Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals

Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals
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Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration
scandals
Further information: Presidency of Ulysses S. Grant
Ulysses S. Grant
18th President of the United States
In office
March 4, 1869 – March 4, 1877
Vice President
Schuyler Colfax (1869–1873) Henry Wilson (1873–1875)
None (1875–1877)
Preceded by
Andrew Johnson
Succeeded by
Rutherford B. Hayes
Personal details
Born
Hiram Ulysses Grant
April 27, 1822
Point Pleasant, Ohio
Died
July 23, 1885 (aged 63)
Mount McGregor, New York
Nationality
United States
Political party
Republican
Spouse(s)
Julia Dent Grant
Children
Jesse Grant, Ulysses S. Grant, Jr., Nellie Grant, Frederick Grant
Alma mater
United States Military Academy at West Point
Occupation
General-in-Chief
Signature
Military service
Nickname(s)
"Unconditional Surrender" Grant
Allegiance
United States of America
Union
Service/branch
Union Army
•
United States Army
Years of service 1839–1854, 1861–1869
Rank
General of the Army of the United States
Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals
Commands
21st Illinois Infantry Regiment
Army of the Tennessee
Military Division of the Mississippi
Armies of the United States
United States Army
An examination of the Presidency of Ulysses S. Grant reveals many scandals and fraudulent activities associated
with his administration and a cabinet that was in continual transition divided by the forces of political patronage and
reform. President Grant himself was influenced by both forces. The standards in many of Grant's cabinet
appointments were low and charges of corruption were widespread.[1] Starting with the Black Friday gold
speculation ring in 1869, corruption would be discovered during Grant's two presidential terms in seven federal
departments, including the Navy, Justice, War, Treasury, Interior, State, and the Post Office. Reform movements
initiated in both the Democratic Party and the Liberal Republicans, a faction that split from Republican Party to
oppose political patronage and corruption in the Grant Administration. Nepotism was prevalent, with over 40 family
members or relatives benefiting from government appointments and employment. The prevalent corruption in the
Grant Administration was eventually called Grantism.
The unprecedented way that Grant ran his cabinet, in a military style rather than civilian, contributed to the scandals.
In 1869, Grant's private secretary Orville E. Babcock was sent to negotiate a treaty annexation with Santo Domingo
rather than an official from the state department. Grant never even consulted with cabinet members on the treaty
annexation; in effect the annexation proposal was already decided. A perplexed Secretary of Interior Jacob D. Cox
reflected the cabinet's disappointment over not being consulted: "But Mr. President, has it been settled, then, that we
want to Annex Santo Domingo?" Another instance of a military-style command came over the McGarrahan Claims,
a legal dispute over mining patents in California, when Grant overrode the official opinion from Attorney General
Ebenezer R. Hoar.[2] Both Cox and Hoar, who were reformers, eventually resigned from the cabinet in 1870.
Grant's reactions to the scandals ranged from prosecuting the perpetrators to protecting or pardoning those who were
accused and convicted of the crimes. When the Whiskey Ring scandal broke out in 1875, Grant in a reforming mood
wrote, "Let no guilty man escape." However, when it was found out that his personal secretary Orville E. Babcock
was indicted, Grant testified on behalf of the defendant. When Secretary of War William W. Belknap was involved
in a trading post extortion scam, Grant promptly accepted his resignation without question, and went to a
photography studio to get his portrait done. In essence, when it came to prosecuting those guilty of graft, Grant used
his presidential power to protect close friends, particularly his military associates.
Grant's temperament and character
Grant was personally honest with money matters; however, he was extremely careless with his associates.[3][4]
Historian C. Vann Woodward stated that Grant had neither the training nor temperament to fully comprehend the
complexities of rapid economic growth, industrialization, and western expansionism. Grant himself had been
educated and trained at West Point in subjects as mathematics, French, artillery, infantry, cavalry tactics, and
conduct. Grant had come from a humble background where men of superior intelligence and ability were threats
rather than assets. Instead of responding with trust and warmth to men of talent, education, and culture, he turned to
his military friends from the Civil War and to politicians as new as himself.[4][5] A majority of Grant's cabinet had
studied or graduated from various colleges and universities, including Harvard, Yale, and Princeton. Grant's Post
Master James William Marshall was a Professor of Ancient Languages. Ulysses S. Grant, Jr., stated that his father
was a "simple man" who was unaware of any opportunities "to enrich himself." Grant, Jr., stated that Ulysses S.
Grant was "incapable of supposing his friends to be dishonest."[6]
Many of Grant's associates were able to capture his confidence through flattery and brought their intrigues openly to
his attention. One of these men, Orville E. Babcock, was a subtle and unscrupulous enemy of reformers, having
served as Grant's personal secretary for seven years while living in the White House. Babcock, twice indicted, gained
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Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals
indirect control of whole departments of the government, planted suspicions of reformers in Grant's mind, plotted
their downfall, and sought to replace them with men like himself. Grant allowed Babcock to be a stumbling block for
reformers who might have saved the President from scandal. Grant's secretary of state, Hamilton Fish, who was often
at odds with Babcock, made efforts to save Grant's reputation by advocating that reformers be appointed to or kept in
public office. Grant also unwisely accepted gifts from wealthy donors that cast doubts on his reputability.[4][7]
Scandals and corruption
The following are scandals or instances of federal corruption associated with the Ulysses S. Grant presidential
administration from 1869 to 1877. Particularly noteworthy are Black Friday and the Whiskey Ring. The Crédit
Mobilier is not included as a Grant scandal since the company was founded during the President Abraham Lincoln
administration. The fraudulent Emma Silver Mine swindle that involved Ambassador to Britain Robert C. Schenck
was a Grant administration embarrassment and is not included as a scandal. An analysis of the scandals and frauds
reveals that a majority had to do with illicit financial gain; the Safe Burglary Conspiracy, however, involved
breaking and entering, property damage, and framing an innocent citizen. Two scandals involved women: Black
Friday and the Trading Post Ring. Orville E. Babcock, who was indicted in the Whiskey Ring, insinuated that the
coded entry "Sylph" signed on communication letters referred to a woman intimately involved with the President.
That allegation was never proven and there was nothing to suggest that a presidential affair took place. Babcock
invented the story to frustrate the prosecution. Although Grant was never proven to be directly involved with or to
have personally profited from the scandals or frauds, his acceptance of personal gifts and his associations with men
of questionable character severely damaged his own presidential legacy and reputation. Most of these scandals began
during the eight years of prosperity after the Civil War, while many prominent scandals were exposed after the U.S.
economy crashed after the Panic of 1873.[8][9]
Black Friday Gold Panic 1869
Further information: Black Friday (1869)
The first scandal to taint the Grant administration in 1869 was Black Friday, also known as the Gold Panic, which
was an attempt by two financiers to corner the price of gold without regard to the nation's economic welfare. The
intricate financial scheme was primarily conceived and administered by Wall Street manipulator Jay Gould and his
partner James Fisk in September 1869. The two were able to get Grant's brother in law Abel Rathbone Corbin
involved with the scheme as a way to get access to Grant himself. Gould had also given a $10,000 bribe to the
assistant secretary of the treasury, Daniel Butterfield, in exchange for inside information. Corbin himself had
$2,000,000 invested in the gold market and had given the first lady, Julia Grant, and Grant's personal secretary
Horace Porter $500,000 speculative accounts. On September 6, 1869, Gould had bought the Tenth National Bank
that was used as a buying house for gold, and Gould and Fisk began buying gold in earnest. Gould and Fisk
themselves made personal advances and suggestions towards Grant to curb Treasury Secretary George S. Boutwell's
greenback contraction policy. On one occasion, Gould met with Grant at Corbin's home and attempted to convince
the president that not selling gold would help the sale of American wheat in European markets. After the meeting
Grant became suspicious and wrote a letter to Secretary Boutwell on September 12, urging him to keep releasing the
same amount of gold: "The fact is, a desperate struggle is now taking place...I write this letter to advise you of what I
think you may expect, to put you on your guard." However, President Grant's personal associations with Gould and
Fisk gave them the clout needed to continue their financial scam on Wall Street.[10][11][12]
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Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals
Jay Gould
4
Sometime around September 19, 1869, Corbin had sent a letter to
Grant, at the urging of Gould, desperately urging Grant not to release
gold from the treasury. Grant received the letter from a messenger
while playing croquet with Porter at a deluxe Pennsylvania retreat.
Grant finally realized what was going on and he was determined to
stop the gold manipulation scheme. When pressed for a reply to
Corbin's letter, Grant responded curtly that everything was "all right"
and that there was no reply. One Grant biographer described the
comical nature of the events as an Edwardian farce. Grant, however,
did have his wife Julia respond in a letter to Corbin's wife that Abel
Corbin needed to get out of the gold speculation market. When Gould
visited Corbin's house, he read Julia's letter with the warning from
Grant. After reading the letter, Gould started to sell gold, buying a bit
of gold at the same time to keep people from getting suspicious. Gould
never told Fisk, who kept buying gold in earnest, that Grant was
catching onto their predatory scheme.[13]
Secretary Boutwell was already keeping track of the situation and knew that
the profits made in the manipulated rising gold market could ruin the
nation's economy for several years. By September 21 the price of gold had
jumped from $137 to $141, and Gould and Fisk jointly owned $50 million to
$60 million in gold. Boutwell and Grant finally met on Thursday, September
23, and agreed to release gold from the treasury if the gold price kept rising.
Boutwell had also ordered that the Tenth National Bank be closed on the
same day. Then, on (Black) Friday, September 23, 1869, when the price of
gold had soared to $160 dollars an ounce, Boutwell released $4 million in
gold specie into the market and bought $4,000,000 in bonds. The gold
market crashed and Gould and Fisk were foiled, while many investors were
financially ruined.[10]
James Fisk a.k.a. Jubilee and Diamond
The gold panic devastated the United States economy for months. Stock
Jim
prices plunged and the price of food crops such as wheat and corn dropped
severely, devastating farmers who did not recover for years afterward. Gould
had earlier claimed to Grant that raising the price of gold would actually help farmers. Also Fisk refused to pay off
many of his investors who had bought gold on paper. The volume of stocks being sold on Wall Street decreased by
20%. Fisk and Gould, who could afford to hire the best lawyers, were never held accountable for their profiteering,
as favorable judges declined to prosecute. Gould remained a powerful force on Wall Street for the next 20 years.
Fisk, who practiced a licentious lifestyle, was killed by a jealous rival on January 6, 1872.[10] Butterfield later
resigned.
In an 1869 Congressional investigation into the gold panic, Democrats on the House investigation committee
questioned why Julia Grant had received a package from the Adams Express Company containing money reported to
be $25,000. Another source claims that the package was just $25.00, but nonetheless, it was highly unusual for a
First Lady to receive cash in the mail. Corbin had bought gold at 33 margin and sold at 37, leaving Julia a profit of
$27,000. Neither Mrs. Grant nor Mrs. Corbin testified in front of the investigation committee. In 1876 Secretary of
State Hamilton Fish revealed to Grant in that Orville E. Babcock, another private secretary to the President, had also
been involved in gold speculations in 1869.[14][15]
Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals
New York custom house ring
In 1871, the New York Custom House collected more revenue from imports than any other port in the United States.
By 1872, two congressional investigations and one by the Treasury Office under Secretary George S. Boutwell
looked into allegations of a corruption ring set up at the New York Custom House under two Grant collector
appointments, Moses H. Grinnell and Thomas Murphy. Both Grinnell and Murphy allowed private merchants to
store goods not claimed on the docks in private warehouses for exorbitant fees. Grant's secretaries Horace Porter and
Orville E. Babcock and Grant's friend George K. Leet, owner of a private warehouse, allegedly shared in these
profits. Secretary Boutwell advocated a reform to keep imports on company dock areas rather than being stored at
designated warehouses in New York. Grant's third collector appointment, Chester A. Arthur, implemented
Boutwell's reform. On May 25, 1870, Boutwell had implemented reforms that reduced public cartage and
government costs, stopped officer gratuities, and decreased port smuggling, but on July 2, 1872, U.S. Senator Carl
Schurz insinuated in a speech that no reforms had been undertaken and that the old abuses at the custom house
continued. The New York Times claimed that Schurz's speech was "carefully prepared" and "more or less disfigured
and discolored by error." The second thorough congressional investigation concluded that abuses either did not exist,
had been corrected, or were in the process of being corrected.[16]
Star route postal ring
In the early 1870s, lucrative postal route contracts were given to local contractors on the Pacific coast and southern
regions of the United States. These were known as Star Routes because an asterisk was placed on official Post Office
documents. These remote routes were hundreds of miles long and went to the most rural parts of the United States by
horse and buggy. Previously inaccessible areas on the Pacific coast received weekly, semi-weekly, and daily mail
because of these routes. However, corruption ensued, with contractors paid exorbitant fees for fictitious routes and
for providing low quality postal service to the rural areas. One contractor, F.P. Sawyer, made $500,000 a year on
routes in the Southwest.[17][18]
To obtain these highly prized postal contracts, contractors, postal clerks, and various intermediary brokers set up an
intricate ring of bribery and straw bidding in the Postal Contract Office. Straw bidding reached a peak under
Postmaster General John Creswell, who was exonerated by a 1872 congressional investigation that was later
revealed to have been tainted by a $40,000 bribe from western postal contractor Bradley Barlow. An 1876
Democratic investigation was able to temporarily shut down the ring, but it reconstituted itself and continued until a
federal trial in 1882 finally ended the Star Route frauds.[17][18]
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Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals
6
Salary grab
On March 3, 1873, President Grant signed a law that increased the
president's salary from $25,000 a year to $50,000 a year. The law
raised salaries of members of both houses of the United States
Congress from $5,000 to $7,500. Although pay increases were
constitutional, the act was passed in secret with a clause that gave the
congressmen $5,000 in bonus payouts for the previous two years of
their terms. The Sun and other newspapers exposed the $5,000 bonus
clause to the nation. The law was repealed in January 1874 and the
bonuses returned to the treasury.[19] This pay raise proposal was
submitted as an amendment to the government's general appropriations
bill. Had Grant vetoed the bill, the government would not have any
money to operate for the following fiscal year, which would have
necessitated a special session of Congress. However, Grant missed an
opportunity to make a statement by threatening a veto.[20]
Charles Dana: Reforming journalist for The Sun
who exposed many of the scandals during the
Grant administration.
Sanborn contracts and reform
In 1874, Grant's cabinet reached its lowest ebb in terms of public trust and qualified appointments. After the
presidential election of 1872, Grant reappointed all of his cabinet with a single exception. Charges of corruption
were rife, particularly from The Nation, a reliable journal that was going after many of Grant's cabinet members.
Treasury Secretary George S. Boutwell had been elected to the U.S. Senate in the 1872 election and was replaced by
Assistant Treasury Secretary William A. Richardson in 1873. Richardson's tenure as Treasury Secretary very brief,
as another scandal erupted. The government had been known to hire private citizens and groups to collect taxes for
the Internal Revenue Service.[21][22] This moiety contract system, although legal, led to abuse in the loosely run
Treasury Department under Sec. Richardson.[23][24] John D. Sanborn was contracted by Sec. Richardson to collect
certain taxes and excises that had been illegally withheld from the government; having received an exorbatant
moiety of 50% on all tax collections.[23][24] Treasury officials pressured Internal Revenue agents not to collect
delinquent accounts so Sanborn could accumulate more. Although the collections were legal, Sanborn reaped
$213,000 in commissions on $420,000 taken in taxes. A House investigation committee in 1874 revealed that
Sanborn had split $156,000 of this with unnamed associates as "expenses." Although Richardson and Senator
Benjamin Butler were suspected to have taken a share of the profit money, there was no paper trail to prove such
transactions, and Sanborn refused to reveal with whom he split the profits. While the House committee was
investigating, Grant quietly appointed Richardson to the Court of Claims and replaced him with the avowed reformer
Benjamin H. Bristow.[25] On June 22, 1874 President Grant, in an effort of reform, signed a bill into law that
abolished the moiety contract system.[23]
Delano affair
In 1875, the U.S. Department of the Interior was in serious disrepair due to corruption and incompetence. Interior
Secretary Columbus Delano, discovered to have taken bribes for fraudulent land grants, was forced to resign from
office on October 15, 1875. Delano had also given lucrative cartographical contracts to his son John Delano and
Ulysses S. Grant's own brother, Orvil Grant. Neither John Delano nor Orvil Grant performed any work, nor were
they qualified to hold such surveying positions.[26][27]
On October 19, 1875, Grant made another reforming cabinet choice when he appointed Zachariah Chandler as
Secretary of the Interior. Chandler immediately went to work reforming the Interior Department by dismissing all the
important clerks in the Patent Office. Chandler had discovered that during Delano's tenure, money had been paid to
Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals
fictitious clerks while other clerks had been paid without performing any services. Chandler next turned to the
Department of Indian Affairs to reform another Delano debacle. President Grant ordered Chandler to fire everyone,
saying, "Have those men dismissed by 3 o'clock this afternoon or shut down the bureau." Chandler did exactly as
Grant had ordered. Chandler also banned bogus agents, known as "Indian Attorneys," who had been paid $8.00 a day
plus expenses for, ostensibly, providing tribes with representation in the nation's capital. Many of these agents were
unqualified and swindled the Native American tribes into believing they had a voice in Washington.[28]
Pratt & Boyd
Attorney General George H. Williams administered the United States Department of Justice with slackness. There
were rumors that Williams was taking bribes in exchange for declining to prosecute pending trial cases. In 1875,
Williams was supposed to prosecute the merchant house Pratt & Boyd for fraudulent customhouse entries. The
Senate Judiciary Committee had found that Williams had dropped the case after his wife had received a $30,000
payoff. When informed of this, Grant forced Williams's resignation. Williams had also indiscreetly used Justice
Department funds to pay for carriage and household expenses.[29][30]
Whiskey ring
The worst and most famous scandal to hit the Grant administration was the
Whiskey Ring of 1875, exposed by Treasury Secretary Benjamin H. Bristow
and journalist Myron Colony. Whiskey distillers had been evading taxes in
the Midwest since the Lincoln Administration.[31] Distillers of whiskey
bribed Treasury Department agents who in turn aided the distillers in evading
taxes to the tune of up to $2 million per year; they'd neglect to collect a duty
of 70 cents per gallon, then split the bonus profits. The ringleaders had to
coordinate distillers, rectifiers, gaugers, storekeepers, revenue agents, and
Treasury clerks by recruitment, impressment, and extortion.[32][33]
On January 26, 1875, Bristow ordered Internal Revenue officers in various
cites to different locations, effective February 15, 1875, on a suggestion from
Grant. This would keep the fraudulent officers off guard and allow
investigators to uncover their misdeeds. Grant later rescinded the order on the
Orville E. Babcock, Private Secretary to
grounds that advanced notice would cause the ringleaders to cover their tracks
Grant
and become suspicious.[34] Rescinding Secretary Bristow's order would later
give rise to a rumor that Grant was interfering with the investigation. Although moving the supervisors most
certainly would have disrupted the ring, Bristow conceded that he would need documentary evidence on the ring's
inner workings to prosecute the perpetrators. Bristow, undaunted, kept investigating, and found the ring's secrets by
sending Myron Colony and other spies to gather whiskey shipping and manufacturing information.[32]
On May 13, 1875, with Grant's endorsement, Bristow struck hard at the ring, seized the distilleries, and made
hundreds of arrests. The Whiskey Ring was broken. Bristow, with the cooperation of Attorney General Edwards
Pierrepont and Solicitor General Bluford Wilson, launched proceedings to bring many members of the ring to trial.
Bristow had obtained information that the Whiskey Ring operated in Missouri, Illinois, and Wisconsin. Missouri
Revenue Agent John A. Joyce and two of Grant's appointees, Supervisor of Internal Revenue General John
McDonald and Orville E. Babcock, the private secretary to the President, would eventually be indicted in the
Whiskey Ring trials.[35] Grant's other private secretary Horace Porter was also involved in the Whiskey Ring
according to Solicitor General Bluford Wilson.[36]
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Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals
Special prosecutors appointed
Grant then appointed a special prosecutor, former senator John B. Henderson,
to go after the ring. Henderson, while in the Senate, had been the
administration's worst critic, and Grant appointed him to maintain integrity in
the Whiskey Ring investigation. Henderson convened a grand jury, which
found that Babcock was one of the ringleaders. Grant received a letter to this
effect, on which he wrote, "Let no guilty man escape."[37] It was discovered
that Babcock sent coded letters to McDonald on how to run the ring in St.
Louis. During the investigation McDonald claimed he gave Babcock $25,000
from the divided profits and even personally sent him a $1,000 bill in a cigar
box.[37]
After Babcock's indictment, Grant requested that Babcock go through a
military trial rather than a public trial, but the grand jury denied his request. In
Senator John B. Henderson was so
a reversal of his "let no guilty man escape," order to Sec. Bristow, Grant
vigorous
in his prosecution that even
unexpectedly issued an order not to give any more immunity to persons
members of the Whiskey Ring feared his
involved in the Whiskey Ring, leading to speculation that he was trying to
voice during the trial.
protect Babcock. Although this reversal had the appearance of not letting the
guilty get away, the prosecutor's trail cases were made more difficult to prove
in court. The order caused strife between Sec. Bristow and Grant, since Bristow needed distillers to testify with
immunity in order to pursue the ringleaders.[31] Prosecutor Henderson, himself, while going after members of the
ring in court accused Grant of interfering with Secretary Bristow's investigation.[38]
The accusation angered Grant, who fired Henderson as special prosecutor. Grant then replaced Henderson with
James Broadhead. Broadhead, though a capable attorney, had little time to get acquainted with the facts of Babcock's
case and those of other Whiskey Ring members. At the trial a deposition was read from President Grant stating that
he had no knowledge that Babcock was involved in the ring. The jury listened to the president's words and quickly
acquitted Babcock of any charges. Broadhead went on to close out all the other cases in the Whiskey Ring.[38]
McDonald and Joyce were convicted in the graft trials and sent to prison. On January 26, 1877, President Grant
pardoned McDonald.[32]
President Grant's deposition
The Whiskey Ring scandal even came to the steps of the White House. There were rumors that Grant himself was
involved with the ring and was diverting its profits to his 1872 re-election campaign. Grant needed to clear his own
name as well as Babcock's. Earlier, Grant had refused to believe Babcock was guilty even when Bristow and Wilson
personally presented him with damaging evidence, such as two telegrams signed "Sylph"; Babcock suggested that
the signature was that of a woman giving the president "a great deal of trouble", hoping that Wilson would back off
for fear of igniting a presidential sex scandal, but Wilson was not bluffed.[8]
On the advice of Secretary of State Hamilton Fish, the President did not testify in open court but instead gave a
deposition in front of a congressional legal representative at the White House. Grant was the first and, to date, only
president ever to testify for a defendant. The historic testimony came on Saturday, February 12, 1876. Chief Justice
Morrison R. Waite, a Grant appointment to the U.S. Supreme Court, presided over the deposition.[32] The following
are excerpts from President Grant's deposition.
Eaton: "Have you ever seen anything in the conduct of General Babcock, or has he ever said anything to
you, which indicated to your mind that he was in any way interested in or concerned with the Whiskey
Ring at St. Louis or elsewhere?"
President Grant: "Never."[34]
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Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals
Eaton: "Did General Babcock on or about April 23, 1875, show you a dispatch in these words: "St.
Louis, April 23, 1875. Gen. O.E. Babcock, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. Tell Mack to see
Parker of Colorado; & telegram to Commissioner. Crush out St. Louis enemies."
Cook: "Objection." Made for the record.
President Grant: "I did not remember about these dispatches at all until since the conspiracy trials have
commenced. I have heard General Babcock's explanation of most or all of them since that. Many of the
dispatches may have been shown to me at the time, and explained, but I do not remember it."
Eaton: "Perhaps you are aware, General, that the Whiskey Ring have persistently tried to fix the origins
of that ring in the necessity for funds to carry on political campaigns. Did you ever have intimation from
General Babcock, or anyone else in any manner, directly or indirectly, that any funds for political
purposes were being raised by any improper methods?"
Cook: "Objection." Made for the record.
President Grant: "I never did. I have seen since these trials intimations of that sort in the newspapers,
but never before."
Eaton: "Then let me ask you if the prosecuting officers have not been entirely correct in repelling all
insinuations that you ever had tolerated any such means for raising funds."
Cook: "Objection." Made for the record.
President Grant: "I was not aware that they had ever attempted to repel any insinuations."[32]
On February 17, 1876, U.S. Circuit Justice John F. Dillon, another Grant
appointment, overruled Cook's objections, declaring the questions admissible
in court. Grant, who was known for a photographic memory, had many
uncharacteristic lapses when it came to remembering incidents involving
Babcock. The deposition strategy worked and the Whiskey Ring prosecution
never went after Grant again. During Babcock's trial in St. Louis the
deposition was read to the jury. Babcock was acquitted at trial. After the trial,
Grant distanced himself from Babcock. After the acquittal, Babcock initially
returned to his position as Grant's private secretary outside the Oval Office.
At public outcry and the objection of Hamilton Fish, Babcock was dismissed
as private secretary and focused on another position that he had been given by
Grant in 1871: superintending engineer of public buildings and
grounds.[32][35]
Sec. Bristow showed Grant evidence that
Babcock was part of the Whiskey Ring.
Grant's Pulitzer Prize winning biographer, William S. McFeely, stated that
Grant knew Babcock was guilty and perjured himself in the deposition.
According to McFeely the "evidence was irrefutable" against Babcock, and Grant knew this. McFeely also points out
that John McDonald also stated that Grant knew that the Whiskey Ring existed and perjured himself to save
Babcock. Grant historian Jean Edward Smith counters that evidence against Babcock was "circumstantial" and the
St. Louis jury acquitted Babcock "in the absence of adequate proof." Many of Grant's friends who knew him claimed
that the President was "a truthful man" and it was "impossible for him to lie." Grant's popularity, however, decreased
significantly in the country as a result of his testimony and after Babcock was acquitted in the trial. Grant's political
enemies used this deposition as a launchpad to public office. The New York Tribune stated that the Whiskey Ring
scandal "had been met at the entrance of the White House and turned back." However, the national unpopularity of
Grant's testimony on behalf of his friend Babcock ruined any chances for a third term nomination.[39][40][41]
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Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals
Bristow's investigation results
When Secretary Benjamin Bristow struck suddenly at the Whiskey Ring in May 1875, many people were arrested
and the distilleries involved in the scandal were shut down. Bristow's investigation resulted in 350 federal
indictments. There were 110 convictions, and three million dollars in tax revenues were recovered from the
ring.[30][39][42]
Trading post ring
Grant had no time to recover after the Whiskey Ring graft trials ended, for
another scandal erupted involving War Secretary William W. Belknap. A
Democratic House investigation committee revealed that Belknap had taken
extortion money in exchange for an appointment to a lucrative Native
American trading post. In 1870, responding to extensive lobbying by
Belknap, Congress had authorized the War Department to award private
trading post contracts to military forts throughout the nation.[43] Native
Americans would come into the forts and trade for food and clothing,
generating huge profits (at the natives' expense). Belknap's wife Carrie, who
desired to profit from these wealthy contracts, managed to secure a private
trading post at Fort Sill for a personal friend from New York, Caleb P.
Marsh.
An extortion arrangement was set up among Carrie Belknap, Caleb P.
William W. Belknap, Secretary of War
Marsh, and incumbent contract holder John S. Evans, in which Carrie
(1869–1876)
Belknap and Marsh would receive $3,000 every quarter, splitting the
proceeds, while Evans would be able to retain his post at Fort Sill. Carrie
Belknap died within the year, but William Belknap and his second wife continued to accept payments, though they
were smaller due to a dip in Fort Sill's profits. By 1876 Belknap had received $20,000 from the illicit arrangement.
On February 29, 1876, Marsh testified in front of a House investigation committee headed by Representatives
Lyman K. Bass and Hiester Clymer. During the testimony Marsh testified that Belknap and both his wives had
accepted money in exchange for the lucrative trading post at Fort Sill. The scandal was particularly upsetting, in this
Victorian age, since it involved women.[44][45] Lieut. Col. George A. Custer later testified to the Clymer committee
on March 29 and April 4 that Sec. Belknap had received kick back money from the profiteering scheme of post
traders through the resale of food meant for Indians.[46]
On March 2, 1876, Grant was informed by Benjamin Bristow at breakfast of the House investigation against
Secretary Belknap. After hearing about Belknap's predicament, Grant arranged a meeting with Representative Bass
about the investigation. However, Belknap, escorted by Interior Secretary Zachariah Chandler, rushed to the White
House and met with Grant before his meeting with Representative Bass. Belknap appeared visibly upset or ill,
mumbling something about protecting his wives' honor and beseeching Grant to accept his resignation "at once."
Grant, in a hurry to get to a photography studio for a formal portrait, regretfully agreed and accepted Belknap's
resignation without reservation.[45]
Grant historian Josiah Bunting III noted that Grant was never put on his guard when Secretary Belknap came to the
White House in a disturbed manner or even asked why Belknap wanted to resign in the first place. Bunting argues
that Grant should have pressed Belknap into an explanation for the abrupt resignation request.[47] Grant's acceptance
of the resignation indirectly allowed Belknap, after he was impeached by the House of Representatives for his
actions, to escape conviction, since he was no longer a government official. Belknap was acquitted by the Senate,
escaping with less than the two-thirds majority vote needed for conviction. Even though the Senate voted that it
could put private citizens on trial, many senators were reluctant to convict Belknap since he was no longer Secretary
10
Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals
of War. It has been suggested that Grant accepted the resignation in a Victorian impulse to protect the women
involved.[44]
Cattellism
Congress allotted Secretary George M. Robeson's Department of the Navy
$56 million for construction programs. In 1876, a congressional committee
headed by Representative Washington C. Whitthorne discovered that $15
million of that sum was unaccounted for. The committee suspected that
Robeson, who was responsible for naval spending, embezzled some of the
missing money and laundered it in real estate transactions. This allegation
remained unproven by the committee.[48]
The main charge against Robeson was taking financial favors from Alexander
Cattell & Co., a grain contractor, in exchange for giving the company
profitable contracts from the Navy. An 1876 Naval Affairs committee
investigation found Robeson to have received such gifts as a team of horses,
Washington real estate, and a $320,000 vacation cottage in Long Branch,
New Jersey, from Alexander Cattell & Company. The same company also
George M. Robeson, Secretary of Navy
paid off a $10,000 note that Robeson owed to Jay Cooke and offered itself as
(1869–1877)
an influence broker for other companies doing business with the Navy, thus
turning away any competitive bidding for naval contracts. Robeson was also found to have $300,000 in excess to his
yearly salary of $8000. The House Investigation committee had searched the disorganized books of Cattell, but
found no evidence of payments to Robeson. Without enough evidence for impeachment, the House ended the
investigation by admonishing Robeson for gross misconduct and claimed that he had set up a system of corruption
known as Cattellism.[49][50]
In a previous investigation that Charles Dana headed in 1872, Robeson had been suspected of awarding a $93,000
bonus to a building contractor in a "somewhat dangerous stretch of official authority" known as the Secor claims. A
competent authority claimed that the contractor had already been paid in full and there was no need for further
reward. Robeson was also charged with awarding contracts to ship builder John Roach without public bidding. The
latter charge proved to be unfounded. The close friendship with Daniel Ammen, Grant's longtime friend growing up
in Georgetown, Ohio, helped Robeson keep his cabinet position.[48][49]
On March 18, 1876, Admiral David D. Porter wrote a letter to William T. Sherman, "...Our cuttle fish [Robeson] of
the navy although he may conceal his tracks for awhile in the obscure atmosphere which surrounds him, will
eventually be brought to bay...." Robeson later testified in front of a House Naval Committee on January 16, 1879,
about giving contracts to private companies. Robeson was asked about the use of old material to build ironclads and
whether he had the authority to dispose of the Puritan, an outdated ironclad. Although Robeson served ably during
the Virginius Affair and did authorize the construction of five new Navy ships, his financial integrity remained in
question and was suspect during the Grant administration. To be fair, Congress gave Robeson limited funding to
build ships and as Secretary was constantly finding ways to cut budgets.[48][49]
Safe burglary conspiracy
In September 1876, Orville E. Babcock was involved in another scandal.[51] Corrupt building contractors in
Washington, D.C., were on trial for graft when bogus Secret Service agents working for the contractors placed
damaging evidence into the safe of the district attorney who was prosecuting the ring. On the night of April 23, 1876,
hired thieves opened the safe, using an explosive to make it appear that the safe had been broken into. One of the
thieves then took the fake evidence to the house of Columbus Alexander, a citizen who was active in prosecuting the
11
Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals
12
ring.[52] The corrupt agents "arrested" the "thieves" who then committed perjury by signing a document falsely
stating Alexander was involved in the safe burglary.
The conspiracy came apart when two of the thieves turned state evidence and Alexander was exonerated in court.
Babcock was named as part of the conspiracy, but later acquitted in the trial against the burglars; evidence suggests
that the jury had been tampered with[31] and that Babcock was both involved with the swindles by the corrupt
Washington contractors' ring and wanted to get back at Columbus Alexander, an avid reformer and critic of the
Grant Administration. Babcock continued on in government and became Chief Light House Inspector. As a capable
engineer, his work brought him to Ponce de Leon Inlet, Florida, where he drowned in a boating accident at the age of
48 while supervising the building of Mosquito Inlet Light station.[53]
Scandal summary table
Scandal
Description
Date
Black Friday
Speculators tied to Grant corner the gold market and ruin the economy for several years.
1869
New York custom house
ring
Alleged corruption ring at the New York Custom House under two of Grant's appointees.
1872
Star Route postal ring
Corrupt system of postal contractors, clerks, and brokers to obtain lucrative Star Route postal contracts.
1872
Salary grab
Congressmen receive a retroactive $5,000 bonus for previous term served.
1872
Sanborn contract
John Sanborn charged exorbitant commissions to collect taxes and split the profits among associates.
1874
Delano Affair
Interior Secretary Columbus Delano allegedly took bribes in exchange for fraudulent land grants.
1875
Pratt & Boyd
Attorney General George H. Williams allegedly received a bribe not to prosecute the Pratt & Boyd company.
1875
Whiskey Ring
Corrupt government officials and whiskey makers steal millions of dollars in national tax evasion scam.
1876
Trading Post Ring
War Secretary William Belknap allegedly takes extortion money from trading contractor at Fort Sill.
1876
Cattelism
Secretary of Navy George Robeson allegedly receives bribes from Cattell & Company for lucrative Navy
contracts.
1876
Safe Burglary Conspiracy
Private Secretary Orville Babcock indicted over framing a private citizen for uncovering corrupt Washington
contractors.
1876
Nepotism
Grant was accused by Senator Charles Sumner in 1872 of practicing nepotism while President. Sumner's accusation
was not an exaggeration. Grant's cousin Silas A. Hudson was appointed minister to Guatemala. His brother-in-law
Reverend M.J. Cramer was appointed as counsel to Leipzig. His brother-in-law James F. Casey was given the
position of customs in New Orleans, Louisiana where he made money by stealing fees. Frederick Dent, another
brother-in-law was the White House usher and made money giving out insider information. In all, it is estimated that
40 relatives somehow financially prospered indirectly while Grant was President.[26]
Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals
13
Liberal Republican-Democratic reform
Liberal Republican
The Liberal Republican movement initially began out of dissatisfaction with
the centralized federal government controlled by the Radicals, a faction of the
Republican Party who favored patronage, high tariffs, and disenfranchising
former confederates. It was the Radicals who sponsored the Presidency of
Ulysses S. Grant. In 1870, Senator Carl Schurz and B. Gratz Brown,
Governor of Missouri, broke away from the Radicals and officially founded
the Liberal Republican Party. The founders argued that dependent citizens,
corruption, and centralized power endangered people's liberty. The party
advocated confederate amnesty, civil service reform, and free trade. As the
party grew nationally prominent persons joined including Charles Francis
Adams, Jr., Senator Charles Sumner, and editor of the Missouri Democrat,
William M. Grosvenor. Grant, who was persuaded that the Liberal
Republicans were bolting from the Republican Party, used the patronage
system to purge them out of office in Missouri.[54]
Carl SchurzGerman born reformer and
Senator from Missouri who started the
Liberal Republican Party in 1870.U.S.
Senator (1869–1875)
In 1872, the Republican party split completely in half with Horace Greely
nominated by the Liberal Republicans and Ulysses S. Grant again nominated
by the more conservative Radicals. A few prominent Democratic Party
leaders supported the Liberal Republican cause in Missouri. The result being that the Democratic Party endorsed the
reformer and Liberal Republican presidential candidate Horace Greeley.[54] Grant, though, remained very popular in
the nation and won the national election of 1872 by a landslide. However, as more scandals broke out the Liberal
Republicans became a party of reform who, along with the Democrats, wanted to purge the government from
corruption. The wave of reform was beginning in 1875 with the Democrats controlling the House of Representatives.
Eventually, Grant put reformers on his cabinet as House investigations in 1875 were beginning to expose the
Whiskey Ring depleting tax revenues in the United States Treasury Department. Newspapers exposed bogus agents
in Interior Department in 1875. Navy Department corruption was exposed in 1876. These Grant reformers included
Benjamin Bristow as Secretary of Treasury (1874), Edwards Pierrepont as Attorney General (1875), and Zachariah
Chandler as Secretary of the Interior (1875). No reformer was appointed to the Navy Department, however.
The Liberal Republican movement lasted from 1870 to 1875 and at times it is difficult to distinguish between party
members, both Democrat and Republican, who adopted all or parts of the Liberal Republican reform agenda.
President Ulysses S. Grant signed the Amnesty Act of 1872, a Liberal Republican platform, that gave amnesty to
former Confederates. Another instance occurred when the Democratic Party reluctantly and chaotically melded with
the Liberal Republican Party in the presidential election of 1872, in support of the reformer, Horace Greeley. The
height of the Liberal Republican era in the U.S. Congress was from the periods of 1873 to 1875 with 7 Liberal
Republicans in the Senate and 4 Liberal Republicans in the House of Representatives.[55][56]
Democratic Party
The Democratic Party reform movement in Congress, although initially a minority after the American Civil War,
began during their investigation into the Grant Administration following the Black Friday gold speculation scandal
in 1869. The Democratic reform movement sought to expose the corruption in the Grant Administration and to do
this needed a majority in the House of Representatives. Following the inability of the Grant Administration and
Republican Congress to stop the damaging economic effects from Panic of 1873, in addition to the unpopularity of
the Republican Reconstruction Acts, the Democratic Party, on March 4, 1875 gained a majority in the House of
Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals
Representatives. Having gained the majority, the Democrats became the reforming party. For the next two years they
investigated corruption scandals in the Grant Administration to increase their chances of winning the 1876
presidential election.[57]
Causes of national corruption
The scandals in the Grant Administration were endemic of greater national
moral decline. According to one respected historian, C. Vann Woodward,
there are three primary forces that caused national corruption during this time
period. The most compelling event that lead to corruption was the Civil War
itself, unleashing a myriad of human depravity, thousands of deaths, and
unscrupulously gained riches from persons who rose from deserved obscurity
to powerful military and civilian positions. These men—the claim agents,
speculators, subsidy-seekers, government contractors, and the all-purpose
The Hopkin Mansion, 1875–1906,
formerly
located on Nob Hill in San
crook—were born from the war and entered politics after the fighting
Francisco, California, represented the
stopped. The second generator of corruption was the opening of the West and
enormous wealth generated during the
South to unrestrained exploitation that caused older parts of the country to fall
American industrial revolution.
into moral confusion. The third cause, according to Vann Woodward, was the
rapidly rising Industrial Revolution, which loosened the nation's standards and values. Americans found themselves
released from discipline and restraint by the rapid growth of industrial wealth after the Civil War.[4]
Legacy
The nation and the constitution survived the rising tide of financial and political corruption during President Grant's
two terms in office from 1869 to 1877. Slavery, no longer on the American forefront, and the dynamic leadership of
Abraham Lincoln taken by an assassin's bullet, the nation for awhile floundered on an ocean of financial and political
indulgences. The high water mark of the flood of corruption that swept the nation took place in 1874, after Benjamin
Bristow was put in charge to reform the Treasury. In 1873, Grant's friend and publisher, Mark Twain, along with
coauthor Charles Dudley Warner, called this American era of speculation and corruption the Gilded Age. Between
1870 to 1900, the United States population nearly doubled in size, gainful employment increased by 132 percent, and
non farm labor constituted 60 percent of the work force.[58][59][60]
Inevitably, Grant's low standards in cabinet appointments, and his readiness to cover for associates or friends
involved in condemnable behavior, defied the popular notion of a government run free of corruption and favortism.
To stop the flood of corruption that swept the nation during Grant's presidency and the Reconstruction period, would
have required the strength of a moral giant in the White House to have kept an administration without any scandals.
Grant was no moral giant. In fairness, the booming economy that proceeded after the Civil War enveloped the whole
nation in a chaotic frenzy for achieving financial gain and success. The caricature and cliché of the Grant Presidency
is eight years of political plundering and that little was accomplished. Grant, however, was committed to complete
the unification of a bitterly divided country torn by Civil War, in honor to Abraham Lincoln, and give full citizenship
rights to African Americans and their posterity.[4][60][61]
An analysis of the scandals reveals the many powers at Grant's disposal as the President of the United States. His
confidents knew this and in many situations took advantage of Grant's presidential authority. Having the ability to
pardon, accept resignations, and even vouch for an associate in a deposition, created an environment difficult, though
not impossible, for reformers in and outside of the Grant Administration. Grant himself, far from being politically
naive, had played a shrewd hand at times in the protection of cabinet and appointees. Examples include not allowing
Benjamin Bristow to move the Tax Revenue Supervisors and relinquishing immunity in the Whiskey Ring cases,
made Grant a protector of political patronage. In fairness, Grant did appoint cabinet reformers and special
14
Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals
prosecutors that were able to clean up the Treasury, Interior, War, and Justice departments. Grant, himself,
personally participated in reforming the Department of Indian Affairs, by firing all the corrupt clerks. No reforming
cabinet member, however, was installed in the Department of Navy.[28]
Notes
[1] Hinsdale 1911, pp.207, 212–213
[2] Hinsdale 1911, pp.211–212
[3] Kiersey 1992
[4] Woodward 1957
[5] Grant (1885–1886), Personal Memoirs, Chapter II
[6] "Ulysses S. Grant, Jr." (http:/ / www. granthomepage. com/ us_grant_jr. htm). . Retrieved 04-04-2011.
[7] Nevins (1957), Hamilton Fish: The Inner History of the Grant Administration. Volume: 2, pages 719, 720, 727
[8] McFeely (2002), Grant, p. 409
[9] Nevins (1957), Hamilton Fish: The Inner History of the Grant Administration Vol. 2, pp. 639, 640
[10] Smith 2001, pp.481–490
[11] Hesseltine (1935), Ulysses S. Grant: Politician, pp 171–175
[12] McFeely (2002), Grant: A Biography, pp 321–325
[13] Bunting III 2001, pp.96–98
[14] McFeeley 1981, p.414
[15] McFeeley 1981, pp.328–329
[16]
[17]
[18]
[19]
[20]
[21]
[22]
[23]
[24]
[25]
[26]
[27]
[28]
[29]
[30]
[31]
[32]
[33]
[34]
[35]
[36]
[37]
[38]
[39]
[40]
[41]
[42]
[43]
[44]
[45]
[46]
[47]
[48]
[49]
"The New York Custom House". New York Times. August 5, 1872.
Grossman (2002), Political corruption in America: an encyclopedia of scandals, power, and greed, pp. 308–309
R., F.D. (October 17, 1881). "Star Routes in the Past". New York Times.
O'Brien 1918, p.307
Smith 2001, p.553
Hinsdale 1911, pp.212–213
McFeeley 1981, p.397
Spencer (1913), pp. 452-453.
McFeely-Woodward (1974) pp. 147-148.
Smith 2001, p.578
Salinger 2005, pp.374–375
McFeeley 1981, pp.430–431
Pierson 1880, pp.343–345
McFeeley 1981, p.391
Smith 2001, p.584
Shenkman 2005 History News Network
Rives 2000
McFeeley 1981, pp.405–406
Stevens 1916, pp.109–130
Bunting III 2001, pp.136–138
McFeeley 1981, p.409
Rhodes 1912, p.187
Grossman 2003, pp.182–183
McFeeley 2002, p.415
Smith 2001, pp. 590,593
Garland 1898, p. 440
Harper's Weekly Archive 1876
Donovan (2008), p. 104.
Barnett 2006, pp.256–257
Smith 2001, pp.593–596
Donovan (2008), pp. 106, 107.
Bunting III 2004, pp.135–136
Simon 2005, pp.62–63
Swann 1980, pp.125–135
[50] McFeely 1981, p.432
[51] Safe Burglary Case 9/8/1876
[52] Safe Burglary Case 9/23/1876
15
Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals
[53]
[54]
[55]
[56]
[57]
[58]
[59]
[60]
[61]
Pesca 2005
Slapp 2006, pp.1–25
Party Division in the Senate
Party Divisions of the House of Representatives
Kennedy 2001
Twain 1874
Calhoun 2007, pp.1–2
Nevins (1957) Hamilton Fish: The Inner History of the Grant Administration Vol. 2, pp 638–639
Bunting III 2004, p.ii
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External links
• White House Official Website: Ulysses S. Grant (http://www.whitehouse.gov/about/presidents/
UlyssesSGrant)
• UVA Miller Center of Public Affairs: Ulysses S. Grant (http://millercenter.org/academic/americanpresident/
grant)
• Top 10 Presidential Scandals (http://americanhistory.about.com/od/uspresidents/tp/presidential_scandals.
htm) by Martin Kelly
• The Presidency of Ulysses S. Grant (http://faculty.css.edu/mkelsey/usgrant/presid.html) by Frank Scaturro,
President of the Grant Monument Association
• Learn About the Gilded Age (http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/modules/gilded_age/index.cfm), Digital
History
18
Article Sources and Contributors
Article Sources and Contributors
Ulysses S. Grant presidential administration scandals Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=518956439 Contributors: Americus55, Catpowerzzz, Chris the speller, Chuck369,
Cmguy777, Coemgenus, Diadelsuerte, Drpickem, EagleFan, EoGuy, Gaius Cornelius, Gilly of III, GoingBatty, Goustien, Ground Zero, Hmains, Jezhotwells, Jncraton, John Vandenberg, John of
Reading, Jusdafax, Kansan, Khazar2, Koavf, Kumioko (renamed), LetUsHavePeace, LilHelpa, Lordfeepness, Magioladitis, Michaelzeng7, Mild Bill Hiccup, NawlinWiki, Niceguyedc, Nick
Number, Ospalh, Quibik, Reywas92, Rjwilmsi, Sun Creator, Surfeit of palfreys, Train2104, Uhai, Ulric1313, UnProdigii, Wandalstouring, William Avery, Wizardman, Woohookitty,
YUL89YYZ, Yllosubmarine, 175 anonymous edits
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
file:Ug18.gif Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ug18.gif License: Public Domain Contributors: User:Cmguy777
File:Ulysses S Grant Signature.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ulysses_S_Grant_Signature.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: Connormah, Ulysses S.
Grant
File:US Army General insignia (1866).svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:US_Army_General_insignia_(1866).svg License: Free Art License Contributors:
Us_army_general_insignia_1866.png: J.T. Broderick (uploaded originally to English Wikipedia; moved to Commons by Hoodisnki) derivative work: Parutakupiu
File:Jay Gould 1911.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Jay_Gould_1911.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Bain News Service, publisher
File:Jubilee-jim-fisk.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Jubilee-jim-fisk.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Photograph
File:Charles-Anderson-Dana.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Charles-Anderson-Dana.png License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: Original
source: CHICAGO, F. E. COMPTON AND COMPANY, 1914 derivative work: This user has left wikipedia at en.wikipedia
File:Orville E. Babcock Brady-Handy Cropped Portrait.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Orville_E._Babcock_Brady-Handy_Cropped_Portrait.jpg License: Public
Domain Contributors: Howcheng
File:John B. Henderson - Brady-Handy.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:John_B._Henderson_-_Brady-Handy.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: or Levin
Handy
image:Benjamin Helm Bristow Brady - Handy U.S. Secretary of Treasury.jpg Source:
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Benjamin_Helm_Bristow_Brady_-_Handy_U.S._Secretary_of_Treasury.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: User:SreeBot
File:William Belknap, Brady-Handy bw photo portrait, ca1855-1865.jpg Source:
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:William_Belknap,_Brady-Handy_bw_photo_portrait,_ca1855-1865.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Matthew Brady
File:George Robeson 1865 1880.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:George_Robeson_1865_1880.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Howcheng, Nathanael G.
Molineux, Scooter
File:Carl-Schurz.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Carl-Schurz.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: NOTES Photo by M.B. Brady. SUBJECTS Schurz,
Carl,--1829-1906. Portrait photographs--1870-1880. Photographic prints--1870-1880. MEDIUM 1 photographic print. CALL NUMBER Item in BIOG FILE - Schurz, Carl, 1829-1906
REPRODUCTION NUMBER LC-USZ62-15582 DLC (b&w film copy neg.) DIGITAL ID (b&w film copy neg.) cph 3a17826
File:Mark Hopkins mansion.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mark_Hopkins_mansion.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Not separately attributed
License
Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported
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