board measure
(440 529 m3)
55
66 926 ha
Includes Rick
Arthur's HFR 008
and 009 (Based
on Bridgland
Photos) and
Annand (2010)
based on NRCan
Collection
(Twn8,Rg.5), and
Blairemore
Enterprise, July
28th 1910
(Crowsnest/Lille)
Saskatoon
4 000 ha
Annand (2010)
Based on
Blairmore
Enterprise, 1910
South Crowsnest (HFR005)
29 211 ha
Arthur (based on
Bridgland photos)
Passburg, Burmis, Lees
Lake
10 000
Annand (2010)
11 710 ha
Arthur (based on
Bridglands
photos)
1 234 ha
Annand (2010)
Based on Pincher
Creek Echo, April
26 and May 5,
1910
1 552 ha
Arthur (Based on
Bridglands
photos)
Livingstone Range Fire
Mill Creek Fire (HFR-007)
Mill Creek Fire
HFR-001, 002, 003, 004,
006
Totals
Clearwater Forest
Bow River Forest
Crowsnest Forest
2551 ha
149 915 ha
154 753 ha
TOTAL:
307 219 ha
RMFR and outer
lands
56
Timelines of Fire Events on Forest Reserves12 TIMELINE
Bow
Forest
Region (Sub
Region)
Description
Reference
?? Early
season…
North fork Sheep
Creek (around
Linham lumber
limits?)
Fire started by coal
prospectors camp is
extinguished by Linham
Lumber drivers with the
help of rain.
Morning Albertan,
July 19, 1910
June
Bragg Creek Region
(Headwaters of
Elbow and Sheep
Rivers to east of the
present forest
reserve boundary)
Major fires started in
June and lasted
sometime into August.
Burt over whole region.
Our Foothills (RAnotes)
Date
April
May
July
15
Sheep River? North
Lineham Timber
Limit
SW of Priddis,
Source of Elbow
River
Another fire is burning
west of High River in the
North Lineham Timber
limit
Bad fires rage in the
hills- fire burning SW of
Priddis: another
alarming fire is burning
in the timber limits at
the source of the Elbow
River and spreading
rapidly
Calgary Herald, July
15, 1910
Calgary Herald, July
15, 1910
12 All colored cells correspond to fires shaded the same color in the 1910 Fire Map in Google Earth. 57
Sheep River (North
Fork, Sheep Creek)
Fire is east of new forest
reserve. It is burning the
scrub and grass along
north fork of Sheep
Creek- fire west of
Demilles saw mill, and
not yet at the limits of
the Linehan Lumber
company. Cause of fire
is unknown.
Morning Albertan,
July 19, 1910
North of Cochrane
Report of a prairie fire
Morning Albertan,
July 19, 1910
20
Sheep Creek Fire
Fire is burning north and
south of Lineham
Lumber timber boarders,
haven't reaced boarders
yet.
Morning Albertan,
July 20, 1910
21
18 miles west and
southwest of High
River
Fires raging in the hills.
Lots of dense smoke.
Calgary Herald, July
21, 1910
High River region
Fires are no closer to the
town, but are burning
more fircely
Calgary Herald, July
23, 1910
Priddis/Millarville
Fire is about 7 miles
away from Priddis in the
brush of the foothills,
burning fircely. Fire
burning over a territory
thrity miles wide.
Calgary Herald, July
23, 1910
Ghost Region
(northwest of Morley
from Fallen Timber
Creek to Ghost
River)
Fire burning 20miles
from Fallen Timber
Creek to Ghost River,
burning lumber limits.
Morning Albertan,
July 23, 1910
Sheep Creek (High
River region)
Closest fire is 50miles
from Calgary. Fire is
now burning timber in
the Lineham Lumber
limits on Sheep Creek.
There is a continuous
line of fire raging for
miles.
Morning Albertan,
July 25, 1910
19
23
25
58
Ghost River
Timber limits still
burning furiously
Morning Albertan,
July 25, 1910
Banff (Sulpher
Mountain)
Burnt about 10 acres
near middle springs on
Sulpher Mountain
Newspaper:Morning
Albertan
Ghost River
Fire still burning along
the Ghost have almost
reached the Bow River
Morning Albertan,
July 26, 1910
29
Sheep Creek
Lineham Lumber limits
are on fire. The whole of
the Foothills country is
ablaze. Fires this season
are the worst and most
destructive in this region
of the province.
Ottawa Citizen, July
29, 1910
30
The Porcupine Hills,
north and south of
Bar U Ranch
Fire has been turned
back into the hills and is
under control.
Morning Albertan,
July 30th, 1910
Ghost
Fires still raging in the
Ghost region.
Morning Albertan,
July 30, 1910
West of Cochrane
and Ghost River
Fires receive heavy
showers
Morning Albertan,
August 1, 1910
Bragg Creek Region
(Elbow and Sheep
Fires)
Major Elbow and Sheep
fires around Bragg creek
extinguished.
Our Foothills (RAnotes)
Highwood Fires
Rain put out most of fire
besides what was buring
in the muskeg pockets
which burnt into the
following winter.
In the Light of the
Flares, pg.230 (RW
Notes)
Highwood
Snow
RA, personal
communication
26
August
1
15-20th??
Mid
August
23
59
TIMELINE:
Crowsnest
Forest
Region (Sub
Region)
Description
Reference
~18
Porcupine Hills
(Head of Willow
and Trout Creeks)
Fire starts
Lethbridge Daily
Herald
26
Porcupine Hills
(Head of Willow
and Trout Creeks)
Fire reached alarming
proportions last Sat/Sun
and is not nearly over.
Lethbridge Daily
Herald, April 26,
1910
Mill Creek at
Whitney Creek
Junction
Paper notes that the 'fire
is nearly out now'.
Pincher Creek Echo,
April 26, 1910
Mill Creek and
Gladstone Creek
Fire has crossed Mill
Creek just below
Gladstone Creek
Pincher Creek Echo,
May 5, 1910
Mill Creek and
Gladstone Creek
Fire has crossed Mill
Creek just below
Gladstone Creek.
Homesteads saved by
local Mountain Mill hero.
Lethbridge Daily
Herald, May 6,
1910
12
Porcupine Hills
(Head of Willow
and Trout Creeksalong Trout creek
Fire burnt ~three weeks
before it was
extinguished, destroying
~300 sq. miles.
Lethbridge Daily
Herald, May 12,
1910
15
Porcupine
Hills/North Willow
Creek?
Bad fires are reported in
several sections of the
Porcupine Hills
Calgary Herald, July
15, 1910
Crowsnest Pass
Bush fires raging
throughout the pass
Lethbridge Daily
Herald July 18,
1910
Date
April
May
5
6
June
July
18
60
19
Foothills; North
fork of Willow
Creek
Large bush fire rages;
Bad fire 40mi west of
Nanton. Fire is east of
the new forest reserve
(no fires on the reserve
yet at this point).
Morning Albertan,
July 19, 1910
21
Porcupine
Hills+Rocky
Mountains
Smoke is making dense
all over country
Nanton News, July
21, 1910
Willow
Creek/Mosquito
Creek
Fire is all along length of
Willow Creek, working
north, and has jumped
Mosquito Creek. Perhaps
hundreds of miles of hay
land has been destroyed
(must be quite far east..)
Calgary Herald, July
21, 1910
Crowsnest Pass
(From Sentinel to
Blairemore,
Fires sprung up in all
directions
Blairemore
Enterprise, July 21,
1910.
Fires sprung up in all
directions
Blairemore
Enterprise, July 21,
1910.
21
Crownest Pass
(Saskatoon to
Coleman)
26
Porcupine Hills
Devastaing fires
Lethbridge Daily
Herald, July 21,
1910
28
East of Burmis,
southside of the
river
Fire thought to extend
south 10 miles
Blairmore
Enterprise, July 28,
1910
Crowsnest
Pass/Lille
Fires spread north and
east and threaten Lille.
Thousands of acres have
burnt in the Crowsnest
Pass
Blairemore
Enterprise, July 28,
1910
Livingstone Range
(Sentinel
Mountain)
Fire on Sentinel
Mountain burnt itself out.
Morning Albertan,
July 30th, 1910
Foothills near
Burmis and
Passburg
Fire is thought to extend
to Southfork River
North of Blairemore
Fires mostly burnt out.
30
August
4
Blairmore
Enterprise, August
4, 1910
Blairmore
Enterprise, August
4, 1910
61
South Fork River
near Mountain Mill
and Mill Creek
Crowsnest Pass fire has
crossed South Fork River
and is threatening
Mountain Mill as the fire
spreads in the
mountains, reaching the
praries, people have lost
their homes.
Pincher Creek Echo,
August 4, 1910
5
Glenwood (SE of
Pincher)
A prarie fire threatened
the town of Glenwood
Lethbridge Daily
Herald, August 5,
1910
9
Pincher Creek
Region (Southfork
and Middle Fork
region…?)
Large fires are reported
burning near Pincher
Creek
Calgary Herald,
August 9, 1910
11
South Fork to
Middle Fork Rivers
(Castle to
Crowsnest)
40 men made a fire
guard extending
betweeen the two rivers
Pincher Creek Echo,
August 11, 1910
16
Pincher creek
region
fires still burning in the
region
Pincher Creek Echo,
August 16, 1910
22
Pincher Creek
region
Pincher Creek in smoke
and darkness from fires
in the hills.
Lethbridge Daily
Herald, August 22,
1910
62