On the non-incremental processing of negation: A pragmatically licensed sentence-picture verification study with Italian (dyslexic) adults M. Scappini1, F. Vespignani2, D. Delfitto1, S. Savazzi1, C.A. Marzi1 (1University of Verona, 2University of Trento) LogPrag Workshop – Les Diablerets, June 17-19 Processing Negation Models of negation processing can be classifed in: Non incremental models: Differently from most of the other elements of a sentence, the interpretation of negation occurs only after the consideration of the negated meaning of the sentences. This requires extra time and extra processing resources. E.g. classical propositional models (Clark and Chase, 1972; Carpenter and Just, 1975), two-step simulation hypothesis (Kaup et al., 2006, 2007). Incremental models: The semantic contribution of negation is immediately incorporated into the interpretative process, exactly as it happens for non-negative words. No second stage of sentence interpretation is required. E.g. suppression effect of negation (McDonald and Just 1989; Glucksberg 2006), dynamic pragmatic account (Tian, Breheny & Ferguson, 2010). The use of EEG in the investigation on negation ü High temporal resolution ü Main focus on N400 potential: ü Relatively few studies: Fischler et al. (1983) à lexical proximity bias (e.g., A robin is not a vehicle vs. the robin is not a bird). Ferguson et al. (2008) à negation cancelling real world expectations (e.g., If cats were not carnivores, they would be cheaper for owners to look after. Families could feed their cat a bowl of carrots/fish and listen to it purr happily). Lüdtke et al. (2008) à sentence-picture verification task; pragmatically unlicensed sentences. Nieuwland & Kuperberg (2008) à àpragmatically felicitous sentences; unnaturalness of false sentences. Herbert and Kübler (2011) à lexical proximity biased sentences (e.g., Dogs cannot bark/fly). N400 N400: > Initially found in sentence processing: anomalous completion (e.g. the pizza was too hot to eat/drink ) > sensitive to semantics > sensitive to word frequency (out of context) > sensitive to predictive processing > not purely linguistic (pictures, sounds) Functional interpretation: a measure of the effort for accessing and integrating the meaning of the processed stimulus within the current semantic context. Lüdtke et al. (2008) • 17 German undergraduate students • Sentence-picture evaluation task • 320 experimental items (Vor/Auf dem X ist ein/kein Y, ‘In front of/On top of the X there is a/no Y’) - 80 true affirmative sentences - 80 false affirmative sentences - 80 true negative sentences - 80 false negative sentences • SOA: 160 items short-delay condition: 250ms 160 items long delay condition: 1500ms § Visual presentation of the sentences GOAL: Find evidence for a non-incremental analysis of negation: Two-step simulation hypothesis (cf. Vender & Delfitto 2010) • Problem: Pragmatic infelicity! Lüdtke et al. (2008)/ Stimuli ‘priming’ conditions non‘priming’ conditions Lüdtke et al. (2008) (1) Lüdtke et al. (2008) (2) Nieuwland & Kuperberg (2008) Disentangling negation processing Positive vs. negative sentences interpretation 2. The influence of pragmatic context for the interpretation of negation (plausible denial, supportive context, etc.) 3. The issue of how negative meaning is captured (rejection of the representation corresponding to the negated state of affairs OR mitigation/suppression of the concepts under the scope of negation) 4. General model of language comprehension (is there unity of representation across the perceptual, motor and linguistic levels?) 1. THE RATIONALE OF OUR STUDY Our study: Method - Procedure PARADIGM Study 1 – Example of the stimuli EEG recording • 32 electrodes (1o-20 international system montage). • Brain Vision recording software. Brain Vision Lab (Dipartimento di Scienze Neurologiche e Motorie) Results - Behavioral Results - ERPs - 4 quadrants Summary of the results: In a first stage (400-600ms) the interaction polarity by truth emerges (before any apparent effect of truth) with the typical topography of the N400 (signature of stage I). In the same time window an effect of polarity emerges as well but with a clearly different topographical distribution.In the following (600-1000ms) the signature of stage I persists while an anterior (left) effect of truth emerges. Ad interim discussion: stage I (the activation of a representation of the negated state of affairs) persist during the actual interpretation of the negation (stage II). The two stages do not seem strictly sequential but stage I seems to persist until also on late processing stages when truth effects develop. CONCLUSIONS DISCUSSION Negation, working memory and dyslexia § Rationale - WM & negation - WM & dyslexia (Vender and Delfitto 2010) - EEG high temporal resolution § 15 dyslexic students (mean age 22,4; SD 2, 19) § Study 1 subjects à Control group (25 subjects, mean age 26; 8) § Behavioral assessment - Raven test; - Writing and reading skills (Word reading, Non word reading, Simple dictation, Dictation under articolatory suppression); - Short term working memory tests (Digit Span Forward, Digit Span Backward, Corsi block forward, Corsi block backward) - Central Executive test (Della Sala et alii’ s Paper-and-pencil dual task) § Sentence-picture verification task and EEG recording = Study 1 methods Dyslexic vs. control groups: Average reaction times Dyslexic vs. control groups: Average accuracy Linear regression analysis with phonological working memory as predictor EEG results for adult dyslexics Absence of an N400 effect for affirmative sentences: this means that there is no interpretive stage at which the negated state of affairs is compared with the picture Early and large negativity elicited by true negatives. The effect may represent an instance of the ‘anterior sustained negativity’ typically associated to interpretive difficulties, conceptual violations and, more in general, to discourse model elaboration Dyslexics do not process negative sentences as predicted by the two-step-simulation-hypothesis
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