THE INFLUENCE OF THE SPATIAL AND TEMPORAL
DISTRIBUTION OF PLANT FOOD RESOURCES ON
TRADITIONAL MARTUJARRA SUBSISTENCE STRATEGIES
Fiona J. Walsh
INTRODUCTION
An awarenessof the ecologicalconstraintsimposedby the environmentcharacterises
a number of studies of archaeological material in the Western Desert (Gould 1969,
1980; Cane 1984; Veth 1988). Gould (1969) sought to explain the subsistence
behaviours of Western Desert Aborigines as adaptations to the relative paucity of
resources within their environment. He extrapolated his conclusions f rom research
in the Gibson Desert to the entire Western Desert culture bloc. This extrapolation
was based on the assumptionthat the physical and biotic environment of this region
was homogeneous.
Cane (1984) describedthe traditional subsistence lifestyle of the Gugadja, who lived
in northern areas of the Western Desert. They had a subsistence system that
exhibited a seasonal pattern of economic activities and social interactions. This was
a strong contrast to the subsistence strategy that had been previously d e s c n i for
the Western Desert (Gould 1969).
It is increasingly appreciated that there is a need for sound ecological analyses to
explain these observed variations in human adaptations (see WinterhaMer 1981).
In 1986 an archaeological research project was commenced in the Sandy Deserts,
these are centrally located within the Western Desert culture bloc (Bemdt 1959). The
potential for ecological research was recognised and a project was designed to
complement the archaeological studies that were underway.
The identification of the resources available within a site catchment area (Vita-Finzi
and Higgs 1970) enables assessment of the potential economies of an occupation
site. Quantitative vegetation surveys indicate the small scale variation in plant
resource distribution that may not be apparent to the casual observer. They also
provide data on the relative abundance of the food resources that contribute to the
diet of desert Aborigines.
The major aims of this research project were to determine the availability of plant
resources in proximity to a variety of occupation sites and establish whether the
availability of these resources influenced traditional Aboriginal movements in
proximity to and between these sites. To address these aims it was necessary to
identify the array of food plants used by the Martujarra and subsequently determine
their spatial and temporal distribution. This paper outlines the methods that were
used to integrate human and plant studies and discusses how ecological parameters
may have influenced the subsistence strategies of Martujarra Aborigines.
THE STUDY AREA
The availability of potable water had a major influence on the activities of desert
dwelling Aborigines. Therefore, location of water sources and identification of their
capacity and permanence also provides a background to understanding Martujarra
movements.
The research area was located in the northern Little Sandy Desert in Western
Australia. The western boundary of the L i i e Sandy Desert is contiguous with the
Pilbara region. The research area was approximately 300 km northeast of Newrnan
and 140 km southeast of Teler (Veth 1988: Map 1). The area is recognised as sub
tropical arid desert (McKenzie et al 1983). tt is frequently portrayed as having an
unpredictablerainfall pattern showing no markedperiodicity (for example, Muir 1982).
However, analysis of climatic data from Teler indicates there is a seasonal pattern
of rainfall, although the total volume of rain is relatively unpredictable. This rainfall
pattern is not apparent in desert regions south and east of the research area.
Average annual rainfall data indicates the study area receives less than 320 mm.
Most of the rain falls during the summer months, resultingfrom localisedrainfallevents
sometimes associated with cyclonic activity. These rains are responsible for
replenishing surface water supplies. Some rain may also fall in the winter months.
This tends to be drizzling rain that is widespread.
There is a large variation in temperatures in the Great Sandy Desert. From November
to March mean maximum temperatures are greater than 35%. In the winter months
~
mean minimum temperatures are low, with July having a mean minimum of 9 ' and
maximum of 2 5 ' ~ .
The northern Little Sandy Desert region is dominated by dissected ranges and hills
that rise to 175 m above the surrounding sandplains and sand dunes. These have
steep sided gullies and blocked sandstone slopes. There is limited soil development
within the ranges. Consequently, there are relatively high rates of runoff with water
accumulating in the permanent and semi-permanent rockholes that occur in the
ranges and feeding watercourses that drain the uplands.
The Rudall River dissects a rugged system of ranges, before passing through
dunefields and terminating in a discontinuous chain of salt playas. It has a braided
watercourse which may be up to one kilometre wide. No continuous flows have been
recorded along its length; however, it has numerous pools and soaks of varying
degrees of permanency (Muir 1982).
Expansive sandplains surroundthe ranges. These are dissected by surface drainage
patterns that vary in extent and complexity. They comprise ephemeral creeks that
usually flow after cyclonic events. These creeks generally dissipate amongst the
dunes, forming series of ephemeral claypans.
The region is dominated by dunefields. Generally the dunes form parallel ridges. In
proximity to ranges and salt lakes howeverthey are of irregular,tangled configuration.
North and east of the study area are the extensive dunefieus of the Great Sandy
Desert. The surface drainage in this region in relatively restricted and soaks and
claypans are important sources of water.
METHODS
Vegetation Suwey Methods
Quantitative vegetation surveys were conducted from 7 June to 28 July 1987 at egM
localities in the vicinity of Rudall River and McKay Range (see Veth 1988: Map 1). At
seven of these localities there was a recorded archaeological occupation site (Veth
pers. comm.). Localitieswere selected accordingto the environmental context of the
occupation site, this ensured, the relative proportions of topographical units in
proximity to the selected occupation sites varied.
Within each locality sampling quadrats were located in plant communities
representative of those that ocarned on the major topographical units. To provide a
comparison of areas differing in fire age, sampling quadrats were located where
possible on topographical units that had been burnt at different times. A total of 36
quadrats were surveyed.
The sampling quadratswere 400 m*,the percentage cover of each plant species was
estimated for all vegetation present within the quadrat. Cover is a quantitative
measure of a species contribution to the plant community. It refers to the horizontal
projection of vegetative material and is expressed as a percentage of the reference
area.
Numerical analyses of the percent cover data were undertaken using ordination
techniques that are widely used in plant ecology (Gauch 1982). The use of a
Detrended Correspondence Analysis (DECORANA) program enabled the
identification of similarities in the floral composition of sample quadrats. These
similaritieswere then relatedto the environmental gradients that occurred in the area.
inally, objective measures of species richness and species diversity were calculated
for each sample quadrat. Species richness is a direct measure of the number of
species present. Species diversity accounts for both the species richness and
percent cover values of all species in a sample quadrat, it was calculated to give a
Shannon-Weiner Diversity Index for each quadrat (Odum 1975).
Ethnographk Study Methods
Ethnographic studies were carried out with men and women from Cotten Creek
outstationand Jgalong community. InApril and May l986 preliminary ethnobotanical
research was conducted in association with Mr. Arpad Kalotas. This research
concentrated on establishing a preliminary list of plant and animal resource species
used by the Martujarra. In June and July 1987a group of five Martujarrawomen were
involved with the research project. The age of these women ranged from 16 to 65
years, they had a range of traditional knowledge and were variously proficient at
speaking English. The oldest woman had lived a traditional lifestyle and had visited
several of the study localities prior to the time when she movedto Jigalong. All women
identifiedwith particulartracts of land and had knowledgeof traditionalfood sources.
Collection of the ethnographicdata was conductedover a total of sixteen days in June
and July 1987. During this time living camps were established at three of the eight
study localities, these camps coincided with traditional carrping grounds.
Formal and informal interview techniques were used to gather ethnographic data. To
determine the characteristics of a useful species a standard question format was
compiled, this accountedfor traditionalnames, function or use, manner of processing,
distribution and time of availability. This questionnaire was extended when
necessary. Attempts were made to reconstruct traditional food gathering practices,
these included the activities of searching, harvesting and preparing foods. To
recreate the context of gathering practices, decisions to be made were referredto the
women. Consequently, they decided uponthe time, route and activities of excursions
from the base camp. Excursions were usually conducted on foot, but a vehicle was
usedto travel distances greater than approximately eight kilometres from each camp.
Detailed records of observations on direction, time, plant community visited, activity
and returns from gathering excursions were maintained. Plant material was collected
for identification and nutriitional analysis.
The phenology of plant species from which reproductive parts were consumed (that
is, seeds and fleshy fruits) and the seasonal availability of other edible plant parts was
determined. Literature surveys, herbarium sheet specimens, field observations and
ethnographic data were used to compile a calendar of species availability.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
In the following section the results of both botanicaland ethonographic research are
presented and discussed in view of their potential influence on Martujarra economic
and social activities. It is expected that with the refinement of methods of analyzing
the resourcesof a site catchmentthere will be the basisfor more detailed comparisons
of the environmental and archaeological data.
Vegetation and Plant Food Resources
At least 250 plant species are likely to occur within the research area (see George
and Mitchell1983; Goble-Garratt 1987;Walsh 1987). Eighty-nineplant species have
been recorded as food sources, a further 52 species were variously categorised as
non-food plants used by the Martujana. This represents the utilisation of
approximately 3% of the available fbra for food procurement. Veth and Walsh (in
press) suggested that, in being able to use a large number of species, the Martujarra
avoided the over exploitation of a particular species and also avoided reliance on any
one species that may be unproductiveunder adverse conditions. The number of food
plants used by the Martujarra (89 species) was comparable to the 92 species used
by the Alyawara who also live in a subtropical desert (O'Connell et a/, 1983). This
number was substantially greater than the 38 species recorded as being used in the
Gibson Desert (GouM 1980). The adoption of a broad resource base is more readity
facilitated in regions where the floristic diverss@is greater. The fbra of the Little Sandy
Desert is comprised of both Eremaean and tropical species, for example it has one
of the richest Acacia floras of Western Australian arid zone region (see Hnatuick and
Maslin 1980). As will be shown below, the maintenance of a broad resource base
may be a critical determinant of Martujarra subsistence strategies.
The vegetation of the Little Sandy Desert has been broadly described as 'spinifex
hummock grasslands with scattered shrubs' (Beard and Webb 1974). Classification
of the species recorded in survey quadrats showed that grasses were the dominant
species, bothfloristically and physiognomically. Inaddition, Acaciaspecieswere very
abundant. The majority (48%) of edible plant species were sources of seed. These
relatively large numbers reflect the predominance of grass and Acacia species in the
Little Sandy Desert. Within the research area seed grinding material was the most
conspicuous archaeological evidence of food processing activities. There was a
considerable range in the context and form of seed grinding implements. It is possible
that with further research this material may indicate how the technology required to
process the most abundant food resource was developed.
Temporal Patterns of Plant Food Availability
Tonkinson (1978) noted the aggregation and dispersal of Martujarta people.
However, these social groupings and subsequent movements were not considered
to occur in a seasonalcycle (GouM 1969). There are numerous referencesto the lack
of an annual seasonal pattern in Central Australia (Latz 1982; O'Connell et a/,1983)
and the Western Desert (Gould 1980). Yet Veth and Walsh (1986) recognised that
the Martujarra made a major distinction betweenthe resources available in 'hot time',
to 'cold time' and 'green grass time'. This led to further consideration of seasonal
cycles, particularly as they appeared to have been a key determinant in patterns of
site occupation.
Analysis of meteorological data indicated that there was the climatic basis for an
annual seasonal cycle. This possibility is supported by the ethnographic
determination of how the Martujarraperceivedthe passage of time. It was found they
distinguished a succession of events based on astrological, climatic and biological
occurrences (Walsh 1987).
Tindale (1981) noted that for the Pitjantjatjara, the appearance of the Pleiades or
Seven Sisters in the night sky signifiedthe beginningof a cycle of available plant and
animal foods. Similarly, the relative position and time of rising of this conspicuous
constellation was the basis to which the Martujarra related the climatic and biological
events they predicted. Temperature, rainfall and wind were climatic variables that
the Martujarrathen used. Extendedperiods of temperature extremes were identified
as 'hot times' and 'cold times'. Within these periods were shorter times when rain fell
or wind blew and these were identified accordingly. Finally, a number of biological
indicators were recognised as identifyingthe forthcoming availability of specific plant
food resources.
In the northern Great Sandy Desert, Cane (1984) recorded a succession of seasons
described by the Gugadja, no overlap between these events was noted. In contrast,
it was by intergrating and superimposing a number of natural events that the
Martujarra could predict and follow the seasonal cycle of resource availability.
An annual calendar of the availability of edible plant parts was compiled for each
species using botanical information sources. The Martujarra considered the seed of
seventeen Acacia species to be edible. Generally, these seeds ripened between
August and February. Grass seeds were the most abundant food resourcefrom April
to ~ u n ethe
, edible seeds of herbaceous plants ripened after winter rainfall events.
Fresh, fleshy fruits of twelve species were available year round, except in the hottest
summer months. The extended availability of this food group was due to the
staggered fruiting time of the different species. It was in contrast to the Poaceae
(grasses) that exhibited a relatively homogeneous response to climatic conditions.
As discussed by Veth and Walsh (in press) the tubers of Vigna lanceolata and bulbs
of Cyperus bulbosus constituted a significant component of the Martujarra diet,
apparentlybecausethey could be harvestedin large quantities and were continuously
available, except under extreme climatic conditions.
After assessment of the annual availability of plant foods ii was apparent there was
a period from November to February when there was a relative scarcity. This
coincided with the time when mammalian meat sources may also be scarce. There
are few detailed records concerning the storage of plant food by Aborigines in central
Australia (O'Connell et a1 1983; Latz 1982). However, there have been indications
that storage of seeds, dried fruits and bulbs may be an important strategy employed
by the Martujarrato overcome times of scarcity. This possibility will be pursuedduring
future field research.
The recognition of a seasonal cycle of resource availability in the northern (Cane
1984) and central areas of the Westem Desert now shows it is inappropriate to
extrapolate assumptions concerning the occupation patterns and lack of seasonality
of food and water availability to the entire Western Desert.
600
A = survey quadrats located on hills and ranges,
B = survey quadrats located on sanddunes, sandplalns and stony plalns,
C = survey quadrats located on or adjacent to wetlands
Figure 1. Multlvariate analysis for habitat classification using the survey quadrat
Spatial Distribution of Plant Food Resources
At first sight the vegetation of the Little Sandy Desert appeared to be homogeneous
with limited community differentiation. However, after undertaking detailed
vegetationalsurveys it was apparent there is considerablevariation inthe composition
and structure of plant communities within the area.
The results of the DECORANA ordination were plotted using axis one and axis two
(Fig. 1). These were the main axes where site differentiation occurred. The moisture
content of the soil substrate appearedto be the environmentalgradient that influenced
the separation of sites along axis one. The most extreme sites on axis one were
located on a sandstone plateau and adjacent to the Rudall River respectively. It was
found that the vegetational characteristics reflectedthe topographical or, sometimes
more precisely,the geornorphological unit on which a sle was located. These results
reiteratedthose of Atkins (1985) and Goble-Gamatt (1987) who found the vegetation
of the Pilbara region to be closely related to topography.
It should be noted that there is considerable variation in the distribution of sites within
the ordination space defined by the sand dune, sand plain and stony plain group.
These are the most extensive substrates in the region and it is likely the observed
variation is partly a reflectionof the array of soil conditions within this group.
On the basis of differences apparent in the site ordination (Fig.l),three major
vegetation associations were recognised as occurring on ranges and hills, sand
plains, sand dunes and stony plains and adjacent to watercourses. The data from
each of these groups were combined for further numerical analyses.
The number of food producing species (species richness) and the diversity index of
these species were calculated for each survey quadrat and the data pooled for each
of the topographical units which have been distinguished (Fig. 2).
A two way analysis of variance (see Sokal and Rohlf 1969) was applied to this data
set. This analysis identified a significant difference (at the 2.5% probability level)
betweenthe species richness of burnt and unburnt plant communities and the species
richness of different topographical units (Fig. 2A). Similar levels of significance were
observed in the indices of species diversity (Fig. 2B). Therefore, the number and
diversity of food plants were greatest in the vegetation of watercourses and least in
the ranges. On all landform units fire substantially increased the richness and
diversity of plant communities.
The sixteen food gathering excursions undertaken with the Martujarra women were
less than 8 km from three occupation sites: Yulpul and Karlamilyi (Veth 1988: Map 1)
and Kuta-Kuta (25 km east of Rudall River). The routes taken on these excursions
were plotted on aerial photographs and the proportion of the routes that traversed
different topographies was calculated.
At Yulpul the vegetation of a semi permanent rockhole was the focus of the first
collecting excursions approximately 30% of routes subsequently taken traversed the
ecotone between sand plain and watercourse and 36% traversed the ecotone
betweenrange and sandplain. At Karlamilyi allfood resources were sought, observed
or harvested within the levee banks of the Rudall River. No excursions were directed
to areas outside the levee banks. When resources were being collected the route
followed the outer fringes of the braided river channel. At Kuta-Kuta approximately
IBurnt > 5 y.a.
Burnt c 5 y.a.
KfBL
Range
Sandplainldune
Watercourse
Figure 2A. Mean number of food plants found on the major topographlcal units
with standard errors shown.
H
Burnt > 5 y.a.
Burnt c 5 y.a.
Range
Sandplainldune
Watercourse
Figure 28. Mean diversity of food plants found on the major topographicalunits
with standard errors shown.
60% of the route was restricted to the fringes of ephemeral claypans. On six
occasions specific excursionswere undertakento harvest species that were expected
to be found on recently burnt sand plains.
On gathering excursions the women directed their route to the landform where the
probability of encountering plant or animal resources was greatest. The route taken
on each excursion varied. As a result, when looking for resources no areas were
revisited in a single day. Gathering activities were most frequently directed to plant
communities associatedwith wetlands. These communities hadthe greatest diversity
and species richness. In terms of available plant food species, they were highly
productive. In ecotonal communities, where sand plains abutted ranges and formed
the levee of watercourses, species richness and diversity were high. These areas
were also used as gathering routes and they were identified by the women as being
potentially productive. The women specifically targeted burnt patches on spinifex
sand plains, these were areas of high species richness and diversity.
On only one of the sixteen gathering excursions did the women visit the ranges and
that was to search for a goanna (Varanidsp.). They characterised the ranges as
havingvery few plant foods and as being difficult to walk on, especially when carrying
harvesting equipment. Similarly, unbumt spinifex sand plains were not considered
productive habitats and were traversed only when necessary. This was supported
by the botanical data which show that unbumt spinifex sand plains and ranges have
a very low richness and diversity of plant food species.
It should be noted that to date this study is reliant on a limited data base. Quantitative
assessment of relative returns from different plant communities is in progress.
Accounts by Walsh (1987) provideddescriptions of the landformswhere specific plant
resource species were to be found.
In retrospect, it was apparent that when locatingand harvestingplant foods Martujarra
women targeted particular plant communities. These generalty had a large number
of species and a high species diversity. They preferentially gathered resources from
and moved along, areas in proximity to watercourses and around the base of ranges,
making less frequent forays to patches on sand dunes and sand plains where fire
weeds and specific resources were collected. The sandstone ranges and expanses
of unburnt spinifex sand plain were not utilisedfor plant food procurement.
The annual cycle of mobility was described by Veth (1988). Further work will assess
the seasonal availability of food species within a site catchment. This will be used to
predict the time of site use andthe potentialfor seasonal resources to sustain different
numbers of people.
Implicationsof Spatial Differences in Piant resources Availability
O'Connell and Hawkes (1981) concludedthat the foraging strategiesof the Alyawara
couM be explained by a 'patch choice' model. As shown above, ethnographic
evidence indicated that when gathering plant foods, Martujarra women selected the
plant community where the probability of encountering resources was greatest. This
practice could also be described as 'patch choice'. It may be a means of improving
the efficiency of collecting plant food from vast areas where there is a heterogeneous
distribution of food resources. If efficiency is to be considered in terms of cost benefit
returns it will be necessaryto quantify the volume of food items collectedfrom different
plant communities. Net energy balance and nutrient gain can then be used to assess
the relative efficiency of gathering plant foods from different patches.
A site catchment area can be conveniently defined by a foraging radius (Foley 1977).
When calculating the foraging radius used by the Martujarra it was apparent that a
standard radius couM not be applied to all occupation sites. This was because of the
variability in the spatial distribution of plant foods in the Little Sandy Desert. The
application of a gathering radius only accountsfor the potentialareafrom where plant
food resources may be collected. As shown above some areas, such as a sandstone
outcrop, were not productive habitats for food plants while others were highly
productivehabitats, such as the vegetationf ringinga spring. This variability produced
distortionsto the gathering radius. Furthermore, it was apparent that a hunting radius
will be different (usually greater) than a gathering radius. These and other problems
must be accounted for, and it is anticipated that the size of foraging radii must be
determined on a site specific basis (Walsh in prep.). This is a necessary prelude to
the detailed comparison of actual occupation sites.
A number of informants stressed the importance of watercourses, particularly the
Rudall River, in providing habitats for speakers of the Warnman dialect, in acting as
a pathway for groups travelling through desert country and being the focus of
gatherings of people from surrounding dialectal areas. As we have seen, in addition
to having reliable water sources the riverine habitat provides a rich and diverse array
of plant resources. However, the use and distribution of camping grounds along the
Rudall River may also have been influenced by the topography of the country that it
flowed through. Martujarra women cited an area with access to both riverine and
sand dunekand plain resources as a highly favourable place. As a consequence of
its location, a variety of food plants from several food groups could be procuredthere.
This exemplifies several instances when preference was cited for once camping
ground over another. Access to the largest possible variety of habitatswas apparently
an important determinant of the use of occupation sites. Cane and Stanley (1985)
and Latz (1982) have made similar observations regarding the location of living areas
used by Aborigines in central Australia.
At this point it is interestingto consider the levelsof diversity so far described in relation
to Martujarra gathering strategies. Firstly, it was noted that they utilised a large
number of plant species for food. Secondly, to maintain this resource base they
gathered in plant communities that had a high diversity and a large number of species.
Thirdly, they may have occupied camping grounds for long periods of time in areas
that ensured access to a variety of plant communities. Finally, fire was widely used
by the Martujarra as a management tool that effectively increased both the species
diversity of a plant community and resutted in a mosaic of plant communities of
different fire age (Latz 1982). As a consequence of living in an environment where
the total productivw of plant foods was unpredictable (Yellen 1976) the Martujarra
avoided specialisation (Veth and Walsh, in press) and adopted a generalist strategy
that they sought to maintain at different levels.
Binford (1980)differentiated the movement of individualsin proximity to an occupation
site ('logistical mobility'), and the movement of a group from one occupation site to
another ('residential mobility'). This usefuldistinctioncan be applied to the Martujarra.
The Martujarra women usually gathered along watercourses or ecotones when
collectingfood before returningto their base camp. This may be considered logistical
mobility. To locatefood resourceswhen moving from one camping ground to another
they also selected pathways along watercourses or ecotones. Therefore both
residential and logistical mobility patterns are similar. However, when it was
necessary to travel quickly from one place to another, direct routes were taken
regardless of the terrain to be crossed. Thus there are a wider range of residential
mobility atternatives as the need to procure resources is superseded by other
demands.
Poiner (1976) related the range of foods used by a hunter gatherer group to their
degree of nomadism, that is, to their residential mobility. She suggested that those
who had the most reduced range of foods available for exploitationwere full nomads,
whereas semi-sedentary groups used a wide range of foods. This relationship may
be considered in a comparison of the Martujanaand Aborigines of the Gibson Desert.
There was limitedoff site patterninginthe distributionof archaeological materialwithin
Martujarra country and some occupation sites were characterised by high density
scatters of material (Veth 1988). This was indicative of relatively low residential
mobility. In contrast, artefacts within Ngatatjarra country were widely dispersed at
relatively low densities (Gould l98O), which is indicative of high residential mobility.
the Ngatatjarra used lessthan half the number of food plants that the Martujarraused.
This evidence supports Poiner's (1976) suggestion. However, the spatial and
temporal distribution of water sources were also a major determinant of site
patterning. The Ngatatjarrawere reliant on scattered, ephemeral surface waters that
they sought by 'rain chasing' (GouM 1980). The water sources within the research
area were relatively more localised and reliable. As a consequence, the Martujarra
were less reliant on ephemeral waters. The Warnman people travelled and lived
along the Rudall River where there is a relative continuity of food and water.
Apparently they utilised a series of occupation sites along the watercourse, only
retreatingto permanent pools at time of drought. Kuratjarra people, however, moved
directly from one waterhole to another utilisingthe resources of headwater streams,
springs and rockholes, and skirted the base of ranges, generally targeting particular
sites to a greater extent than the Warnman.
While all Martujarrawomen saidthey preferredto usewatercourse and range systems
to direct their pathways of movement within site catchments, the relative absence of
these landformsinthe dunefieus dominating northernand eastern areas of Martujarra
country suggests alternativepatterns of mobility were employed in these regions. So
it is likely that there were variations in the subsistence strategies and residential
mobility patterns amongst the dialectal groups collectively called the Martujarra. This
may have been related to the proportion and type of topographical units within their
territories. The available evidence suggests that there may have been a continuum
of strategies, extending from the eastern Pilbara eastwards to the dunefields of the
Little Sandy Desert. Because the research area was central to this predicted
continuum, the gathering strategies so far described may be applicable only to the
region from Rudall River to McKay Range that was occupied by Warnman and
Kuratjarra people (Tonkinson 1978). Future researchwill provide comparisons with
Manjilyjarrapeople who livedfurther east. it is expectedthat their subsistence lifestyle
was similar to that of the Ngatatjarra than the Wamman and Kuratjarra dialectal
groups that have been discussed.
SUMMARY
It has been recognised that there is a need to refine some of the basic precepts of
hunter gatherer subsistence strategies, particularly as they apply in the Australian
arid zone. The concept of 'staple' plant foods and the applicationof foraging radii are
two components of site catchment analysis that have been refined.
Vegetation surveys were used to describe the plant resource components of a site
catchment area. These will be refined to provide a quantitative basis for site
comparison based on energy and nutrient availability.
To date the study has only consideredthe subsistence patternsof Martujarrawomen,
and it specifically concentrates on plant food resources. It is planned to extend the
study to account for other food resources collected by women. It is unlikely that the
present bias toward women's activities will be fully balanced.
The subsistence strategies of Martujarragatherersare consideredwithin a framework
that highlights bothn gathering strategies and mobility strategies. These are
interrelatedat various levels. The Martujarraavoided specialisation and the reliance
on a particular food group or food species. It is useful to consider plant resource
selection by the Martujarra at three levels:
a) use of varied species,
b) targeting of plant communities that had a high diversity and large number of
species.
c) selection of occupation sites that ensured access to a variety of plant
communities.
Furthermore, fire was manipulated to extend the diversity of their environment.
The maintenance of a broad resource base was a critical determinant of Martujarra
mobility strategies. The targeting of certain topographical unls within a site
catchment area also extended to prefened pathways of movement beyond the
gathering radius. Martujarra women preferentially identified, located and harvested
plant foods from the vegetation associatedwith watercourses, ecotones and recently
burnt sand plains. As a resutt of topographical and climatic variation there were
differences in the residential mobility patterns of Martujarra dialectal groups. This
indicatesthat at the dialectal level there were variations in the subsistence strategies
of Western Desert Aborigines.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank Moya Smith and Arpad Kalotas who provided me with an
introduction to the ethnobotanical field in Western Australia. This project has been
developed in association with Peter Veth, Tim Foley, Tia Sharkar, Louie Warren and
Matthew W rigley provided valuable field assistance. Members and employees of the
Western Desert Puntukurnuparna have provided support and considerable help. I
have conducted this research as a student at the Department of Botany, the University
of Western Australia. Prof. Robert Tonkinson and Dr. Nancy Williarns made useful
comments on the manuscript. All these people have contributed with helpful
discussions pertinent to my work. Finally a grant from the Australian Institute of
Aboriginal Studies funded fieldwork in 1987.
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Beard, J.S. and M.J. Webb 1974 Vegetatbn survey of WesternAustralia: Great Sandy Desert.
University of Western Australia Press: Perth
Berndt, R.M. 1959 The concept of the tribe in the Western Desert. Oceania30:81-107
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Department of Botany
Unhrerstty of Western Australia
Nediands
WA 6009
By Michael Pickering
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