RECONSTRUCTING ONTARIO IROQUOIAN VILLAGE ORGANIZATION
Gary A r t h u r Warrick
B .A.,
McMaster U n i v e r s i t y , 1978
A THESIS SUBMITTED I N PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
i n t h e Department
of
Archaeology
Gary A r t h u r W a r r i c k
1983
SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY
A p r i l 1983
A l l r i g h t s reserved. T h i s t h e s i s may n o t be
reproduced i n whole o r i n p a r t , by photocopy
o r o t h e r means, w i t h o u t p e r m i s s i o n o f t h e author.
APPROVAL
Name:
Degree:
Gary A r t h u r Warrick
blaster o f A r t s
T i t l e o f Thesi,s:
+
Reconstructing O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e
organization
Exami n i ng Cormi t t e e :
Chairperson:
Knut R. Fladmark
Jack Nance
Senior Supervisor
~ r f a a nHayden
Professor
A r t h u r Roberts
E x t e r n a l Examiner
Professor
Department of Geography
Simon Fraser Uni v e r s i t y
Date approved:
1;/iv3
-.
PART l AL COPYR l GHT l ICENSE
I hereby g r a n t t o Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y t h e r i g h t t o lend
my t h e s i s , p r o j e c t o r extended essay ( t h e t i t l e o f which i s shown below 1
t o u s e r s o f t h e Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y , and t o make p a r t i a l o r
s i n g l e c o p i e s o n l y f o r such u s e r s o r i n response t o a reqlrest from t h e
l i b r a r y o f any o t h e r u n i v e r s i t y , o r o t h e r e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n , on
i t s own b e h a l f o r f o r one o f i t s users.
I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n
f o r m u l t i p l e c o p y i n g o f t h i s work f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d
by me o r t h e Dean o f Graduate S t u d i e s .
I t i s understood t h a t c o p y i n g
o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s work f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d
w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n .
T i t l e o f T h e s i s / P r o j e c t / E x t e n d e d Essay
Reconstructing Ontario Iroquoian Village Organization
Author:
Gary A. Warrick
(name)
0
I
(date)
This study presents a model of Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e organization,
based on fourteen Late Iroquoian (ca. ,4.D. 1450-1650) vi 11age plans,
h i s t o r i c documents and comparative data on contemporary swidden
communities.
I t i s argued t h a t socio-political factors ( v i l l a g e demography,
socio-economics and government) were the major determinants of Iroquoian
village arrangement.
In l i g h t of the socio-political model, changes in longhouse s i z e and
village planning, throughout the Ontario Iroquois sequence (A.D.
700-1650),
are interpreted as responses t o evolutionary trends in Iroquoian demography,
warfare patterns and p o l i t i c a l organization.
In an attempt t o t e s t the model, the Fonger s i t e (a protohistoric
Neutral vi 11age) was p a r t i a l l y excavated and the recovered s e t t l ement and
ceramic data were analyzed.
There i s c l e a r evidence f o r a village f i r e
and the longhouses of t h i s village appear t o have been arranged in two
clusters.
Ceramics from each cl uster are compared.
Nine ceramic a t t r i b u t e s
were examined, b u t only two of these showed s i g n i f i c a n t differences between
house c l u s t e r s .
These findings indicate t h a t more research i s needed
concerning ceramic s t y l e d i s t r i b u t i o n s within Iroquoian settlements.
iii
"One of the r e a l l y surprising things about the extent of Iroquoian
archaeology is the lack of any studies on the t o t a l layout of
vi 11ages" (Hei denrei ch 1971:143) ,
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Completion o f t h i s t h e s i s would n o t have been p o s s i b l e w i t h o u t
t h e assistance o f v a r i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s and i n d i v i d u a l s .
The 1978 and 1979 Fonger s i t e excavations were funded by t h e
Ontario H e r i t a g e Foundation ( Licence Nos. 78-D-0251 and 79-E-0344).
F i e l d equipment and l a b space was generously p r o v i d e d by t h e
Department o f Anthropology, McMaster U n i v e r s i t y , Hami 1ton.
I
would a l s o l i k e t o thank t h e f i e l d crews o f b o t h seasons and I
extend a warm thanks t o M r . N e i l F a i r , landowner o f t h e Fonger s i t e ,
f o r h i s k i n d h o s p i t a l it y and i n t e r e s t .
I am g r a t e f u l t o Dr. W i l l i a m C. Noble (Dept. o f Anthropology,
Mciilaster U n i v e r s i t y ) who guided my undergraduate t r a i n i n g and t a u g h t .
me never t o l o s e s i g h t o f t h e people behind t h e potsherds.
I would e s p e c i a l l y l i k e t o acknowledge my t h e s i s committee
Dr. j a c k Nance,
Dr. B r i a n Hayden and D r . A r t h u r Roberts.
-
Jack
Nance was p a r t i c u l a r l y he1 p f u l i n a supervisory c a p a c i t y and convinced
me t h a t good archaeology i s b e s t achieved through q u a n t i f i c a t i o n .
B r i a n Hayden's t h e o r e t i c a l guidance and comments on e a r l i e r d r a f t s
were much needed and appreciated.
Dr. W i l l i a m Noble, Paul Lennox, Dean Knight, E r i c Damkjar, B i l l
F i t z g e r a l d , Dave Smith, Robert Pearce, M i l t Wright, B i l l Fox and
C h r i s t i n e Dodd generously p r o v i d e d unpubl i s h e d s e t t l e m e n t data and
h e l p f u l advice on v a r i o u s aspects o f t h i s research.
L a s t l y , I wish t o thank G a i l t o whom t h i s t h e s i s i s dedicated.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
............................................... ii
ABSTRACT. .................................................... iii
QUOTATION....................................................
iv
v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .............................................
TABLE OF CONTENTS ...........................................
vi
LIST OF TABLES ............................................... v i i i
LIST OF FIGURES ..............................................
x
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION.....................................
1
Conceptual framework ....................................
2
APPROVAL PAGE
B r i e f h i s t o r y o f Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e pattern
research
5
Thesis
6
............................................
o r g a n i z a t i o n .....................................
CHAPTER 11: DETERMINANTS OF LATE ONTARIO IROQUOIAN
VILLAGE O R G A N I Z A T I O N i ~ e ~ ~ , = e ~ = = = z c = = ~ ~ e ~ 7e ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ + ~ - -
............................
h i s t o r y ........................
O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e s .....
Iroquoian v i l l a g e d e f i n i t i o n
7
Ontario Iroquois c u l t u r e
8
Ethnographic accounts o f
17
Determinants o f L a t e O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n v i 1 l a g e
organization
22
Socio-pol it i c a l model o f L a t e O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n
v i l l a g e layout
35
........................................
CHAPTER 111:
MODEL
......................................
EVALUATION ..............................
54
Trends i n O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n house s i z e and
v i l l a g e layout
54
Explanation o f trends i n Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e
organization
58
Archaeological
74
..................................
........................................
imp1 i c a t i o n s o f model.. ..................
Page
MODEL OPERATIONALIZATION.......................
77
Case s t u d y ..............................................
77
......
S i t e d a t i n g .............................................
V i l l a g e form and s i z e . ..................................
V i l l a g e expansion .......................................
Comunity p a t t e r n a n a l y s i s ..............................
V i l l a g e f i r e ............................................
Sequence o f house c o n s t r u c t i o n ..........................
S i t e population ........................................
Community o r g a n i z a t i o n ..................................
79
CHAPTER IV:
Excavation s t r a t e g y and d a t a c o l l e c t i o n techniques
Ceramic sociology and O n t a r i o I roquoi an vi 11age
o r g a n i z a t i o n ........................................
80
81
81
83
90
93
94
95
98
Fonger s i t e ceramic a n a l y s i s ............................ 119
CHAPTER V:
CONCLUSIONS ..................................... 125
Determinants of Late Ontario Iroquoian vi 11age
o r g a n i z a t i o n ........................................ 125
Soci o-pol i t i cal model o f Ontario I roquoi an
v i l l a g e l a y o u t ...................................... 126
Trends i n Ontario Iroquoian house s i z e and v i l l a g e
form ................................................ 128
R e s u l t s o f model o p e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n ..................... 129
Recommendations f o r f u t u r e r e s e a r c h ..................... 129
TABLES ...................................................... 134
BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................ 151
v i ii
LIST OF TABLES
Table
.
Late O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e d a t a
135
2
.
H i s t o r i c Huron and N e u t r a l
137
3
.
1
.
5.
4
.
6
...
.
.....................
house o r i e n t a t i o n ............
Late p r e h i s t o r i c - p r o t o h i s t o r i c Ontario Iroquoian
house o r i e n t a t i o n
137
L o c a t i o n o f middens
138
...................................
i n O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e s .......
Average d i s t a n c e s between house ends and middens
i n Late Iroquoian v i l l a g e s
138
Average minimum spacing between houses i n
Late Iroquoian villages
139
Late Iroquoian v i l l a g e
140
..........................
.............................
s i z e and house s p a c i n g ...........
L i m i t s t o L a t e I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e expansion and
house spacing
140
Minimum d i s t a n c e between house and p a l i s a d e i n
Late Iroquoian v i l l a g e s
141
.......................................
.
9
.
10
I
Page
.
12 .
13 .
"
14
.
15
.
16
17
.
.
.............................
E a r l y and Middle O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e data .........
Occurrence o f middens i n O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n v i 1 lages .....
Fonger s i t e midden d a t a .................................
Fonger s i t e longhouse d a t a ..............................
Fonger s i t e house o r i e n t a t i o n s ..........................
146
Frequency o f a s h - f i l l e d s l a s h p i t s i n
Fonger s i t e houses
146
D i s t r i b u t i o n o f serviceable chert cores i n
Fonger s i t e houses
147
D i s t r i b u t i o n o f f i r e d ceramic waste i n t h e
Fonger s i t e
147
Fonger s i t e
148
..................................
..................................
......................
.................
.
longhouse w a l l p o s t d e n s i t i e s ...............
142
143
143
144
18
.
19
.
Comparison o f e x t e r i o r and i n t e r i o r d e s i g n element
spacing on Fonger s i t e vessels
149
.
C o r r e l a t i o n between estimated p o t mouth w i d t h and
e x t e r i o r design element spacing on Fonger s i t e
vessels
150
20
......................
.............................................
.
Page
21
.
Comparison o f e x t e r i o r design element spacing between
e a s t and west areas o f t h e Fonger s i t e
151
R a t i o o f a d u l t t o j u v e n i l e vessels i n Midden A and
B o f t h e Fonger s i t e
152
Ceramic d e n s i t i e s i n Middens A and B o f t h e
Fonger s i t e
153 .
C o r r e l a t i o n between h i s t o r i c N e u t r a l p o t mouth w i d t h
and p o t volume.
153
Pot mouth w i d t h s i n t h e e a s t and west areas
o f t h e Fonger s i t e
154
Mean p o t mouth w i d t h
155
..............
................................
.........................................
......................................
..................................
o f e a s t and west Fonger v i l l a g e ....
R e l a t i o n s h i p between p o t s i z e and d e c o r a t i o n i n
Fonger ceramic vessels
..............................
Fonger s i t e e x t e r i o r r i m m o t i f ..........................
Fonger s i t e l i p m o t i f ...................................
Fonger s i t e i n t e r i o r r i m m o t i f ..........................
Fonger s i t e r i m form ....................................
Fonger s i t e c o l l a r base shape ...........................
Fonger s i t e e x t e r i o r r i m technique ......................
Fonger s i t e mean l i p thickness ..........................
Fonger s i t e mean c o l l a r h e i g h t ..........................
Fonger s i t e mean maximum temper s i z e ....................
155
156
156
157
157
158
158
159
159
160
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure
Page
O n t a r i o Iroquoian c u l t u r a l sequence .....................
10
D i s t r i b u t i o n o f h i s t o r i c Iroquoian groups ...............
14
Location o f O n t a r i o Iroquoi an sites
mentioned i n t h e t e x t ...............................
23
Method o f measuring v i l l a g e a t t r i b u t e s ..................
25
Late O n t a r i o Iroquoian v i l l a g e t y p e s ....................
47
Chronological t r e n d s i n Ontario I r o q u o i a n house
dimensions
55
..........................................
Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e morphology ....................
Temporal t r e n d i n Late Iroquoian house s i z e .............
68
Trends i n v a r i a b l e s r e l a t e d t o t h e socio-pol i t i c a l
development o f the Ontario I r o q u o i s .................
70
.............................
t h e Fonger s i t e ......................
Fonger v i l l a g e .......................
A and B from t h e Fonger s i t e .........
Location o f t h e Fonger s i t e
78
Excavation p l a n o f
82
Ground plan o f t h e
P r o f i 1es o f Midden
D i s t r i b u t i o n o f European t r a d e goods i n
t h e Fonger s i t e
Analytical areas
16
.
.....................................
o f a Neutral p o t .......................
Method o f e s t i m a t i n g design element s p a c i n g o r
i n t e r - e l e m e n t s p a c e d e n s i t y on a Neutral rim s h e r d
.
84
86
88
104
..
104
.........................
106
17 . Frequency o f d e s i g n element s p a c i n g e s t i m a t e s on
impressed motif p o t s from t h e west and e a s t
a r e a s o f t h e Fonger v i l l a g e
18
57
R e l a t i o n s h i p between h i s t o r i c Neutral p o t mouth width
and p o t volume
......................................
19 . Frequency o f p o t s i z e s i n t h e west and e a s t a r e a s
o f t h e Fonger v i l l a g e
...............................
109
111
Figure
.
2 1.
20
D i s t r i b u t i o n of ceramic mends i n t h e Fonger s i t e
Page
........
116
.......
118
Provenience of ceramic vessels i n t h e Fonger s i t e
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Anthropologists have long recognized t h a t s t u d i e s of p r e h i s t o r i c
village organization can provide archaeologists with valuable sociocultural information (Morgan 1965:lX; James 1 9 4 9 : l l l ; Chang 1958,1932;
Trigger 1967,1968; Fraser 1368).
Nevertheless, i t has only been in
recent years t h a t Ontario Iroquoian archaeologists have focused on v i l l a g e
patterns t o help them reconstruct and explain important changes i n
demography, warfare, economics, and social and p o l i t i c a l organization
(Nobl e 1978; Hayden 1379 ; Trigger 1979,1981 ; Jamieson 1981).
Before
village patterns can be used t o make meaningful inferences about Iroquoian
prehistory, however, archaeologists must determine what f a c t o r s caused
those patterns.
Except f o r general i zations concerning demography, soci o-
pol i t i cs and s e t t l ement p a t t e r n s (Noble 1368; Hayden 1978; Ramsden 1978;
Heidenreich 1971; Trigger 1981), individual v i l l age 1ayouts of the Ontario
Iroquois a r e s t i 11 poorly understood.
The aims of this t h e s i s , t h e r e f o r e , a r e t o i d e n t i f y the determinants
of Late Ontario Iroquoian (A.D. 1450-1650) v i l l a g e organization and t o
develop and t e s t a model which explains the form of such v i l l a g e s .
The study of p a s t community patterns i s important f o r several reasons.
F i r s t , hidden within p r e h i s t o r i c community layouts a r e the more intangible
aspects of past c u l t u r a l behaviour (residence p a t t e r n s , socio-pol i t i c a l
organization and ceremonial a c t i v i t y (Chang 1958; Sears 1961; Trigger 1368)).
Furthermore, because v i l l a g e patterns a r e l e s s subject t o post-occupational
disturbance than a r t i f a c t p a t t e r n s , they a r e extremely a t t r a c t i v e data
sources f o r "anthropological archaeologists" (Hi1 1 1970; Longacre 1970).
Secondly, community p a t t e r n research can lead t o i n s i g h t s about t h e
s i z e and composition o f households and communities in past s o c i e t i e s
(Trigger 1981; Hayden and Cannon l982), primitive warfare and defense
s t r a t e g i e s (Trigger 1967; Row1 ands 1972) , proxemi cs of e x t i n c t groups
(Fletcher 1977; Sommer 1969), p r e i n d u s t r i a l c r a f t learning and division of
1abour (Trigger 1981 ; Hayden and Cannon n.d. ; Winter 1976), the o r i g i n of
corporate groups and s t r a t i f i e d s o c i e t i e s (Hayden and Cannon 1982; Milk and
Rathje 1981) and even t h e r i s e of sedentism (Trigger 1968; Tringham l972a).
In short, research about v i l l a g e planning i n past s o c i e t i e s can provide a
common meeting ground f o r archaeologists, c u l t u r a l and physical
anthropologists, demographers and psychologists.
Lastly, w i t h reference t o t h e study a r e a , Ontario Iroquoian social
organization i s poorly understood.
Unfortunately, t h e ethnographic record
i s of limited value because i t was w r i t t e n during a time of extensive
demographic and social upheaval among t h e Ontario Iroquois (Trigger 1981: 10).
Archaeological v i 11age p a t t e r n s , t h e r e f o r e , a r e perhaps t h e most val uable
data source f o r reconstructing t h e nature and complexity of Ontario
Iroquoian society p r i o r t o t h e a r r i v a l of t h e Europeans.
Conceptual framework
Over the past two decades, settlement archaeology has become an
important branch of archaeological theory (Wi 11ey 1953; Sears 1961;
Cnang 1958,1962,1972; Trigger 1965,1967,1968; Clarke 1377).
patterns can be analyzed a t t h r e e l e v e l s :
1) the individual s t r u c t u r e o r dwelling
Settlement
2) the arrangement of s t r u c t u r e s w i t h i n a community and
3) t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of communities within a region (Trigger 1968:E).
A1 though t h e settlement p a t t e r n of any prei ndustri a1 society represents
a unique compromise between a number of techno-environmental and sociocultural f a c t o r s (Trigger 1968:53; Fraser 1968:9), i t i s generally
accepted t h a t socio-cultural f a c t o r s a r e t h e major determinants of dwelling
and community layouts and t h a t ecological f a c t o r s predominate a t the
regional 1eve1 (James 1949 :96-97; Chang 1958: 299-390; Sears N b l : 226;
Fraser 1968;48; Trigger 1968;54; Smith 1972:413; Hayden 1379:6; Clarke
1977: 11).
Since the concern of this t h e s i s i s w i t h community layouts, the social
determinants of Iroquoian v i l l a g e organization w i l l be emphasized.
Social
determinants would include economic and p o l i t i c a l variables as well, because
the s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l systems of s t a t e l e s s s o c i e t i e s a r e
inextricably intertwined (Dalton 1381:22-24).
Also, I would 1i ke t o make
i t c l e a r t h a t I am mostly i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e proximate and not the ultimate
causes of v a r i a b i l i t y i n house and community patterns.
I recognize t h a t
i nfrastructural determinants ( c l imate, subsistence technology and demography
(Harris 1979:51-54)) ultimately a f f e c t land ownership p r a c t i c e s , trade and
warfare patterns, p o l i t i c a l organization, and house and v i l l a g e form, but I
am more i n t e r e s t e d i n reconstructing t h e p a r t i c u l a r socio-economic and sociop o l i t i c a l adjustments which Ontario Iroquoians made t o i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l
pressures, by examining v a r i a t i o n and change in t h e i r house and v i l l a g e
patterns.
This does not mean t h a t I w i l l not consider the r o l e of
i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s i n Ontario Iroquoian vi 11age organization, but
simply t h a t s t r u c t u r a l determinants, such a s warfare, socio-economi c and
socio-pol i t i c a l organization and residence p a t t e r n s , w i l l be given p r i o r i t y
over i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l ones as explanations f o r individual v i l l a g e layouts.
Therefore, r a t h e r than adopting c u l t u r a l material ism (Harris 1379) o r
technoeconomi c determinism (Kaplan and Manners 1979:99-101) , i t was
f e l t t h a t a lower-level t h e o r e t i c a l approach was appropriate.
Perhaps one of t h e most useful t h e o r e t i c a l frameworks f o r extracting
social information from archaeological community p a t t e r n s i s the
"societal approach" (Trigger 1 9 7 8 ~108)
:
o r anthropological paradigm
(Clarke 1972).
Such an approach involves " t h e study and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n
of patterning and variabi 1 i t y i n archaeological data and i t s relationshjp
t o patterning and v a r i a b i l i t y i n t h e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s w i t h which i t once
formed an integral system" (Clarke l972:7).
This conceptual framework i s
p a r t i c u l a r l y we1 1-sui ted f o r reconstructing t h e residence system ( e - g . ,
Longacre 1970, H i 11 1970) and socio-economic and socio-pol i t i c a l behaviour
of past communities from archaeological v i l l a g e remains, e s p e c i a l l y
a r c h i t e c t u r e and ceramic sty1 e d i s t r i b u t i o n s .
As a f i n a l note, Trigger (1978a:57) recommends t h a t perhaps the most
comprehensive approach t o t h e reconstruction of Iroquoian community
organization i s one which e n t a i l s t h e use of ethnographic, h i s t o r i c and
archaeological data from t h e e a r l y contact period.
Because t h e r e a r e a
number of completely excavated v i l l a g e s and reasonably accurate ethnographic
accounts of t h e e a r l y h i s t o r i c Iroquoians, i t was decided t o r e s t r i c t t h e
t h e s i s t o t h e Late Ontario Iroquoian period (A.D.
1450-1650).
I t was hoped
t h a t once the organizing p r i n c i p l e s of l a t e p r e h i s t o r i c and e a r l y contact
Iroquoian vi 11ages were establ ished,using the di r e c t h i s t o r i c approach in
conjunction w i t h archaeological evidence, t h i s woul d provide a firm base
from which t o make r e t r o d i c i tions about e a r l i e r Iroquoian v i l lage and
social organization.
Brief h i s t o r y of Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e pattern research
W. J . Wintemberg pioneered ( 1939,1972) I roquoian v i 1lage pattern
research w i t h t h e excavation of the Roebuck and Lawson p r e h i s t o r i c vi 11age
sites.
A t t h e Roebuck s i t e , Wintemberg (1972:lO-11) sampled midden deposits
and del i neated house and pal isade patterns.
Recent excavations (Wright
1978:68-63) have confirmed Wi ntemberg ' s ( 1972) original inferences about
the layout of t h i s v i l l a g e .
During t h e 1950s, W . Jury generated plans of t h r e e Huron v i l l a g e s ,
b u t unfortunately, none of h i s work has been published (Trigger 1981:13).
Yal t e r Kenyon's (1968) investigation of the Miller s i t e r e s u l t e d i n the
f i r s t published ground plan of a p r e h i s t o r i c Iroquoian v i l l a g e .
In t h e 1970s, major advances i n community pattern research were made
by t h e t o t a l excavation and analysis of t h e Nodwell (Wright 1974) and
Draper s i t e s (Hayden 1979; F i nl ayson and Pi hl l98Oa, l98Ob).
Studies of
ceramic s t y l e patterning w i t h i n houses (iiayden 1979: Arthurs 1979) and
between houses (Wright 1974; Pearce 1978a) i n these s i t e s have added
tremendously t o our knowledge of t h e composition and s t r u c t u r e of
p r e h i s t o r i c Iroquoian households and communities.
The most recent investigations of Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e s have been
carried out i n t h e context of regional s t u d i e s .
In p a r t i c u l a r , the
Trent Valley P r o j e c t (e.g., Kirche (Nasmith 1981), Coul t e r ( E r i c Damkjar,
personal communication, 1982) and Benson s i t e s (Ramsden 1977a) ) and
concentrated research on several "Northern Tier" Neutral v i l l a g e s
(e.g., Hamilton, Hood (Lennox 1981,1978) and Christianson s i t e s
(Fi tzgeral d 1981)) have suppl ied val uabl e data on house patterns, vi 11age
plans and s i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n time and space.
Thesis organization
The t h e s i s is divided i n t o four sections:
1) Chapter 2 s e t s t h e time-space perspective and formulates a model
of Late Ontario Iroquoian vi 1lage organization based on ethnograph,ic,
archaeological and cross-cul t u r a l comparative data
2) Chapter 3 presents an evaluation of t h e model by seeing how well
i t explains temporal trends i n Ontario Iroquoian house s i z e and v i l l a g e
planning;
i n a d d i t i o n , predictions
a r e offered concerning the
r e l a t i o n s h i p between house s i z e , degree of community planning,
ceramic sty1 e d i s t r i b u t i o n s and o t h e r variables
3) i n Chapter 4, t h e archaeological implications of t h e model a r e
t e s t e d f o r goodness of f i t a g a i n s t house p a t t e r n and ceramic data
from t h e Fonger s i t e , a p r o t o h i s t o r i c (A.D.
1600-1615) Neutral v i l l a g e
4) l a s t l y , the e s s e n t i a l elements of t h e model, t e s t r e s u l t s and
i
recommendations f o r f u t u r e research a r e summari zed i n Chapter 5.
CHAPTER I1
DETERMINANTS OF LATE ONTARIO IROQUOIAN VILLAGE ORGANIZATION
F i r s t of a l l , s i n c e t h e Iroquoian v i l l a g e i s the subject of t h i s
t h e s i s , l e t us d e f i n e what we mean by t h e term ' v i l l a g e ' .
Iroquoian v i 1lage d e f i n i t i o n
Archaeologists have defined an Iroquoian v i l l a g e as any c l u s t e r of
closely spaced longhouses and midden deposits, usually surrounded by a
palisade and occupying more than 0.2 ha (0.5 a c r e s ) (Heidenreich 19783377;
Noble 1975a:38).
Noble's (1975a:38) d e f i n i t i o n of l a r g e v i l l a g e s as
"towns" ( v i 1lages l a r g e r than f i v e acres) i s unacceptable, s i n c e t h i s
term implies some form of permanent settlement (Orme 1981:115).
In addition t o these s p a t i a l parameters, anthropologists view
Soil
Iroquoian ---v i l l a g-e s a s examples of semi-permanent communities.
_
_ _
exhaustion 1eading t o periodic v i l lage relocation o r a semi-permanent
/-
--.--
___
_,__,---
- --_L..
972:249; Smith
^_
4..
were no exception.
every
-.
s h i f t e d t o a-new - --._________
location
Iroquoian v i l l a g e s were .-
-.
10-20 y e a r s (Heidenreich 1978:381; Trigger 1976a:147) and can be
classed as semi-permanent settlements ( i . e . , settlements which "are
occupied f o r several y e a r s a t a s t r e t c h but not f o r as long a s a
generation, and where most a d u l t inhabitants will have 1ived el sewhere
previously, and w i l l expect t o move again before they die" (Orme l98l:lO6)).
5
\
* A\
I t should be made c l e a r t h a t seasonal hamlets o r campsites a r e not semipermanent settlements (Trigger 1968; Chang 1962).
A f i n a l aspect of Iroquoian v i l l a g e s concerns t h e human group which
occupied them.
Based on t h e assumption t h a t the membership of a swidden
settlement i s r e l a t i v e l y fixed f o r i t s duration, most anthropologists
agree t h a t a primitive h o r t i c u l t u r a l v i l l a g e can be considered a s i n g l e
community ( t h e "maximal group of persons who normally reside together in
face-to-face a s s o c i a t i o n " (Murdock 1949: 79) ) (Tri ngham 1972a:xxi ; Sears
1961:226; Layton 1972:379; Chang 1958:304-307; Fletcher 1977:64;
Tri gggr 1968: 61) .
An Iroquoian v i l l a g e can be defined, therefore, as a c l u s t e r of
longhouses g r e a t e r than 0.41 ha (one a c r e ) i n s i z e and showing evidence
of having been occupied by a s i n g l e semi-permanent community.
Iroquoian
settlements smaller than 0.41 ha a r e termed hamlets and those under 0.21
ha (0.5 a c r e s ) can be r e f e r r e d t o as camps.
I t i s now appropriate t o s e t t h e time-space framework of t h i s t h e s i s
by out1 ining Ontario Iroquoian c u l t u r e history.
Ontario Iroquois c u l t u r e h i s t o r y
Prior t o t h e i n s i t u theory of Iroquoian development (MacNeish 1952),
i t was believed t h a t northern Iroquoian populations migrated t o t h e i r
h i s t o r i c homelands from o t h e r regions of the Northeast, replacing indigenous
A1 gonqui n groups (Wright 1966: 5 ) .
Using t h e d i r e c t hi s t o r i c approach and
pottery typology, MacNeish (1952) demonstrated t h a t the h i s t o r i c Iroquoian
t r i b a l groups o f Ontario and New York had evolved i n s i t u from huntinggathering peoples.
The appearance of semi-sedentary horticul t u r a l
settlements i n Ontario occurred around A.D.
500 with t h e Princess Point
culture - t h e d i r e c t antecedent of t h e Ontario Iroquois (Stothers 1977:136;
Wright 1972:57; Noble 1975a:38).
Wright (1966) employed a refined version of the in s i t u theory t o
define the Ontario Iroquois Tradition.
His widely accepted scheme
divides the Ontario Iroquoian sequence i n t o t h r e e stages : Early
( A . D. 1000-1300), Middle (A.D.
1303-1400) and Late ( A . D. 1400-1650)
(Wright 1966: 101).
Early Ontario Iroquois (A. D. 700- 1300)
Re&nt chronological data i n d i c a t e t h a t t h i s period began around
A.D.
700-800 (Porteous s i t e (Noble 1975a:38)), much e a r l i e r than the
o r i g i n a l l y proposed date.
Two contemporaneous populations a r e
recognized: the Glen Lleyer who inhabited southwestern Southern Ontario
and the Pickering of southeastern Southern Ontario.
The Glen Meyer and Pickering possessed a r e l i a n c e on maize
horti cul t u r e (Nobl e 1975a), small 1onghouses cl us tered i n pal i saded
v i l l a g e s o r associated with seasonal food procurement and foodprocessing camps ( W i i i f amson 1983; Tri yyer
?n-rt--
~ n r \
I Y I D ~ :I L O ) ,
endemf c warfare
(Wright l972), s i m i l a r burial p r a c t i c e s (bundle b u r i a l s within villages
(Wright and Anderson 1969; Wright 1978)), 1 imi ted long-distance exchange
and a poorly developed pipe complex (Trigger l976a: 169; Noble 1975a:47;
Wright 1966: 52).
On t h e o t h e r hand, t h e r e a r e c e r t a i n material c u l t u r e differences
between the two groups, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n ceramic s t y l e s .
Glen Meyer pots
possess corded, smoothed-over cord o r s c a r i f i e d surfaces and plain o r
l i n e a r impressed rims.
Pickering vessels normally display ribbed-paddled
o r check-stamped bodies and rims decorated w i t h push-pull and dentatestamped designs (Wright l966:53).
In addition t o these ceramic t r a i t s ,
ground s l a t e knives and spurred l i t h i c points a r e confined t o Glen Meyer
- YEARS
A. D.
-
-
1600
*
LATE
ONTARIO
IROQUOIS
1500
1400
MIDDLE
ONTARIO
IROQUOIS
CULTURAL
GROUP
v"v
NEUTRAL E IE HURON PETUN
1300
1200
1100
EARLY
ONTARIO
IROQUOIS
?QQO
-
900
-
800
-
700
-
STAGE
PRE-IROQUOIS
600
500
( a f t e r Wright 1972)
Figure 1.
Ontario Iroquoian c u l t u r a l sequence
.
s i t e s and t h e cup-and-pin deer phalange and gaming d i s c a r e common
finds i n Pickering s i t e s (Wright 1966:53; Fox 1982; Noble 1975b347).
Hi ddl e Ontario Iroquois (A. D. 1300-14591
On the b a s i s of ceramic evidence, Wright postulates ( liJ66;53,1972: 74;
Wright and Anderson 1969:75-79) t h a t the Pickering people conquered,
dispersed o r assimilated t h e Glen Meyer about A.D.
1300.
The
Uren s i t e represents t h e i n i t i a l post-conquest phase, b u t a
re-examination of t h e cerami c samples which Wright (1966) employed has
led t o some doubt about t h e conquest model (Milt Wright, personal
communication, 1982).
In any event, during Uren and Middleport times,
the homogeneity of ceramic s t y l e s throughout Southern Ontario, namely,
incised horizontal and v e r t i c a l motifs, would tend t o support some form
of Gl en Meyer and P i ckeri ng coalescence (Trigger l976a :140).
This period witnessed a spectacular growth i n longhouse s i z e and
was accompanied by t h e appearance of ossuary b u r i a l , an elaborate pipe
complex and perhaps an increase in population,in response t o an improved
h o r t i c u l t u r a l base (Wright 1972:78; Noble 1975a:40).
Late Ontario Iroquois (A. D. 1450-1650)
Few I r o q u o i a n i s t s agree on when t h e Middle Iroquoian period ended.
Recent data support a l a t e fifteenth-century date f o r the emergence of
groups whose archaeological remains resemble those of the h i s t o r i c Huron
and Neutral (Finlayson and Byrne 1975; Jamieson 1979; Smith 1977). In
agreement w i t h Dodd (1982: 12), therefore, an A.D.
1450 date seems
reasonable f o r t h e advent of the Late Ontario Iroquoian period.
W i t h i n t h e Late Iroquoian period, however, i t is d i f f i c u l t t o
precisely date s i t e s because of f l u c t u a t i o n s in r a d i o c a r b m formation
during the s i x t e e n t h century (Trigger l976a :449).
Fortunately, refinements
in ceramic s e r i a t i o n have produced r e l i a b l e s i t e sequences f o r c e r t a i n
areas (Kenyon 1972: Ramsden l977b).
sometime a f t e r A.D.
According t o ceramic chronologies,
1530,but p r i o r t o the a r r i v a l of Europeans themselves
( p r o t o h i s t o r i c period), European materials begin t o appear i n Ontario
Iroquoian s i t e s (Noble 1980a; Trigger 1979).
Contrary t o Dodd (1982:13), the simple presence/absence of European
trade goods e f f e c t i v e l y distinguishes p r o t o h i s t o r i c from l a t e p r e h i s t o r i c
sites.
I t i s not so simple, however, t o separate p r o t o h i s t o r i c from e a r l y
h i s t o r i c s i t e s , although g l a s s t r a d e bead s e r i a t i o n may provide one
solution (Kenyon and Fox 1982; Fi tzgeral d 1983).
The h i s t o r i c Iroquoian
period begins with Champlain's A.D. 1615 v i s i t t o t h e Huron country.
During t h e L a t e Iroquoian period, house s i z e decreased, vi 1lage s i z e
increased on average, populations became more concentrated geographically
and a1 1 iance and exchange networks (connected w i t h t h e formation of t r i b a l
confederacies) experienced a dramatic growth (Trigger 1976a: Ramsden 1977b)
.
On a more s p e c i f i c l e v e l , t h e Southern division Huron gradually moved north
t o the Trent v a l l e y and then i n t o t h e i r h i s t o r i c homeland, where they joined
the Northern d i v i s i o n Huron (Ramsden l977b: 291-292).
This migration and
resettlement was probably i n response t o the growing importance of
European t r a d e (Trigger 1976a; Ramsden 1977b:292,1978).
In c o n t r a s t , r e l a t i v e l y 1 i t t l e i s known about t h e p r e h i s t o r i c Neutral
occupation o f Ontario.
On t h e basis of foreign ceramics and cannibalized
human bone i n t h e refuse dumps of the massively f o r t i f i e d Lawson and
Southwold s i t e s (Pearce 1980a, 1980b: Smith 1977), i t would appear t h a t
t h e p r e h i s t o r i c N e u t r a l were engaged i n l a r g e - s c a l e warfare, perhaps w i t h
groups a n c e s t r a l t o t h e Mascouten; t h e Mascouten were t h e major enemies o f
t h e h i s t o r i c N e u t r a l (Noble 1978; S t o t h e r s 1981).
During p r o t o h i s t o r i c
times, the N e u t r a l c o n c e n t r a t e d around t h e west end o f Lake Ontario,
probably t o o b t a i n a share o f t h e growing European t r a d e and t o escape
harassment b y t h e
Mascouten ( F i t z g e r a l d 1981).
An o u t l i n e o f O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n h i s t o r y and t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of
h i s t o r i c I r o q u o i a n groups a r e shown i n Figures 1 and 2 r e s p e c t i v e l y .
For t h e b e n e f i t o f t h e n o n - I r o q u o i a n i s t reader, t h e s a l i e n t f e a t u r e s o f
each group have been h i g h l i g h t e d on t h e n e x t pages.
Huron
A t t h e t i m e o f European c o n t a c t , t h e Huron 1 i v e d i n about 18-25
lages, s i t u a t e d between Georgian Bay and Lake Simeoe (Heideni-eieh 1971;
.- 2 7 1
v
II
T r i g g e r 1976a).
territory.
F i v e t r i b a l groups e x i s t e d and each occupied a d i s c r e t e
The Huron were i n v o l v e d i n a d i r e c t t r a d e r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e
French and were t h e main s u p p l i e r s o f European items t o o t h e r O n t a r i o
I r o q u o i a n groups.
The New York I r o q u o i s , j e a l o u s o f t h e Huron middleman
p o s i t i o n , r e g u l a r l y a t t a c k e d Huron v i l l a g e s and t r a d i n g p a r t i e s and
e v e n t u a l l y d i s p e r s e d t h e Huron i n A.D.
1650 ( T r i g g e r 1976a).
Most aspects o f Huron c u l t u r e were shared b y a l l h i s t o r i c O n t a r i o
Iroquoian groups ( T r i g g e r 1976a :100-103),
in c l u d i ng a p r i m a r y dependence
on h o r t i c u l t u r e , sexual d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r (women tended crops and houses
and men c o n s t r u c t e d v i l l a g e s , hunted, f i s h e d , t r a d e d and warred),
palisaded v i l l a g e s c o n t a i n i n g small longhouses t h a t were occupied by
( a f t e r Trigger 1 9 7 ~ a j
Figure 2.
Distribution of nistoric
I r o q u o i a n groups.
matrilineal extended f a m i l i e s , clans and non-coercive t r i b a l government,
endemic warfare and prisoner t o r t u r e .
In addition t o these c u l t u r e t r a i t s ,
the Huron differed from t h e o t h e r Iroquoian nations i n the small proportion
of meat i n t h e i r d i e t , presence of true ossuary burial and t h e absence of
a developed chipped 1 i t h i c industry (Heidenreich 1978).
Neutral
Named by t h e French f o r t h e i r lack of involvement in the HuronNew York Iroquois confl i c t , t h e h i s t o r i c Neutral were a loose-kni t
confederation of several t r i b e s who l i v e d i n about 40 v i l l a g e s j u s t west of
Lake Ontario (Noble 1978:156).
respects:
They d i f f e r e d from the Huron i n several
a g r e a t e r r e l i a n c e on hunting and chipped l i t h i c t o o l s ,
smaller houses (Dodd 1982), burial of t h e dead i n cemeteries (Kenyon l982),
body tatooing (Noble 1978:156-159) and l e s s access t o European trade goods.
i n s p i t e o f claims t o the contrary (Noble i978:i53; Jamieson i 9 6 i ) , t h e r e
.
i s no archaeological evidence ( i e., no ceremonial centres, monumental
architecture o r special ized c r a f t i n d u s t r i e s ) f o r identifying the Neutral
as a chiefdom.
Petun
Archaeological data on t h e Petun a r e scarce,but h i s t o r i c sources say
they inhabited e i g h t o r ten v i l l a g e s south of t h e Nottawasaga Bay (Garrad
and Heidenreich 1978:394).
They appear t o have been a Huron group who were
a l l i e d w i t h t h e Neutral a g a i n s t t h e Mascouten and harboured Neutral refugees
i n times of famine (Thwaites 1896-1901, 2O:6l).
There a r e indications t h a t
the 'Petun were heavily involved i n t h e p r o t o h i s t o r i c - h i s t o r i c f u r trade
network between t h e Ottawa and Neutral, which might explain the mutual
a1 1iance of these nations (Garrad and Hei denrei ch 1978: 396).
S t Lawrence Iroquois
Although not usually included i n t h e Ontario Iroquois Tradition, the
S t . Lawrence Iroquois were,nevertheless, a s i g n i f i c a n t group i n protoh i s t o r i c Ontario.
In A.D.
1535, C a r t i e r v i s i t e d Hochelaga, one of t h e i r
principal v i l l a g e s , but they apparently disappeared from the S t . Lawrence
Valley during the l a t t e r p a r t of t h e s i x t e e n t h century. Ceramic data h i n t
t h a t they may have joined the Trent Valley Huron population as refugees,
e i t h e r as survivors of a European-introduced epidemic o r more l i k e l y as
victims of commercially motivated warfare with the Huron o r Mohawk
(Trigger 1979:217; Wright 1978:73).
There has been l i t t l e archaeological investigation of S t . Lawrence
Iroquoian s i t e s , b u t we do know t h a t f i s h was an important constituent of
t h e i r d i e t , cannibalism and warfare a r e evident, house and community
patterns resemble those of the p r e h i s t o r i c Huron and Neutral, the dead were
buried i n t h e v i l l a g e s , chipped l i t h i c t o o l s a r e r a r e
, but
the potting
a b i l i t y of t h e i r women ( p o t symmetry and decoration) f a r surpassed t h a t
of any o t h e r Iroquoian people (Wright 1978:69-71).
Ethnographic accounts o f O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e s
European e x p l o r e r s , t r a d e r s and m i s s i o n a r i e s o f s i x t e e n t h - and
seventeenth-century O n t a r i o 1e f t few d e t a i 1ed d e s c r i p t i o n s o f I r o q u o i a n
villages.
The m a j o r documentary sources i n c l u d e :
Jacques C a r t i e r ' s
(A. D. 1534-1535) account o f Hochelaga and o t h e r S t . Lawrence I r o q u o i a n
settlements ( B i g g a r 1924) ; Samuel de Champlain's A. D. 1615-1616 s o j o u r n i n
Huronia ( B i g g a r 1922-1936) ; Recol l e t m i s s i o n a r y a c t i v i t i e s among the
Huron (Sagard (A. D. 1623-1624) (Wrong 1939)) and N e u t r a l (Dai 1 l o n
(A.D. 1626-1627) (LeClerq 1973, 2 ) ) and t h e J e s u i t missions t o the Huron,
Petun (A.D.
1632-1650) and N e u t r a l (A. D. 1640-1641) (Thwai t e s 1896-1901).
These documents were searched f o r ethnographic data r e l a t i n g t o the
size, form and o r g a n i z a t i o n o f I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e s .
Although most o f the
data apply t o t h e Huron, t h e Europeans who v i s i t e d t h e N e u t r a l and Petun
noted t h e o v e r a l l s i m i l a r i t y i n s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n s and customs o f a l l
O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n n a t i o n s ( LeCl e r q 1973, 2: 265-266;
3:96; Thwai t e s 1896-1901,
21: 197-199).
B i ggar 1922-1936,
I n f a c t , the northern Iroquoian
peopl es shared one c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n ( T r i g g e r l976a :100-104), so i t w i 11
be assumed t h a t o b s e r v a t i o n s o f t h e Huron a r e a p p l i c a b l e t o o t h e r O n t a r i o
I r o q u o i a n groups.
I t s h o u l d be noted t h a t engravings o f I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e s sometimes
accompanied c h r o n i c l e r s ' accounts, such as Ramusio ' s (A. D. 1556) d e p i c t i o n
o f Hochelaga ( B i g g a r 1924) and an engraving o f t h e I r o q u o i s v i l l a g e a t t a c k e d
1615 ( B i g g a r 1922-1936, 3:67-69).
In
b o t h cases, however, t h e geometrical ( c i r c u l a r o r hexagonal ) v i 1l a g e
+
by Champlain and h i s a l l i e s i n A.D.
out1 ines, t h e h i g h l y s t r u c t u r e d d i s t r i b u t i o n o f houses i n b l o c k s w i t h
s t r e e t s and square plazas, square houses w i t h windows and European-style
f o r t i f i c a t i o n s do not agree with written descriptions (Trigger l976a: 310).
These i l l u s t r a t i o n s t h e r e f o r e have 1i t t l e ethnographic value.
Ontario Iroquoian settlements can be classed i n t h r e e s i z e modes:
1) is01 ated cabins i n a g r i c u l t u r a l f i e l d s (Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 8: 143;
14:45)
2) small, special-purpose "hamlets of seven o r e i g h t cabins"
( LeCl erq 1973, 2: 265-266) and
3) compact and sometimes pal isaded vi 11ages, towns and " c i t i e s " ,
containing 50 t o 200 houses (LeCl erq 1973, 2: 265-266; Bi ggar 1924: 156;
Wrong 1939:92; Thwaites 1896-1901, 10:21!L.+.
(535
Iroquoian v i l l a g e s had
roughly
ovate plans and were normally s i t u a t e d
-------- _ --near a r e l i a b l e water source, on a defensible height of land (Wrong 1939:
___
CII__
92).
--
-- -
-
They were occupied
l y empty, s i n c e the wom
tending crops and t h e
warring expeditions
-(Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 8: 143; 10: 53).
-...-_ill..
I
.
According t o t h e e a r l i e s t accounts ( A . D: 1615-1624), v i 1lage relocation
occurred every t e n , 15, 20 o r 30 years (Thwaites 1896-1901, 10:275; 15: 153;
19: 133).
or a
of s o i l depletion
The Hurons s h i f t e d v i l ~eeAtes-b_e_ca_us-e
-- -
scarcity
-----
(Wrong 1939:
A_---
-
92-93; Thwai t e
KbC,
1896-1901, 10: 275).
&&$.
Palisades surrounded only the most populous v i l l a g e s o r those c l o s e s t
t o enemy borders and were composed of mu1 t i p l e ( o f t e n t h r e e ) rows of posts,
reiriforced with interwoven branches and supported by logs (Biggar 1924: 155;
B i ggar 1922-1936, 3: 48-49; Wrong 1939: 91-92 ; Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 38: 247).
I
Certain a r e a s of t h e f o r t i f i c a t i o n s contained g a l l e r i e s which were
accessible by nothched-1 og 1adders and we1 1-stocked w i t h stones and
water t o fend o f f enemy a s s a u l t s .
There were only one o r two entrances
t o a palisaded v i l l a g e and these were so narrow t h a t one was forced t o turn
sideways i n o r d e r t o pass through (Biggar 1924:156; Wrong l939:gZ).
In
the event t h a t t h e enemy breached o r s e t f i r e t o the stockade, an open
area between t h e houses and stockade reduced the r i s k of houses catching
f i r e and provided adequate space f o r combat w i t h i n
1939 :92)
the
v i l l a g e (Wrong
.
L i t t l e information i s a v a i l a b l e about t h e arrangement of house
structures i n villages.
Champlain observed a t h r e e o r four metre space
between juxtaposed houses and was t o l d t h a t t h i s spacing prevented a
local ized house f i r e from spreading t o o t h e r dwell ings (Biggar 1922-1936,
3:125).
Despite t h i s measure, house f i r e s were common and often resulted
in the d e s t r u c t i o n of e n t i r e v i l l a g e s (Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 8:95, 105;
lo:%).
There a r e references t o informal open areas o r plazas within villages.
Such areas were s e t a s i d e f o r councils, public meetings, s o c i a l i z i n g and
even wi tch-burning (Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 14:39).
C a r t i e r provides the
best d e s c r i p t i o n :
..
we were 1ead by our guides .
i n t o t h e middle of
t h e v i l l a g e , where t h e r e was an open square between
t h e houses, about a s t o n e ' s throw o r thereabouts i n
width each way (Biggar 1924: 162).
S t r e e t s were observed i n t h e l a r g e s t Huron v i l l a g e s (Thwai t e s 18961901, 13:187; 19:219-221; 2O:Zg).
I t i s not c l e a r whether the term
" s t r e e t " r e f e r s t o alleyways between houses o r an alignment of houses i n
para1 1e l rows, f a c i n
i
1ong pub1 i c wal kways.
20
House s i z e v a r i e d c o n s i d e r a b l y i n some v i l lages; s i n g l e - f i r e cabins
(Thwaites 1896-1901,
10:291) t o longhouses o f f o u r , 18, 36, 54 o r 72 m
were recorded (Thwaites 1896-1901, 8:107),
e q u i v a l e n t t o 1.8 m (Dodd 1982: 138).
assuming a brass i s
D w e l l i n g s o f v i l l a g e l e a d e r s were
purposely c o n s t r u c t e d much l a r g e r t h a n t h e r e s t because t h e y were used f o r
council meetings, community f e a s t s and ceremonies and p r i s o n e r t o r t u r e
(Thwaites 1896-1901,
lO:8l).
I n a t l e a s t one l a t e h i s t o r i c v i l l a g e ,
t h e r e i s evidence t h a t a dichotomy e x i s t e d between w e a l t h y and poor
households (Thwai t e s 1896-1901,
20:21).
Doors were p l a c e d i n b o t h ends o f a longhouse and were open t o a l l
v i l l a g e members.
T h i s encouraged f r e q u e n t i n t e r - h o u s e communication
( v i s i t s and s o c i a l i z i n g ) among v i l l a g e r s (Thwai t e s 1896-1901,
.
19: 185;
21: 185).
House f r o n t s were p a i n t e d w i t h b l a c k o r r e d anthropomorphic and
zoomorphic f i g u r e s (Wrong 1939:98;
Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 10:47;
15: 181) and
have been i n t e r p r e t e d as 1 ineage (Noble 1968:47) o r c l a n totems
which
may have helped t r a v e l l e r s f i n d she1 t e r among r e l a t i o n s i n d i s t a n t
v i l l a g e s (Engelbrecht 1982: 11).
On t h e o t h e r hand, f o r e i g n e r s (perhaps
t r a d e r s and ambassadors from h o s t i l e n a t i o n s ) i n Huron v i l l a g e s were
assigned t o " s p e c i a l c a b i n s " so t h a t t h e y c o u l d be monitored a t a l l times.
During t h e i i r s t a y , t h e y were n o t p e r m i t t e d t o wander around t h e v i l l a g e
(Thwai t e s 1896-1901,
10:229).
The c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a house i n an I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e was a community
d e c i s i o n t h a t was made i n f u l l c o u n c i l and i f approved, t h e young men o f
t h e v i 1l a g e he1ped t h e occupants e r e c t t h e framework (Wrong 1939 :79).
H i s t o r i c data suggest t h a t houses were added t o a p r e e x i s t i n g v i l l a g e
only in exceptional circumstances , such as when a v i l l a g e was threatened
with attack by a l a r g e enemy force (Wrong 1939: 155-156).
In f a c t , Huron
communities appear t o have incorporated new members (e.g . , Wenro refugees)
i n t o existing households and did not build additional dwell ings
(Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 17: 29; 20:47).
Accounts of Huron v i l l a g e pol i t i c s i n d i c a t e t h a t l a r g e v i l l a g e s were
divided into "family" s e c t o r s and t h a t each s e c t o r was represented on t h e
v i l l a g e counci 1 by a spokesman (a "Captain") (Biggar 1922-1936, 3: 140;
Thwaites 1896-1901, 10:231).
In some cases, the l a r g e s t Huron v i l l a g e s
were formed by a defensive coalescence of several v i l l a g e s (Thwai t e s 18961901, 10:239-241), each former v i l l a g e occupying a d i s t i n c t v i l lage s e c t o r .
Sometimes these 1arge settlements f a i l e d l t o resolve internal disputes and
fissioned when they relocated (Wrong 1939:92; Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 8: 105).
As a f i n a l note, v i l l a g e s of t h e h i s t o r i c Mohawk (A.D.
1634-1635)
displayed several f e a t u r e s reminiscent of Ontario Iroquoian villages:
palisades with r e s t r i c t e d entrances, numerous longhouses of variable s i z e
and arranged i n "rows 1ike s t r e e t s " and house f r o n t s "painted w i t h a l l
s o r t s of beasts" (Jameson 1937: l4O-l4l,l49).
In summary, ethnographic accounts provide clues t o the i d e n t i t y of
some determinants o f Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e organization: sociodemographic and pol i t i c a l f a c t o r s , v i l l a g e defense s t r a t e g y , f i r e
prevention and social considerations.
22
Determinants of Late Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a ge organi zation
In the search f o r determinants o f Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e
organization, ethnographic documents, archaeological v i l l a g e plans and
accounts of contemporary Neol i t h i c communities were consulted.
t h e most useful data c l a s s i s archaeological v i l lage plans.
Perhaps
Unfortunately,
complete o r p a r t i a l plans a r e a v a i l a b l e f o r only 14 Late Ontario Iroquoian
v i l l a g e s i t e s and relevant d e t a i l s f o r each a r e summarized in Table 1 and
Figure 3.
Two basic excavation s t r a t e g i e s a r e used t o generate ground plans of
Iroquoian settlements:
extensive a r e a l excavations and s l i t - t r e n c h i n g .
The former i s preferred s i n c e s l i t-trenching o r wall -trenching (out1 ining
house walls) reveals nothing about house i n t e r i o r s and i s notoriously
misleading when a s i t e contains superimposed o r extended house s t r u c t u r e s
(Trigger 1981 :11-12; Dodd 1982: 56).
Only t h e Draper s i t e has been " t o t a l l y excavated" (Finlayson and
Pihl 1980a), so t h i s study i s based mostly on p a r t i a l v i l l a g e plans
from s i t e s possessing a minimum of f o u r excavated longhouses.
Determinants of v i l l a g e organization
The potential determinants of Late Ontario I roquoian v i 11age
organization a r e cosmology, a v a i l a b l e construction materials, s i t e drainage
and topography, climate, f i r e prevention, s a n i t a t i o n , space conservation,
defense and socio-pol i t i cal v a r i a b l e s ( v i 1lage socio-economics, government,
and demography).
We can eliminate some of these a t t h e o u t s e t .
Cosmology
Late Ontario Iroquoian cosmology does not seem t o have been a
Key t o Figure 3 :
Early Ontario Iroquoian s i t e s
Glen lileyer
Pickering
1)
Porteous
8) Miller
2)
Van Besien
9)
3)
Dewaele
4)
Force
5)
Calvert
6)
Roeland
7)
Reid
Bennett
10) Gunby
Middle Ontario Iroquoi an s i t e s
1 )
Uren
14)
Crawford Lake
/ 12) Nodwell
13) Moyer
Late prehistoric-Protohistoric s i t e s
16) Southwol d
19)
Coul t e r
17) Lawson
20)
Kirche
78)
21)
Benson
Draper
1:
Historic s i t e s
Neutral
Huron
22)
Chris tianson
27)
darmi ns t e r
23)
Hood
28)
Ball
24)
Hamilton
29)
Le Caron
'A;)
Ma1 ker
26)
Thorold
L A K E ONTARIO
F i g u r e 3.
L o c a t i o n of O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n s i t e s mentioned i n t h e t e x t .
determinant of vi1 l a g e layout, s i n c e house o r i e n t a t i o n i s too variable
Re1 igious f a c t o r s
(see Table 2) (Norcl i f f e and Heidenreich 1974: 18).
would be expected t o highly standardize house o r i e n t a t i o n i n one cardinal
direction.
In f a c t , even burial o r i e n t a t i o n s do not appear t o have been
prescribed by Ontario Iroquoian re1 igion ( F i tzgeral d 1979:58).
Avail a b l e construction materials
The type
of building material a v a i l a b l e t o human groups can s e t 1 imits
-- -- - --t o the form and s i z e o f dwellings which i n turn can influence v i l l a g e
--
tone 1972).
-
Ontario
Iroquoians constructed t h e i r longhouses \from- " saplings and
--- -._
_.
.
%
--L
bark (Thwaites 1896-1901, 8:105; 17:17) and t h e r e i s no doubt t h a t a t
/?"
1e
y determined by the mechanical l i m i t a t i o n s
2
of- s p e c i- f i c wood
types and sap1 ing s i z e s selected (Heidenreich 1971: 116;
-
--
I
Johnston and Jackson i % G r 197).
However, except f o r a moderate c o r r e i a i i o n
between house width and lengkh (Dodd 1982: 164) and minor
deviations in
>
(e.g., h i s t o r i c
Huron and Neutral house widths (Dodd 1982: l o g ) ) , Iroquoian longhouses
exhibit remarkably standardized widths and do not exceed a nine metre
threshold (Dodd 1982:76) ( s e e Table 1 and Figure 6 ) .
Given t h a t longhouse widths and heights were roughly equivalent
(Thwai t e s 1396-1901, 8: 107) , Ontario Iroquoian house widths were 1i kely
functions of optimal dwelling heights required t o minimize i n t e r i o r woodsmoke problems.
Smoke-caused blindness was common among old Huron
(Trigger 1969 :62) and eye disorders and respiratory diseases a r e endemic
among contemporary longhouse dwellers, such a s t h e Enga of Highland New
Guinea (Marshal 1 1979: 104-105).
Relatively high c e i l ings would have made
Key to Figure 4:
Maximum house length (measured from interior of each end
a1 ong house mi dl i ne)
Maximum house width (maximum distance between side walls,
measured from i n t e r i o r of wall)
House spacing (minimum distance between juxtaposed houses)
Mi nirnum distance between house wall and innermost pal i sade
row
Minimum distance between centre of house end and nearest
midden peri phery
Orientation (measured along mid1 ine or side wall of house
to the nearest degree east of north - magnetic north in
most cases)
smoke l e v e l s t o l e r a b l e i n a longhouse and i t appears that,once established,
ideal c e i l i n g height and corresponding house width remained fixed f o r
Ontario Iroquoian houses.
The extremely l a r g e p r e h i s t o r i c Onondaga 1onghouses (Tuck 1971: 79,96)
suggest t h a t , given s u i t a b l e topography, t h e r e were no s t r u c t u r a l
limitations t o the lengths of Iroquoian longhouses.
As we s h a l l see,
longhouse length was d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o household s i z e .
Thus, the
building materials a v a i l a b l e t o t h e Ontario Iroquois do not seem t o have
i nfl uenced v i 11age 1ayouts.
W"*.
%
A*.*?.
&.(k
3@
,
&
Y
S i t e drainage and local t o p b g r a h y
The nature of s i t e s o i l s and topography
had some influence on Late
-.
/--
A s o i l a n a l y s i s of the Walker
\
Neutral v i l l a g e revealed t h a t the sandy- l&m patches of t h e s i t e were
nization.
Ontario Iroqu
---
(0-1
4
preferred f o r house construction, presumably f a c i l i t a t i n g drainage
-- - (Wright 1981:47-48). Also, since 1i n e a r houses require f a i r l y f l a t t e r r a i n ,
topography can impose l i m i t s t o t h e placement
of dwellings.
J
,
For instance,
<\b
\
:
.
l a e r o s i o n a-l- gullefi
a t t h e Walker and Draper s i t e s (Wright 1981;
A
*,':,-
Hayden 1979) e f f e c t i
atures
may have proved advantageous in t h e d i v i s i o n of a l a r g e v i l l a g e i n t o i t s
k
constituent soci a1 aggregates (Hayden 1979 :5)
-
+---
.
Only i n regions w i t h severe climates a r e c l i m a t i c f a c t o r s a major
determinant of house design and placement (Rapoport 1969 :19-20).
It is
doubtful, therefore, t h a t t h e temperate climate of Southern Ontario would
have had much influence on Iroquoian house o r v i l l a g e arrangement.
A concern f o r t h e p r e v e n t i on o f s t r u c t u r a l damage t o longhouses from
h i g h winds i s n o t r e f l e c t e d b y t h e o r i e n t a t i o n o f houses i n L a t e I r o q u o i a n
s e t t lements.
High
_ _ v e l o c i t y winds i n %uthern-On-tario o r i g i n a t e from a
*-<
o r- -s o u t h w e s t _ d ir e c t i o n , h i t t i n g many L a t e I r o q u o i a n houses -broadside
west
.-(Worcl i f f e and Heidenreich 1974: 19).
T
I n any event, v i l l a g e p a l i s a d e s
would have
-f u n--c t i-o- n- -e-d- - as
- - - -windb
-/ - -
storms ( F i t z g e r a l d 1981: 35).
/---
I t has been hypothesized t h a t most L a t e O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e s
e x h i b i t e d a p r e f e r r e d northwes t - s o
i
longhouse thermal e f f i c i e n c y (Norcl i f f e and H e i d e n r e i c h 1974; Noble 1968:
217, 1975a:40; T r i g g e r 1969:60;
Wright l98l:49).
A1 though t h e Enga o f
Highland New Guinea and t h e Danubians o f t h e European N e o l i t h i c designed
t h e i r longhouses t o i n c r e a s e thermal e f f i c i e n c y ( i . e . ,
dwellings with a
t a p e r i n g ground plan, a s l o p i n g , aerodynamical l y - c o n s t r u c t e d r o o f design
and o r i e n t a t i o n o f t h e narrow entrance end i n t o t h e p r e v a i l i n g c o l d winds
(Marshal 1 1979: 105, 1981: 112-113)), none o f t h e f e a t u r e s o f a x i a l l y p i t c h e d longhouses a r e r e p o r t e d e t h n o g r a p h i c a l l y o r demonstrated
a r c h a e o l o g i c a l l y f o r t h e O n t a r i o I r o q u o i s (Dodd 1982).
Furthermore, c o n t r a r y t o Norcl i f f e and H e i d e n r e i c h ( 1974:27-28),
the
m a j o r i t y o f O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n longhouses were n o t o r i e n t e d northwestsoutheast.
I n a reassessment o f t h e o r i g i n a l work on longhouse o r i e n t a t i o n ,
Dodd (1982:118,242)
discovered t h a t Huron houses were, i n f a c t , o r i e n t e d i n
a northwest-southeast d i r e c t i o n , b u t
N e u t r a l houses were a l i g n e d i n east-
n o r t h e a s t and northeast-southwest d i r e c t i o n s .
She a t t r i b u t e s t h i s
d i f f e r e n c e t o l o c a l wind v a r i a b i l it y (Dodd 1982: 118).
The a u t h o r ' s
a t e Dodd's (1982) findings about h i s t o r i c Huron and
derived r e s u l t s r
Neutral houses (Table 2 ) , but they a l s o show t h a t l a t e p r e h i s t o r i c and
protohistoric longhouses exhibited a s i g n i f i c a n t non-preference f o r
northwest-southeast o r i e n t a t i o n s (Table 3 ) .
As a f i n a l note, the h i s t o r i c Huron house o r i e n t a t i o n s used i n these
studies derive primarily from three s i t e s , only two of which express a
northwest-southeast mode of house o r i e n t a t i o n ( e . g . , t h e Ball and
Warminster s i t e s ) .
In f a c t , t h e Ball and Warminster s i t e s a r e located l e s s
than two kilometres a p a r t and may even represent sequential occupations of
the same v i l l a g e .
Therefore, t h e claims f o r Huron preferences i n longhouse
orientations should be considered tenuous,until more representative data a r e
made a v a i l a b l e .
In summary, i t i s evident t h a t t h e r e was no preferred Late Iroquoian
longhouse o r i e n t a t i o n i n r e l a t i o n t o prevailing northwest winds.
Indeed,
i t i s unlikely t h a t maximization of house thermal e f f i c i e n c y was a major
control of house arrangement, except in some h i s t o r i c Huron v i l l a g e s .
Fire prevention
House f i r e s were prevalent among t h e Late Ontario Iroquois, sometimes
involving conflagrations of e n t i r e vi 1lages (Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 8: 105-107;
Wrong 1939:95; Biggar 1922-1936, 3: 125).
prevention
measure
_
_ _ - . - - ------
i
-- - effective f i r e
Perhaps t--h-e- - most
l l a g e would have been
longhouses and t
-*dm,---
be fanned along
- -- houses r a t h e r than toward o t h e r houses (Trigger l969:6O).
_-_-+".-_l"ll.-"..-a--
Champlain observed a t h r e e t o four
pace separation of Huron dwellings,
supposedly t o prevent f i r e s from spreading house t o house (Biggar 1922-
However, such house densities a r e not demonstrated by most Iroquoian
village plans; only three s i t e s (Kirche, Benson and Walker) possess a mean
house wall spacing in excess of three metres.
In other settlements
(e.g., the Southwol d (Smith 1977) and Hood s i t e s (Lennox 1978)), even the
occasional house f i r e did not seem to discourage the practice of
juxtaposing dwellings l e s s than two metres apart (see Table 1 ) .
These data
give the impression t h a t accidental house f i r e s were simply accepted as
part of v i l l a g e l i f e and did not greatly a f f e c t the density of houses in
Late Iroquoian v i l lages (Norcl i f f e and Heidenreich 1974: 22).
Sanitation
I t has been suggested (Rowlands 1972:459-460) t h a t sanitation problems
are most acute i n palisaded villages and might have influenced the
placement of dwell ings in such settlements.
Refuse and organic waste produced by the inhabitants of Iroquoian
villages was disposed of in clearly designated areas called middens
(Heidenreich 1971: 147; Be1 1house and Fin1 ayson 1979 :106; Tri gger 1981:35).
Middens vary considerably in extent and generally occur in central open
areas, between o r adjacent to house ends and on the village periphery,
piled against the palisade.
There appears to have been no preferential use
of any of these locations (Table 4 ) , except t h a t large middens (>ZOO m2)
are r e s t r i c t e d t o central plazas o r vi 1lage perimeters and presumably
received refuse from a number of households (Kapches 1979: 27).
From the average distance between house doorways (centre of house ends)
and midden edges, an Iroquoian had to walk no f u r t h e r than about nine metres
outside his house to discard refuse (Table 5 ) . Refuse was apparently tossed
i
,
-3
i n the most convenient place; t h u s , house locations determined t o f t areas
o r midden locations and not t h e reverse.
In terms of v i l l a g e s a n i t a t i o n , given t h e proximity of middens t o
houses and t h a t middens were composed predominantly of wood ash, charcoal,
potsherds and decomposing plant p a r t s ( v i l l age dogs would have consumed
the more e d i b l e organics (Heidenreich 1971: l 4 8 ) ) , t h e middens probably d
not present a health hazard.
Although l i t t l e i s known about the disposa
of human waste i n v i l l a g e s , Hayden (1979:25) has suggested t h a t some of
the large, s t e r i l e organic s t a i n s , located outside house walls, may have
been winter l a t r i n e s . The general lack of concern f o r children urinating
on longhouse f l o o r s (Wrong 1939:93) supports the idea t h a t t h e Ontario
Iroquois did not regard s a n i t a t i o n a s a high p r i o r i t y i n v i l l a g e plan'ning.
Space conservation
- ---
*
7-"--
The paral l e l alignment of longhouses i n many Late Iroquoian
settlements has been i n t e r p r e t e d as conservation of space within a
pal isaded v i 1lage (Noble 1969: 19, 1975a:40; Trigger 1969: 60; Wright
1981:49).
Pal isade construction, using ground-stone o r even twice-as-
e f f i c i e n t iron axes (Trigger 1976a:412), would have been a time-consuming
task f o r any group of I roquoi ans (Hei denrei ch 1971:153-155).
Hence, i t
would have been d e s i r a b l e (applying Z i p f ' s Law of Least E f f o r t (Zipf
1949)) t o minimize t h e stockade perimeter, y e t maintain a l a r g e enough
v i l l a g e area t o accomodate a maximum number of houses, i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of
v i l l a g e growth.
The most economical arrangement of longhouses i n a
pal isaded v i 11age, t h e r e f o r e , woul d have been in c l o s e l y spaced, paral 1e l
rows.
Such configurations a r e seen i n l a r g e p r o t o h i s t o r i c and contact
Huron v i l l a g e s , such a s t h e Benson, Ball and Warminster s i t e s , and
exempl i f y t h e " s t r e e t - 1 ike" house arrangements described i n t h e h i s t o r i c
1i t e r a t u r e (Thwai t e s 1896-1901,
-
13-187).
I n most o t h e r cases, houses a r e
juxtaposed i n r o u g h l y s i m i 1a r l y a1 igned c l u s t e r s
.
So, i f d e f e n s i v e works ( b o t h n a t u r a l and man-made) imposed l i m i t s t o
an I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e ' s c a p a c i t y t o expand ( I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e r s would have
remodel l e d f o r t i f i c a t i o n s o n l y i n e x c e p t i o n a l cases o f v i l l a g e coalescence) ,
one would expect t o observe t h e c l o s e s t house spacing o r g r e a t e s t house
d e n s i t i e s i n v i l l a g e s t h a t were enclosed by t h e g r e a t e s t number of
defensive b a r r i e r s .
To t e s t t h i s hypothesis, t h e average minimum d i s t a n c e between
juxtaposed house w a l l s , e s s e n t i a l l y a house d e n s i t y index, was c a l c u l a t e d
and t h e number o f n a t u r a l defenses ( s t e e p breaks i n slope, watercourses),
palisade rows and earthworks were enumerated f o r each v i l l a g e i n t h e
sample (Table 6 and 7).
C o r r e l a t i o n s were computed between house d e n s i t y
and v i l l a g e s i z e and t h e number o f d e f e n s i v e b a r r i e r s .
There was no
s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n between v i 1 l a g e s i z e and house d e n s i t y (Tab1 e 7)
and a rank-order c o r r e l a t i o n showed no s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p between
house d e n s i t y and t h e number o f b a r r i e r s t o s i t e expansion (Table 8).
I t i s w o r t h w h i l e t o note, however, t h a t some o f t h e h i g h e s t house
d e n s i t i e s occur i n s i t e s which occupy n a t u r a l l y d e f e n s i b l e 1o c a t i o n s and
were surrounded by massive p a l i s a d e s (e.g.,
combination w i t h earthworks (e.g
., Southwol d
Le Caron s i t e ) , sometimes i n
and Lawson s i t e s )
.
One o f
the lowest d e n s i t i e s was observed i n t h e Walker s i t e , t h e o n l y unpalisaded
v i l l a g e i n t h e sample.
A1 though no s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s were found,
the data h i n t t h a t , i n some p a l i s a d e d settlements, t h e r e were attempts
made t o conserve v i l l a g e space by j u x t a p o s i n g longhouses i n p a r a l l e l
rows.
Defense
In Iroquoian archaeology, defense has been invoked as a major
determinant of house s i z e and v i l l a g e layout (Trigger 1969: 17, 1976a:421;
Pearce and Smith 1980; Finlayson and Pihl 1980a:13; Finlayson and Poulton
1379: 11; Johnston and Jackson 1980: 176).
Theoretically, defense i s a potential determinant of dwelling s i z e
and v i 11age patterning
?kit
.
Row1 ands ( 1972: 455-456) notes t h a t some responses
people can make t o t h e t h r e a t of an a t t a c k a r e : t o concentrate
- - - --.
p
l
-
/
^"___
%
intruders, t o order dwellings i n a defensive fashion, such as concentric
rings o r t o surround t h e i r settlement with palisades o r o t h e r f o r t i f i cations.
I f the l a t t e r defense s t r a t e g y i s adopted, stockades permit
dwellings t o be "arranged more conveniently i n s i d e and prevents some houses
being put a t g r e a t e r r i s k than o t h e r s " (Rowlands 1972:456).
In other
words, in f o r t i f i e d settlements, t h e r e should be l e s s need f o r houses t o
be arranged defensively.
Misinterpretation of defense theory has l e d several Iroquoianists
(Smith 1977:77; Pearce and Smith 1980; Johnston and Jackson 1980: 178;
F i nlayson and P i hl l98Oa: 13; F i nl ayson and Poul ton 1979: 11; Nasmi t h 1981:
155) t o claim t h a t several d e t a i l s of f o r t i f i e d Iroquoian v i l l a g e s ,
such as central open a r e a s , narrow spaces between houses, house extensions
and internal fences o r cordons, were d e l i b e r a t e l y designed t o channel and
hinder the progress of an attacking f o r c e , once they had penetrated the
pal isade.
The major weakness of t h i s model i s t h a t i t implies organized larges c a l e r a i d s , dozens of combatants and f i g h t i n g within v i l l a g e s
(Finlayson and Pihl 1980a:13).
,
In f a c t , none of these features
characterized Iroquoian o r Mississippian warfare (Heidenrei ch 1978: 386;
Dickson 1981:913) of t h e e a r l y contact period; p r i o r t o the introduction
of firearms t o t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s , aboriginal weaponry and mil i t a r y strategy
were usual l y i n e f f e c t i v e a g a i n s t pal isaded v i l l a g e s (Vayda 1976:92;
Larson 1972: 390-391).
Furthermore, ethnographic accounts indicate t h a t
t h e nature of p r e h i s t o r i c and e a r l y contact warfare among t h e Ontario
Iroquois appears t o have been no d i f f e r e n t from primitive warfare in
contemporary s t a t e l e s s s o c i e t i e s (Heidenreich 1978:386), involving
disorganized r i t u a l b a t t l e s , small raiding p a r t i e s , s u r p r i s e a t t a c k ,
ambush, s t e a l t h and capturing o r k i l l i n g i s o l a t e d individuals outside
settlements (Service 1962: 114- 115; Chagnon 1968: 110; Berndt 1964: 184;
Hei der 1979 :97; Si 11i t o e 1978:267; Vayda 1976:23).
As a f i n a l note, even t h e defensive open a r e a s between houses and
palisade, which were documented f o r t h e Huron (Wrong 1939:92), a r e not
commonly observed archaeologically.
In a sample of e i g h t v i l l a g e s i t e s ,
only two h i s t o r i c v i 1lages s u b s t a n t i a t e Sagard's (Wrong 1939) statement
(see Table 8 ) .
I t may be t h a t t h e p r a c t i c e of s e t t i n g f i r e t o o r chopping
through pal isades, leading t o combat i n s i d e Iroquoian v i l l a g e s , was
s t r i c t l y a h i s t o r i c phenomenon, as a r e s u l t of commercially motivated
warfare.
This would account f o r t h e general lack of concern f o r placing
houses against stockades i n p r o t o h i s t o r i c and l a t e p r e h i s t o r i c villages
(e.g., Lawson, Draper, Ki rche, Ball and Christianson s i t e s (Table 3 ) ) .
Defensively positioned longhouses, therefore, did not l i k e l y appear
in Ontario Iroquoian villages until a f t e r A.D.
1640, when firearms and
iron weaponry became widely available to the New York Iroquois
(Trigger l976a: 629-631).
As an a1 ternative explanation t o high house d e n s i t i e s , house
extensions and fences inside Late Iroquoian v i l l a g e s , I would suggest t h a t
these features were probably caused by vi 11age overcrowding, under
conditions of intense warfare.
In the l a t e contact period, intense
warfare motivated the Huron t o coalesce several small villages into large
f o r t i f i e d strongholds (Trigger 1969: 17).
I t i s suspected t h a t such
defensive concentrations would have entailed a c e r t a i n amount of overcrowding.
In a crowded Iroquoian stronghold, a great concern f o r space
conservation would have produced high house d e n s i t i e s ; absorption of
refugees by existing households would have required frequent house
extensions ; and perhaps i nternal fences were attempts t o amel i o r a t e
overcrowding and reduce confl i c t s ,by r e s t r i c t i n g the frequency of interaction between d i f f e r e n t social groups (Hodder 1982: 193-194).
In summary, the defense model of Iroquoian v i l l a g e organization i s
rejected and in i t s place, i t is argued t h a t high house d e n s i t i e s , house
extensions, open areas and fences i n Late Iroquoian villages a r e more
accurately interpreted as responses t o overcrowding, refugee problems,
space conservation and physical separation of socio-political aggregates,
under conditions of unusually intense hostil i t i e s .
Socio-pol i t i c a l model of Late Ontario Iroquoian v i 1lage layout
Although overcrowding, conservation of v i l l a g e space and maximization
of longhouse thermal e f f i c i e n c y influenced some v i l l a g e arrangements, none
,
of t h e potential determinants examined t h u s f a r have provided an adequate
explanation f o r t h e majority of Late Iroquoian v i l l a g e layouts.
I t will
be proposed t h a t t h e primary determinants of Late Ontario Iroquoian
v i l l a g e organization were s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l variables, r e l a t e d t o the nature
and composition of Iroquoian households, v i l l a g e demography and
government.
Underlying assumptions and d e f i n i t i o n s
Before presenting the model, there a r e c e r t a i n d e f i n i t i o n s and
assumptions t h a t must be made e x p l i c i t .
F i r s t of a l l , t h e term "clan" i s defined as a non-residential,
exogamous group of two o r more lineages, who claim common descent from a
mythical ancestor and who often share totems and special ceremonies.
Clan
segments o r sub-clans a r e simply r e s i d e n t i a l l y l o c a l i z e d members of the
same clan (Service 1962:116-117; Schusky 1972:26-28).
Late Iroquoian
longhouse c l u s t e r s w i l l be i n t e r p r e t e d as localized clan segments
("clan-barrios" (Murdock 1943:74) ), formed by t h e p o l i t i c a l and economic
coal i t i o n of several matri 1 ineal households (Trigger 1969:55-56).
Clans
may o r i g i n a t e f o r purposes of defensive a1 1iance, emergency food-sharing,
exchange o r access t o seasonal o r c r i t i c a l resources and a r e important
i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r i n t e g r a t i n g various social groups and communities in
t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s (Service 1962: 116-117; Dalton 1981:22-23).
Secondly, i t i s assumed t h a t any house w i t h i n a longhouse c l u s t e r has
a higher probability of being s o c i a l l y c l o s e r t o i t s immediate neighbours
>
than t o houses i n o t h e r c l u s t e r s .
This i s based on t h e
observation t h a t ,
i n many small -scal e s o c i e t i e s , i ncl udi ng such diverse groups as Y b u t i
Pygmi es (Turnbull 1962 368-69), African pastoral i s t s (Hodder 1981 :68) and
,
New Guinea h o r t i c u l t u r a l i s t s (Hei der 1979:47), c l o s e l y re1 ated people tend
t o l i v e c l o s e r together than more d i s t a n t l y r e l a t e d people. In s h o r t ,
social distance i s highly c o r r e l a t e d w i t h physical distance i n such
s o c i e t i e s ( Evans-Pri tchard 1940: 124-125; Chang 1958: 302; Sahl ins 1968: l819; 1972: 197; Sommer 1969: 16,64; Fletcher 1977:62; Hayden 1978: 111).
A f i n a l assumption concerns the location and proximity of doorways in
Iroquoian longhouses.
Ethnographic accounts inform us t h a t 1onghouses had
doorways i n both ends (Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 19:221; 21:285).
Normal l y , it
i s extremely d i f f i c u l t t o i d e n t i f y house entrances archaeological l y
because entrances a r e usual l y poorly defined, r e p a i r s can obscure doors
and often t h e r e a r e unexpected gaps i n house walls due t o poor post
preservation.
On t h e o t h e r hand, t h e well-preserved houses of the Nodwell
s i t e (Wright 1974:70) show obvious doorways i n one o r both ends.
Extremely
large longhouses, such a s the Middleport houses, probably had additional
doors o r f i r e escapes i n the sides.
In primitive communities, t h e proxinli t y and d i r e c t i o n of
house
doorways a r e re1 i a b l e physical i n d i c a t o r s about s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and
i n t e r a c t i o n between households.
For instance, among t h e Hopi of the
American Southwest, pueblo doorways connect only t h e apartments of
re1 ated famil i e s (Adams 1983: 59) ; Mbuti Pygmies o r i e n t the entrances of
t h e i r huts towards f r i e n d s o r r e l a t i v e s and away from d i s l i k e d neighbours
(Turnbull 1962368) ; and among the Mail u Islanders of New Guinea, members
of the same clan occupy longhouses on opposite s i d e s of a v i l l a g e s t r e e t ,
A
but face t h e i r doorways toward one another (Fraser 1968:28). I t i s
proposed t h a t the frequency and i n t e n s i t y of i nteraction ( s o c i a l ,economic
l
\
and r i t u a l ) between households of an Iroquoian v i l l a g e can be i n f e r r e d
archaeologically from t h e physical distance between longhouse doorways;
\
the greater t h e distance between house entrances, the l e s s t h e i n t e r a c t i o n
between households.
Nature of Ontario Iroquoian households
The ethnographic evidence suggests t h a t the Huron longhouse
functioned primarily as a dwelling, she1 t e r i n g an average of e i g h t t o
ten families (Thwaites 1896-1901, 15:153; 16:243; 17:177; 35:87;
Wrong 1939:94; Biggar 1922-1936, 3: 123-124).
f a r from ideal homes.
However, longhouses were
They were noted f o r t h e i r high incidence of t h e f t ,
overcrowding, lack of privacy, abundant mice, f l e a s and o t h e r vermin, poor
s a n i t a t i o n , dust and smoke problems and constant danger of catching f i r e
(Heidenreich 1971: 122; Trigger 1969: 62; Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 8:95,105-107;
lO:35).
Given these disadvantages, why did Iroquoians 1 ive i n longhouses
and what was t h e nature of t h e social group who occupied them?
To answer t h e f i r s t question, there a r e several reasons f o r
longhouse 1i f e .
r
--*
~i rs&hutual
-
defense and s e c u r i t y a r e obvious advantages
/
t o longhouse habitation (Rowlands 1972:455; Trigger 1969:56; Heidenreich
1971: 123; Geddes 1961:30).
~ e c o n d ~ q c o n o m iinterdependence
c
of
\+
residence members would have been a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i n t h e emergence
and maintenance of longhouses (Heidenreich 1971:123; Hayden 1977:5;
1
Hayden and Cannon 1982: 151; Geddes 1961: 30). La
increased economic
d i v e r s i t y and l e i s u r e time i s made possible by l i f e i n multi-family a s
opposed t o nuclear family dwell i ngs.
Nuclear family househol ds a r e
\
responsible f o r supplying a1 1 of t h e i r own needs and t h e work per capita
cannot be reduced as i t can i n extended households (Heidenreich 1971:123;
,
Hayden 1977, 1978).
y
The nature and composition of t h e longhouse household is not so
easy t o explain.
Some Iroquoian archaeologists believe t h a t longhouse
membership was based s t r i c t l y on matrilineal and matrilocal c r i t e r i a ,
implying t h a t Ontario I roquoian households ( o r human groups who c o n s t i t u t e
a commensal and co-operative u n i t and r e s i d e together under the same roof
(Wi 1 k and Rathje 1981:4) ) were composed excl usively of matri 1i neal l y
related famil i e s (Morgan 1962:315; Noble 1969: 18; Heidenreich 1971: 77;
Trigger 1963:155).
Brian Hayden (1977:8, 1979:23), on t h e o t h e r hand,
.
r e j e c t s the t r a d i t i o n a l model of t h e Iroquoian household and proposes
t h a t the longhouse group was an economic corporate one.
He adds t h a t
longhouse s i z e was d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o t h e s i z e of the corporate group
t h a t a principal t r a d e r could a t t r a c t , d i r e c t and maintain under one roof.
According t o Hayden's model, longhouse membership was based on both
kinship and economic c r i t e r i a and exhibited considerable f l e x i b i l i t y .
I accept Hayden's (1977; Hayden and Cannon 1982) d e f i n i t i o n of the
Late Ontario Iroquoian longhouse a s a corporate group, assuming a corporate
group i s composed of usually kin-related persons who "function a s
individuals i n r e l a t i o n t o property" (Goodenough l951:30-32), but I
disagree t h a t longhouse membership was highly f l e x i b l e .
Nayden (1977:3-5,
1979:24) c i t e s Cara Richards' ( 1967) e t h n o h i s t o r i c study of Huron
residence patterns and archaeological longhouse extensions a s evidence
f o r r e l a t i v e f l e x i b i l i t y i n 1onghouse membership.
There a r e problems with
both of these data sources.
F i r s t , claims f o r non-matrilocal residence among t h e h i s t o r i c Huron
(Ri chards 1967) a r e based on ambiguous ethnographic observations
( r e f l e c t i n g t h e J e s u i t s ' poor comprehension of Huron kinship terminology)
and a r e biased toward cases of c h i e f l y avunculocal residence (where
nephews of i n f l u e n t i a l headmen went t o l i v e i n t h e i r maternal uncle's
household) (Trigger 1976a:55, l978a: 56-58).
In f a c t , one can i n f e r
from Sagard's statement (Wrong 1939:124) on Huron divorce t h a t a
married woman tended t o remain i n her family's household.
Secondly, Hayden's ( 1977: 5, 1979:24) hypothesis t h a t house extensions
indicate a high degree of r e s i d e n t i a l f l e x i b i l i t y i n Late Ontario
Iroquoian longhouses seems t o apply only t o l a t e p r e h i s t o r i c and e a r l y
protohistoric v i l 1ages.
Dodd ( 1982:81-82,86) observed t h a t house
extensions a r e r a r e (8%)i n Early Iroquoian and h i s t o r i c v i l l a g e s , but
a r e r e l a t i v e l y common (16-20%), p a r t i c u l a r l y mu1 t i p l e extensions,
protohistoric s i t e s .
As we s h a l l s e e , t h e l a t t e r periods witnessed
unusually intense warfare and unprecedented v i l l a g e coalescence, population
displacements and refugee problems (Ramsden 1977a :30-31, 1978; Trigger
197Ga:159-163).
While house extensions during these periods were indeed
products of -r e s -i d e n t i a l f l e x i b i l i t y , they were 1i kely p r e c i p i t a t e d by
L
abnormal warfare conditions and not by t h e postulated l u r e of economic
-
-
benefits, causing f l e x i b l e residence h a b i t s (Hayden 1977,1978,1979).
Thus, t h e r e is i n s u f f i c i e n t evidence f o r positing t h a t residential
flexibility,among households of t h e Late Ontario Iroquois, was due t o
ephemeral residence behaviour, c o n t r o l l e d by t h e waxing and waning of
household fortunes.
One i s l e f t with t h e a1 t e r n a t e and more r e a l i s t i c
hypothesis t h a t t h e preferred residence p a t t e r n of the Ontario Iroquois
was uxorilocal, except f o r a c e r t a i n amount of c h i e f l y avunculocal
-----.
-
40
residence and some variabil i t y i n house membership, r e s u l t i n g from
idiosyncratic residence preferences, divorces, f i g h t s o r incorporation
of refugees o r a1 1 i e s i n t o preexisting households.
Verification of t h i s
l a t t e r hypothesis can come only from f u t u r e archeological work and not
additional ethnohistoric research (Trigger 1969;56, 1981:9-10).
In summary, during r e l a t i v e l y peaceful periods, most Late Ontario
Iroquoian households probably consisted of a core of matril ineal l y r e l a t e d
females, t h e i r husbands and children ( p l u s a limited number of f i c t i v e
kin and unrelated famil i e s ) who shared c o r n f i e l d s , foodstuffs, trade goods,
tools and acted a s independent units of production from o t h e r households
(Trigger 1969:34-35; Heidenreich 1971: 123; Wrong 1939: 101-103). T h i s
.
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s not a s i g n i f i c a n t departure from Hayden's (1977)
d e f i n i t i o n of the Iroquoian household a s a corporate group.
Tribal
1ineages:living under one roof, a r e i n essence corporate groups;
lineages
co-operate economically, share common property ( i.e . , s p e c i f i c r i g h t s over
c e r t a i n land, hunting t e r r i t o r i e s , waterways, q u a r r i e s , trade r o u t e s ) ,
recognize internal 1eaders (big-men) and a r e responsible f o r the s a f e t y ,
conduct and burial of t h e i r members (Dal ton 1981:22-23; Service 1962:
123-124; Schusky 1972:25; Goodenough 1951 :30-32).
Size of Ontario Iroquoian longhouses
Late Ontario Iroquoian house s i z e ( i . e . , length) varys
diachronically 'and synchronically.
both
As we s h a l l s e e , house s i z e declined
throughout Late Iroquoian times, i n response t o several d i f f e r e n t
pressures, but our concern f o r t h e moment i s w i t h synchronic v a r i a b i l i t y .
Essentially, t h e s i z e of an Iroquoian longhouse was d i r e c t l y
related t o t h e number of occupants (Casselberry 1974).
There a r e two
potential "noise" f a c t o r s , however, associated w i t h t h i s relationship.
F i r s t , not a l l longhouse f l o o r space was habitable; a t l e a s t one end
of each house contained small communal corn and wood storage areas
(Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 8: 107; Wrong 1939:95; Biggar 1924-1936, 3: 123).
Archaeological analysis of Ontario Iroquoian longhouses (Dodd 1982:76,
164) has found t h a t t h e s i z e of end s t o r a g e a r e a s is highly correlated
w i t h house s i z e and t h a t t h e amount of s t o r a g e space remains constant i n
houses over 30 m long.
T h i s l a t t e r finding suggests t h a t the l a r g e s t
houses may not have been s t r i c t l y weal th-based, a s Hayden postulates
(l977:9, 1979: 23).
Weal thy Iroquoian households woul d be expected t o
possess l a r g e per c a p i t a storage a r e a s , assuming t h a t such households
accumulated l a r g e food reserves f o r f e a s t i n g , exchange o r emergency a i d
t o a l l i e s and trading partners.
In f a c t , they do not.
A second consideration concerns t h e v a r i a b i l i t y i n longhouse s i z e .
Referring t o Table 1, Late Ontario Iroquoian house lengths a r e most
variable in t h e l a t e p r e h i s t o r i c and p r o t o h i s t o r i c periods.
On the
other hand, h i s t o r i c Iroquoian v i l l a g e s c o n s i s t mostly of similar-sized
houses (about 10-25 m long), except f o r t h e occasional cabin ( l e s s than
10 m long) and one o r two extremely l a r g e houses ( g r e a t e r than 35 m long).
Small cabins i n Late Iroquoian v i l l a g e s tend t o be r e s t r i c t e d t o
central plazas ( e . g . , Ball s i t e (Dodd 1982: 100,182)) o r open areas
between t h e vi 11age core and palisade (e.g. , Hood s i t e (Lennox 1978) )
.
"Dodd (1982:122) postulates t h a t small cabins functioned a s dwell ings and
L___-_
--
may represent addition
\
guest houses f o r foreign ambassadors o r t r a d e r s .
7--
'\ )
A t the other end of the scale, extremely large longhouses were
probably the dwell ings of headmen.
The Huron deliberately b u i l t the
house of a c i v i l headman much larger than a l l others because i t was t h i s
structure t h a t hosted village councils, f e a s t s , dances and prisoner
torture, in addition t o being simply a residence (Thwai t e s 1896-1901,
1 0 181). Archaeological l y , such structures a r e highly v i s i b l e .
For
instance, the two longest houses in the Ball s i t e a r e s i t u a t e d in
different sectors of the village and have been interpreted as the
dwellings of c i v i l headmen f o r two localized clan segments (Knight and
i/'$other
d i s t i n c t i v e feature of 1arge longhouses i s hearth spacing.
L
Dodd (1982:75-76) observed t h a t hearth spacing i s g r e a t e s t in the longest
Ontario Iroquoian houses, implying t h a t these s t r u c t u r e s had lower
population d e n s i t i e s than smaller ones.
Wealthy o r high-status households
in primitive communities have, on average, larger f l o o r areas per capita
(Hayden and Cannon 1982: 139) than poorer households.
A t l e a s t in chiefly
houses, then, archaeological data tend to support Hayden's ( 1977,1978)
arguments f o r 1arge 1onghouses being occupied by pri vi 1eged o r weal thy
i ndi vi-dqal s
.
~Hqwever, the low population densities i n large longhouses could also
be accounted f o r by the mu1 ti-functional nature of these structures.
Basically, a chiefly household may not have been much more wealthy than
neighbouring, smaller ones (we can i n f e r from the r e l a t i v e l y equal per
capita s i z e of storage cubicles in longhouses t h a t they were not).
The
f a c t t h a t members of a chiefly household possessed l e s s crowded quarters
may have been simply an indirect advantage t o l i v i n g i n a public building,
which had t o accomodate l a r g e numbers of people from o t h e r households and
v i l l a g e s , on special occasions.
Finally, I would argue t h a t Late Ontario Iroquoians were not
inherently competitive over t r a d e routes and material wealth, contrary
t o Hayden (1977,1978,1979).
I t i s accepted t h a t i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l
determinants (economic and envi ronmental pressures) promote the emergence
and maintenance of corporate groups i n s t a t e l e s s s o c i e t i e s (Hayden and
Cannon 1982:149-151), but i t i s unlikely t h a t trade in wealth items caused
deed, the
and sustained Ontario Iroquoian corporate groups.
v-
--
maximum develop-ment of the longhouse and presumably strong corporate groups
y i n response t o competition over scarce
essential resources ( h i d e s , meat and c h e r t ) .
w-#"
-
Hayden ( 1977,1978,1979;
Hayden and Cannon 1982), on t h e o t h e r hand, suggests t h a t l a r g e longhouses
resulted from conipeti t i o n over wealth o r highly desired resources.
---
-
- - - --
In
s h o r t , we simply disagree over t h e types of resources t h a t Ontario
Iroquoians fought over, not the conditions under which Ontario Iroquoian
corporate groups originated.
There a r e several l i n e s of evidence which i n d i c a t e t h a t Ontario
Iroquoians were n e i t h e r avaricious nor lazy.
~irs$%ide
from council
\\
houses, t h e r e a r e only minor s i z e differences between p r o t o h i s t o r i c and
h i s t o r i c houses i n most v i 1lages.
According t o Hayden's ( 1977,1978) model ,
one would expect a maximum development of house s i z e during t h e protohistoric.
P r o t o h i s t o r i c v i l l a g e s should be composed of only a few l a r g e
longhouses, whose members would have been engaged i n f i e r c e competition
over the control of t r a d e routes and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of European goods.
The empirical evidence, however, does not support these expectations.
With the exception of chiefly dwellings and cabins, the relatively small
s i z e differences between most houses (standard errors of 4-10 m) of the
Late Iroquoian period a r e more e a s i l y explained by random demographic
and social variables, such as b i r t h r a t e s , sex r a t i o s , the number of
females of reproductive age 1iving in each house, the frequency of
disputes between housemates t h a t produce residential relocation (e.g.,
divorce, jealousies, i n s u l t s and tensions) and idiosyncratic residence
preferences.
fI
\
!y~,&$condly,as a1 ready mentioned, house storage areas in 1arge
1
8
longhouses a r e no larger per c a ~t ia than i n small houses.
This imp1 ies
that larger houses were not wealthier, a t l e a s t in terms of accumulated
foodstuffs.
-
/
In'addition, ethnographic data suggest t h a t i t would have been very
"
di*itul
1' ,
/
t f o r any individual o r household to have acquired excessive wealth
through trade monopol i e s .
In Huron society, there were no i n s t i t u t i o n s
(except sorcery accusations (Trigger l976a :424) ) f o r preventing the
viol ation of trade .route monopol i e s .
Traders who used routes without
the owner's permission, i f accompanied by several cohorts o r i f they
managed to reach the village without being apprehended, were not normally
fprosecuted (Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 10:223-225).
A1 so, the high incidence of
!
i
b
)
t h e f t , gambling and ceremonial exchange, in the context of curi
---_
---
dream f u l f i 1lment and b u r i a l s , were highly effec
preventing wealth accumulation in I roquoian society (Ramsden 1981).
'\
,&
1
' 5
Lastly, Ontario Iroquoian headmen were chosen, respected and followed
/
bekiise they demonstrated superior ski1 1s in pol icy-making, s e t t l ing of
disputes, organizing mil i tary and peace expeditions and i n i t i a t i n g games,
f e a s t s , dances, b u r i a l s and o t h e r ceremonial exchanges, i n addition t o
being successful t r a d e r s and generous providers of material amenities
(Trigger 1969:69; Heidenreich 1971: 79).
In s h o r t , one should not over-
emphasize t h e economic r o l e of Iroquoian leaders.
In f a c t , sometimes when
Huron headmen became Christians and could no longer p a r t i c i p a t e i n
traditional f e a s t s and g i f t exchange, they continued t o e x e r t considerable
influence i n t h e i r communities, in s p i t e of s u b s t a n t i a l l y reduced economic
rol es (Trigger l976a :713).
Socio-politics and Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e s
I t has been argued t h a t Late Ontario Iroquoian households were
corporate groups composed of a core of r e l a t e d f a m i l i e s .
I t is too
simplistic, however, t o view each household a s a completely independent
e n t i t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y when confronted w i t h archaeological evidence f o r
d i s t i n c t r e s i d e n t i a l c l u s t e r s of longhouses w i t h i n Iroquoian v i l lages.
Late Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a q e t w e s
Late Iroquoian v i 1lages display e s s e n t i a l l y two types of longhouse
arrangements : s t r u c t u r e d and disordered.
Disordered v i 11ages, f o r exampl e ,
the Kirche and Hood s i t e s , a r e characterized by a haphazard house
arrangement.
On t h e o t h e r hand, s t r u c t u r e d v i l l a g e s r e f l e c t a f a i r degree
of community planning and have d i s t i n c t i v e c l u s t e r s of closely spaced
longhouses, flanking an open area.
There a r e t h r e e v a r i a n t s of this
v i 11age type :
-
1 ) radial c l u s t e r v i l l a g e s contain houses which a r e arranged i n fans
around central plazas and occur most o f t e n among t h e p r e h i s t o r i c
.
Huron ( e . g , Draper and Coul t e r s i t e s )
2) a1 igned c l u s t e r v i l l a g e s display l e s s obvious house c l u s t e r s ,
46
a r e distinguished by s e t s of houses w i t h d i f f e r e n t modes of
o r i e n t a t i o n and a r e exemplified by Lawson, Southwold, Benson and
Christianson s i t e s
3) p a r a l l e l row v i l l a g e s possess " s t r e e t s " t h a t a r e defined by
para1 l e l rows of houses; d i s c r e t e r e s i d e n t i a l wards a r e indicated by
s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t house alignments and, in some cases, a r e
physically separated by fences (e.g., Warminster and Ball s i t e s
(Knight and Snyder 1982:54-55); and i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t t h i s
v i l l a g e pattern occurs only i n large contact Huron s i t e s , precisely
t h e v i l l a g e s which were described by t h e J e s u i t s a s having " s t r e e t s "
(Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 13: 187; l9:219-221).
Figure 5 i l l u s t r a t e s disordered and s t r u c t u r e d v i l l a g e plans.
The
three s t r u c t u r e d vi 11age types a r e simply d i f f e r e n t geometrical solutions
t o t h e same problem of arranging a group of 1i n e a r houses, s o t h a t t h e i r
ends (doorways) a r e as c l o s e a s possible t o each o t h e r within a c l u s t e r ,
while simultaneously conserving internal v i l l a g e space.
There i s a s l i g h t
temporal trend i n s t r u c t u r e d v i l l a g e forms during the Late Iroquoian period.
Radial c l u s t e r v i l l a g e s seem t o have been t h e preferred v i l l a g e arrangement
of p r e h i s t o r i c groups; a1 igned v i l lages a r e predominantly l a t e p r e h i s t o r i c
and p r o t o h i s t o r i c phenomena; and p a r a l l e l v i l lages a r e r e s t r i c t e d t o large
contact Huron s i t e s .
Perhaps t h e best explanation of Late Iroquoian v i l l a g e patterns can be
found in the socio-political organization of contemporary swidden
communi t i e s .
1
Radial
cluster
2
Aligned cluster village
4
Disordered village
1
3
P a r a l l e l row v i l l a g e
Figure 5.
Late Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e types.
Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e demography and s o c i o - p o l i t i c s
Late Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e s varied i n s i z e from 0.41 ha t o
6.0 ha (one t o 15 a c r e s ) (Trigger 1969:55; Noble 1975a:38-40; Heidenreich
1971:145) and were probably occupied by 300 t o 1500 individuals
(Trigger l976b33O).
According t o data from New Guinea (Forge l972),
there i s a strong tendency f o r t r i b a l communities of more than about
350 people t o be i n t e r n a l l y segregated i n t o d i s c r e t e r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t s ,
mainly because i t i s extremely d i f f i c u l t f o r an individual t o have a
personal know1 edge of a1 1 other adul t s in a community 1arger than t h i s
(Layton 1972:381).
Additional cross-cul t u r a l data f o r primitive
.
h o r t i c u l t u r a l i s t s support t h e generalization t h a t d i s c r e t e s e c t o r s of
large communities tend t o be occupied by local ized 1 ineages, clan segments
o r clans (James 1949: 19; Chang 1958:306-307; Cranstone 1972:496; Fraser
1968: 28; Lcngacre 1981:52).
Late Iroquoians were no exception.
Early h i s t o r i c accounts mention
t h a t large Huron communities were composed of several clan segments
appear t o have been localized i n v i l l a g e s e c t o r s .
which
Each localized sub-clan
was represented on t h e v i l l a g e council by a c i v i l headman
who occupied
the 1a r g e s t house i n t h e clan-barrio (Trigger 1969:54-57; Heidenreich 1971:
78-79; Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 10: 231).
Small Iroquoian v i 11ages (1 ess than
300 inhabitants) might have been comprised of a s i n g l e sub-clan (Trigger
1976a:54, 1976b:30).
W i t h reference t o cross-cul tural and ethnographic data, several
Iroquoianists (Heidenreich 1971: 145; Trigger 1969:60, 1976b:30-31;
Noble 1968:268, 1975a:40; Hayden 1979:s; Ramsden 1977a:ZO; Knight 1980:9;
Wright 1981:49) have suggested t h a t Late Ontario Iroquoian vi 11age plans
might best be accounted f o r by contemporary Neolithic community and
socio-pol i t i c a l organizations (Chang 1958).
In a study of 53 contemporary
Neolithic s o c i e t i e s , Chang ( 1958) i d e n t i f i e d t h r e e community types:
unplanned, planned monolineage and segmented multilineage.
Each
community type i s defined on the basis of community s i z e , level of
socio-pol i t i c a l complexity and geometrical patterning of dwell ings.
The
concept of community types can be p r o f i t a b l y applied t o t h e defined Late
Iroquoian v i 11age types.
Chang's ( 1958:306) unplanned community (normally a dispersed and
disorganized arrangement of dwell ings, r e f l e c t i n g 1i t t l e socio-pol i t i c a l
o r economic co-operation between c o n s t i t u e n t households) might explain
very small, unpalisaded o r disordered Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e patterns.
I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t t h e only disordered v i l l a g e s i n our sample (Kirche,
Hood and Walker s i t e s ) were occupied during the l a t e p r e h i s t o r i c o r l a t e
contact periods.
Both periods were characteri zed by unusual l y intense
warfare, demographic upheaval and disruption of e s t a b l i s h e d socio-political
systems (Trigger 1976a :601-602,709-710;
Wright 1966 :69-78; Engel brecht
1982; Ramsden 1977a:30-31, 1977b:293, 1978).
A planned v i l l a g e i s
usually small, consisting of a few independent houses
arranged according t o a preconceived plan. I t is a
s i n g l e planned u n i t , often composed of houses arranged
i n a c i r c l e around a small plaza which sometimes contains
t h e c h i e f ' s house
t h e planned v i l l a g e pattern
p o s i t i v e l y i n d i c a t e s a mono1 i neage community (Chang 1958:306).
...
...
Planned Neolithic communities can be i d e n t i f i e d w i t h small Ontario
Iroquoian s i t e s l e s s than about 0.8 ha i n s i z e , w i t h maximum population
estimates of l e s s than 300 people, living in s i x to eight longhouses.
There are no examples of t h i s community type in our s i t e sample, b u t i t
i s expected t h a t such villages would be unpalisaded (although the one
acre h i s t o r i c Neutral Bogle I and I1 s i t e s (hamlets) were both palisaded
(Paul Lennox, personal communication, 1982)) and would display a single
row o r radial c l u s t e r of simi lar-sized houses.
Undifferentiated house
sizes are also expected in such villages, since large council houses
appear to have been associated with only the most populous Huron villages
(Heidenreich 1971:121).
Lastly, a segmented village contains
two o r more lineages, each localized in one segment
of the community. The segments a r e in e f f e c t small,
planned, sometimes fenced villages with dwelling houses
the
arranged in a pattern, centering on a plaza .
segmented community pattern seems to indicate the
existence of several lineages, each occupying a segment
(Chang 1958: 307).
..
This definition of segmented villages can be modified t o include
a community of two o r more sub-clans, not lineages.
Structured Ontario
Iroquoian villages represent segmented communities.
Each residential ward
of a segmented Iroquoian village should contain one unusually large house
which had been occupied by the sub-clan headman.
The primary advantages to Neolithic segmented villages are:
socio-pol i t i c a l aggregates o r clan segments can retain a considerable
amount of autonomy; the frequency of i nter-communi t y confl i c t i s reduced;
and v i l l a e fissioning, due to unresolved clashes between clan segments,
can occur along clan l i n e s with only minimal physical disruption to a
communi ty
Fission of communities i s common among t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s and i s
historica 1y documented f o r the Huron (Wrong 1939:92; Thwai t e s 1896-1901,
I t i s now appropriate t o present the socio-political model of
Late Ontario Iroquoian village organization.
(1) Late Iroquoian longhouses comprised corporate groups t h a t
were composed of a core of matrilineal kin and a few unrelated individuals.
( 2 ) Except f o r chiefly residences, longhouse s i z e was essentially
a function of the number of occupants.
Although longhouse membership
remained r e l a t i v e l y fixed f o r the l i f e of a dwelling, additions were
occasionally b u i l t t o accomodate newlyweds, a l l i e s , refugees, adopted
prisoners o r disaffected r e l a t i v e s from other houses o r communities.
(3)
There a r e only minor s i z e differences between most Late Ontario
Iroquoian longhouses, except f o r council houses and cabins.
Council houses
functioned as the dwellings of village o r clan-barrio leaders and were
b u i l t much larger than other houses, so t h a t they could contain community
feasts, dances and other gatherings.
Such houses appear to have had a
higher p e r capita 1iving area than smaller houses (Dodd l982), as
indicated by hearth spacing and the s i z e of end storage areas.
(4)
Each Iroquoian household contained a certain amount of economic
orchestration, as evidenced by ,House 2 a t the Draper s i t e (Hayden 1977,
1979).
However, most Late Iroquoian households were not involved in
competetive wealth accumulation, but were economically designed f o r
sharing food procurement and processing, collecting and storing essential
resources (hides, clay and firewood) and manufacturing tools (clay pots,
hunting and fishing equipment, stone woodworking imp1 ements , e t c . )
.
( 5 ) Most households were t i e d in economic and socio-pol i t i c a l
coal i t i o n s w i t h nei ghbouri ng households.
Such coal i tons were i n e f f e c t
localized sub-clans who co-operated f o r labour-intensive work a c t i v i t i e s
(house building, harvesting, hunting and f i s h i n g , land clearance), f o r
ameliorating economic d i s a s t e r (crop f a i l u r e s ) and f o r a stronger voice
in v i l l a g e a f f a i r s .
( 6 ) The layout of Late Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e s was determined
primarily by socio-pol i t i c a l f a c t o r s (community s i z e and coherency of
socio-pol i t i c a l aggregates).
In 1a t e p r e h i s t o r i c and l a t e h i s t o r i c
communities, disorganized v i l l a g e governments caused disordered v i l l a g e
patterns o r unplanned Neolithic communities.
On t h e o t h e r hand, most
Late Iroquoian v i l l a g e s were h i g h l y s t r u c t u r e d , exhibiting one o r more
d i s t i n c t c l u s t e r s of longhouses.
W i t h i n each cl u s t e r , longhouses a r e
juxtaposed and sometimes s i m i l a r l y aligned and a r e arranged around
;nCn~m 1
llll
ul
I
n n n m
..\nr\-.r
upcll
a1
caa
~h ~ f t e ncofitaf ii iiiiddeiis.
..lh4r
W I I1
I
..-
-1
&.....-.-11e5e L
I U>L ~ 5I ar t:
TI----
interpreted a s sub-cl an r e s i d e n t i a l wards o r "cl an-barrios" (Murdock
1949: Flannery 1976a).
(7)
Large Iroquoian v i l lages contained two o r more clan-barrios.
The c l an-barrio functioned as an independent socio-pol i t i c a l e n t i t y and
social and economic i n t e r a c t i o n i s expected t o
have been g r e a t e s t within
clan-barrios, assuming physical and social distance a r e highly correlated
i n preindustrial s o c i e t i e s .
In the event of unresolved c o n f l i c t between
two clan segments, f i s s i o n i n g of t h e community upon relocation was
f a c i l i t a t e d by t h e physical segregation of sub-clans i n the original
villa-ge.
(8) Lastly, i n addition t o socio-pol i t i c a l determinants, some
v i l l a g e layouts were influenced by subsidiary determinants, such a s
maximization of longhouse thermal e f f i c i e n c y (Norcl i f f e and Heidenreich
1974), conservation of space in overcrowded o r s t r o n g l y f o r t i f i e d
communities and v i l l age s i t e soi 1 conditions and topographic re1 i e f .
Prior t o outlining t h e archaeological implications of t h i s model
f o r Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e p a t t e r n s , i t i s d e s i r a b l e t o f i r s t evaluate
the parsimony, power and scope of t h e model.
S p e c i f i c a l l y , t h e model
should be capable of r e t r o d i c t i n g and explaining e a r l i e r Ontario Iroquoian
socio-pol i t i c a l organization from an examination of v i l l a g e layouts.
I t shall be argued t h a t observed temporal transformations i n Ontario
Iroquoian 1onghouse s i z e and vi 11age 1ayout ref1 e c t evol utionary changes
i n t h e socio-pol i t i c a l system of t h e Ontario Iroquois.
54
CHAPTER I11
MODEL EVALUATION
The aim of t h i s chapter i s t o assess the explanatory power and scope
(
of the model and t o o u t l i n e i t s archaeological implications.
In
p a r t i c u l a r , we would l i k e t o see i f the model can explain observed
trends i n Ontario Iroquoian house s i z e and v i l l a g e patterning.
Trends in Ontario Iroquoian house s i z e and v i l l a g e layout
There a r e a number of developmental stages i n the h i s t o r y of Ontario
Iroquoian longhouses and v i l l a g e organization:
Stage 1 (Early Ontario
Iroquois) ; Stage 2 (I4i ddle Ontario Iroquois) ; Stage 3 ( l a t e prehistoricp r o t o h i s t o r i c period) ; Stage 4 ( h i s t o r i c period).
Stage 1
The o r i g i n of t h e Ontario Iroquoian longhouse can be traced
archaeologically t o a t l e a s t A.D. 800.
The Porteous s i t e , a small
Princess Point o r t r a n s i t i o n a l Glen Meyer hamlet, contained i n c i p i e n t
longhouse s t r u c t u r e s averaging 11.5 rn long (Stothers 1977: 125).
The
appearance of t h e Glen Meyer and Pickering c u l t u r e s i n t h e n i n t h century
coincided w i t h a s l i g h t increase i n house and settlement s i z e , l i k e l y
i n response t o a g r e a t e r dependence on horticul t u r e , population increase
and a more sedentary 1i f e s t y l e (Noble 1975a:40; Trigger 1976a:136;
Wright 1972:71).
Early Iroquoian house s i z e and v i l l a g e form remained remarkably
unchanged f o r over t h r e e centuries ( s e e Figures 6 and 7 ) .
Most v i l l a g e s
of t h i s period a r e characterized by a r e l a t i v e l y small s i z e (average of
TIME
(YEARS A.D.)
Figure 6. Chronological t r e n d s i n
O n t a r i o I roquoi an house dimens i o n s .
0.6 ha (Dodd 1982:98,180)), palisade rearrangements, absence of i n t e r i o r
v i 11age middens (Tab1e 11) and disorganized plans with several randomly
oriented, superimposed house s t r u c t u r e s (Fox 1982:8-9).
House i n t e r i o r s
e x h i b i t low post d e n s i t i e s (Dodd l982:94,175) and abundant refuse p i t s .
Stage 2
In the l a t t e r p a r t of t h e t h i r t e e n t h century, longhouses suddenly
expanded (Figure 6).
A t t h e Uren s i t e ( A . D. 1250-1300), f o r example,
houses average 27 m long and appear t o have been arranged in two d i s t i n c t
groups with opposite o r i e n t a t i o n s (M. Wright 1979).
The longhouse grew
throughout the fourteenth century, a t t a i n i n g i t s maximum s i z e in the e a r l y
f i f t e e n t h century ( s e e Figure 6 ) .
In f a c t , the Middleport period ( A . D .
1350-1450) witnessed houses of monstrous proportions - both the Moyer
(Wagner e t a1 1973) and Slack-Caswell s i t e s (Jamieson 1979) contained
90 m house s t r u c t u r e s .
Even from a modern standpoint, such dwellings
woul d have been impressive pieces of a r c h i t e c t u r e .
Village s i z e s l i g h t l y increased during t h i s period ( a mean of 0.9 ha
(Dodd 1982:98)) and v i l l a g e s became highly organized.
Middens accumulated
i n s i d e elaborate palisade systems and houses were a1 igned p a r a l l e l t o one
another.
The frequency of house extensions and i n t e r i o r house post
d e n s i t i e s a r e g r e a t e r i n Middleport s i t e s than i n Early Iroquoian ones
(Dodd 1982:94,175,177).
Stage 3 and Stage 4
As Noble (1975a:42) notes, "the heyday of the Ontario Iroquois
longbouse" was short-lived.
After A.D.
1450, dwellings seldom exceeded
Key t o Figure 7:
1 ) Early Iroquoian v i l l a g e (A.D. 800 - 1300)
( i ) small s i t e s i z e
( i i ) s h o r t houses
( i i i ) superimposed houses and pal isades
( i v ) haphazard house arrangement
(disordered v i l lage)
( v ) small c i r c u l a r s t r u c t u r e s
Iroquoian v i l l a g e (A.D. 1300 - 1450)
moderate s i t e s i z e
extremely long houses
compl ex pal i sade sys tem
para1 1e l house a1 i gnment (a1 i gned cl u s t e r vi 11age)
small c i r c u l a r houses
2)
Middle
(i)
(ii)
(iii)
(iv)
(v)
3)
Late p r e h i s t o r i c
4)
H i s t o r i c Huron v i l l a g e (A.D. 1G15 - 1650)
( i ) large s i t e size
( i i ) r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t houses except f o r council houses
( i i i ) palisade o r house expansions a r e r a r e o r absent
( i v ) small cabins i n open areas
( v ) p a r a l l e l row v i l l a g e
-
early protohistori c village
(A.D. 1450 - 1550)
( i ) large s i t e size
( i i ) d i v e r s e house s i z e s
( i i i 1 e l a b o r a t e f o r t i f i c a t i o n s (sometimes earthworks)
( i v ) pal i s a d e expansions, house extensions and houses
outside palisade
( v ) radial c l u s t e r village
WOP
0
m
50 m y except i n t h e l a r g e s t settlements, where one o r two houses appear
t o have been d e l i b e r a t e l y constructed much l a r g e r than a l l others
(e.g., t h e Ball s i t e (Knight and Snyder 1982)).
A steady decline in
longhouse s i z e characterized the e n t i r e Late Iroquoian period; a trend
which may have ended i n nuclear family cabins had i t not been truncated
by t h e dispersal of t h e Ontario Iroquois i n A.D.
1649-1651.
Villages a t t a i n e d a maximum s i z e (average of 2.5 ha (Dodd 1982:99))
i n the Late Iroquoian period and t h e r e a r e marked formal differences
between 1a t e p r e h i s t o r i c and protohi s t o r i c - c o n t a c t settlements.
Late p r e h i s t o r i c s i t e s (ca. A.D.
1450-1530) o f t e n show evidence of
expansions, house extensions ( e s p e c i a l l y mu1 t i p l e ones) (Dodd 1982:96,177),
superimposed houses (Dodd 1982:181), highly e l a b o r a t e pal isades and other
defensive works (e.g., earthworks and d i t c h e s ) , i n t e r n a l fences t h a t
connect houses t o palisade, r e l a t i v e l y long houses t h a t a r e closely spaced
i n a1 igned o r r a d i a l c l u s t e r s and high house i n t e r i o r post d e n s i t i e s
(Dodd l982:94,175).
P r o t o h i s t o r i c and contact s i t e s (A.D. l53O-l65O), on the o t h e r hand,
a r e l a r g e r (Dodd 1982:98,180) and appear t o have been b e t t e r planned,
but di splay fewer expansions, over1 apped houses, defensive works and 1ower
house i n t e r i o r post d e n s i t i e s than 1a t e p r e h i s t o r i c s i t e s (Dodd 1982:94,
Explanation of trends i n Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e organization
The scenario favoured here f o r explaining changes i n the house s i z e
and v i l l a g e form o f t h e Ontario Iroquois c o n s i s t s of t h r e e evolutionary
phases :
( 1 ) Phase 1 begins w i t h small Early Iroquoian houses, grouped
haphazardly i n unplanned communities.
Sudden expansion of house s i z e and
the appearance of planned communities seems t o have occurred i n an
atmosphere of climatic change, intense warfare, and increasing development
of long-distance t r a d e , pipe complexes and ossuary b u r i a l .
(2)
Phase I1 occurs during the l a t e p r e h i s t o r i c which witnessed
unprecedented warfare and socio-political upheaval, followed by
a
r e l a t i v e l y peaceful period, a decrease in house s i z e and an increase
in communi t y pl anni ng
.
( 3 ) Phase I11 encompasses the protohistoric and contact periods.
House s i z e continued t o decline, in s p i t e of increased competition and
warfare over highly desired European items.
Epidemic disease and the
gradual erosion of native socio-political systems a r e seen a s possible
causes of t h e obsolescence of the longhouse and formal v i l l a g e l i f e among
the Ontario Iroquois.
Early Ontario Iroquoian v i l lage patterns
On the basis of small house and v i l l a g e s i z e and disordered house
arrangements, Early Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e s .have been interpreted a s
autonomous, unplanned communities (Trigger 1976a: 139, 1981:25).
Noble
( 1968: 301-302) postulates t h a t the disorganization of these communities
r e f l e c t s an absence of formal v i l l age government and clans, weakly developed
matril ineages and low population d e n s i t i e s .
displays
In addition, t h i s period
l i t t l e evidence f o r protracted warfare and cannibalism, long-
distance exchange, smoking pipe complexes and t r u e ossuary burial
(Wright 1966: 39,Sl).
The nature of Early Iroquoian v i l l a g e occupation, as shown by low
post d e n s i t i e s i n s i d e houses and a high incidence of overlapped s t r u c t u r e s
(rebuilding episodes), was short-term w i t h mu1 t i p l e occupations of t h e
same s i t e over a r e l a t i v e l y long period of time (Fox 1982:8-9; Trigger
1981:25).
Furthermore, t h e r e is evidence t h a t these v i l l a g e s may have been
only seasonally o r sporadically occupied.
I t i s becoming increasingly
c l e a r t h a t Early Iroquoian v i l l a g e s were surrounded by a host of seasonal
camps and hamlets and t h a t t h e main palisaded v i l l a g e s were l i k e l y
occupied only during t h e winter months (Will iamson 1983).
In addition,
the Early Iroquoian h a b i t of throwing refuse i n abandoned storage p i t s
inside dwell ings resembles the discard behaviour of the Nootka and Bororo,
other longhouse dwellers who p e r i o d i c a l l y s h i f t e d residence location within
the same v i 11age (Murray l980:495).
Sometime during t h e t h i r t e e n t h century, longhouses suddenly expanded
and v i 11ages became we1 1-organized.
Ontario I roquoi an r e s i denti a1 changes
were accompanied by changes i n o t h e r key variables r cl i m a t e ; population
s i z e and density, warfare and cannibalism, long-distance exchange, pipe
complex and ossuary b u r i a l .
The i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s of these variables a r e
diagrammed in Figure 9 and a r e b r i e f l y summarized below.
1 ) Climate
-
A pollen core from Hell's Kitchen Lake i n central
Wisconsin i n d i c a t e s t h a t the climate of t h e Great Lakes region may have
become cooler and d r i e r approximatley A.D.
52).
.
1300-1450 (Baerris et. a1 1976:
I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t h a t a s i m i l a r change i s suggested by the
Crawford Lake pollen core from Southern Ontario (McAndrews 1976).
2)
Population s i z e
-
The Middle Iroquoian period i s considered a time
of population growth and increased population density (Wright 1966: 59;
Trigger l976a: 143; Noble 1968: 307, l975a:44).
Survey data from e a s t El gin
County, Ontario, compi 1ed by Poul ton ( 1980: l o ) , reveal an increase i n the
number of v i l l a g e s i t e s from Glen Meyer (seven s i t e s ) t o Middl eport
(14 s i t e s ) times.
An improved horticul tural base w i t h increased production
of beans may have promoted t h i s population expansion (Noble l975a : Wright
1972).
3 ) Warfare and cannibal ism - There i s a general increase,
throughout Middle Iroquoian times, i n the complexity of vi 1lage f o r t i f i cations, incidence of traumatic i n j u r i e s on skeletal remains and amount of
scattered human bone i n v i l l a g e refuse contexts (Wright 1966:57; Trigger
1976a:144-145; Ramsden 1977a, 1978; Finlayson and Pihl 1980a; Williamson
1978).
Human remains i n middens a r e interpreted a s evidence f o r the
existence of cannibal ism.
Cross-cul t u r a l l y , cannibal ism and t o r t u r e a r e
usually found i n s i t u a t i o n s of intense external warfare, where the
belligerents seldom t r a d e o r intermarry and revenge i s the deep-rooted cause
of war (Hallpike 1973:460; Vayda 1976:46; S i l l i t o e 1978:263).
I t is
s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t cannibalism seems t o have been most prevalent among the
l a t e p r e h i s t o r i c Neutral and Huron (e.g., i n the Lawson, Southwold, Kirche,
s i t e s (Pearce and Smith 1980; Nasmith 1981)).
Ceramic evidence from these
s i t e s suggest t h a t t h e p r e h i s t o r i c Huron were involved i n endemic war w i t h
the S t . Lawrence Iroquois ( a geographically d i s t a n t group t o the Huron)
and the Neutral were probably f i g h t i n g the ancestral Mascouten (Stothers
1981) (again geographical l y d i s t a n t from t h e Neutral ) . These confl i c t s
terminated sometime in the sixteenth century (ca. A.D.
15501, when
cannibal ism decl i nes i n popul a r i t y (Trigger l976a :219 ; Ramsden 1978: 104-105;
Wright 1978:73).
I t will be argued t h a t competition over s t r a t e g i c resources
(hunting t e r r i t o r i e s , deer herds and c h e r t ) probably played an important
role i n the cause and persistence of t h i s warfare pattern.
62
4)
Long-distance exchange
-
P r i o r t o A.D.
1300, t h e r e i s l i t t l e
evidence f o r l o n g - d i s t a n c e t r a d e among O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n groups.
Exotic
items, such as n a t i v e copper and marine s h e l l , a r e extremely r a r e i n E a r l y
I r o q u o i a n s i t e s ( W r i g h t 1966:39; T r i g g e r 1976a:169).
It i s not u n t i l the
e a r l y f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h a t wider t r a d e networks appear t o have been
established.
I t i s no coincidence t h a t t h e r i s e o f l o n g - d i s t a n c e t r a d e
seems t o have o c c u r r e d when house s i z e and i n t e r - v i l l a g e h o s t i l i t i e s were
on t h e d e c l i n e .
Exchange o f p r i m i t i v e v a l u a b l e s i s an e s s e n t i a l element o f
a1 1 iance f o r m a t i o n i n t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s (Dal t o n 1977: 198).
5)
Pipe complex
-
B e f o r e A.D.
1300, c l a y smoking pipes a r e uncommon
I n t h e 1at.ter
i n I r o q u o i a n s i t e s and a r e c r u d e l y made ( W r i g h t 1966:62-63).
p a r t o f t h e f o u r t e e n t h century, however, ceramic pipes became abundant and
highly stylized.
Even more i n t e r e s t i n g , t h e r e a r e i n d i c a t i o n s t h a t each
Middle I r o q u o i a n s e t t l e m e n t may have possessed a d i s t i n c t i v e p i p e s t y l e
( d a t a from a c l u s t e r o f M i d d l e p o r t s i t e s i n t h e Crawford Lake r e g i o n show
d i s c r e t e v i l l a g e - p i p e a s s o c i a t i o n s (David Smith, personal communication,
1982) )
.
Assuming p i p e s were ma1e-re1 a t e d a r t i f a c t s , cross-cul t u r a l data
support t h e i d e a t h a t male a r t i f a c t s become most s t y l i s t i c when i n t e n s e
resource c o m p e t i t i o n and w a r f a r e a r e p r e s e n t (Hodder 1978,1982;
6)
A.D.
Ossuary b u r i a l
-
Wobst 1977).
I r o q u o i a n ossuray b u r i a l i s p r i m a r i l y a post-
1300 phenomenon and becomes widespread o n l y a f t e r A.D.
1966:60; Johnston l979:96-97).
1400 ( W r i g h t
According t o t h e Huron, t h e purpose of
ossuary b u r i a l was t o m a i n t a i n t r i b a l s o l i d a r i t y ( i .e.,
by m i x i n g the bones
o f t h e dead from d i f f e r e n t communities, t h e l i v i n g were expected t o a c t
l i k e r e l a t i v e s and 1 i v e i n peace ( T r i g g e r l976a:87)).
a powerful mechanism o f a1 1 iance reinforcement.
Ossuary b u r i a l was
I t i s suggested t h a t a l l of these variables were d i r e c t l y related
t o socio-political developments among the Ontario Iroquois of the
fourteenth and f i f t e e n t h centuries and can be explained by the following
scenario.
Phase 1
About A.D.
1300, Ontario Iroquoian peoples appear t o have abandoned
the sand plains of southwestern Southern Ontario and emigrated north t o
areas with heavier loam s o i l s (Fox 1976).
The cause of t h i s population
movement i s unknown, a1 t h o u g h cl imate and other ecological factors ( e . g . ,
s o i l depletion and local extirpation of deer) probably played s i g n i f i c a n t
roles.
A.D.
Indeed, i f there was a real s h i f t t o cooler and d r i e r climate around
1300, the e f f e c t s would have been most pronounced among the l a t e Glen
Meyer and Yiddleport populations l i v i n g on t h e sand plains.
A drier
climate, in p a r t i c u l a r , might have led t o increased summer droughts and s o i l
depletion.
Perhaps as maize harvests became l e s s productive on the Southern
Ontario sand plains (archaeological evidence f o r the use of smaller corn
cobs around A.D.
1400 indicates some s t r e s s in the envi ronment (Sykes 1981:
D ) , Iroquoian groups began moving north t o areas with heavier, moister
loam s o i l s .
Although much more palynological data a r e needed t o support
t h i s hypothesis, climate change might explain the simul taneous abandonment
of the Ontario sand plains (Fox 1976) and the Allegheny Plateau in New York
by Iroquoian peoples around A.D.
1300-1400 (Hasenstab 1981).
The northward expansion of Middle Iroquoians, however, would have
resulted in competition over s t r a t e g i c or 1ocal ized resources (especially
prime agricultural land in areas of secondary f o r e s t , deer herds (Gramly
l977), and chert quarries ( e . g . , Sl ack-Caswell s i t e (~amieson1979)) between
the immigrant and indigenous populations.
In the absence o f centralized
a u t h o r i t y , disputes over c r i t i c a l resources often end i n warfare (Vayda 1976).
Abundant evidence f o r endemic warfare i n t h e fourteenth and f i f t e e n t h
centuries e x i s t s i n t h e form of heavily f o r t i f i e d settlements ( e . g . , Uren,
Lawson and Southwol d s i t e s ) and cannibal ized human remains i n v i 11age
dumps.
A s t a t e of chronic war would have r e s t r i c t e d i n t e r - v i l l a g e
communication and 1ong-distance exchange and promoted v i 11age endogamy,
f r a t e r n a l i n t e r e s t groups (indicated by e l a b o r a t e v i 1lage-specific pipe
sty1 e s ) and strong m i 1 i t a r y 1eaders who control 1ed 1arge 1 ineage households (indicated by mammoth longhouses).
As noted f o r Highland New Guinea
tribes, in
a warlike environment populated by extremely unstable
groups i t appears t h a t some people will t o l e r a t e despotic
leadership i n return f o r r e l a t i v e s a f e t y from outside
enemies. I t i s probable t h a t i n these s o c i e t i e s big
men accomplish t h e i r p o l i t i c a l manipulations more
readi l y and openly in wartime (Si 11 i t o e 1978:259).
Thus, Middleport v i l l a g e leaders can be considered "war lords" i n the
sense t h a t they a t t r a c t e d followers
and a t t a i n e d power, wealth and
success through prowess in war.
This period of unrest witnessed a s u b s t a n t i a l growth in dwelling s i z e
due t o expanding v i l l a g e populations, both from i n t e r n a l population growth
and t h e adoption of refugees and defeated enemy, and t h e defensive
amalgamation of households under powerful m i l i t a r y leaders.
Structured
Middle Iroqubian vi 1lage plans reveal a high degree of socio-pol i t i c a l
co-ordination a t t h e community l e v e l .
As c l a n s and t r i b e s probably did
not e x i s t a t t h i s time (Engelbrecht 1982; Tuck l978), v i l l a g e councils were
l i k e l y dominated by t h e most i n f l u e n t i a l and populous lineages.
65
Phase I 1
Longhouses did not grow i n f i n i t e l y large; s h o r t l y a f t e r A.D.
houses began t o g e t shorter.
1400,
The formation of t r i b a l a l l i a n c e s , causing
the dispersal of localized lineages, i s the best explanation f o r the
f i f t e e n t h century contraction of longhouses among both the Ontario
(Ramsden 1977a:31, 1977b:291-293; Trigger 1976a:421, 1978a:57; Noble
1968:307-309) and New York Iroquoian populations (Tuck 1971: 221, 1978:
328; Engel brecht 1982) .
Hiding in l a r g e longhouses t o escape the constant t h r e a t of s u r p r i s e
a t t a c k s , r a i d s and headhunting would have been a r a t h e r neurotic l i f e s t y l e .
No human group prefers war over peace; people f i g h t because they a r e forced
t o f o r t h e i r p o l i t i c a l independence o r very survival (Hal l p i ke 1973).
It
i s l i t t l e wonder, therefore, t h a t a l l i a n c e formation i s an integral part
of primitive warfare (Dalton 1977; Chaqnon 1968; Heider 1979).
In f i f t e e n t h - and e a r l y sixteenth-century Ontario, natural differences
i n v i l l a g e s i z e would have given some Iroquoian communities a m i l i t a r y
In war, a m i l i t a r i l y weak
advantage over smaller, weaker neighbours.
Iroquoian community had two options - e i t h e r i t attempted t o defend i t s
-
-
t e r r i t o r y and resources against a numerically superior enemy and was
dispersed, subjugated o r annihilated o r more l i k e l y i t increased i t s chances
f o r survival by forging an a l l i a n c e w i t h a f r i e n d l y , neighbouring village.
Given s u f f i c i e n t time, l a r g e numbers of v i l l a g e s would have become enmeshed
i n a l l i a n c e s and would have required special i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r maintaining
and r e i n f o r c ing group s o l i d a r i t y .
I would suggest t h a t the ceremonial
---:.-
exchange of e x o t i c items ( f u r s , native copper,
marine s h e l l beads and
o t h e r primitive valuables), v i l l a g e exogamy (exchange of marriage partners),
L
formati
of cla ns (Engel brecht 1982: l 3 ) , and ossuary
burial were some of
the i n s t i t u t i o n s which promoted and sustained the f i r s t Iroquoian t r i b a l
a1 1iances.
With increased alliances and confederacies, improved relations between
a1 1ied vil 1ages would have permitted greater 1ong-distance exchange and
increased residential f l e x i b i l i t y through village exogamy.
During the
fifteenth century, wide regional interaction i s ref1 ected by more
numerous occurrences of native copper and marine s h e l l in Ontario Iroquoian
village s i t e s (e.g., Nodwell s i t e (Wright 1974)) and the extreme homogenei t y
of cera~~iic
s t y l e s over considerable distances.
Similarly, ossuary burial
became important a t t h i s time (Johnston 1979) and may have originated to
strengthen the i n i t i a l non-aggression pacts between communities of the
same t r i b e .
Sometime in the mid-sixteenth century, t h i s a l l i a n c e process
culminated in t r i b a l confederacies and the emergence of the Huron:
Neutral,
and Five Nations Iroquois as d i s t i n c t p o l i t i c a l e n t i t i e s (Trigger 1976a:
156-157; Engel brecht 1982: 13).
The e f f e c t of a l l t h i s fraternizing with the enemy would have
diminished the authority of the military leaders who were responsible f o r
building the enormous houses of the fourteenth and f i f t e e n t h centuries.
In the more peaceful e a r l y sixteenth century, Iroquoians were not
compelled t o reside in large longhouses.
Given the disadvantages to large
dwellings, i t i s l i t t l e wonder t h a t l a t e p r e h i s t o r i c Iroquoians opted f o r
l i f e in smaller houses.
In terms of l a t e prehistoric and protohistoric socio-politics,
"clan segments probably took'over many of the e a r l i e r organizational
functions of 1ineages within a community" (Engelbrecht 1982: 13).
Phase I I1
Protohistoric and contact v i l l a g e s were highly planned communities,
implying l e s s r e s i d e n t i a l mobility and more cohesive s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l
integration than i n e a r l i e r periods.
In addition, the trend toward
.- Iroquoian houses continued throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth
smaller"
CC
centuries, but new forces came i n t o play, namely, t h e e f f e c t s of i n d i r e c t
and di r e c t contact w i t h Europeans.
In A.D.
1535, C a r t i e r contacted, traded w i t h and v i s i t e d several
S t . Lawrence Iroquoian settlements.
Prior t o t h i s date, European-
Iroquoian re1 a t i o n s were of an i n d i r e c t nature (Trigger 1979; Fi tzgerald
1983), but i t i s possible t h a t European trade goods and epidemic disease
f i l t e r e d inland t o Iroquoian groups from the A t l a n t i c Coast as e a r l y as
A.D.
1500 (Ramsden 1978). While the r e l a t i v e l y low volume of e a r l y
protohistoric t r a d e would not have caused major changes in Iroquoian
society and economics (Trigger l979), protohi s t o r i c epidemics woul d have
greatly disrupted Late Iroquoian s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and r e s i d e n t i a l
behaviour.
From what i s known about a l l other "vi rgin-soil epidemics" introduced
by Europeans t o i s o l a t e d s o c i e t i e s , rapid and massive depopulation quickly
followed t h e f i r s t contacts (e.g., Maori (Wright l959:62) ; Australian
Aborigines, F i j i a n s (Burnet and White 1972: l6-17,123) ; Northwest Coast
Haida (Bl ackman 1977:46) ; Amazonian t r i b e s (James 1949:77) ; A t l a n t i c Coast
t r i b e s (Martin 1978:48-51; Cook 1973) ; and Southeast aboriginal peoples
(Milner 1980)).
Given s u i t a b l e vectors, there i s no reason why epidemic
disease could not have t r a v e l l e d f a r i n advance of actual European presence
(Borah 1976:22-23).
Small pox, influenza and o t h e r highly infectious
1400
1480
TIME
Figure 8.
1560
1640
(YEARS A.D.)
Temporal trend in Late Ontario Iroquoian house s i z e .
diseases were unknown i n pre-Columbian North America and when introduced
reduced the non-immune populations by 50
-
70% (Dobyns l966:406).
The
survivors of t h e New World epidemics o f t e n concentrated themselves i n
fewer vi 11ages and small e r houses (Bl ackman 1977; James 1949). A1 though
i t has been suggested (Brasser 1978:78; Trigger 1979:217) t h a t a
sixteenth-century European epidemic disease may have contributed t o the
disappearance of t h e S t . Lawrence Iroquois, u n t i l more data a r e forthcoming,
t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of p r o t o h i s t o r i c epidemics among t h e Ontario Iroquois will
remain an unknown.
A.D.
Furthermore, i t i s doubtful t h a t the e f f e c t s of the
1634-1641 smallpox epidemics among t h e Ontario Iroquois would be
v i s i b l e in t h e archaeological record ( i .e., a r c h i t e c t u r a l changes), since
only a ten-year response period was a v a i l a b l e p r i o r t o the A.D.
dispersals.
1651
Nevertheless, t h e potential impact of European epidemics on
Late Iroquoian house s i z e and v i l l a g e organization cannot be ruled out.
In t h e l a t e contact period, I would suggest t h a t European trade,
capital ism and C h r i s t i a n i t y disrupted n a t i v e economic, social and p o l i t i c a l
systems, causing v i l l a g e disorganization and t h e v i r t u a l disappearance of
longhouses.
As European items became ubiquitous, v i l l a g e headmen would not have
been able t o enforce trade monopol i e s ,and iron tool s , p a r t i c u l a r l y axes,
would have reduced t h e need f o r pooling labour reserves f o r house building
and clearance of nuclear family garden p l o t s .
The r e s u l t of these changes
would have been an increase i n nuclear family independence and an erosion
of the power and a u t h o r i t y of clan leaders and longhouse corporate groups
(Hayden and Cannon 1982: 149).
The introduction of C h r i s t i a n i t y in the
1640s exacerbated this trend, enabling more and more individuals t o escape
1000
1200
TIME
1400
YEARS A.D.
Figure 9. Trends i n v a r i a b l e s r e l a t e d t o t h e
socio-pol i t i c a l development o f t h e Ontario Iroquois.
t h e i r r e d i s t r i b u t i v e obl igations (Trigger l976a :7O7).
In the l a t e
h i s t o r i c period, extended family households (longhouses) ceased t o be
the preferred mode of residence.
the Onondaga i n A.D.
Nuclear family dwellings observed among
1677 (Tuck 1971) would eventually have been seen i n
Huron and Neutral v i l l a g e s , i f t h e Ontario Iroquois had not been dispersed
in A.D.
1651.
In summary, t h e s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l model seems t o provide a parsimonious
and accurate explanation f o r evolutionary change i n house s i z e and v i l l a g e
form among t h e Ontario Iroquois.
I t i s preferred over i t s major r i v a l ,
the socio-economic model, f o r several reasons.
The socio-economi c model o f Ontario Iroquoi an settlement development
was formulated by Hayden (1977,1978,1979; Hayden and Cannon 1982) and
Ramsden (1978).
&
L lL
l a-L+
the
They postulate (Hayden 1978: 112-113; Ramsden 1978: 103-135)
orgafiizatf
on of
A
~
+f - - i- A
; Ut
--..---.I~ T
~ U;~
a l lU
loiighoiises
LJ
afid v i l :ages
were governed by socio-economic f a c t o r s , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e degree t o which
wealthy individuals could control t r a d e and thereby a t t r a c t supporters w i t h
lures of economic benefits.
They view the introduction -of European trade
goods t o e a r l y sixteenth-century Iroquoians a s t h e principal driving force
behind t h e development of unusually large longhouses and increased v i l l a g e
s i z e and complexity, exemplified by t h e Draper s i t e .
There a r e two basic flaws with t h i s argument.
First, t h e model f a i l s
t o account f o r t h e f a c t t h a t t h e l a r g e s t Ontario Iroquoian longhouses were
s t r i c t l y p r e h i s t o r i c phenomena!
As outlined e a r l i e r , longhouses a t t a i n e d
their. maximum dimensions i n the e a r l y f i f t e e n t h century (Dodd 1982: 117-118)
and had s u b s t a n t i a l l y decreased i n s i z e p r i o r t o A.D.
of absolute and average house s i z e .
1500, both i n terms
Even i f Iroquoian longhouses reached an
72
apogee as l a t e a s A.D.
1550, h i s t o r i c a l data suggest t h a t i t is unlikely
t h a t European t r a d e had a s i g n i f i c a n t impact on Ontario Iroquois culture
much before A.D.
1550 (Trigger 1979, 1981:33; Fi tzgeral d 1983: 19).
archaeological data do not support the socio-economic hypothesis.
Also,
For
instance, metal items found i n the Draper s i t e a r e probably not of
European o r i g i n (Finlayson and Pihl 1980a:g); and, in any event, there i s
l i t t l e evidence t h a t l a r g e Iroquoian v i l l a g e s had superior access t o e x o t i c
goods (Tri gger 1981:33) .
The o t h e r major weakness of the socio-economic model i s the emphasis
placed on competition over highly desired resources, e s p e c i a l l y primitive
valuables and European t r a d e goods, as the fundamental cause of large
longhouses and settlements and intense warfare patterns among the Ontario
Iroquois.
While t h i s author agrees w i t h Hayden's (1978: 112; Hayden and
Cannon 1982 I 151) proposal t h a t competition over s t r a t e g i c resources (corn,
meat, f i s h , hides, clay and c h e r t ) was the ul timate determinant of
p r e h i s t o r i c Iroquoi an warfare, socio-pol i t i c a l development and v i l l a g e
organization,
i t was argued e a r l i e r
i n the t h e s i s t h a t i t would have
been extremely d i f f i c u l t f o r individual Iroquoian big-men, households or
communities t o monopol i z e trade routes and control access t o wealth i tems.
In addition, maximum house and v i l l a g e s i z e do not occur i n protohistoric
times, as would be expected by t h e socio-economic model.
To explain, i f
p r e h i s t o r i c Ontario Iroquoians were highly competitive over trade routes
and the a c q u i s i t i o n of weal t h y then t h e appearance of European goods should
c e r t a i n l y have triggered a b r i e f period of intense confl i c t and inter-group
competition
over monopolization of European trade.
Also, t h e superior
an added i n c e n t i v e f o r o b t a i n i n g e x c l u s i v e a c c e s s t o such goods.
Archeological e v i d e n c e , however, does n o t s u p p o r t t h i s . Except f o r t h e
l a t e h i s t o r i c p e r i o d , t h e g r e a t e s t w a r f a r e i n t e n s i t i e s and 1a r g e s t
population c o n c e n t r a t i o n s appear t o h i v e been l a t e p r e h i s t o r i c e v e n t s
(ca. A.D.
1450-1530) ( e . g . ,
Lawson, Southwold, Draper, Coul t e r and
K i rche s i t e s ) , n o t p r o t o h i s t o r i c e v e n t s .
Even assuming t h a t 1 imi t e d
amounts o f European m a t e r i a l had a r r i v e d i n Southern O n t a r i o around
A.D. 1500, i t seems i n c r e d i b l e t h a t O n t a r i o Iroquoians would have begun
k i l l i n g one a n o t h e r on a massive s c a l e o v e r a handful o f beads and t r i n k e t s .
Summary
To summarize t h i s d i s c u s s i o n , t h e socio-economic model ( i . e . , t r a d e
r o u t e monopol ies and wealth accumulation) provides an i n s u f f i c i e n t
explanation f o r t h e e v o l u t i o n o f O n t a r i o Iroquoian longhouse and v i l l a g e
organization.
I n s t e a d , i t has been suggested t h a t Iroquoi an abandonment o f
t h e Ontario sand p l a i n s ( c a . 1300-1400) l e d t o i n c r e a s e d
-
competition and w a r f a r e o v e r l o c a l i z e d s t r a t e g i c r e s o u r c e s ( a r a b l e l a n d ,
d e e r herds and c h e r t ) and l a r g e longhouses, c o n t r o l l e d by powerful m i l i t a r y
leaders.
Over time, i n t e n s e w a r f a r e g r a d u a l l y p r e c i p i t a t e d m i l i t a r y
a1 1 i a n c e s , t r i b a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , i n c r e a s e d v i 1l a g e exogamy and r e s i d e n t i a l
f l e x i b i l i t y and a d e c l i n e i n longhouse s i z e .
As a l l i a n c e s expanded,
l o c a l h o s t i l i t i e s were reduced which eroded t h e a u t h o r i t y o f d e s p o t i c
m i l i t a r y big-men.
Following i n i t i a l European c o n t a c t , epidemics,
depopulation, t h e u b i q u i t y o f t r a d e goods, c a p i t a l ism and C h r i s t i a n i t y
* -
74
resulted i n t h e complete d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the Ontario Iroquoian longhouse
and formal v i l l a g e l i f e .
Archaeological implications of the model
Given t h a t t h e socio-pol i t i c a l model of Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e
c
organization i s accurate, c e r t a i n archeological patterns a r e impl ied.
F i r s t , consider Late Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e s .
Implications
(1) Late Iroquoian v i l l a g e s l a r g e r than one hectare ( g r e a t e r than
350 people) should comprise a number of r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t houses ,arranged
in two o r more radial c l u s t e r s o r p a r a l l e l rows around informal open
areas.
Within each longhouse c l u s t e r o r r e s i d e n t i a l ward, there will be
several d i s c r e t e middens and a t l e a s t one house which i s considerably
longer than the r e s t .
Juxtaposed house ends,containing doorwaysyare
expected t o face a common plaza.
(2)
Evidence f o r a defensive s i t e 1ocation, heavy f o r t i f i c a t i o n s ,
house extensions, vi 11age expansion, overcrowding (high house density,
internal v i l l a g e fences) should be most often associated with v i l l a g e s
which a r e the l a r g e s t o r c l o s e s t t o
(3)
enemy borders.
Large longhouses, as impl ied by t h e socio-pol i t i c a l model,
should show more signs of f e a s t i n g , r i t u a l and trading a c t i v i t y than
s h o r t e r houses, assuming such houses were occupied by the sub-clan heads
i n Late Iroquoian communi t i e s .
Archaeological data f o r t e s t i n g this
impl i c a t i o n would include house f l o o r post d e n s i t i e s and f e a t u r e
concentrations (Hayden 1977, 1979), frequencies of exotic i tems, such
as native copper, non-local c h e r t s , European goods, and perhaps the
abundance and diversity of faunal remains associated wi t h each house.
Large longhouses would be expected t o exhibit high internal post densities
clustered around central hearths, high frequencies of exotic items and
diverse faunal assemblages, as a r e s u l t of feasting a c t i v i t y .
(4)
I f each residential ward was composed of several co-operative
uxorilocal households, then ceramic homogeneity would be expected to be
maximized within each ward and minimized between wards.
This prediction
assumes t h a t v a r i a b i l i t y in ceramic s t y l e s i s a d i r e c t function of the
amount and i n t e n s i t y of friendly i n t e r a c t i o n between p o t t e r s , t h a t
Iroquoian females were the potters and t h a t they learned potting prior
to marriage, and t h a t each longhouse made, used and broke i t s own pots
(Deetz 1965; Longacre 1970; Hill 1970).
In addition t o predicitions concerning village patterns of the Late
Ontario Iroquois, t h e socio-pol i t i c a i model has several imp1 ications f o r
Early and Middle Iroquoian village patterns and archeology as well.
(5)
I t has been suggested t h a t Early Ontario Iroquoian villages were
occupied only seasonally o r sporadically by r e l a t i v e l y independent
households.
As such, Early Iroquoian v i l l a g e s a r e expected to contain
numerous s h o r t and superimposed houses arranged in a haphazard fashion.
Within-village middens should be r a r e o r absent; palisade systems are
expected, b u t should not be well-developed; and there should be l i t t l e
evidence f o r long-distance exchange, cannibal ism, ossuary burial, elaborate
pipe complexes and widespread ceramic sty1 e homogeneity.
-(6)
Settlements of the Mi ddl e Iroquoians were presumably 1ineage-
based and dominated by powerful lineage big-men.
Village s i t e s , therefore,
are expected t o contain several massive dwellings, aligned in the same
direction t o conserve i n t e r i o r village area.
Fortifications should be
highly complex, consisting of mu1 t i p l e rows of palisade and perhaps
earthworks and ditches.
Dense midden and house wall post concentrations
are also anticipated, in accordance with the postulated long-term
occupations of these village strongholds.
Lastly, there should be a
high incidence of house and village expansions and plenty of evidence f o r
the coalescence of ceramically d i s t i n c t communities, composed of refugees,
a l l i e s and captured enemies, particularly in the l a t t e r half of the
f i f t e e n t h century.
Between A. D. 1450-1500, coincident with the hypothesized
decrease in i nter-communi ty hosti 1i t i e s , we expect t o see a reduction in
average house s i z e and the incidence of cannibalized human bone in village
refuse (except in vi 11ages who warred with geographical l y d i s t a n t groups),
and a n increased heterogeneity in pipe and ceramic s t y l e s within
communities, as compared t o preceding Mi ddl eport times.
In addition,
trade in exotic items, b u t not European goods, and ossuaries should become
more prevalent throughout the l a t e prehistoric period, as communities became
more involved in t r i b a l alliances.
(7)
As noted e a r l i e r , during the l a t e contact period, villages are
expected to be disordered and should possess the smallest average house
s i z e , except f o r Early Iroquoian villages.
CHAPTER IV
MODEL OPERATIONALIZATION
I t i s i n s u f f i c i e n t t o simply assume t h a t t h e model of Ontario Iroquoian
v i l l a g e organization i s an accurate p i c t u r e of t h e past.
The model must be
tested.
Perhaps t h e most useful types of archaeological data f o r t e s t i n g
hypotheses about p r e h i s t o r i c Iroquoian community organization a r e house
patterns and representative ceramic samples from t o t a l l y excavated v i l l a g e
s i t e s (Trigger 198132-3).
In 1978, when t h i s p r o j e c t was i n i t i a t e d , there
were no well-documented Late Iroquoian s i t e s a v a i l a b l e f o r study which had
been t o t a l l y excavated.
A decision was made, t h e r e f o r e , t o s e l e c t and
excavate a s i t e which would provide a complete community pattern and
adequate a r t i f a c t sample, y e t do t h e l e a s t amount of destruction t o the
archaeological s i t e inventory.
The Fonger s i t e (AhHb-8) was chosen as the
case study.
Case study
The Fonger s i t e i s located i n a ploughed f i e l d , adjacent t o an unnamed
t r i b u t a r y of F a i r c h i l d ' s Creek, near Brantford, Ontario ( s e e Figure 10). A
preliminary survey had determined t h a t t h e s i t e was a protohistoric Neutral
village ( c a . A.D.
1610-1620), covering about 0.8 ha (Kenyon 1972).
S i t e s e l e c t i o n was based on several considerations:
1) t h e r e l a t i v e l y small s i t e s i z e would enable t h e exposure of a
major portion of t h e v i l l a g e , despite resource and time c o n s t r a i n t s
,2) the s i t e was ploughed; ploughed Ontario Iroquoian s i t e s a r e more
common and have l e s s archaeolog i c a l potential than und isturbed s i t e s because
L
F i g u r e 10.
Location o f t h e Fonger s i t e .
the primary context of house living floors and the upper portions of
features and middens have been removed by the plough (Hayden 1979:ll;
Kapches 1979:28) ; thus, total excavation of a plooghed s i t e will r e s u l t in
relatively minor information loss and impact t o the archeological resource
base
3)
operationalization of the model demanded a Late Ontario Iroquoian
village s i t e ; the Fonger s i t e ' s protohistoric date f i t the requirements, and,
like other protohistoric-contact s i t e s , a l e s s complex ground plan and
more congruence with the ethnographic record would be obtained by
excavating the Fonger s i t e , rather than a prehistoric s i t e
4)
the s i t e i s e a s i l y accessible and the landowner was favourable,to
s i t e excavation over two fie1 d seasons.
Excavation strategy and data collection techniques
The objectives were to uncover a s much of the village a s possible and
to col 1e c t representative a r t i f a c t sampl es from a1 1 middens
.
In the 1978 f i e l d season, four two-metre wide t e s t trenches were l a i d
across the s i t e in east-west and north-south transects to intercept house
walls and palisade.
Surface collections identified several refuse
concentrations (middens), two of which were extensively sampled in one
metre horizontal u n i t s , using a r b i t r a r y 10 cm vertical controls.
matrix was screened through % inch mesh.
Midden
Once located, house patterns were
excavated in f i v e m 2 units o r wall-trenched, recording a l l post mold and
feature locations w i t h cross-tape triangulation.
.House patterns i n the west half of the s i t e were considerably more
complex than had been expected and were time-consuming to record.
It
became obvious,during the f i r s t f i e l d season, t h a t a ful 1 v i l l a g e plan
coul d not be acquired.
In 1979, therefore, excavation was concentrated in the
e a s t half of
the v i l l a g e t o l o c a t e additional houses, t o determine the extent of the
palisade and t o secure a l a r g e r sample of ceramics from various areas of
the s i t e , using a
4 inch
mesh t h i s time.
Unfortunately, i n a l l but two
cases, t h e r e l a t i v e l y t h i n sheet middens of the v i l l a g e had been destroyed
by ploughing o r downslope movement and yielded few analyzable ceramic rim
fragments.
The f i n a l r e s u l t s of t h e investigations a r e diagrammed in
Figure 11 and 12 and t h e amounts of each midden sampled a r e presented i n
Table 12.
S i t e dating
Several items of European manufacture were found i n the Fonger s i t e ,
implying a p r o t o h i s t o r i c o r contact period occupation.
period f o r t h e Neutral began around A.D.
The p r o t o h i s t o r i c
1550, when small amounts of
European goods were reaching Neutral v i 11ages, p r i o r t o di r e c t European
contact o r written documentation (Trigger 1979:215; Noble 1980a; Kenyon
1972:Z; Fi tzgerald 1983).
Judging from t h e r e l a t i v e abundance of European
metal scrap and ornaments i n t h e s i t e , a l a t e p r o t o h i s t o r i c o r e a r l y
contact (A.D.
1590-1630) date seems appl i cab1 e .
However, recent refinements
of contact Neutral s i t e chronology ( F i tzgeral d 1981:243; 1983) suggest
t h a t the absence of European glass beads, copper k e t t l e s and complete iron
axes i n the Fonger s i t e indicates an occupation p r i o r t o A.D.
summary, t h e Fonger s i t e would seem t o date approximately A.D.
1620.
In
1600-1615.
Village form and s i z e
Surface d i s t r i b u t i o n s of c u l t u r a l m a t e r i a l , hi1 lslopes on three s i d e s
and rows of palisade on t h e remaining eastern s i d e of the Fonger s i t e
confirm t h a t i t i s 0.8 ha i n s i z e .
A t l e a s t 18 longhouses were constructed during the occupation of this
v i l l a g e , b u t f o r reasons which will be mentioned l a t e r , only 12 of these
s t r u c t u r e s appear t o have been contemporaneous.
The o u t l i n e of t h e v i l l a g e i s kidney-shaped, d i c t a t e d by local
topographic f e a t u r e s ( s e e Figure 11 and 1 2 ) ; about 50 degree slopes flank
the north, west and southwest s i d e s of t h e v i l l a g e .
The subsoil i s a
homogeneous loamy sand, and despite the occasional patch of clay, rodent
,
burrow o r tree-throw, t h e conditions were exceptional f o r post mold and
feature i d e n t i f i c a t i o n .
Village expansion
A v i l l a g e expansion i s evident i n t h e eastern portion of t h e s i t e ,
where two temporally d i s t i n c t pal isades were uncovered.
The innermost
palisade i s i n f e r r e d t o be t h e e a r l i e r one, s i n c e i t is superimposed by
House 13 and Midden B.
Furthermore, many of t h e palisade posts under
Midden B and t h e f l o o r of House 13 were f i l l e d w i t h e i t h e r ash and charcoal
o r refuse, suggesting t h a t t h e palisade had burned and then been dismantled,
p r i o r t o midden accumulation.
I t i s 1i kely t h a t t h e enlargement of the
original palisade was r e l a t e d t o t h e conflagration t h a t consumed House 8,
11 and 14.
Expansion of t h e e a s t f o r t i f i c a t i o n s increased v i l l a g e s i z e
by about 15%, from 0.68 t o 0.8 ha.
FENCELINE
@$MIDDEN
LIMITS
Cmtwr tntwwi- I m
0
EXCAVATlON
4t-M-
-..-...--WALL
-LONGHOUSE
PALISADE ROW
sc*. Om-!
1978- 79 EXCAVATIONS
FONGER SITE
(AhHb- 8)
Community pattern analysis
To review the predictions of our model, we expect t o see in the
Fonger vi 11age:
1) one o r more c l u s t e r s o r rows of r e l a t i v e l y short, juxtaposed
longhouses arranged around open areas
2)
houses within each c l u s t e r sharing one o r more middens and
perhaps showing similar alignments and
3 ) differences i n ceramic sty1 es between 1onghouse cl us t e r s ,
assumi ng t h a t house cl usters represent 1ocal i zed and autonomous
socio-pol i t i c a l groups and t h a t the frequency and intensity of social
interaction was greater within house c l u s t e r s than between them.
An idealized plan of the s i t e appears i n Figure 12.
Pal i sade
As noted e a r l i e r , the Fonger village was stockaded.
A t some point
in the v i l l a g e ' s history, however, the eastern portion of the stockade
was damaged and relocated 15 m f u r t h e r e a s t .
The inner and original
palisade consisted of three compact rows of posts (averaging 8.7 cm in
diameter) and the outer stockade consisted of four t i e r s of posts with
mean diameters of 7.7 cm.
A single l i n e of posts on the edge of the north
slope i s interpreted as a palisade because a break in slope by i t s e l f
would not have effectively protected an Iroquoian village against a
surprise attack (Heidenreich 1978:375-376).
The outermost palisade row seems t o bifurcate and merge several times
and would have created a confusing maze of narrow corridors and dead ends,
presumably t o hinder the progress of enemy raiders.
Similar stockade
85
patterns a r e documented f o r Huron villages (Wrong 1939:92) and occur in
other Late Ontario Iroquoian s i t e s (Pearce and Smith 1980: 194;
Finlayson and P i hl l98Oa: 12; Johnston and Jackson 1980: 194).
Middens
Because the s i t e ceramic sample derives primarily from midden contexts,
the nature, depth and contents of each refuse dump have been summarized in
Table 12. Middens A and B a r e the most extensive refuse deposits in the
s i t e and therefore were sampled intensively.
From Figure 13, i t i s clear
that the matrices and depths of Yiddens A and 3 a r e dissimilar, indicating
different formation processes.
Specifically, Midden A i s composed of a
deep layer of ash and l i k e l y represents a long-term accumulation of hearth
sweepings from nearby houses, perhaps Houses 1, 2, 3 and 7.
Midden B y on
the other hand, i s a thinner mixture of ash and organic s i l t and may have
been enlarged by debris-ciearing operations, subsequent t o the i i re.
Other village middens a r e generally small, surface s c a t t e r s of refuse and
possess only minimal primary deposits.
As our model predicted, the
largest refuse heaps (Middens A and B) are associated with open areas t h a t
are surrounded by houses.
House patterns
Descriptions of f l o o r plans and contents of individual houses of the
Fonger s i t e a r e presented in detail elsewhere (Warrick 1982) and will not
be repeated here.
For the reader's benefit, however, a summary of the
essential f e a t u r e s of each house i s provided i n Table 13.
The structures
are Neutral i n design; completely excavated houses possess "slash pits"
and linear end s t a i n s , features which are present only in h i s t o r i c Neutral
dwell ings.
These features are interpreted a s remnants of partitions - o r
Key
Ploughzone
Ash
Matrix ( a s h , topsoil.
re-reddened s o
Topsoil +
i t . grey)
ash
a
-
scale
Mid A
i
d
o
Humus
dk brown\
black
Brown s i l t
0
Paleosol
/
20
29
2
ile
cm
E l Charcoal
A
A
Mid
I
Key
B
N
Ploughzone
Ash
Matrix ( D a r k g r e y brown sill
0
20
cm
290
- profile
S t e r i l e I t . brown sand
( Subsoil)
Figure 13. Profiles of Middens A and B from the Fonger s i t e .
87
s t r u c t u r a l supports which may have d i v i d e d N e u t r a l longhouse i n t e r i o r s
i n t o storage and n u c l e a r f a m i l y compartments (Lennox 1978: 22; Fit z g e r a l d
1981:46-49;
Dodd 1982: 32).
I n general, t h e s i z e , spacing and arrangement o f d w e l l i n g s w i t h i n
t h e Fonger s i t e a r e i n accordance w i t h t h e model expectations.
House s i z e
Houses a r e r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t (X=17.5 m long, s=4.9,
minor v a r i a b i l i t y i n w i d t h (X=7.1 m, s=0.4,
n=18).
n = l l ) and e x h i b i t
The small d i f f e r e n c e s
i n house s i z e across t h e s i t e i m p l y t h a t most households were occupied
by equal numbers o f people.
I n terms o f s t a t u s o r w e a l t h v a r i a t i o n between households, European
metal i s evenly d i s t r i b u t e d w i t h i n t h e s i t e (see F i g u r e 14).
Assuming
t h a t European m a t e r i a l s were regarded as p r i m i t i v e v a l uabl es i n p r o t o h i s t o r i c i r o q u o i a n s o c i e t y , i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t none o f t h e Fonger
households had p r i v i l e g e d access t o European goods o r o t h e r items o f
wealth.
F o l l o w i n g t h i s f u r t h e r , Hayden (1977: 5) suggests t h a t , o t h e r
f a c t o r s being equal, f e a t u r e and p o s t d e n s i t i e s w i l l be g r e a t e s t i n t h e
l a r g e s t , w e a l t h i e s t longhouses.
U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h e incomplete and over-
lapped house s t r u c t u r e s o f t h i s s i t e p r e c l u d e i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f t h i s
r e l a t i o n s h i p , b u t i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t Dodd (1982:164) found no
c o r r e l a t i o n s between O n t a r i o Iroquoian house s i z e and f e a t u r e and p o s t
densities.
Dodd (1982:166)
d i d f i n d , however, t h a t t h e r e i s a moderate
b u t s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n between t h e w a l l p o s t and i n t e r . i o r p o s t
d e n s i t i e s o f longhouses, suggesting t h a t i n t e r i o r p o s t d e n s i t i e s a r e
g r e a t e s t i n houses t h a t were occupied t h e l o n g e s t (Dodd 1982:81; Johnston
and Jackson 1980: 197; T r i g g e r 1981: 16).
In summary, i t i s accepted t h a t the average floor area of wealthy
longhouses will tend to be larger than the average f o r poorer ones
(Hayden and Cannon 1982:138-139; Wilk and Rathje 1981).
Because of the
"noise" inherent in post densities, however, the frequency of features and
post molds in Iroquoian house floors i s a poor archaeological measure of
the r e l a t i v e wealth of the household which produced them.
House arrangement
Houses were placed r e l a t i v e l y close together i n t h i s village.
Using
minimum distances between adjacent house walls ( s e e Figure 4 f o r method of
measurement), pre- and post-fire house density estimates were calculated.
The post-fire spacing (X=1.3 m, s=0.9, n=12) of dwellings tends to be
greater than the pre-fire spacing (X=1.9 m , s=1.6, n=12).
'
(Statistical
t e s t s are inappropriate, however, as these samples a r e not independent).
This imp7 i e s that,subsequent t o the f i r e , the vii lagers became more concerned about preventing future house f i r e s from becoming vi 11age
conflagrations and enlarged the v i l l a g e area t o permit wider spacing of
rebuilt houses.
Also, gaps a t l e a s t 2.5 m wide separated houses from the
palisade, a defensive feature normally r e s t r i c t e d t o l a t e h i s t o r i c
Iroquoian vi 1lages.
I t was argued earl i e r t h a t social relationships general l y governed
the proximity of longhouses i n a village.
However, when vi1 lages were
obviously constructed with defense i n mind, they were commonly surrounded
.
by breaks in slope, watercourses, complex f o r t i f i c a t i o n s and exhibited
dense longhouse concentrations.
The Fonger v i l l a g e appears t o have been
b u i l t with defense as a high p r i o r i t y .
90
In A.D.
1623, i t was reported (Wrong 1939:158) t h a t t h e Neutral had
been chronically a t war w i t h t h e Fire Nation (Mascouten) f o r several years.
protohistoric Mascouten s i t e s have been located i n t h e Ohio a r e a , a t the
west end of Lake Erie (Stothers 1981).
The small s i z e and location of the
Fonger v i l l a g e on the western f r o n t i e r of the h i s t o r i c Neutral country
(Kenyon 1972; Noble 1978) woul d have made i t p a r t i cul a r l y vul nerabl e t o
Mascouten a t t a c k s and r a i d s , and so, i t was f o r t i f i e d .
Huron v i l l a g e s
t h a t were c l o s e s t t o enemy borders were normally f o r t i f i e d as well
(Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 34: 125-127; Bi ggar 1929, 3: 122; Wrong 1939:91-92).
There i s no obvious directional preference shown i n Fonger house
o r i e n t a t i o n s ( s e e Table 14). Modal house o r i e n t a t i o n i s i n a north-northeast
d i r e c t i o n , s i m i l a r t o other h i s t o r i c Neutral v i l l a g e s (Dodd 1982:118).
Thermal e f f i c i e n c y cannot be ruled out i n t h i s case -until local winter wind
c o n d i t i o n s f o r va.ri nus !oca! i t i p s i n Southern Ontario have been compj! ed
and tested against Iroquoian house o r i e n t a t i o n s .
According t o t h e model, house superimposition should be rare o r absent
i n Late Iroquoian villages,except where there i s evidence of house
destruction and rebuilding, as a r e s u l t of some catastrophic event ( f i r e ,
flood) o r unusual l y intense warfare.
Fortunately, most of the over1 apped
house patterns i n t h i s s i t e can be accounted f o r by a v i l l a g e conflagration
which l e v e l l e d House 8, 11 and 14, followed by a rebuilding episode.
Evidence f o r t h i s f i r e derives from several data sources.
Village f i r e
'
Settlement p a t t e r n evidence
Accidental house f i r e s were prevalent among t h e Ontar
i s recorded that,during dry summer months, 1onghouses were
susceptible t o f i r e as matches.
Hence a r i s e many of the conflagrations
of villages" (Thwai t e s 1896-1901, 8: 105).
There a r e several 1ines of
evidence t h a t suggest a f i r e p a r t i a l l y destroyed Houses 8 , l l and 14 and
portions of the eastern stockade of the Fonger village.
(1) The close proximity of burned houses and palisade sections
implies t h a t the f i r e was a s i n g l e event.
(2)
Each of the three burned houses possess s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater
proportions of ash and charcoal-filled i n t e r i o r support features than
unfired houses (Table 15), and virtual l y every wall post of the f i r e d houses
was ash-filled.
Ash, fire-reddened s o i l and charred wood was usually
concentrated i n a shallow (6-7 cm deep) concavity in the top of these p i t s
and posts.
(3) The burned house s i t e s were apparently cleared and reoccupied.
Houses 15,lO and Midden B superimpose the burned house floors
a
( 4 ) As mentioned earl i e r , the fire-damaged pal isade was dismantled
and moved f a r t h e r e a s t .
As a f i n a l note, experimental burnings of rep1 icas of wattle-and-daub
Iron Age houses in Denmark produced abundant ash, charcoal on house floors
and resulted in ash and charcoal concentrations,where posts had formerly
stood (Col es 1973:64-67).
Artifact distributions
The three burned longhouses contained a s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher number
of serviceable chert cores, unused chert blocks and f i r e d ceramic waste
than the unburned houses of the west v i l l age (see Tab1 e 16 and 17).
Furthermore, the ash deposits of support features ( s l a s h p i t s ) in the
burned houses yi el ded a diverse inventory of a r t i f a c t s , i ncl udi ng
European metal items, useable l i t h i c t o o l s , p o r t i o n s o f c l a y pots,
personal ornaments (bone and she1 1 beads) and gami ng pebbles ( p o l i s h e d
q u a r t z i t e pebbles)
.
Data from an experimental b u r n i n g of a r e c o n s t r u c t e d I r o ~
Age house
i n Denmark suggest t h a t when wood s t r u c t u r e s c a t c h f i r e , t h e y b u r n w i t h
i n c r e d i b l e swiftness and i n t e n s i t y
- i n l e s s than f i v e minutes t h e e n t i r e
p o l e and t h a t c h s t r u c t u r e was ablaze and a f t e r twenty minutes i t had
collapsed.
Temperatures o f 700-900'
C were recorded i n s i d e t h e house
(Col es l973:66).
I f we a p p l y t h i s s c e n a r i o t o an I r o q u o i a n longhouse, t h e observed
a r t i f a c t p a t t e r n s i n t h e burned Fonger d w e l l i n g s can be explained.
Residents o f a b u r n i n g longhouse would have had 1 it t l e t i m e t o salvage
useable t o o l s and personal possessions, and t h e h e a t generated would
have been
more t h a n s u f f i c i e n t t o f i r e c l a y p o t t i n g waste t h a t lay
s c a t t e r e d i n o r around t h e d w e l l i n g ( S i d e r o f f 1980:194).
reuse t h e house s i t e s , t h e y would have r e q u i r e d c l e a n i n g .
I n order t o
Clearing
burned house f l o o r s would have i n v o l v e d removing t h e remnants o f c h a r r e d
posts and f i l l i n g i n t h e r e s u l t i n g h o l e s w i t h ash, charcoal and a r t i f a c t bearing debris.
I n general, p r e h i s t o r i c house s t r u c t u r e s t h a t have witnessed r a p i d
and unplanned abandonment (due t o f i r e ) c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y c o n t a i n
de f a c t o r e f u s e ( S c h i f f e r 1972:160,
abundant --
1976:33),
such as complete
and s e r v i c e a b l e t o o l s , whole p o t t e r y vessels and s t o r e d f o o d s t u f f s
(e.g.,
burned domestic s i t e s from t h e Southeast (Hal l y 1981: 738) and
Mesoamerica (Wi n t e r 1976: 28)).
Sequence of house construction
The sequence of house construction f o r the village
o r midden superimposition and house wall post densities.
s based on house
I t i s assumed
that houses which were occupied the longest in an Iroquo an village would
have experienced the g r e a t e s t amount of repair; and thus
they should
possess the g r e a t e s t d e n s i t i e s of wall posts (Johnston and Jackson 1980:
197; Dodd 1982:81).
Original (pre-fi r e ) v i l l a g e
Referring t o Table 18 and Figure 12, the f i r s t structures t o be b u i l t
were Houses 2 , 4 , 5, 7, 8, 14, 16 and 17 and were surrounded by the innermost rows of palisade.
Sometime prior t o the f i r e and village remodelling,
House 16 was taken down and House 1 erected.
Finally, on the basis of
post densities, Houses 6,9
and-11 appear t o have been the l a t e s t additions
to the original community.
(Burned and repaired posts in the northeast
corner of House 6 and the proximity of House 6 and 8 provide additional
evidence t h a t t h i s house was constructed prior t o the f i r e ) .
So, j u s t before the f i r e occurred, the village would have comprised
Houses1,2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 , 9, 11, 14 and 17 and presumably portions of
Middens A,
B y
C, E and F.
Post-fi r e vi 1lage
The conflagration destroyed Houses 8 , li and 14, and possibly House 17,
severely damaged a section of the stockade and caused s i g n i f i c a n t
residential changes i n the eastern half of the village.
On the basis of
low post densities in the r e b u i l t house walls (Houses 3, 10 and 13), i t i s
inferred t h a t the f i r e occurred r e l a t i v e l y l a t e in the s i t e ' s history.
Perhaps r e l a t e d t o post-fire reorganization, i t seems t h a t Houses 9 and 17
were abandoned,Houses12 and 18 were constructed and Midden D was
deposited.
As there i s no evidence t h a t unburned dwellings were vacated
p r i o r t o v i l l a g e relocation, the terminal phase v i l l a g e would have been
composed of Houses 1-7,10, 12, 13, 15 and 18.
S i t e population
As noted e a r l i e r , Late Iroquoian v i l l a g e s which were occupied by more
than about 350 people were probably divided i n t o r e s i d e n t i a l wards.
Therefore, i n order t o lend credence t o any division of the Fonger v i l l a g e
i n t o wards, t h e population estimate f o r t h e s i t e should exceed t h i s
thresh01 d value.
Population reconstructions f o r Iroquoian s i t e s a r e usually based on
house f l o o r areas (Casselberry 1974) o r on the number of hearths per house
(Hei denreich 1971; Wright 1974).
A1 though there a r e more complete house
excavations f o r t h e p o s t - f i r e r a t h e r than p r e - f i r e phase of the s i t e ,
there a r e s t i l l only e i g h t houses f o r which t o t a l lengths and widths a r e
known.
In order t o remedy t h i s s i t u a t i o n , i t was assumed t h a t the
incomplete houses (Houses 4,7, 10 and 15) averaged 18 m long and contained
4 rn long storage compartments, estimated from the c o r r e l a t i o n of Neutral
house and storage area s i z e s t h a t i s provided by Dodd (1982:77).
Using Cassel b e r r y ' s (1974) empirical forumla f o r calculating the
population of a longhouse from i t s f l o o r area (population = 116 house
f l o o r area i n m 2 ), we arrived a t a s i t e population of 203 persons.
This
figure i s based on a -combined house f l o o r area f o r the p o s t - f i r e houses
of 1219 m 2 and assuming t h a t 28 m 2 of each house f l o o r was reserved f o r
.
95
storage.
This value seems somewhat low, however, and even Casselberry
(1974: 119) warns t h a t t h i s formula occasional l y underestimates the
actual population of mu1 t i -family dwell i ngs.
Perhaps a more r e l i a b l e estimate of v i l l a g e population i s the number
of hearths per house, assuming two f a m i l i e s per hearth and s i x individuals
per family (Trigger 1981: 32; Wright 1974:75; Hei denreich 1971: 123).
Unfortunately, c e n t r a l hearths were poorly preserved i n the Fonger houses
(1 i kely removed by ploughing), so t h e average hearth spacing i n h i s t o r i c
Neutral houses, a s calculated by Dodd ( 1982: 234-235) , was used instead.
Dodd (1982) found t h a t hearths i n Neutral houses were located four metres
from both ends and were spaced about t h r e e metres a p a r t .
Therefore, i f
hearths were 0.5 metres i n diameter, a Neutral house 18 m long would have
contained t h r e e hearths o r one hearth per s i x metres of house length. Using
these f i g u r e s , a s i t e population of 438 (36 hearths) was derived.
This
r e s u l t i s i d e n t i c a l t o Heidenreich's (1971:123) population estimates f o r
similar-sized h i s t o r i c Huron houses of about 36 people per house.
It
would appear, then, t h a t t h e s i t e population estimate ( g r e a t e r than 350
persons) does j u s t i f y a d i v i s i o n of t h e Fonger v i l l a g e i n t o residential
sectors.
Community organization
I t i s hypothesized t h a t t h e Fonger v i l l a g e contained a t l e a s t two
residential wards, each occupied by an aggregate of closely interacting
households.
This d i v i s i o n derives from inferences about v i l l a g e demography,
sequence of house construction and occupation and t h e proximity and
geometrical p a t t e r n i n g o f houses, middens and open areas.
F i r s t o f a l l , concerning v i l l a g e demography, i t has been estimated
t h a t t h e pre-abandonment v i l l a g e p o p u l a t i o n probably exceeded 350 persons,
t h e c r i t i c a l p o i n t a t which N e o l i t h i c communities u s u a l l y b e g i n t o break
up i n t o d i s c r e t e r e s i d e n t i a l segments f o r s o c i o - p o l it i c a l reasons
(Forge 1972).
Secondly, t h e house c o n s t r u c t i o n sequence demonstrates t h a t t h e
west and e a s t p o r t i o n s o f t h e v i l l a g e were occupied c o n t i n u o u s l y and can be
considered r o u g h l y contemporaneous.
L a s t l y , r e f e r r i n g t o F i g u r e 12, t h r e e i n f o r m a l open areas, o r areas
l a r g e enough t o accomodate a house, e x i s t i n t h e v i l l a g e :
south and e a s t s e c t o r s of t h e v i l l a g e .
i n t h e west,
The western open area contains
Midden C and E and i s surrounded by House 1-5 (we a r e concerned here w i t h
describing only the p o s t - f i r e v i l l a g e l a y o u t ) .
I n . t h e e a s t e r n ha! f o f t h e
v i l l a g e , Midden B occupies t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e p l a z a which i s enclosed by
Houses13, 10 and 18 and t h e southeast p a l i s a d e .
houses i s somewhat problematic.
The c e n t r a l group o f
Although t h e ends of Houses 7, 6, 15, 18 and
12 appear t o face t h e open area which c o n t a i n s I-lidden A, they a r e spaced
r e l a t i v e l y f a r apart.
I n f a c t , i t i s conceivable t h a t , i f Houses 1, 6 and 7
a l l possessed n o r t h end doorways, more s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n m i g h t have
occurred between these households,in t h e v i c i n i t y o f Itidden
F, than between
any o f t h e o t h e r households o f t h e v i l l a g e core.
I n a d d i t i o n , although Midden A seems t o occupy a f o c a l p o i n t i n t h e
c e n t r a l plaza, i t s thickness, e x t e n t and accumulation i n a n a t u r a l h i l l s i d e
depression suggest t h a t i t may have been d e p o s i t e d b y b o t h t h e west and
c e n t r a l households.
As noted e a r l i e r , f o r reasons o f c o n s e r v a t i o n o f
internal vi 11age space, middens in Ontario Iroquoian settlements normally
occur in areas which were most convenient, y e t which had the l e a s t
potential f o r human use, such as h i l l s i d e s , between houses and against
o r outside palisades.
Therefore, given the lack of h i l l s i d e middens in
the west vil lage (except f o r Midden F) and the shal low and 1imi ted extent
of Itlidden C and E , i t i s suggested t h a t the west residential group made a
special e f f o r t t o keep t h e i r central courtyard f r e e of t r a s h , by discarding
i t in Midden A.
For the purposes of the ceramic analyses, therefore, Midden A and
most of the central houses have been grouped with the west residential
ward.
Thus, the Fonger village i s bifurcated into two provenience units:
E and F ) and the e a s t
the west village (House 1-7 and 16 and Middens A,C,
vi 11age (Houses 8-l5,17_ and 18 and Midden B and D )
.
I t i s assumed t h a t
the constituent households of each v i l l a g e sector interacted more w i t h each
other than they did with households from the other sector.
In summary, house pattern data from the Fonger village conform to
many of the expectations of the socio-political model of Iroquoian village
organization:
1) mean house s i z e i s r e l a t i v e l y small and uniform (X=17.5 m long)
and f i t s our expectations f o r protohistoric villages
2) there appears t o have been no preferred alignment of houses in a
northwest direction
(modal orientation i s t o the north-northeast
as in other h i s t o r i c Neutral s i t e s )
-3) wealth differences were not demonstrated between households o r
residential wards
4)
the juxtaposition of houses i n compact c l u s t e r s i s related to
strong concerns about defense (defensive s i t i n g of the v i l l a g e and
t r i p l e pal isade)
5)
t h e unexpected observation of superimposed houses and palisade
expansion can be explained by a v i l l a g e conflagration and subsequent
remodelling episode and
6)
two c l u s t e r s , arranged around informal open areas t h a t contain
middens, have been interpreted as clan-barrios.
One c r i t i c a l question remains t o be answered - a r e t h e r e the predicted
d i s s i m i l a r i t i e s in ceramic s t y l e s between the two r e s i d e n t i a l wards?
Ceramic sociology and Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e organization
According t o Deetz (1965), H i 11 ( 1970) and Longacre (1970), i n a
preindustrial communi t y , i n which matrilocal residence i s the norm and
potting i s a femaie a c t i v i t y , ceramic s t y i e s shouid be clustered i n the
site.
This theory assumes t h a t ceramic s t y l i s t i c v a r i a b i l i t y i n a
community i s d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o the degree of i n t e r a c t i o n between resident
p o t t e r s , pot s t y l e s a r e learned i n t h e residence of o r i g i n and transmitted
mother t o daughter and each household makes, uses and breaks i t s own pots
(Deetz 1965:Z; Leone 1968: 1150; Hi1 1 1970a: 15-16, 1970b:38; Longacre
1970 :28).
C r i t i c s of t h i s theory, however, have emphasized t h a t , before
residence p a t t e r n s can be convincingly inferred from ceramic s t y l e
patterning i n archaeological s i t e s , one must f i r s t resolve c e r t a i n issues.
S p e c i f i c a l l y , i t should be established t h a t residence patterns were
primarily matrilocal o r uxorilocal (A1 len and Richardson 1971) ; t h a t the
1earning of ceramics occurred p r i o r t o marriage (Stani s l awski l973a, l973b,
-
-
1977; Hayden and Cannon 1982); t h a t pots were made, used and broken in
each r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t being compared ( i .e. , non-special i s t production)
(Trigger 1981) ; t h a t ceramic exchange and inter-househol d borrowing of
pots was minimal (Plog 1380) ; t h a t t h e ceramic sample i s s t a t i s t i c a l l y
representative (Hodder 1978) ; t h a t t h e provenience u n i t s being analyzed
are e s s e n t i a l l y contemporaneous (Flannery 1976b; Dumond 1977); and t h a t
post-occupational disturbances did not s i g n i f i c a n t l y a1 t e r o r i g i n a l
a r t i f a c t patterns ( S c h i f f e r 1972, 1376).
In Ontario Iroquoian archaeology, few i n v e s t i g a t o r s have d e a l t w i t h
these matters i n an e x p l i c i t and systematic manner.
I t i s no s u r p r i s e ,
therefore, t h a t fol lowing i n i t i a l t h e o r e t i c a l formulations (Noble 1968),
archaeologists have experienced l i t t l e success i n identifying the nature
of Ontario Iroquoian community organization and residence behaviour from
intra-si t e ceramic s t y l e patterning.
W i t h t h e exception of convincing
arguments f o r generational continuity i n ceramic s t y l e mi cro-tradi t i o n s
within House 2 a t t h e Draper s i t e (Arthurs 1979) and the successful
delineation of d i s t i n c t household ceramic s t y l e s a t t h e Nodwell s i t e
(Wright l974), most ceramic patterning research i n Ontario Iroquoian s i t e s
(e.g., Southwold (Smith 1977), Draper (Pearce 1978a), Slack-Caswell
(Jamieson 1979), Kirche (Masmith 1981) and Ball s i t e s (Knight and Snyder
1982)) has been inconclusive because of overly-simp1 i s t i c and unsystematic
approaches and a lack of e x p l i c i t consideration f o r t h e weaknesses of the
"Deetz-Hill-Longacre" theory.
I believe t h a t t h e study of ceramic d i s t r i b u t i o n s i n Ontario Iroquoian
s i t e s can lead t o valuable i n s i g h t s about community s t r u c t u r e and residence
patterns, b u t f i r s t t h e r e i s a pressing need f o r e x p l i c i t l y recognizing
the d i f f i c u l t i e s and 1 imitations of applying the "Deetz-Hill-Longacre"
hypothesis t o such s i t e s .
Prior t o analyzing the Fonger ceramics,
therefore, t h e assumptions and problems, concerni ng the 1earning,
manufacturi ng, use, discard and exchange of Ontario Iroquoian pottery,
and methodological issues of Ontario Iroquoian ceramic sociology will
be presented.
F i r s t , i t i s assumed t h a t ceramic s t y l i s t i c v a r i a b i l i t y in an
Iroquoian community was d i r e c t l y re1 ated t o the degree of i n t e r a c t i o n
between resident p o t t e r s ; closely i n t e r a c t i n g p o t t e r s will tend t o
share s i m i l a r ceramic s t y l e s .
A1 though t h i s assumption has been questioned
(Plog 1980:125; Wobst 1977), ethnoarchaeological data from the Maya
(Hayden and Cannon n.d., 1982), a Tarascan community (Friedrich 1970:337),
the Hopi -Tewa ( S t a n i s i awski i977), the Kai i n g a of t h e P h i 1ippiiies
(Longacre 1981) and t h e Lozi and Nuba of sub-Saharan Africa (Hodder 1982:
lZZ-l23,l5l) indicate t h a t ceramic sty1 e s a r e most readily transmitted
o r copied under conditions of close f r i e n d l y i n t e r a c t i o n , such as economic
co-operation, kin r e l a t i o n s o r friendships.
Secondly, i n s p i t e of t h e f a c t t h a t residence rules (emic) may not be
accurate predictors of residence patterns ( e t i c ) i n a society (A1 len and
Richardson l 9 7 l ) , h i s t o r i c accounts inform us t h a t Iroquoian women tended
t o remain, a f t e r marriage, i n t h e i r households of o r i e n t a t i o n , except i n
r a r e cases of c h i e f l y avunculocal residence (Trigger 1976a:419, l978a).
Add.i tional ethnographic evidence, supporting the p r i o r i t y of matrilocal
o r uxorilocal residence among the Ontario Iroquois, i s t h a t matrilineal
sub-clans appear t o have been localized i n separate r e s i d e n t i a l wards o r
clan neighbourhoods i n 1arge Huron vi 11ages (Trigger 1969; Hei denrei ch
1971; Ramsden 1978).
A f i n a l assumption is t h a t t h e majority of longhouses i n Late Ontario
Iroquoian v i l l a g e s were occupied by t h e same core of r e l a t e d individuals
f o r the duration of v i l l a g e occupation.
A1 though i t is recognized t h a t
disputes, q u a r r e l s and divorce may have led t o a small amount of
residential f l e x i b i 1i t y (Hayden 1979:23), l a r g e changes i n household
composition, a s revealed by longhouse extensions, seem t o have occurred
only i n t h e l a t e p r e h i s t o r i c period, i n a context of unprecedented
population displacements, refugee problems, v i l l a g e coalescence and
exceptionally i n t e n s e warfare.
Iroquoian cerami c manufacturing
Was t h e manufacture of Iroquoian pots exclusively a female a c t i v i t y
and was i t non-specialized?
Ethnographic documents c l e a r l y s t a t e t h a t Huron women made the
pottery, using t h e paddle and anvil technique "especially round pots
without handles o r f e e t , i n which they cook t h e i r food, meat o r f i s h "
(Wrong 1939: 102,109).
In terms of special i z a t i o n , Trigger (1981:29) has recently suggested
t h a t Iroquoian ceramic vessels may have been produced by a small number
of s k i l l e d women f o r an e n t i r e v i l l a g e .
There i s s u f f i c i e n t evidence,
however, t o suggest t h a t t h i s was not t h e case.
F i r s t of a l l , i n a number of contemporary h o r t i c u l t u r a l communities,
most households make t h e i r own pottery ( e . g . , Maya (Hayden and Cannon n . d . ) ,
Lozi and Nuba (Hodder 1982: 122,143) , Kal i nga (Longacre 1981 :52) and
Shipibo-Conibo (DeBoer and Lathrap 1979:105)).
-
Because of the limited r o l e
o f c l a y p o t s i n I r o q u o i a n s o c i e t y ( p o t s were used f o r preparing, cooking
and s e r v i n g meals, s t o r i n g f o o d s t u f f s and f e t c h i n g and s t o r i n g w a t e r ) ,
and because i t would have been d i f f i c u l t f o r any I r o q u o i a n group t o have
c o n t r o l l e d access t o t h e u b i q u i t o u s c l a y d e p o s i t s o f Southern O n t a r i o
*
(Chapman and Putnam 1966:93),
t h e r e i s no reason t o expect t h a t each
I r o q u o i a n household and community d i d n o t meet i t s own ceramic needs.
Secondly, t h e r e i s c o n v i n c i n g a r c h a e o l o g i c a l evidence t h a t i n d i c a t e s
I r o q u o i a n pots were manufactured by most women.
Pearce (1982:5) discovered
broken pots, p o t manufacturing waste and j u v e n i l e ceramics a t each
sampled c a b i n s i t e t h a t surrounded t h e p r e h i s t o r i c Lawson v i l l a g e .
Assuming t h a t these c a b i n s i t e s correspond t o t h e e t h n o g r a p h i c a l l y
,
documented a g r i c u l t u r a l cabins which were occupied d u r i n g t h e summer by a
woman and h e r c h i l d r e n ( T r i g g e r 1976a:36),
i t seems obvious t h a t most women
probably made t h e i r own pots.
L a s t l y , i f p o t s were produced b y o n l y t h e b e s t p o t t e r s i n a v i l l a g e
( i n c i p i e n t special ization)
, we
would expect a h i g h degree o f s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n
i n vessel shape, d e c o r a t i o n and manufacturing technique ( R i c e l98l:ZZ3).
Furthermore, we should be a b l e t o g e t an i d e a o f t h e number o f i n d i v i d u a l
p o t t e r s i n a v i l l a g e by examining i d i o s y n c r a t i c ceramic a t t r i b u t e s , such
as t h e w i d t h o f spaces between design elements ( F r i e d r i c h 1970:340;
1977:49;
cerami cs
H i l l 1977). This hypothesis was
tested
Redman
on t h e Fonger s i t e
.
I n terms o f o v e r a l l vessel shape and q u a l i t y , t h e Fonger ceramics
e x h i b i t a wide range o f v a r i a b i l i t y , i n such t h i n g s as t h e s i z e and t y p e
o f t o o l used t o execute designs, r i m symmetry, p r e c i s e l o c a t i o n o f
decoration, t h e degree o f f i r i n g and t h e s i z e and t y p e o f temper.
It i s
d i f f i c u l t t o q u a n t i f y most o f these a t t r i b u t e s ,however, w i t h o u t conducting
d e t a i l e d s c i e n t i f i c analyses which a r e beyond t h e scqpe o f t h i s t h e s i s .
On t h e o t h e r hand, an attempt was made t o determine how many
i n d i v i dual p o t t e r s were represented i n t h e Fonger s i t e ceramic sample,
by measuring t h e spacing o f d e c o r a t i v e elements on each vessel.
Hill
(1977:lOl) and o t h e r s (Redman 1977; F r i e d r i c h 1970) have p o s t u l a t e d t h a t
1i n e m e t r i c s (e.g.,
spacing and a n g l e o f design elements) on ceramics,
analogous t o h a n d w r i t i n g m e t r i c s , s h o u l d r e f l e c t t h e subconscious and
h i g h l y i d i o s y n c r a t i c motor performances o f a p o t t e r and m i g h t be s e n s i t i v e
i n d i c a t o r s of i n d i v i d u a l d e c o r a t i n g s t y 1 es.
Assuming t h a t r e p e t i t i ve-type
motor h a b i t s change 1 it t l e o v e r a person's 1 i f e t i m e ( H i 1 1 1977: 101), i f
a small group o f women produced t h e p o t s f o r a whole v i l l a g e , then t h e
l i n e m e t r i c s o f r i m d e c o r a t i o n should c l u s t e r i n a few d i s c r e t e groups.
On t h e o t h e r hand, i f each woman made h e r own pots, then l i n e m e t r i c s on
a sample o f p o t s s h o u l d e x h i b i t no c l u s t e r i n g and b e w i d e l y dispersed.
F i g u r e 16 describes how t h e spacing measurements were taken on each
o f t h e Fonger r i m sherds.
I t should be n o t e d t h a t small r i m fragments
( l e s s than 5% o f t h e r i m circumference) may n o t g i v e r e 1 i a b l e estimates
o f design element spacing f o r t h e e n t i r e vessel mouth.
I n an attempt t o
c o n t r o l f o r t h i s source o f e r r o r , t h e measure was a p p l i e d o n l y t o rims
which possessed f i v e o r more elements o f d e c o r a t i o n and associated spaces.
I t was f e l t t h a t a minimum o f f i v e r e p e t i t i v e hand movements would
s u f f i c i e n t l y c a p t u r e t h e i d i o s y n c r a t i c motor h a b i t s o f a p o t t e r .
LIP
RIM
Profile
F i g u r e 15.
A n a l y t i c a l areas d'a Neutral pet.
d
(no. of inter-
( a r b i t r a r y d i s t a n c e in c m )
SPACE DENSITY
F i g u r e 16. ivlethod o f e s t i m a t i n g design element spacing
o r i n t e r - e l e m e n t space d e n s i t y on a N e u t r a l rini sherd.
I n an e f f o r t t o c o n t r o l f o r p o t e n t i a l i n d i v i d u a l v a r i a b i l i t y i n
element spacing caused by t h e use o f d i f f e r e n t techniques, o n l y vessels
w i t h impressed designs were used i n t h e f o l l o w i n g a n a l y s i s , r e s u l t i n g i n
a sample of 70 r i m sherds.
T h i s r e s t r i c t i o n would ensure t h a t each vessel
being measured had been decorated b y t h e same motor h a b i t .
P r i o r t o making i n f e r e n c e s from ceramic design element spacing, i t
was f i r s t necessary t o demonstrate t h a t element spacing does, i n f a c t ,
r e f l e c t i n d i v i d u a l motor h a b i t s and t h a t i t i s independent of p o t s i z e ,
as estimated by p o t mouth w i d t h (see Table 24).
t h e n a t u r e of element spacing.
First,
consider
Assuming t h a t each I r o q u o i a n p o t was made
and decorated by o n l y one p o t t e r , then t h e design element spacing f o r b o t h
t h e e x t e r i o r and i n t e r i o r m o t i f s should be r o u g h l y e q u i v a l e n t .
On a
sample o f 17 rims possessing both e x t e r i o r and i n t e r i o r impressed m o t i f s ,
a p a i r e d v a r i a t e t - t e s t (Thomas 1976: 251) showed no significant difference
between t h e e x t e r i o r and i n t e r i o r element space d e n s i t i e s (Table 19).
This i m p l i e s t h a t each p o t was decorated b y o n l y one p o t t e r .
Secondly, as expected (Table 20), t h e r e i s no s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n
between d e c o r a t i v e element spacing and p o t s i z e .
Proceeding w i t h t h e a n a l y s i s , w h i l e t h e r e e x i s t s a reasonable margin
o f e r r o r i n e s t i m a t i n g spacing d e n s i t y , F i g u r e 17 and Table 20 i n d i c a t e
t h a t a s i z e a b l e number o f i n d i v i d u a l motor h a b i t s a r e expressed i n t h e
Fonger ceramics.
I n f a c t , t h e d e n s i t y d i s t r i b u t i o n s i m p l y t h a t probably
most women i n t h e Fonger v i l l a g e made t h e i r own pots.
I t i s n o t known
whether p o t t i n g was conducted by i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n each longhouse o r
by ad hoc work groups i n t h e open areas o f r e s i d e n t i a l wards.
The
incidence o f ceramic waste i n Fonger house p i t s suggests t h a t some p o t t i n g
E village
n = 32
= 2.05
S
-
= 0.95
1
1
2.2
2.7
3.2
3.7
I
I
I
4.2
4.7
5.2
NUMBER OF SPACES PER C M
F i g u r e 17. Frequency o f d e s i g n element spacing e s t i m a t e s
on impressed m o t i f p o t s from t h e west and e a s t areas o f t h e
Fonger v i 1 1age.
a c t i v i t y took place i n t h e houses.
Learning Iroquoian p o t t i ng
In order t o make v a l i d inferences about past community organization
from ceramic s t y l e s , one must determine t h a t p o t t ng ski 11s were 1earned
prior t o marriage and mostly within t h e household of o r i e n t a t i o n
(Hayden and Cannon 1982: 148).
On a theoretical level , i t has been proposed (Hayden and Cannon n.d.:
10) t h a t t h e learning of non-special ized c r a f t s i n t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s occurs
primarily by observation within t h e household o r corporate group of o r i g i n .
Also, data from contemporary Mayan households demonstrates a strong 1i n e a r
relationship between t h e age a t which potting i s learned and the frequency
of pots produced i n t h e household of learning (Hayden and Cannon n.d. :27)
the more pots produced i n the household of o r i g i n , the younger the age a t
which potters 1earned t h e necessary s k i 11s w i t h i n those households.
Additional ethnoarchaeological data suggest t h a t women i n primitive
s o c i e t i e s learn basic potting s k i l l s a t a r e l a t i v e l y young age (usually
f i v e t o 15 years] and c e r t a i n l y p r i o r t o marriage (e.g., Kal inga (Longacre
1981:60) and Nuba (Hodder 1982: 145) ) .
Among the Ontario Iroquois, potting was probably learned primarily
within the household
o r residential ward of o r i g i n .
I t has a1 ready been
argued t h a t economic, social and pol i t i cal i n t e r a c t i o n was probably most
intimate between members of the same longhouse o r clan-barrio i n Iroquoian
villages.
Furthermore, i t seems l i k e l y t h a t pots were produced by each
hdusehold and, perhaps, by each family of a household.
I t i s significant
t h a t the r a t i o between a d u l t and juvenile vessels i n the e a s t and west
-
s e c t o r s of t h e Fonger v i l l a g e a r e not s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t (Table 22),
indicating t h a t potting was learned i n both areas of the v i l l a g e .
This l a t t e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n assumes t h a t juvenile vessels represent
t h e products of young g i r l s , learning t h e c r a f t of potting.
Moulded clay
waste and f i r e d , crudely made pinch pots ( j u v e n i l e vessels) a r e common
occurrences i n Iroquoian longhouse f l o o r s .
Because the pinch pots e x h i b i t
a continuum of q u a l i t y , probably r e f l e c t i n g increased competence with age,
and resemble adult-produced vessels in form, design and technique, i t
seems reasonable t o a t t r i b u t e these a r t i f a c t s t o novices a t ceramic
manufacturing (Pearce 1978b: 1; Kenyon 1968:47; Wright 1966: 32; Wright
and Anderson 1969 :26).
To summarize t h i s discussion, t h e a v a i l a b l e evidence argues t h a t most
Ontario Iroquoian women learned how t o make pots as young g i r l s
by
watching and copy; ng t h e work of adu! t p o t t e r s i n thei r own househa! ds =
I t i s recognized t h a t a small amount of teaching o r copying of ceramic
sty1 es 1 i kel y occurred between nei ghbouri ng househol ds o r even between the
residential wards of an Iroquoian v i l l a g e .
However, I do not accept the
suggestion t h a t c r a f t learning i n simple s o c i e t i e s is characterized by a
high degree of innovation and learning networks t h a t crosscut corporate
groups and communities (Stanisl awski 1977; Stanisl awski and Stanisl awski
1978; Friedrich 1970:337).
Such statements a r e based on observations of
competitive semi-specialist potters who produce wares f o r commercial
markets; none of these conditions apply t o t h e Ontario Iroquois.
Pot mouth width (cm)
Figure 18. Relationship between historic Neutral
p o t mouth width and p o t volume.
( d a t a from Kenyon 1982)
Iroquoian pot function
Since vessel f u n c t i o n can d i s t o r t ceramic s t y l e d i s t r i b u t i o n s w i t h i n
a community, i t i s i m p o r t a n t t o compare o n l y vessels w i t h s i m i l a r f u n c t i o n s
(Plog
1980: 17-19).
p o t form
F o r t u n a t e l y , Late I r o q u o i a n s manufactured o n l y one
b u t i n d i f f e r e n t s i z e s ( T r i g g e r 1981:29).
Nevertheless, i t
should be determined t h a t t h e f u n c t i o n o f I r o q u o i a n p o t s was independent
o f pot size.
P r i o r t o e s t i m a t i n g t h e s i z e o f t h e Fonger ceramic vessels, i t was
necessary t o e s t a b l i s h t h a t p o t mouth w i d t h s a r e an a c c u r a t e measure o f
vessel s i z e o r volume.
A sample o f complete vessels from t h e h i s t o r i c
Neutral Grimsby cemetery ( W .
Kenyon 1982) show a s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e
c o r r e l a t i o n between p o t mouth w i d t h and vessel volume (see F i g u r e 18 and
Table 24).
Comparing t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n s o f vessel s i z e ( i n f e r r e d f r o m r i m diameter
e s t i m a t e s ) from t h e e a s t and west s i d e s o f t h e Fonger v i l l a g e ( F i g u r e 19
and Table 25 and 26), we see t h a t t h e r e i s no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e
between t h e two areas i n p o t s i z e frequencies o r mean p o t s i z e .
a d d i t i o n , assuming i n t e r i o r carbon e n c r u s t a t i o n s
In
are associated w i t h
cooking pots, a s i m p l e v i s u a l i n s p e c t i o n o f F i g u r e 19 suggests t h a t p o t
s i z e was independent o f f u n c t i o n .
The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f carbon
e n c r u s t a t i o n s as f o o d remnants d e r i v e s from h i s t o r i c accounts, which s t a t e
that, when t h e Huron b o i l e d c o r n i n c l a y pots, t h e y had t o s t i r i t t o
prevent i t s t i c k i n g t o t h e p o t w a l l s ( B i g g a r 1922-1936, 3: 126-127;
Wrong 1939: 105-107).
As a f i n a l n o t e o f i n t e r e s t , i n contemporary s o c i e t i e s which possess
o n l y one f o r m of cooking p o t (e.g.,
t h e F u l a n i ( D a v i d 1972: 141) and Kal inga
f
0
2
4
6
8
10
10
12
14
18
(cm)
Carbonized int.
Estimated pot mouth width
16
n=44
26.0 cm
S = 9.6
jt=
E village
W village
(Longacre 1981:53)), pot s i z e i s r e l a t e d t o the number of people who a r e
being served t h e meal.
Using t h i s information, i t i s l i k e l y t h a t Neutral
vessel mouth widths l e s s than 22 cm ( i . e . , about one t o s i x l i t r e s ) were
small cooking pots t h a t were used by individuals and nuclear families,
f o r example, menstruating women cooked t h e i r food in separate " l i t t l e pots"
(Wrong 1939:67).
Larger pots were presumably reserved f o r guests and
household f e a s t s .
Ceramic exchange and borrowing
Chemical analyses of pot f a b r i c s from a sample of Ontario Iroquoian
s i t e s have shown t h a t some of the foreign pottery i n v i l l a g e s i t e s may have
been transported considerable distances, during v i l lage relocation o r by
travel 1e r s and t r a d e r s (Trigger e t a1 1980: 132). A1 though mineralogical
o r chemical t e s t s of the Fonger pot f a b r i c s were beyond t h e scope of this
t h e s i s , only t h r e e obvious "foreign" vesseis (shei i -tempered and cordwrapped-stick-impressed) were found i n the eastern half of the s i t e .
These
pots were o r i g i n a l l y i n t e r p r e t e d as products of a Mascouten captive
(Warrick 1982), but in l i g h t of the t r a c e element research (Trigger e t a1
1980), they may, i n f a c t , have been transported t o the v i l l a g e a s plunder
o r trade i tems.
The incidence of ceramic exchange, however, seems t o have
been minimal a t t h i s s i t e , and we can discount exchange a s a potential
"noise" f a c t o r i n t h e ceramic s t y l e analysis.
A more c r i t i c a l issue involves inter-household borrowing o r trading of
pots.
According t o ethnoarchaeological work, the majority of households
i n primitive h o r t i c u l t u r a l v i l lages contain only a small proportion of
ceramic vesse
For instance ,
ich have not been manufactured i n the household of use.
Shipibo-Conibo v i l l a g e only 3% of the pots were not made
i n the household i n which they were found (DeBoer and Lathrap 1979:121);
and i n two Nuba compounds, j u s t 16% of t h e pots h d not been produced
locally (Hodder 1982: 142-143).
In l i g h t of these observations, i t will be
assumed f o r t h i s a n a l y s i s t h a t inter-household pot exchange o r borrowing
was a r e l a t i v e l y infrequent p r a c t i c e i n Late Ontario Iroquoian
communities.
Cerami c breakage
The ethnographic record i s s i l e n t concerning the number of pots made
and broken each y e a r and t h e causes of pot breakage in Iroquoian households.
Cross-cul t u r a l data again provide some he1 pful i n s i g h t s .
In Neolithic communities, t h e frequency of pot manufacture normal'ly
depends on t h e r a t e a t which pots a r e broken.
In t u r n , t h e breakage r a t e
f o r pots i s a function of vessel s i z e , mode and frequency of use,
portabii i t y , and f r a g i i i t y (David i972: i 4 i ; DeBoer and i a t n r a p i979: i26127).
Thus, t h e preponderance of small cooking vessels ( l e s s than 30 cm
mouth width) i n t h e Fonger sample implies a more frequent use of small
rather than l a r g e vessels.
Under normal conditions of use, Iroquoian cooking pots l a s t e d
" f o r a very long time" (Wrong 1939:109).
In contemporary simple s o c i e t i e s ,
small cooking pots commonly have use-1 ives of two o r three years
(Longacre 1981:63; David l972:14l).
Common causes of pot breakage in
such s o c i e t i e s include dropping pots o u t s i d e t h e v i l l a g e while water
fetching o r cleaning, children o r scavenging dogs knocking over vessels i n
houses o r pots simply f a l l i n g a p a r t from prolonged storage of cold water
(Longacre 1981:63; DeBoer and Lathrap 1979: 126- 127; Wrong 1939: 109).
a
Ceramic discard
The nature and location of ceramic discard i n Iroquoian v i l l a g e s i s
poorly understood.
Studies of contemporary horticul t u r a l communities who
use clay pots provide some clues; potsherds i n open areas between houses
a r e periodically swept up and deposited i n peripheral middens (DeBoer and
Lathrap 1379: 128; Longacre 1981 :64).
The f a c t t h a t most potsherds a r e
found i n t h e middens of Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e s implies a s i m i l a r
concern f o r cleaning house f l o o r s and v i l l a g e courtyards.
The few archaeological s t u d i e s , which have concentrated on the
d i s t r i b u t i o n of sherds belonging t o a s i n g l e vessel w i t h i n Iroquoian s i t e s ,
have found t h a t sherds which physically mend a r e usually f i v e t o ten metres
a p a r t , w i t h i n t h e same house (Wright 1974:91; M.Wright l979:l6).
On the
other hand, the same s t u d i e s suggest t h a t occasionally pieces of broken
ceramics were subject t o a f a i r degree of l a t e r a l movement i n Iroquoian
villages.
For instance, i n t h e Nodwell s i t e , t h e maximum separation of
two rim sherd mends was about 17 m (Wright 1974:91); i n t h e Uren v i l l a g e ,
sherds from the same pot were found a distance of 30 m a p a r t (M. Wright
1979:16); and i n the Ball s i t e , two fragments of t h e same pipe were found
i n d i f f e r e n t house f l o o r s separated by over 130 m (Knight and Snyder 1982:
56) !
In t h e Fonger s i t e , pot mends occur mostly within the same midden, but
the l e s s frequent i n t r a - v i l l a g e ceramic mends have been diagrammed in
Figure 20.
From the occurrence of conjoined sherds i n Midden A and B
and evidence from o t h e r s i t e s , s t r i c t isomorphism between the location of
use and t h e location of discard of ceramics i n Iroquoian settlements
cannot be assumed.
Contemporanei ty of analytic uni ts
Presented with a small Iroquoian v i l l a g e t h a t had been occupied
continuously f o r only ten to twenty years, i n the absence of superimposed
strucutres due t o village abandonment and reoccupation, the houses and
deposits o f that village can be considered approximately
contemporaneous.
In addition, unless there i s s t r a t i g r a p h i c evidence t o the contrary,
Iroquoian village middens a r e assumed t o have gradually accumulated
throughout a s i t e ' s 1ifetime (Woolfrey e t a1 l976:6).
Therefore, the east
and west areas of the Fonger s i t e a r e considered e s s e n t i a l l y contemporary.
I t should be noted t h a t these assumptions a r e based on the premise
that ten to twenty years i s a r e l a t i v e l y brief span of archaeological time,
and that most dating methods
currently available in the Northeast
are
hard-pressed t o i s o l a t e events of s h o r t e r duration.
Ceramic sample re1 iabi 1i t y
Referring t o Figure 21, the Fonger s i t e ceramic sample was collected
-
Midden A and B. Both middens have estimated
areal extents of l e s s than 200 m 2 . Bell house and Finlayson (1979:121)
recommend t h a t small middens (1 ess than 175 m 2 ) in Iroquoian s i t e s should
principally from two middens
be t o t a l l y excavated in order t o ensure t h a t the ceramic sample collected
i s s t a t i s t i c a l l y representative.
Unfortunately, time constraints allowed
us to excavate only 26% of Midden A and 15%of Midden B by area.
Thus,
adhering s t r i c t l y t o the recommended c r i t e r i a , the Fonger ceramic samples
from these middens a r e not representative.
However, i t should be noted t h a t these c r i t e r i a a r e founded on midden
data from the Draper s i t e , a large Huron village formed by the defensive
coalescence of several ceramical l y di verse communi t i es (Ramsden 1978: 103).
Consequently, one would expect each midden of t h i s s i t e t o contain a
r e l a t i v e l y diverse ceramic assemblage.
In c o n t r a s t , t h e Fonger s i t e
ceramics are*extremely homogeneous within each midden; f o r example, only
s i x d i f f e r e n t e x t e r i o r rim motifs occur i n the e n t i r e s i t e .
When sampling
archaeological s i t e s , i n order t o secure a representative sample of a
diverse population o f a r t i f a c t s , a large proportion of u n i t s must be sampled
t o guarantee the acquistion of r a r e a r t i f a c t s , i n the case of the Draper
s i t e , rare ceramic types.
S i t e s wi t h more homogeneous ceramic assemblages,
on t h e other hand, would require l e s s intensive sampling t o acquire a
representative ceramic sample (Nance 1981: 152-155).
Thus, i t i s f e l t t h a t
t h e ceramic samples from t h e Fonger s i t e middens, although s l i g h t l y biased,
a r e s t i l l amenable t o s t a t i s t i c a l manipulation using nonparametric t e s t s .
In addition, t h e central and deepest portions of Midden A and B were
the areas excavated ( s e e Figure 13).
I f t h e sampling f r a c t i o n s had been
calculated using midden volume instead of midden a r e a , the sampling f r a c t i o n s
of each midden would be considerably 1arger.
In any .event, t h e r e s u l t s of our s t a t i s t i c a l t e s t s on t h e Fonger s i t e
ceramics should be considered t e n t a t i v e , pending the c o l l e c t i o n of 1arger
samples .
Post-occupational disturbance
Ploughing i s t h e major post-occupational disturbance which could have
s i g n i f i c a n t l y a1 tered original ceramic d i s t r i b u t i o n s i n the Fonger s i t e .
Several s t u d i e s have demonstrated, however, t h a t t h e r e i s no appreciable
horizontal movement of a r t i f a c t s in ploughed s i t e s (Binford e t a1 1970:Z3; Redman e t a1 1970:280; Dancey 1974; Roper 1976; Trubowitz 1978;
Q,
'El
(0
.U
J
(0
a.
'El
0)
*
(0
0
n
(0
L
+
X
W
0
0
0
119
Hoffman 1982).
I n a d d i t i o n , t h e landowner informed us t h a t t h e Fonger s i t e
had been deep-ploughed f o r o n l y t w e l v e y e a r s and always i n t h e same n o r t h south d i r e c t i o n .
Even i f sherd displacement had o c c u r r e d i n t h i s s i t e ,
ceramics from t h e e a s t and west halves o f t h e v i l l a g e would n o t have been
m i xed.
I n summary, i t i s c l e a r t h a t t h e Fonger s i t e and o t h e r Late I r o q u o i a n
v i l l a g e s s a t i s f y most o f t h e necessary p r e r e q u i s i t e s f o r i d e n t i f y i n g
?
residence p a t t e r n s from ceramic s t y l e d i s t r i b u t i o n s , such as predominantly
u x o r i 1ocal residence, non-special i z e d female p o t t e r s , manufacture o f p o t s
i n t h e household o f use, and l i t t l e ceramic exchange.
One q u e s t i o n remains ,
however, do t h e Fonger s i t e ceramic data s u p p o r t t h e h y p o t h e t i c a l d i v i s i o n
o f t h e v i l l a g e i n t o two r e s i d e n t i a l wards?
Fonger s i t e ceramic a n a l y s i s
Sample s i z e and vessel counts
R i m sherds, w i t h s u r f a c e and sub-surface provenience and h a v i n g i n t a c t
l i p and e x t e r i o r faces and complete c o l l a r s , were s e l e c t e d f o r t h e a n a l y s i s .
R i m sherds a r e t h e most h i g h l y decorated area on N e u t r a l p o t t e r y , d i s p l a y
considerable v a r i a b i l i t y i n s e v e r a l a t t r i b u t e s and a r e most e a s i l y
i d e n t i f i e d w i t h complete vessels.
( D i s t i n c t i v e p i p e s t y l e s may have been
associated w i t h s o c i a l groups i n I r o q u o i a n v i l lages (Ramsden 1977a:ZO;
Noble 1979:83; Woolfrey e t a1 1976:9; A r t h u r s 1979:90),
but the v i r t u a l
absence o f complete p i p e bowls i n t h e Fonger s i t e precluded t h i s avenue o f
research.
I n any case, we a r e more i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e s t y l e p a t t e r n i n g o f
femal e-re1 a t e d a r t i f a c t s ) .
Rims t h a t did not physically mend were grouped according t o
s i m i l a r i t i e s i n decoration, p r o f i l e , l i p thickness, paste, temper and
colour.
The number of rim groups formed by t h i s procedure i s t h e minimum
number of vessels (Mil l e t t 1979).
Minimum vessel counts a r e preferred
over rim sherd counts because they avoid t h e problem of d i f f e r e n t i a l
breakage patterns f o r d i f f e r e n t - s i z e d pots, and they a r e e s p e c i a l l y useful
on r e l a t i v e l y small rim samples (ease of matching rims) and where i t is
desirable t o r e l a t e d i f f e r e n t areas of a v i l l a g e by rim cross-mendjng
( s e e Figure 20) ( M i l l e t t 1979:77; Wright 1980:22; Finlayson and Pihl 1980b:
129).
A t o t a l of 178 vessels were used i n t h e analysis and vessel proveni,ence
i s shown in Figure 21.
Attributes
Ceramic a t t r i b u t e s a r e much more useful than ceramic types f o r
reconstructing past community organization and residence behaviour because
a t t r i b u t e s a r e mutually exclusive, a r e l e s s subjective than types, provide
greater potential f o r describing ceramic v a r i a t i o n than types, and
I
a t t r i b u t e s c o n s t i t u t e d i s c r e t e decisions of t h e p o t t e r (Deetz 1968:33;
Ramsden 1977b: 16-18; Wright 1980: 22-25; Engel brecht 1980: 28).
A search of t h e relevant l i t e r a t u r e on Iroquoian ceramics (Whallon
1968:226; Wright 1974:229; Smith 1977:86-87; Ramsden 1977b:165; Pearce
1978a:59-60; Engel brecht 1978: 145; Knight and Snyder 1982: 53) he1 ped produce
the following l i s t of a t t r i b u t e s which a r e believed t o have been
predominantly influenced by social o r functional f a c t o r s and a r e most
useful f o r dealing w i t h intra-communi t y ceramic s t y l e variabi 1i t y in
Iroquoian s i t e s .
They include:
121
1)
e x t e r i o r , l i p and i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i v e m o t i f and technique
( m o t i f s f o r t h e Fonger vesseas a r e presented i n Table 28-30 and
techniques used i n executing designs on t h e vessels were l i n e a r
impressing, i n c i s i n g and p u n c t a t i n g f o l l o w i n g d e f i n i t i o n s i n
W r i g h t and Anderson ( 1969:29-42))
2)
r i m form ( c o l l a r e d and u n c o l l a r e d
a
-
see F i g u r e 15 f o r t h e
l o c a t i o n o f t h e c o l l a r on I r o q u o i a n p o t s )
3)
c o l l a r base shape (angled o r rounded)
4)
c o l l a r h e i g h t (measured i n mm from t h e 1 i p edge t o c o l l a r base)
5)
1 i p w i d t h (measured i n mm)
6)
maximum temper s i z e (sherd edges were examined w i t h t h e unaided
eye and t h e l a r g e s t v i s i b l e p i e c e o f temper was measured t o t h e
n e a r e s t mm)
7)
presence/absence o f i n t e r i o r carbon e n c r u s t a t i o n ( i n some cases,
excessive scrubbing d u r i n g sherd washing may have removed these
deposits, which a r e i n t e r p r e t e d as t h e burned remains o f food)
8)
e s t i m a t e d p o t mouth w i d t h (sherds r e p r e s e n t i n g a t l e a s t 5% o f
t h e o r i g i n a l r i m circumference were placed on a c i 3 c l e graph, and p o t
mouth w i d t h was recorded t o the n e a r e s t two c e n t i m e t r e increment;
however, N e u t r a l p o t s were non-wheel thrown, so t h e r e i s a
considerable margin o f e r r o r ( h o p e f u l l y random) a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h i s
estimate)
9)
spacing between impressed m o t i f elements on r i m e x t e r i o r and
i n t e r i o r ( e s t i m a t e d by measuring an a r b i t r a r y d i s t a n c e g r e a t e r than
'
one c e n t i m e t r e between any two m o t i f elements, c o u n t i n g t h e number o f
spaces between those elements, and then dividing the number of spaces
by the distance (see Figure 16); t h i s provides a measure of the
average number of spaces per centimetre of rim circumference).
Resul ts
Nonparametric s t a t i s t i c a l t e s t s were conducted t o identify ceramic
a t t r i b u t e c l u s t e r s within the Fonger s i t e .
Any t e s t r e s u l t with a
probabil i t y val ue l e s s than 0.05 was considered s i g n i f i c a n t .
For
discussions of s t a t i s t i c a l t e s t s used, the reader i s referred to Sokal and
Rohlf (1969), Blalock (1972) and Thomas (1976).
I t has already been mentioned t h a t the e a s t and west village sectors
display no significant difference in pot s i z e d i s t r i b u t i o n s , mean pot mouth
width, mean spacing between e x t e r i o r rim design el ements o r the r a t i o of
adult to juvenile vessels.
Other ceramic a t t r i b u t e s which show no
difference include exterior motif, l i p mot i f , r im form, c o l l a r base shape,
mean l i p thickness, mean c o l l a r height and mea n maximum temper s i z e
(Table 28-36).
Lip and i n t e r i o r technique were not treated s t a t i s t i c a l l y
since impressed designs constituted almost 100% of decorated rims
n both
categories.
Only i n t e r i o r motif and e x t e r i o r design technique showed sign f i cant
deviations between the e a s t and west v i l l a g e areas.
Specifically, the
west village contains more vessels with plain i n t e r i o r s than the e a s t
village (Table 30), and there i s a higher proportion of incised rims in
the west half of the village (Table 33).
I t i s unlikely t h a t such subtle
cerami c differences served t o communicate soci a1 i d e n t i t y (Hodder 1982) in
the Fonger community.
Nevertheless, the f a c t t h a t there a r e some ceramic
differences between the vi 1lage s e c t o r s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n technique of
decoration ( S t a n i s l awski 1977), support our expectations concerning c r a f t
learning i n t r i b a l communities.
Namely, learning occurs primarily within
the household o r r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood of o r i g i n (Hayden and Cannon
n . d. ; Hayden and Cannon 1982).
Discussion
a
The general lack of ceramic s t y l e differences between t h e presumed
residential wards of t h e Fonger v i l l a g e may be due t o a combination of
several f a c t o r s .
F i r s t of a1 1, according t o the findings of Be1 1house and
Finlayson (1979), the ceramic samples from Midden A and B might be biased
( i . e . , too small).
Secondly, i t was assumed e a r l i e r t h a t middens in Iroquoian s i t e s
represent refuse accumulations from a limited number of s p a t i a l l y contiguous
houses.
I t i s conceivable t h a t d i s c r e t e house-midden r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n
Iroquoian v i 1lages (based on house-midden proximity and Zipf 's (1949) Law
of Least E f f o r t ) did not e x i s t f o r t h e e n t i r e duration of v i l l a g e
occupation.
Ceramic cross-mends i n the Fonger s i t e seem t o indicate a
c e r t a i n amount of l a t e r a l cycling of refuse within t h e v i l l a g e , p r i o r t o
f i n a l deposition.
Another f a c t o r which may have disturbed the ceramic patterning within
the s i t e i s the v i l l a g e f i r e and remodelling episode, e s p e c i a l l y if
v i l l a g e r s from t h e burned houses were temporarily she1 tered i n the western
residential ward, while new dwellings were being constructed.
. O n a more t h e o r e t i c a l l e v e l , the extreme homogeneity of ceramic
designs and a t t r i b u t e s and t h e uniform d i s t r i b u t i o n of European goods
within the Fonger v i l l a g e indicate an unexpectedly high amount of
s o c i a l i z i n g , r e s i d e n t i a l m i x i n g and economic co-operation between
r e s i d e n t i a l wards, i f o u r a r c h i t e c t u r a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f such wards i s
accurate.
I n t h e absence o f inter-community c o m p e t i t i o n and s o c i a l
antagonisms o r tensions, such as p o l it i c a l o r economic r i v a l ry , t h e r e
should be 1it t l e i n c e n t i v e f o r v i 1l a g e r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t s t o d i f f e r e n t i a t e
t h e i r p o t s t y l e s (Hodder 1982:123;
Hayden and Cannon n.d. :14).
This may
e x p l a i n why t h e communities o f n o n - s t r a t i f i e d s o c i e t i e s n o r m a l l y e x h i b i t
extreme c o n f o r m i t y and conservatism i n ceramic s t y 1 es (Nick1 i n 1971:31;
Hodder 1982: 41,146).
As a f i n a l note, t h e usual mechanisms f o r i n t e g r a t i n g socio-pol it i c a l
groups i n p r e i n d u s t r i a l communi t i e s ,such as c l a n exogamy, soda1 i t i e s and
age grades, may have been so successful i n I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e s t h a t they
have made a r c h a e o l o g i c a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l household
r e i a t f o i i s h i p s i n such v i l ;ages extremely d i f f i c u ! t.
T h i s m i g h t be t h e
reason why c e r a m i c a l l y s i m i l a r longhouses i n O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n v i l lages
a r e r a r e l y s p a t i a l l y contiguous (e.g.,
Nodwell s i t e ( W r i g h t 1974:308) and
B a l l s i t e ( K n i g h t and Snyder 1982:53-54)).
125
CHAPTER V
CONCLUSIONS
As outlined i n t h e introduction, the purpose of t h i s t h e s i s was
identify t h e determinants of Late Ontario Iroquoian (A.D. 1450-1650)
vi 1lage organization and t o formulate an operational mode 1 which wou
account f o r v a r i a b i l i t y i n t h e patterning of such v i l l a g e s .
conclusions of t h i s stidy
a r e summarized in four sections:
The
determinants
of Late Ontario Iroquoian v i 1lage organization; socio-pol i t i c a l model of
Ontario Iroquoian vi 1lage layout; resul t s from model operational i zation;
and recommendations f o r f u t u r e research.
Determinants of Late Ontario Iroquoian vi 11age organization
An Iroquoian v i l l a g e was defined as any c l u s t e r of longhouses
g r e a t e r than 0.4 ha i n s i z e and representing the occupation of a s i n g l e
semi-permanent community.
Possible determinants of Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e layout include
cosmology, a v a i l a b l e construction materials, s i t e topography, cl imate,
f i r e prevention, s a n i t a t i o n , space conservation, defense and sociopol i t i c a l variables.
I t was
suggested
t h a t many of these f a c t o r s ,
however, had l i t t l e o r no influence on Iroquoian v i l l a g e arrangement.
1) Cosmology, bui 1ding materials, s a n i t a t i o n and f i r e prevention
did not appreciably a f f e c t Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e layout.
2) S i t e drainage may have influenced the placement of dwellings i n
some v i l l a g e s ; there may have been a preference f o r erecting houses on
s o f t , sandy s o i l s .
3)
Climate (maximization of 1onghouse thermal efficiency by
orienting house ends i n t o t h e prevailing winds) appears t o have affected
house o r i e n t a t i o n s only i n h i s t o r i c Huron v i 1lages.
4)
Overcrowding and a concern f o r conservation of internal v i l l a g e
space can account f o r t h e c l o s e juxtaposition and p a r a l l e l alignment of
longhouses i n most Late Iroquoian settlements which were heavily
*
fortified.
5)
Contrary t o popular opinion, i t was argued t h a t defense was not
a major determinant of v i l l a g e organization, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n palisaded
villages.
Palisaded Iroquoian settlements were e s s e n t i a l l y impenetrable
p r i o r t o the introduction of European weaponry and offensive m i l i t a r y
strategy.
Traditional Iroquoian warfare involved small groups of raiders,
s u r p r i s e a t t a c k s , s t e a l t h and k i l l ing of i s o l a t e d victims outside v i l l a g e s ,
and not l a r g e armies, v i l l a g e s i e g e , breaching of palisades and armed
combat w i t h i n v i i i a y e s .
6)
Socio-pol i t i c a l variables ( v i l l a g e socio-economics, government
and demography) apppear t o have been t h e primary forces which shaped the
evolution and form of t h e Late Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e .
Socio-political model of Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e layout
An examination of t h e archaeological and ethnographic record f o r the
Ontario Iroquois, supplemented by comparative data from contemporary
swidden communities, suggests t h a t socio-pol i t i c a l f a c t o r s a r e t h e
major determinants of t h e layout of primitive h o r t i c u l t u r a l communities,
including those of t h e Ontario Iroquois.
The socio-political model of Late Iroquoian v i l l a g e organization i s
based on several propositions:
1)
Iroquoian 1onghouses c o n s t i t u t e d corporate groups, b u t 1onghouse
membership remained r e l a t i v e l y fixed f o r t h e l i f e of a house and was
based predominantly on k i n (1 ineage) r e l a t i o n s
2) households were not i n t r i n s i c a l l y competitive over wealth,
contrary t o the socio-economic model of Ontario Iroquoian house and
vil lage s i z e (Hayden 1977,1979; Ramsden 1978)
3)
households were t i e d in economic (subsistence) and socio-
p o l i t i c a l c o a l i t i o n s w i t h neighbouring households i n a v i l l a g e ; normally
cl an-related househol ds were placed s p a t i a l l y contiguous i n 1arge
Iroquoian v i l l a g e s and formed t h e core of each coal i t i o n
4)
layout o f Late Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e s was determined by
community s i z e and t h e degree of coherency of localized sub-clan
coal i t i o n s ;
in l a t e p r e h i s t o r i c and l a t e contact communities, disorganized
v i l l a g e governments caused disordered v i l l a g e p a t t e r n s , but most Late
Iroquoian v i l l a g e s were highly s t r u c t u r e d , with one o r more d i s t i n c t
cl u s t e r s of longhouses
5)
t h e "longhouse c l u s t e r " i s an aggregate of juxtaposed houses,
arranged around an informal open area and sharing one o r more middens;
archaeological 1y , t h e r e a r e three types of 1onghouse cl usters: radial
(houses arranged i n f a n s ) , a1 igned (groups of houses w i t h s i m i l a r
a1 ignments) and para1 l e l row (houses arranged in " s t r e e t - 1 i ke" rows) ;
longhouse c l u s t e r s a r e interpreted as clan-barrios, i n which social and
economic i n t e r a c t i o n is expected t o have been intense
6)
l a r g e Iroquoian v i l l a g e s ( g r e a t e r than 350-500 inhabitants)
contained two o r more clan-barrios, sometimes physically separated by
fences.
Trends in Ontario Iroquoian house and v i l l a g e form
Eva1 uation of t h e socio-pol i t i c a l model revealed unexpected trends
in Oqtario Iroquoian house s i z e and v i l l a g e form which were explained by
,'
thg following scenario.
l y Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e s contain groups of small houses which
__ _ _
1lybsuperimposed and arranged haphazardly, indicating 1i t t l e
.
tievelkment of vi 11age government, clans and household co-operation.
s
5
i
In the
i
fourteenth century, however, the Iroquoians seem t o have abandoned the
sand plains of Southern Ontario.
This event caused population movements,
created increased competition and warfare over localized s t r a t e g i c resources
(Wime a r a b l e land, deer herds and c h e r t q u a r r i e s ) , -gave r i s e t o heavily
-
\y
<
\
;
1
/
tortified
+.
\
but overcrowded v i l l a g e strongholds and brought about the
-
0. < r,aippearance
,/
'15,I)' voaul
of excessively 1arge longhouses t h a t were organized under
mil i t a r y leaders.
qd&%##:
Intense inter-communi t y warfare persisted until
i150, a f t e r which autonomous v i l l a g e s began forming mil i t a r y a1 1iances
/
L
i t h f r i e n d l y rieighbouring communities.
Eventually, expanding a l l i a n c e
networks produced increased vi 1 lage exogamy and r e s i d e n t i a l f l exi bi 1 i t y ,
the appearance of clan and t r i b a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , more vol uminous long-
distance exchange, increased v i 11age pl anni ng , b u t a decl i ne i n 1onghouse
size.
As local h o s t i l i t i e s disappeared, so did t h e power and
of despotic m i l i t a r y big-men.
In p r o t o h i s t o r i c times, except
/
, L *
'
warfare and possibly bouts w i t h European epidemics, 1 i f e was peaceful(and
,,
I
villages were r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e .
Fol lowing i n i t i a l European contact,
however, t h e introduction of epidemics, depopulation,
t h e ubiquity of
O
1
trade goods, c a p i t a l ism and Christianity r e s u l t e d i n t h e complete
d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of t h e Ontario Iroquoian longhouse and formal v i l l a g e 1i f e .
\
Results of model operational ization
The socio-pol i t i c a l model was tested with architectural and ceramic
data from the Fonger s i t e (AhHb-8), a protohistoric (A.D.
1600-1615)
Neutral vi 11age.
The layout of the village was in accordance with the model
expectations: r e l a t i v e l y short houses arranged in two c l u s t e r s around
central plazas ; no preferential a1 i gnment of houses i n t o prevai 1i ng
northwesterly winds; no wealth differences ( i n terms of European i tems)
between househol ds o r 1onghouse c l u s t e r s were demonstrated; defensive
concerns (defensive s i t i n g , t r i p l e pal isade, high house density) were
a high p r i o r i t y because t h i s s i t e was c l o s e s t t o enemy (Mascouten) borders;
and the unexpected superimposition of several houses i n the s i t e can be
explained by a v i l l a g e conflagration which destroyed a t l e a s t three houses
and caused a v i l l a g e expansion.
In an attempt t o validate the architectural subdivision of the
Fonger s i t e i n t o two residential wards, ceramic s t y l e distributions were
analyzed.
Of nine a t t r i b u t e s examined, only i n t e r i o r rim motif and
exterior rim technique showed differences between the hypothesized
residential areas.
The general f a i l u r e of ceramic s t y l e s t o i s o l a t e
residential wards in the Fonger village was a t t r i b u t e d to possibly
biased ceramic samples, lack of discrete midden-house relationships in
Iroquoian v i l l a g e s , the village f i r e o r the absence of political rivalry
and,,economic competition between village factions.
Recommendations f o r future research
Probably the most significant contribution t o Iroquoian archaeology
which has emerged from t h i s thesis i s the concept of the "longhouse
cluster".
The longhouse c l u s t e r i s perhaps t h e most productive u n i t of
analysis within Iroquoian v i l l a g e s f o r two reasons.
F i r s t , one of the
most p r o f i t a b l e approaches f o r identifying social patterns from
archaeological remains i n p r e h i s t o r i c settlements invol ves averaging
relevant a t t r i b u t e s from a group of s i m i l a r o r r e l a t e d households r a t h e r
than studying individual househol ds (Hayden and Cannon 1982 :140-141) .
In Late Iroquoian v i l l a g e s , longhouses normally contain highly variable
a r t i f a c t assemblages.
Using t h e longhouse c l u s t e r approach (grouping
s p a t i a l l y contiguous houses), t h e averaged a r t i f a c t p a t t e r n s f o r a
group of houses w i l l provide a much more accurate p i c t u r e of community
organization than would be possible by simply analyzing s i n g l e households
in i s o l a t i o n .
Secondly, i f longhouse c l u s t e r s a r e i n f a c t the physical remains of
clan-harrios, then comparisons between longhouse c l u s t e r s of an Iroquoian
v i 11age coul d supply valuable information about the dynamics of pre-contact
Iroquoian communities, including t h e degree of s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l integration
between v i 1lage segments, social and r i t u a l i n t e r a c t i o n and economic
competition between sub-clans, i d e n t i t y of soda1 i t i e s ( e . g . , dance and
curing s o c i e t i e s ) , and residence behaviour.
I t i s hoped t h a t f u t u r e work
on Iroquoian community organization will adopt t h e longhouse c l u s t e r as
the primary a n a l y t i c a l u n i t .
There a r e several problems f o r f u t u r e research which came t o l i g h t
,-a
-
- --
i n the course of investigating Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e organization.
r-
F i r s t , t h e r e is an urgent c a l l f o r g r e a t e r precision i n dating Iroquoian
s i t e s and a r e a s within s i t e s . I t has been shown t h a t house post d e n s i t i e s
may be r e l i a b l e predictors of t h e length of time t h a t houses were
occupied, b u t more work i s needed t o determine the exact relationship
between post densities and time.
Once such relationships a r e identified,
then we can begin t o deal with the presently d i f f i c u l t problem of
estimating duration of s i t e occupation.
In order t o convincingly
establish changes o r trends in the socio-political and village organization
of the h t a r i o Iroquois, we must develop more accurate methods of
dating Iroquoian v i l l a g e s , such as refined ceramic s e r i a t i o n s , dating
s i t e s on the d i v e r s i t y and quantity of European trade goods (see
Fi tzgeral d 1983), and exploring pol 1en dating and dendrochronol ogi cal
appl ications.
Secondly, the socio-political model which has been outlined in
t h i s thesis hinges on village demographic reconstructions.
A t the
present, counting hearths in houses i s a good index of population,
h u t only f o r r i t e s w i t h we! !-preserved hearths.
hearths, we a r e l e f t a t a loss.
In the absence of
T h u s , more work i s needed t o develop
a greater variety of empirical methods f o r calculating populations of
~ r o ~ u d i avillages
n
from such data sources as s i t e s i z e , midden density,
number of ceramic vessels, and the number of bodies in related cemeteries.
Furthermore, i f we ever desire an answer t o the possibility of protoh i s t o r i c epidemics among the Ontario Iroquois, improved estimates of
regional populations must be made, through s i t e survey and s i t e s i z e
measurement.
Other recommendations concern Iroquoian ceramic s t y l e research.
Studying the d i s t r i b u t i o n of ceramic s t y l e s i n Iroquoian s i t e s can
independently verify hypotheses about village organization based solely
132
a r c h i t e c t u r a l data.
However, the t e s t of t h e s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l model on
the Fonger s i t e pointed out several inadequacies i n our understanding
of the intra-vi 1lage d i s t r i b u t i o n of Iroquoian ceramic s t y l e s .
Specifical l y , f u t u r e analyses of I roquoian pottery should concentrate
on the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of i d i o s y n c r a t i c ceramic a t t r i b u t e s ( a key t o
\
understanding who made Iroquoian p o t s ) , determination of the ultimate
discard l o c a t i o n of sherds from s i n g l e vessels, physico-chemical
characterization of Iroquoi an pot f a b r i c s i n order t o determine the
r a t i o between foreign and l o c a l l y made wares i n v i l l a g e s i t e s , and
the design of sampling s t r a t e g i e s t o deal w i t h small lroquoian villages.
Lastly, i n the b r i e f discussion of t h e development of the Ontario.
Iroquois from a socio-pol i t i c a l perspective, a scenario was produced t o
explain observed trends in house and v i l l a g e form.
In t h e process,
numerous questions were raised which should be pursued f u r t h e r :
what f a c t o r s promoted the o r i g i n of Iroquoian longhouses and v i l l a g e l i f e ;
what climatic changes occurred during Iroquoian development and what
e f f e c t s did these have on Iroquoian c b l t u r e ;
what population changes
took place throughout t h e Ontario Iroquoian sequence; what was the nature
of p r e h i s t o r i c Iroquoian warfare; how extensive was l a t e p r e h i s t o r i c
Iroquoian exchange; when did competition over wealth accumulation begin,
i f ever; and when were European goods and disease f i r s t introduced t o the
Ontario Iroquois? Any one of these questions would involve a thesis-length
answer.
As a f i n a l note, i t has been s a i d t h a t an "archaeologist is a social
s c i e n t i s t who s t u d i e s e x t i n c t communities" (Asch 1975:173).
I t i s hoped
133
t h a t t h i s work has demonstrated t h e p o t e n t i a l o f archaeology f o r
b r i n g i n g e x t i n c t communities back t o 1 i f e .
TABLES
Approx. d a t e
(years A.D.)
1475-1500
1520
1500
1500-1550
1500-1520
1560
1600-1620
1590- 1600
1630- 1650
1615
Site
Lawson
Soutnwol d
Draper
Coul t e r
K i rche
Benson
Warmi ns t e r
Ball
Le Caron
Christianson
1.4
9
Max.
No. o f
houses
ENE
NNW
WNW
Modal
house
orient.
.9
32
5
24.0
20.9
22.5
11.0
8.4
9.8
House l e n g t h
(m)
n
s
Late Ontario Iroquoian v i l l a g e data
Village
size(ha)
Table 1.
9
7.2 0.6
House w i d t h
(m)
n
1
s
F i t z g e r a l d 1981
Johnston and
Jackson 1980
K n i g h t 1978;
K n i g h t and
Snyder 1982
Hei denrei ch
1971
Ramsden 1977a
Nasmith 1981
Damkjar 1981
pers. comrn.
Hayden 1979;
F i n l ayson and
P i h l 1980a/b
Smith 1977
Pearce 1980a,
1980b
Reference
Ln
,"
+'
-as
a V) a,
U 3-r
O O L
E-t 0
Table 2 .
House o r i e n t a t i o n
c l a s s (degrees e a s t
of north)
Historic Huron and Neutral house o r i e n t a t i o n
Historic Huron
Oi
H i s t o r i c Neutral
Oi
31-60 ( N E )
61-90 (ENE)
91-120 (XNW)
121-150 (NW)
151-180 (NNW)
Totals
* s i g n i f i c a n t G - s t a t i s t i c values (p <O.O5), d f = l
** s i g n i f i c a n t G - s t a t i s t i c t o t a l ( p <0.001), df=5
Table 3. Late prehistoric-protohi s t o r i c
Ontario Iroquoi an house o r i e n t a t i o n
Orientation
oi
Northwest (121-180'
e a s t of north)
51
Not Northwest
Totals
101
e
i
i
138
Table 4.
Midden l o c a t i o n
-
- --
L o c a t i o n o f middens i n O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e s
Oi
i
-- -
Central open area
Pal isd'de
Between houses
Table 5. Average d i s t a n c e between house ends
and middens i n Late I r o q u o i a n v i 1 lages
Site
Kirche
Benson
Coul t e r
Ball
Draper
Christianson
Average minimum d i s t a n c e from c e n t r e
house end t o midden
- edge ( i n metres)
X
s
n
Table 6. Average minimum spacing between houses
in Late Iroquoian villages
Village s i t e
Average mi nimum distance between house wall s (m)*
n
X
s
Lawson
&
Southwol d
Draper
Coul t e r
Benson
Warmi ns t e r
Ball
Walker
Hood
*
minimum distance was measured between the closest two house walls
e i t h e r the side o r end walls
-
T a b l e 7.
h a t e I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e s i z e and house spacing
Village s i t e
S i z e (ha)
Mean house s p a c i n g (m)
Le Garon
Ball
Warmi ns t e r
Hood
Christianson
Wal k e r
--
Pearson's r = +0.34,
p > 0.1
T a b l e 8. L i m i t s t o L a t e I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e expansion
and house s p a c i n g
Rank o r d e r
o f village
Pal isade
rows and
earthworks
Natural
limits
Total
limits
Lawson
Warmi ns t e r
Hood
Benson
Christianson
Coul t e r
Southwol d
Le Caron
Ball
K irche
Walker
K e n d a l l ' s t a u = +0.18,
Z = 0.81,
p ~ 0 . 2
Rank o f l i m i t s
to site
expansion
Rank o f mean
house
spacing
Table 9. Minimum distance between house
and palisade i n Late Iroquoian v i l l a g e s
-
Village s i t e
Law'son
Southwol d
Ki rche
Warminster
Ball
Le Caron
Christianson
Hami 1ton
Minimum distance from house wall
t o palisade ( i n n e r row) (m)
Wright 1974
1350
Nodwell
Fox 1976
Rozel 1979
1050- 1100
1300
Dewael e
Gunby
-
Wright and Anderson 1969
1250
Bennett
5
1
3
24.6
8.2
13.1
25.1
9
M. W r i g h t 1979
1250
1 90
51.7
35.7
Jamieson 1979
Uren
Slack-Caswell 1410
15.2
11 27.2
4
8
Fox 1982
1100
Cal v e r t
5 17.5
1 56.4
Wagner e t a1 1973
M.Wright 1976, 1978
1250
1400
Reid:
Glen Meyer
M i ddl e p o r t
4
Noble 1975b
950
Van Besien
14.2
4.8
18.1
23.7
8.3
10.3
5.1
10.3
House l e n g t h
(m 1
n
X
s
F i n l a y s o n and Byrne 1975
Kenyon 1968
1125
Miller
Crawford Lake 1435-1459
S t o t h e r s 1977
Reference
800
Approx; date
(years A. D. )
L
7
3
7
9
1
8
4
12
6
5
1
7.3
6.8
6.8
6.4
8.0
8.2
7.3
7.0
6.6
7.0
7.3
0.5
0.2
0.2
1.1
0.2
0.4
0.7
0.4
0.7
House w i d t h
(m)
n
X s
~ a r and
i ~M i d d l e O n t a r i o I r o q u o i a n v i l l a g e data
Porteous
Site
Table 10.
40
20+
2 3+
50
90
Maximum
l e n g t h (m)
r
143
v i l l ayes
0ccurrence of middens i n O n t a r i o Iroquoi
Table 11.
Time period
Sites w i t h
i n t e r i o r v i l iage
middens
Early Iroquoian
0
Middle and Late
I roquoi an
14
S i t e s without
i n t e r i o r v i l lage
middens
8
-.
---
F i s h e r ' s Exact Test:
p = 0.00006, c r i t i c a l
Fonger s i t e midden data
Table 12.
Midden
Estimated
areal
extent(m2)
0.025
=
Maximum
thick.
(cm)
Predominant
matrix
Amountpof midden sampled
area(m )
volume ( 1 )
A
70
60
ash
18
4800
B
105
22
16
1650
C
30
17
organicsilt/
ash
organic s i l t
2
145
D
20
5
3
45
E
15
17
2
260
F
20
30
organic s i l t j
ash
organic s i l t /
ash
organic si 1t
1
300
146
Table 14.
Fonger s i t e house o r i e n t a t i o n s
Orientation class
(degrees e a s t o f Mag. N (1978))
--
a
--
0-30 (NNE)
31-60 (NE)
61-90 (ENE)
91-120 (WNW)
121-150 (NW)
151-180 (NNW)
Modal house o r i e n t a t i o n i s t o t h e NNE
Table 15. Frequency o f a s h - f i l l e d
s l a s h p i t s i n Fonyer s i t e houses
Houses
House 8, 11, 14
(burned houses)
Unburned houses
Slash p i t s
w i t h ash
Slash p i t s
w i t h o u t ash
147
Tab1 e 16. D i s t r i b u t i o n o f s e r v i c e a b l e
c h e r t c o r e s i n Fonger s i t e houses
0
Houses
Oi
Burned houses (Houses 8, 11 and 14)
30
Unburned houses
Total
Table 17. D i s t r i b u t i o n o f f i r e d ceramic waste
i n t h e Fonger s i t e
Vi 11age s e c t o r
Oi
West v i l l a g e
East v i l l a g e
Total
'
2
= 12.32, d f = 1 ,
adj.
p 4 0.005
148
Table 18.
House No.
Fonger s i t e longhouse wall post densities
Wall post
densi ty
( posts/m)
a
7
4.5
4
4.5
2
4.2
5
4.0
14*
4.0
1
3.8
10
3.1
8*
*
Burned house
3.2
House No.
Wall post
density
(posts/m)
Table 19. Comparison of exterior and i n t e r i o r
design element spacing on Fonger s i t e vessels
Exterior space density
(spaceslcm)
I n t e r i o r space density
(spaces/cm)
Table 20. C o r r e l a t i o n between estimated
p o t mouth w i d t h and e x t e r i o r design
element spacing on Fonger s i t e vessels
Element
spacing
(spaces/
cm)
Mouth
width
(cm)
Pearson's r = +0.22,
Element
spacing
(spaces/
cm>
Mouth
width
(cm)
2.6
1.6
1.6
1.5
1.2
2.5
1.9
0.7
1.5
3.4
2.6
1.7
1.1
3.9
2.2
2.9
300
200
208
160
140
200
160
120
220
140
200
140
240
240
160
300
r' = 0.048,
'
Element
spacing
(spaces/
cm>
n = 48, d f = 46,
p>0.1
Mouth
width
( cm)
,
Table 21. Comparison o f e x t e r i o r design element
spacing between e a s t and west areas of Fonger s i t e
#
E x t e r i o r design
element spacing
c l a s s (spaces/cm)
3.5
-
West v i l l a g e
f
cumulative
proportion
East v i l l a g e
f
cumulative
proportion
4.0
Total s
Kolmogorov-Smirnov Two-sample Test:
maximum
101 = 0.15,
c r i t i c a l D.05 = 0.329
(no s i g n i f i c a n t
difference)
Table 22. Ratio of a d u l t t o juvenile vessels
i n Middens A and B of the Fonger s i t e
Midden
Frequency of
juveni 1e vessels
Frequency of
adul t vessels
Testing e q u a l i t y of two percentages :
tS
= 1.24,
df=183, 0.4
>p>
0.2
Proportion of
juvenile vessels
Table 23. Ceramic d e n s i t i e s i n Midden A and B
o f t h e Fonger s i t e
Midden
Density o f ceramics (frequency p e r 10 1 o f f i l l )
- -
S t u d e n t ' s t = 1.24, df=25,
0.4)
p
> 0.2
Table 24. C o r r e l a t i o n between h i s t o r i c Neutral
p o t mouth width and p o t volume*
Vessel No.
*
d a t a from Kenyon (1982)
Pot mouth width
(c d
Pot volume
(1)
Table 25. Pot mouth widths in the east
and west areas of the Fonger s i t e
Pot mouth width
class (cm)
Frequency in
west village
Cumul a t i ve Frequency in
proportion east village
Cumul a t i ve
proportion
I
10
3
0.06
-
-
12
2
0.10
1
0.02
14
6
0.22
4
0.11
16
5
0.32
4
0.20
18
-
0.32
1
0.22
20
2
0.36
8
0.40
Totals
- --
-
-
-
-
Kolmogorov-Smi rnov Two-sampl e Test:
maximum D = 0.14, c r i t i c a l DaO5= 0.281,
p 1 0.05
Table 26.
Mean p o t mouth w i d t h f o r e a s t and west Fonger v i l l a g e
Average p o t mouth w i d t h (cm)
V i 1l a g e area
West
24.28
9.10
50
East
26.04
9.56
44
S t u d e n t ' s t = -0.13,
df=92,
p b 0.9
Table 27. R e l a t i o n s h i p between p o t s i z e
and d e c o r a t i o n i n Fonger ceramic vessels
Small /medi um-s ized
p o t s ( c- 36 cmj
Plain
*
Decorated
Col umn t o t a l s
Large-s ized p o t s
i > 36 cmj
3
15
156
Table 28.
Motif
West v i l l a g e
Oi
Column t o t a l s
Motif
i
104
104
East v i l l a g e
Oi
i
74
West v i l l a g e
Oi
Column t o t a l s
Fonger s i t e e x t e r i o r rim motif
i
East v i l l a g e
Oi
i
74
Row t o t a l s
i
178
8.60
Row t o t a l s
178
Gi
5.76
Fonger s i t e i n t e r i o r rim motif
Table 30.
Motif
a
Col umn t o t a l s
"significant t o
West v i l l a g e
Oi
i
East v i l l a g e
0
i
i
99
Row t o t a l s
70
169
i
20.02
p < 0.05
G = 20.02, d f = 3 ,
p
( 0.001
Table 31.
Fonger s i t e rim form
West v i l l a g e
East vi 1 1age
Row t o t a l s
Col 1a r
40
28
68
No c o l l a r
30
25
55
70
53
123
Col umn t o t a l s
Fonger s i t e c o l l a r base shape
Table 32.
West v i l l a g e
East v i l l a g e
Row t o t a l s
I
Angled c o l l a r base
23
Rounded c o l l a r base
17
Col umn t o t a l s
40
X'
=
2.18, df = 1 ,
0.257p70.1
Fonger s i t e e x t e r i o r rim technique
Table 33.
West v i l l a g e
f
%
East v i l lage
f
%
Row t o t a l s
f
%
.Impressed motif
65
70.7
54
90.0
119
78.3
Incised m o t i f .
27
29.3
6
10.0
33
21.7
Col umn t o t a l s
92
100.0
60
100.0
Testing difference between two percentages:
ts = 3.02 , df = 150,
0.001
<
p
0.01
152 100.0
Fonger s i t e mean 1 i p t h i c k n e s s *
Table 34.
(i)
C o r r e l a t i o n between l i p t h i c k n e s s and p o t mouth w i d t h
on Fonger s i t e vessels:
a
n = 87, Pearson's r = t 0 . 5 4
d f = 85,
p 4 0.001
( i i ) Comparison o f mean 1 i p t h i c k n e s s i n west and e a s t areas:
West v i l l a g e
East v i l l a g e
ii
X
s
n
6.4 1.5
S t u d e n t ' s t = 0.08,
*
45
df = 85,
s
n
6.6 2.0
42
p >0.9
l i p t h i c k n e s s measured i n mm
Table 35.
Fonger s i t e mean c o l l a r h e i g h t
Mean c o l l a r h e i g h t .(mm)
V i l l a g e area
X
West
East
S t u d e n t ' t t = 0.16,
d f = 74,
p
> 0.9
S
n
Table 36.
Fonger s i t e mean maximum temper s i z e
Mean maximum temper s i z e (mm)
V i l l a g e area
X
s
n
West
2.5
1.3
72
East
2.4
1.4
52
I
S t u d e n t ' s t = 0.052,
df=122,
p > 0.9
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